Selected quad for the lemma: prince_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
prince_n	edward_n	king_n	york_n	2,635	5	9.7459	5	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A34703	An answer made by command of Prince Henry to certain propositions of warre and peace delivered to His Highnesse by some of his military servants whereunto is adjoyned The French charity, or, An essay written in French by an English gentleman, upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into England, and translated into English by F.S.J.E.	Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631.; Evelyn, John, 1620-1706. French charity.	1655 (1655)	Wing C6477; ESTC R32525	69,823	112

and with her c own Subjects after upon Mortgage of Land A course more moderate then either that of the first William that took out of Churches such money as severall men had committed thither for more security d or that of Charles the fifth that to repaire the waste of his Italian wars went in person to Barcilona to seize into his hands a Masse of money called Deposuum Tabulae which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary But these are not the conditions of Princes of our times onely for in the lives of Caligula Nero and Vespasian Suetonius of them severally writeth Exhaustus egenus calumniis rapinisque intendit animum being drawn dry and grown poor they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines For Perniciosa res est in Imperante tenuitas Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing and as Theodoricus said Periculosissimum animal est Rex pauper a Poor King is the most dangerous creature living It hath abated the Regalties of Houses an. 16. of Richard the second and 18. a of Henry 6. when as well from want of means as the Subjects Petitions in Parliament for Expeditissima est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumptibus the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expenses they have much lessened their Hospitality their Tables being either defrayed by their Subjects as of Henry the 6. or as Henry the 3. when by necessity b ita consueta Regalis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit ut pos posita solita verecundia cum Abbatibus Clericis viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit prandia the wonted hospitality of the Kings Table was sunk so low that without farther shame he many times lodged and dieted with Abbots Clerks and very mean Persons It hath caused our Kings to sell and alienate the possessions of the Crown as Henry the c 3. who gave to Edward his son Licentiam impignorandi terram Vasconiae leave to pawn the Dutchie of Gascoign And caused himself not long after by the like occasions to sell for 300000. l. except some pittances reserved the d entire Signiorie of Normandie What our late Mistris and her Father did is yet fresh in memory But this mischief hath trenched deep into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subjects when Princes to repair the breach of their own Revenues have often resumed the possessions of their people as a Edward the second anno 5 8 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas ad damnum diminutionem Regis Coronae suae all the Grants made by the King to the lessening and prejudicing of the King and his Crown b Richard the second an. 1. did the like of all Grants made to unworthy persons by his Grandfather and recalled all Patents dated since 40. of Edward 3. Thus did Henry c the 5. an. 1. and d Henry the 6. in the 28. of his Reign Edward the 4. in an. 3. with all Offices of his Crown granted either by the Usurper or his Brother Neither is this in it self unjust since as well by reason of State as Rules of best Government the Revenues and Profits e quae ad sacrum Patrimonium Principis pertinent which belong to the sacred Patrimony of the Prince should remain firme and unbroken But when neither Credit Frugality or Sale of Lands would stop the gulf of want our Princes have been so neer beset as with Nerva and Antonius the Emperors to sell and pawn their Jewells The Archbishop of York had power from Henry 3. an. 26. f in wars beyond Sea impignorandi Iocalia Regis ubicunque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda to pawn the Kings Jewells anywhere in England to raise money g Edward the first sendeth Egidius Andevar ad Iocalia sua impignoranda to pawn his Jewells h Edward the 3. pawneth his Jewells to pay the L. Beaumont and the Strangers their wages in war The Black i Prince was constrained to break his Plate into Money to pay his Souldiers a Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea diversa Iocalia vessels of Gold and divers Jewells to Sir Robert Knowles b Henry the 4. an. 3. to a Merchant for money invadiavit Tabellam Trisellas suas Argenteas de Hispania ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain c Henry the 6. gageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester and others an. 10th 12th and 29. d many parcells of his rich Jewells And the late Queen in the end of her dayes to ease her Subjects did the like with many in the Tower And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a stain of Shift that Edward the third e invadiavit magnam Coronam Angliae pawned his Imperiall Crown 3. severall times an. 17. in partibus transmarinis in forreign parts and twice to Sir Iohn Wesenham his Merchant first in the f 24. and after g an. 30. in whose custody it remained 8. yeares To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the 5. invadiavit magnam Coronam auream gaged his imperiall Crown of Gold in the 5. of his Reign And when Henry the third had laid to gage h omnia Insignia Regalia all his Robes and Kingly Ornaments and upon assurance of re-delivery or satisfaction had pawned Aurum Iocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confessoris the Gold and Jewells belonging to the Shrine of S. Edward the Confessour A course more moderate then by force to have taken as William the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines of other Churches or as i Clement the 7. who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth melted the Consecrated Vessels was in the end when he had neither means of his own left nor reputation with others constrained to beg relief of his Subjects in this low strain a Pauper sum omni destitutus Thesauro necesse habeo ut me juvetis nec aliquid exigo nisi per gratiam I am poor and have no Treasure left ye must needs relieve me neither do I demand any thing but of your mere love and courtesy And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey to say Amice obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas mihi centum libras conferendo My friend I beseech thee for Gods sake to help me with 100. pound adding withall majorem Eleemosynam fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants then to give to one that begged from door to door So that of the waste of these times and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoi'ld of their Marrow IT now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what Wealth we have returned

France added to this Crown As for the Kingdome of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France not the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place left it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our Money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say a Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britans are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms then ever any of our Ancestours had To which in answer nothing can be more full then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suite these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equall worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdome we had ever Ports to land at Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain that so he might have there an easy footing Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficultie is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue But a ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitas Socia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestours Advantage personall was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable they are the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederats Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred or by Pension Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Duke of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign a Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain b The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if c Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry d 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousy of those Princes Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first and 3d. Edwards the 5th and 8th Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tied that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no Henry the first but to assure his own possessions beyond Sea a adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aide the Earle of Britain and Theobald Earle of Bloys Henry the second did the like with b Robert Earle of Flanders And again c cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earle of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earle who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond d mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutuall aide that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the e Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King Iohn a and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutuall assistance against the French King b The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland Henry 3. an. 11. drew c Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Marks d And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homines in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an. 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an. 13. e

none either by reason of Distance they come too late or if not by reason of Remoteness he who is to execute will be bolder with his Instructions then is fit for a Minister to be How dangerous is it then by addition of Territories for our Master a Alterum pene Imperio nostro suo quaerenti Orbem whilest he is seekng to joyn another world in a manner to his and our Empire to alter either the setled order of directions or walls of our securitie Besides as in the Frames of Nature Anima rationalis the rationall soul cannot informare give life sense or disourse to the matter of an Elephant or a Fly or any other body disproportionable to a Form so qualified so is there as well a bound of amplitude and strictness wherein the soul of Government is comprised b Between which extremes there are many degrees of Latitude some approaching to the greatest that nature seldome or never produceth some to the least and some to the mean beyond which proportions respectively though some may have a will to effect they never can have a power to attaine And this we may see in the former accession of so much to us in France which we could never either with Profit or Assurance retain being gotten by Conquest and but tacked to by Garrison contrary to the nature of Hereditary Monarchies For some Kingdomes in which number this may be accounted are of the same condition that Demosthenes c maketh the Athenians Non ea vestra ingenia sunt ut ipsi aliis vi oppressis Imperiateneatis sed in eo magnae sunt vires vestrae ut alium potiri principatu prohibeatis aut potitum exturbetis It is not your way violently to oppresse other States and seize the Government but in this is your strength manifest that you can hinder another from possessing the Government or when he is possessed of it throw him out again Since then by Situation and Power we are the fittest either to combine or keep severall the most potent and warlike Nations of the West it is the best for Safety and the most for Honour to remain as we were Arbiters of Europe and so by Neutralitie sway still the Ballance of our mightiest Neighbours which by holding of our hands and onely looking on we shall easily do since Spain and France hang so indifferently that a little weight will cast the Beam imploying ours as Claudius did his Forces in a Germanie ut subsidio victis Victoribus terrori essent ne forte elati Pacem turbarent to assist the Conquered party and to over-awe the Victor lest he should be puffed up with pride and disturb our peace Thus did Hen. 8. with the French and Spanish Princes using as his Motto of Honour and Power this Cui adhaereo praeest He rules whom I stick to And the late Queen studied rather how to guard her Allies then to inlarge her Dominions multiplying her Leagues more by giving then receiving gratuities winking at her own wrongs rather then willing to revenge And as the great Mistris of the world once did what rather became her Greatness then what severity of Armes required Hence were her Seas for the most part freed from Pirates and her Land here cleared of Enemies For according to Micipsae's counsell to Jugurth Non exercitus neque Thesauri praesidia Regni sunt Neither Armyes nor Treasure are the safety of a Kingdome but such Allies as neither Armes constrain nor monyes purchase sed officio fide pariuntur And since by fortune of the times succeeding this State hath grown more upon Opinion then Deed and that we know Magis fama quam vi stare res nostras that our affairs stand rather by Fame then Force it is most safe neither to discover weakness nor hazzard losse by any attempt Besides standing as we do no waies obnoxious by Site to any of our neighbours they will alwaies be ready to referre the judgement order of their differences to us As the a Brabanters and Henowayes to the Arbitrement of Edward the third and b Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the decision of their quarrel to Henry the eighth Thus every part shall woe us all Princes by their Oratours shall resort unto us as to the Common Consistorie of judgement in their debates and thereby add more to our Reputation then any power of our own For as well in States as in Persons Suitours are an infallible token of Greatness which Demosthenes c told the Athenians they had lost since none resorted to their Curia or Praetorium By this way shall we gain the Seat of Honour Riches and Safety and in all other but endlesse Expence Trouble and Danger Robert Cotton Bruceus FINIS THE FRENCH CHARITY WRITTEN In French by an English Gentleman upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into ENGLAND And translated into English by F. S. J. E. LONDON Printed by Roger Daniel Anno MDCLV THE FRENCH CHARITY ALthough we see that naturall causes produce sometimes contrary effects that the Sun which draws up the Clouds can also scatter them that the same Wind both lights and blow's out the taper that Vipers serve for wholesome medicaments and Scorpions carry about them an Antidote to their own poison it is not so neverthelesse in morall and politick affairs wherein that which is once ill is alwayes accounted such from whence is begot in us that quality which we call Experience whereby wise men are accustomed to judge of present and future actions by those that are past Which is the foundation whereupon all Monarchies and Republicks have established the Maxims of their subsistence and found out both what they ought to follow and what to avoid The Charity which France hath testified to pacify our differences is so great that it is become incredible so unseasonable that it is suspected and so contrary to their former proceedings that it is quite otherwayes understood Philosophers say we cannot passe from one extremity to another without some mean I cannot see by what steps they are come to this perfect goodness nor what good Genius can have made them in an instant so good friends of such dangerous neighbours to us I will passe my censure upon nothing yet let me have the liberty to judge of all I find so great a wonder in this change that I find a conflict in my self to believe it It is no common marvell that those who have for so long a time beheld all Europe in a flame and could not be moved by the bloud and destruction of so many people to cast thereon one drop of water should now have their bowells so tender as to compassionate the dissensions arising in a corner of the world which hath alwayes bin fatall to them That those who have made it their chiefest interest to divide us should now make it their glory to reunite us That those who place their rest

Cogshall Rub. lib. in Sccrio b Ex Rog. Hoveden c Ex Math. Paris d Lib. Rub. in Sccrio e Ex Math. Paris f Ex Lib. Rub. Sccrii g Ex Rad. Cogshall h Ex Math. Paris i Walt. Coventr. Rad. Cogshall k Ex Math. Paris l Ex Rad. Cogshall m Rub. lib. in Sccrio n Ex Rad. Cogshall Rub. lib. in Sccrio o Math. Paris hist. min. p Rub. lib. in Sccrio Henry 3. q Ex Rub. lib. in Sccrio Joan. Eversden a Mat. Paris ex Rot. Claus. finium an. 12 13 15 19. Hen. 3. ex lib. Chart. Cantuar. Episc. b Rot. Pat. anno 8. ●● 3. c Ex Tho. Walsingham Mat. Paris Claus. anno 19. H. 3. d Ex Mat. Westmonast e Ex statuto anno 4. c. 17. Dors. claus. anno 16. H. 3 Eversden f Ex lib. Cantur Episc. g Ex Eversden Paris h Ex Mat. Paris Eversden Dors. claus. anno 16. H. 3. i Ex Walt Gisborn k Rad. Cistrensis ex Eversden Paris lib. Chart. Cant. Archiep. anno 8. H. 6. l Ex Joan. Eversden Pat. ● ● 3. E. 1. m. 26. m Rot. claus. an. 26. Henr. 3. n Ex H. Mat. Par. p. 517. a Ex Rot. lib. anno 26. H. 3. b Ex Hist. Mat. Paris c Durs claus. anno 14. H. 3. n. 8. claus. 12. He. 3. m. 2. d Claus. an. 14 H. 3. n. 7. e Claus. an. 16 H. 3. m. 11. f Claus. an. 14. H. 3. m. 9. a Claus. in Dorso an. 15. Hen. 3. b Rot. finium 26. H. 3. m. 4. Edward 1. c Rot. Pat. anno 25. E. 1. m. 3. sced a Rot. Vascon. anno 22. E. 1. m. 8. b Ex Rot. Vasco an. 22. E. 1. m. 17. c Ex Rot. Vas. an. 22. E. 1. d Rot. Pat. anno 31. E. 1. e Ex Hist. Joan. Eversden Edward 2. f Claus. an. 8. E. 2. m. 9. a Claus 16. E. 2. Claus. anno 12. E. 2. b Ex memor Sccii an. 〈◊〉 E. 2. ex parte Rem Thesaur. c Rot. Vascon. anno 22. E. 2. m. 13. insced d Rot. Scot. anno 11. m. 17 e Rot. Scot. anno 12. m. 8. f Rot. Pat. anno 4. ● 2. a Dors. Claus. anno 17. E. 2. m. 11. b Claus. anno 18. m. 34. c Ex Rot. Vascon. m. 29. d Claus. an. 6. E. 2. e Rot Scot anno 1 2 3. m. 10. an. 4 m. 5. an. 9. Rot. pat anno 10. m. 12 f Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. 3. g Rot. ●cotiae anno 8. m. 9. h Rot. Scot. Dorso anno 7. m. 8. i Dorso claus. anno 16. m. 3. k Rot. Scotiae anno 1 2 3. m. 8. l Rot. Scotiae anno 8. E. 2. Dors. claus. anno 9. m Claus. an. 16 E. 2. n Ex Dors. claus. 7. E. 2. m. 7. a Claus. an. 16. m. 20. b Ex Paterculo de Aug. c Claus. an. 16. m. 11. cla an. 15. m. 19. d Rot. Scotiae anno 3. E. 2. m. 8. Dorso e Rot. Scotiae an. 11. m. 16. f Rot. 〈◊〉 an. 15. m. 19. g Rot. Scotiae anno 〈◊〉 m. 13 〈◊〉 laus an. 18. m. 13 i Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. ●7 k Rot. 〈◊〉 anno 9. m. 22. Dors Cla. 10. m. 26. claus. anno 15. m. 13. Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 27 l Rot. Scotiae anno 13. m. 2. m Dors. claus. anno 6. m. 28. Rot Scotiae anno 7. m. 2. claus. anno 8. m. 30. claus. an. 16. m. 12. Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 6. Rot. Pat. anno 18. m. 21. a Rot. claus. anno 15. E. 2. m. 14. Rot. finium anno 15. m. 16. b Rot. claus. anno 9. Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 12 c Rot. claus. anno 15. m. 19 d Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 2. m. 1. e Claus. an. 13 m. 20. Edward 3. f Pat. an. 48. E. 3. m. 10. a Ex Rot. Alman an. 12. m. 17. b Claus. an. 20 E. 3. m. 22. in dorso a Claus. an. 1. E. 3. Rot. Sco. anno 1. E. 3. b Claus. an. 2. E. 3. c Claus. an. 10 d Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 9. Rot. Alman an. 12. m. 12. e Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 3. m. 15. f Rot. Scotiae anno 10. E. 3. g Rot. Alman anno 1. E. 3. m. 2. a Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 17 b Rot. Scotiae anno 1. m. 2. c Rot. Scotiae anno 1. d Parla. an. 13 E. 3. Parla. anno 14. E. 3. e Rot. Franc. anno 46. f Claus. an. 1. E. 3. m. 1. g Parl. an. 22. E. 3. n. 9. Richard 2. a Parl. an. 2. 14. Rot 2. n. 8. a Rot. Pat. anno 2. R. 2. m. 3. a Tacit. lib. 2. b Rot. Parl. annis 3 4 5. R. 2. c Rot. Parl. anno 1. H. 4. n. 32. Henry 4. a Hist. Tho. VValsingham Henry 5. Henry 6. Nota First monopolies a Rot. Parl. an. 11. H. 6. a Rot. Parl. an. 18. Hen. 6. n. 38. b Ex Paterculo Edward 4. c Rot. Parl. an. 2 8. E. 4. d Placita Coronae e Chron. Fabiani f Rot. Parl. anno 12. E. 4. n. 8. g Rot. Parl. Edward 5. Richard 3. Henry 7. a Fabian b Ex litera missa Abbatiss Barking manu Regis H. 7. a Ex litera Ducis Norfolciae b Ex lib. Acquit int. Regem Dudly R. C. Henry 8. a Ex originali signat manu Regis b Ex originali Instructione c Ex instruct originali anno 14. H. 8. d Rot. Parl. an. 21. H. 8. Edward 6. Q. Mary Q. Elizabeth Princes extremities beyond the ease of their people by reason of wars Credit of Ks. so much impaired that they could not borrow but upon surety and extreme interest a Math. Paris b Rot. Pat. anno 13. E. 3. m. 13. Nota. a Ex Instruct. Thomae Gresham anno 1557. b Ex Instruct. Willielm. Herle 16. August an. 5. Eliz. Similiter c Thomae Gresham 1563. 76. d Ex litera Edw. Lee orat Regis H. 8 in Hisp. anno 28. Kings enforced to abate their hospitalitie a Ex Rot. Par. 18. H. 6. b Ex hist. majori Math. Paris Kings enforced to pawn and sell their Dominions c Rot. Pat. anno 51. H. 3. m. 17. d Ex contract orig. Hist. Norman a Rot. Vasc. 5. E. 2. Rot. finium an. 8. Rot. cui titulus ex tract. de donacionib. a. 9. 10. E. 2. Kings enforced to make Resumption of their Lands b Rot. Parl. anno 1. R. 2. c Rot. Parl. anno 1. Hen. 5 n. 12. d Rot. Parl. anno 28. H. 6. E. 4. e Ex legibus Theodos. Valentinian in Codice Ks. enforced to pawn and sell their Jewells f Rot. Pat. anno 26. H. 3. m. 1. Similiter an. 56. H. 3. in 21. m. g Rot. Pat. Claus. an. 2. E. 1. m. 7. h Claus. an. 1. E. 3. i Tho. Walsingham a Ex originali de anno 6. R. 2. Rot. 17. b Pat. anno 3. H. 4. m. 3. c Pat. an. 10. Hen. 6. Pat. anno 12.