humbly Pray That His Majesty would Consent to this Expedient in order to a future Settlement And hope that such a Temperament may be thought of as that the Army now on Foot may not give any Interruption to the proceeding of a Parliament But if to the great Misfortune and Ruin of these Kingdoms it should prove otherwise we further declare That we will to our utmost defend the Protestant Religion the Laws of the Kingdom and the Rights and Liberties of the Subject A Letter from a Gentleman at King's-Lynn December 7. 1688. To his Friend in London Sir THE Duke of Norfolk came to Town on Wednesday Night with many of the chiefest of the County and yesterday in the Market-place received the Address following which was presented by the Mayor attended by the Body and many hundreds of the Inhabitants To his Grace the most Noble Henry Duke of Norfolk Lord Marshal of England My Lord THE daily Allarms we receive as well from Foreign as Domestick Enemies give us just Apprehensions of the approaching Danger which we conceive we are in and to apply with all earnestness to your Grace as your great Patron in all humble Confidence to succeed in our Expectations That we may be put into such a posture by your Grace's Directions and Conduct as may make us appear as zealous as any in the Defence of the Protestant Religion the Laws and Ancient Government of this Kingdom Being the desire of many hundreds who must humbly callenge a Right of your Grace's Protection His Grace's Answer Mr. Mayor I Am very much obliged to you and the rest of your Body and those here present for your good Opinion of me and the Confidence you have that I will do what in me lies to support and defend the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion in which I will never deceive you And since the coming of the Prince of Orange hath given us an opportunity to declare for the defence of them I can only assure you that no Man will venture his Life and Fortune more freely for the Defence of the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion than I will do and with all these Gentlemen here present and many more will unanimously concur therein and you shall see that all possible Care shall be taken that such a Defence shall be made as you require AFter which the Duke was with his Retinue received at the Mayor's House at Dinner with great Acclamations and his Proceedings therein have put our County into a Condition of Defence of which you shall hear further in a little time our Militia being ordered to be raised throughout the County Our Tradesmen Seamen and Mobile have this morning generally put Orange Ribbon on their Hats Ecchoing Huzza's to the Prince of Orange and Duke of Norfolk All are in a hot Ferment God send us a good Issue of it Lynn-Regis Decemb. 10. 1688. Sir BY mine of the 7th Instant I gave you an Account of the Address of this Corporation to his Grace the Duke of Norfolk and of his Grace's Answer thereto Since which his Grace has sent for the Militia Troops and put them in a posture of Defence as appears by the ensuing Speech The Duke of Norfolk's second Speech at Lynn I Hope you see I have endeavoured to put you in the posture you desired by sending both for Horse and Foot of the Militia and am very glad to see such an Appearance of this Town in so good a Condition And I do again renew my former Assurances to you that I will ever stand by you to Defend the Laws Liberties and the Protestant Religion and to procure a Settlement in Church and State in concurrence with the Lords and Gentlemen in the North and pursuant to the Declaration of the Prince of Orange And so God save the King The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about the Cities of London and Westminster Assembled at Guild-hall Dec. 1688. WE doubt not but the World believes that in this great and dangerous Conjuncture we are heartily and zealously concerned for the Protestant Religion the Laws of the Land and the Liberties and Properties of the Subject And we did reasonably Hope that the King having Issued His Proclamation and Writs for a Free Parliament we might have rested Secure under the Expectation of that Meeting But His Majesty having withdrawn Himself and as we apprehend in order to His Departure out of this Kingdom by the pernicious Counsels of Persons ill-affected to our Nation and Religion we cannot without being wanting to our Duty be silent under those Calamities wherein the Popish Counsels which so long prevailed have miserably Involved these Realms We do therefore Unanimously resolve to apply our Selves to His Highness the Prince of Orange who with so great Kindness to these Kingdoms so vast Expence and so much Hazard to his own Person hath Undertaken by endeavouring to procure a Free Parliament to rescue Us with as little Effusion as possible of Christian Blood from the Imminent Dangers of Popery and Slavery And we do hereby Declare That we will with our utmost Endeavours assist his Highness in the obtaining such a Parliament with all speed wherein our Laws our Liberties and Properties may be Secured the Church of England in particular with a due Liberty to Protestant Dissenters and in general the Protestant Religion and Interest over the whole World may be Supported and Encouraged to the glory of God the Happiness of the Established Government in these Kingdoms and the Advantage of all Princes and States in Christendom that may be herein concerned In the mean time we will endeavour to preserve as much as in us lies the Peace and Security of these great and populous Cities of London and Westminster and the Parts adjacent by taking care to Disarm all Papists and secure all Jesuits and Romish Priests who are in our about the same And if there be any thing more to be performed by us for promoting his Highness's generous Intentions for the Publick good we shall be ready to do it as occasion shall require W. Cant. Tho. Ebor. Pembroke Dorset Mulgrave Thanet Carlisle Craven Ailesbury Burlington Sussex Barkelay Rochester Newport Waymouth P. Winchester W. Asaph Fran. Ely Tho. Roffen Tho. Petriberg P. Wharton North and Grey Chandos Montague T. Jermyn Vaughan Carbery Culpeper Crewe Osulston WHereas His Majesty hath privately this Morning withdrawn Himself we the Lords Spiritual and Temporal whose Names are subscribed being assembled at Guild-hall in London having Agreed upon and Signed a Declaration Entituled The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about the Cities of London and Westminster Assembled at Guild-hall 11. Decemb. 1688. Do desire the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke the Right Honourable the Lord Viscount Weymouth the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of Ely and the Right Honourable the Lord Culpeper forthwith to attend his Highness the Prince of Orange with the said Declaration and at the same
heal all Breaches This Proposal seemed to dissatisfie the whole Meeting and the Duke of Hamilton their President Father to the Earl but they presently parted Wednesday the Ninth of January they met at three of the Clock in the same Room and Sir Patrick Hume took notice of the Proposal made by the Earl of Arran and desired to know if there was any there that would second it But none appearing to do it he said That what the Earl had proposed was evidently opposite and inimicous to his Highness the Prince of Orange's Undertaking his Declaration and the good Intentions of preserving the Protestant Religion and of Restoring their Laws and Liberties exprest in it and further desired that the Meeting should declare this to be their Opinion of it The Lord Cardross seconded Sir Patrick's Motion It was answered by the Duke of Hamilton President of the Meeting That their Business was to prepare an Advice to be offered to the Prince and the Advice being now ready to go to the Vote there was no need that the Meeting should give their Sense of the Earl's Proposal which neither before nor after Sir Patrick's Motion any had pretended to own or second so that it was fallen and out of doors and that the Vote of the Meeting upon the Advice brought in by their Order would sufficiently declare their Opinion This being seconded by the Earl of Sutherland the Lord Cardross and Sir Patrick did acquiesce in it and the Meeting Voted unanimously the Advice following To His Highness the Prince of Orange WE the Lords and Gentlemen of the Kingdom of Scotland Assembled at your Highness's desire in this Extraordinary Conjunction do give your Highness our Humble and Hearty Thanks for your Pious and Generous Undertaking for Preserving of the Protestant Religion and Restoring the Laws and Liberties of these Kingdoms In order to the Attaining these Ends our humble Advice and Desire is That your Highness take upon You the Administration of all Affairs both Civil and Military the Disposal of the Publick Revenues and Fortresses of the Kingdom of Scotland and the doing every Thing that is necessary for the Preservation of the Peace of the Kingdom until a general Meeting of the States of the Nation which we humbly desire your Highness to Call to be holden at Edinburgh the Fourteenth day of March next by your Letters or Proclamation to be published at the Market-Cross of Edingburgh and other Head-Boroughs of the several Shires and Stewartries as sufficient Intimation to All concerned and according to the Custom of the Kingdom And that the Publication of these your Letters or Proclamation be by the Sheriffs or Stewart Clerks for the Free-holders who have the value of Lands holden according to Law for making Elections and by the Town-Clerks of the several Burroughs for the meeting of the whole Burgesses of the respective Royal Burroughs to make their Elections at least Fifteen Days before the Meeting of the Estates at Edingburgh and the Respective Clerks to make Intimation thereof at least Ten Days before the Meetings for Elections And that the whole Electors and Members of the said Meeting at Edingburgh qualified as above Exprest be Protestants without any other Exception or Limitation whatsoever to Deliberate and Resolve what is to be done for securing the Protestant Religion and Restoring the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom according to your Highness's Declaration Dated at the Council-Chamber in White hall the Tenth Day of January 1689. This Address being Subscribed by Thirty Lords and about Eighty Gentlemen was presented in their presence at St. James's by the Duke of Hamilton their President to his Highness the Prince of Orange who thanked them for the Trust they reposed in him and desired time to consider upon so weighty an Affair Upon the Fourteenth of January his Highness the Prince of Orange met again with the Scots Lords and Gentlemen at St. James's And spoke to them as follows My Lords and Gentlemen IN persuance of your Advice I will until the Meeting of the States in March next give such Orders concerning the Affairs of Scotland as are necessary for the Calling of the said Meeting for the preserving of the peace the applying of the publick Revenue to the most pressing Vses and putting the Fortresses in the Hands of persons in whom the Nation can have a just Confidence And I do further assure you That you will always find me ready to concur with you in every Thing that may be found necessary for Securing the Protestant Religion and Restoring the Laws and Liberties of the Nation The Earl of Crawfourd desired of his Highness That himself the Earl of Louthian and others come to Town since the Address was presented might have an opportunity to Subscribe it which was accordingly done His Highness Retired and all shewed great Satisfaction with his Answer The Emperor of Germany 's Account of K. James 's Misgovernment in joyning with the King of France the Common Enemy of Christendom in his Letter to King James viz. LEOPOLD c. WE have received your Majesties Letters dated from St. Germans the sixth of February last by the Earl of Carlingford your Envoy in our Court By them we have understood the Condition your Majesty is reduced to and that you being deserted after the Landing of the Prince of Orange by your Army and even by your Domestick Servants and by those you most consided in and almost by all your Subjects you have been forced by a sudden Flight to provide for your own Safety and to seek Shelter and Protection in France Lastly that you desire Assistance from us for the recovering your Kingdoms We do assure your Majesty that as soon as we heard of this severe turn of Affairs we were moved at it not only with the common sense of Humanity but with much deeper Impressions suitable to the sincere Affection which we have always born to you And we were heartily sorry that at last that was come to pass which tho we hoped for better things yet our own sad thoughts had suggested to us would ensue If your Majesty had rather given Credit to the Friendly Remonstrances that were made you by our late Envoy the Count de Kaunitz in our Name than the deceitful Insinuations of the French whose chief aim was by fomenting continual Divisions between you and your People to gain thereby an Opportunity to insult the more securely over the rest of Christendom And if your Majesty had put a stop by your Force and Authority to their many Infractions of the Peace of which by the Treaty at Nimegen you are made the Guarantee and to that end entred into Consultations with us and such others as have the like just Sentiments in this matter We are verily persuaded that by this means you should have in a great measure quieted the Minds of your People which were so much exasperated through their aversion to our Religion and the publick Peace had been preserved as well
STATE TRACTS Being a Farther COLLECTION OF Several Choice Treatises Relating to the GOVERNMENT From the YEAR 1660. to 1689. Now Published in a Body to shew the Necessity and clear the Legality of the Late REVOLUTION and Our present Happy SETTLEMENT under the Auspicious Reign of Their MAJESTIES King William and Queen Mary LONDON Printed and are to be Sold by RICHARD BALDWIN near the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane MDCXCII PREFACE to the READER THE Main and Principal Design of making this following Collection was to preserve entire in this Second Volume some other Excellent Tracts of equal esteem and value with the former which made that Book so much obtain among the Learned and Curious as that the whole Impression of it is already near sold And as it cannot but be very entertaining to Vs in the reading of them who do yet so sensibly remember what we then felt and looked for worse to fall on us every day than other so it will certainly be of great Benefit and Advantage to our Posterities in future who may considerably profit themselves by our Misfortunes This is a Collection that in the general will set forth the true and Legal Constitution of our Ancient Famous English Government which of all the Countries in Europe Memoirs of Philip de Comines Kt. lib. 5. cap. 18. p. 334. in Octavo Printed 1674. where I was ever acquainted says the Noble Lord of Argenton is no-where so well managed the People no-where less obnoxious to Violence nor their Houses less liable to the Desolations of War than in England for there the Calamities fall only upon the Authors 'T was a true Observation that this Great Man made of the Justice of our Gallant Ancestors in his days how miserable the Successive Generations have deviated from the vertue of their steps how much the strict Piety of their Manners and the noble Bravery of their Spirits Tempers and Complexions have been enervated and dissolved by the later looseness supine carelesness and degeneracy the present Age hath great reason to bewail and 't is hoped that those to come will be hereby cautioned to grow wiser and better by those past Follies and Miscarriages In particular Here will be seen the dangerous Consequences of keeping up a standing Army within these Kingdoms in a time of Peace without consent of Parliament The Trust Power and Duty of Grand Juries and the great Security of English-mens Lives in their faithful discharge thereof The Right of the Subject to Petition their King for Redress of their Wrongs and Oppressions and that Access to the Sovereign ought not to be shut up in case of any Distresses of his People The Spring of all our late private Mischievous Councils and Cabals and the Special Tools that were thought fittest for Preferment to be imployed under a colour of Authority to put all those concerted Designs in motion and execution The Parliament's Care in appointing a Committee to examine the Proceedings of the Forward and Active Judges upon several Cases that were brought before them of grand importance to the Common-weal Peace and Safety of the Nation ☞ and the Resolution of the House of Commons upon their Report That the Judges said Proceedings were Arbitrary and Illegal destructive to Publick Justice a high and manifest Violation of their Oaths a Scandal to the Reformation an usurpation of the Legislative Power to themselves and a means to subvert the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And the several Grievances that this Nation hath long been labouring under for the Advancement of Popery Arbitrary Dominion and the unmeasurable Growth and Power of France There are likewise interspersed in this Volume several Matters of Fact relating to the Male-Admininistration of Affairs in Scotland under Duke Lauderdale and his Favourites as also a Large and Faithful Account of the late Earl of Argyle's Tryal Escape and Sentence with divers other things for the better clearing of his Case In a word This Collection will discover to us the Mysteries of the Monarchy in the two Late Reigns and the Abused Trust of Government in those Princes by a Dispencing Power both in Ecclesiastical and Civil Matters to Tyrannize over their Subjects who in the mean while were taught by sâ—me Passive-Obedience and Non-Resistance Doctrine-holders That all their Duty was tamely to submit to and patiently sigh under their daily Sufferings and Oppressions and I think we bore them so long till we were within one throw more of loosing all our good old Laws and Constitutions and even the Government it self Our Miseries were lately so great and many as you will find here that it is impossible for any one better and more fully to express them than in the words of a very Learned and Judicious Author who hath thus given us a just and lively Representation of them Our Laws says he were trampled under foot and upon the matter abolished to set up Will and Pleasure in their room under the Cant and Pretence of Dispencing Power Our Constitution was overthrown by the Trick of New Charters and by closetting and corrupting Members of Parliament Men were required under pain of the highest Displeasure to consent Some Considerations about the most proper way of raising Money in the present Conjuncture Printed Octob. 1691. and concur to the sacrificing their Religion and the Liberty of their Countrey The worthiest honestest and bravest Men in England had been barbarously murthered and to aggravate the Injustice which was done them all bad been varnished over with a Colour of Law and the Formality of Tryals not unlike the Case of Naboth and Ahab Those whom the Law declared Traytors were in defiance of the National Authority introduced into our Councils and the Conduct of Affairs put into their hands Our Vniversities were invaded by open Force those who were in the lawful possession of the Government of Colledges turned out and Papists sent thither in their room And if that Attempt had throughly prospered the Churches and Pulpits would soon have followed It were vain to go about to enumerate Particulars In a word the Nation was undone All was lost The Judges were suborned or threatned to declare that the King was Master of all the Laws and the Bishops were required to publish this New-created Prerogative in all the Churches of England by the Mouths of the Clergy which when some of them refused to do representing to the King with the utmost submission and modesty that neither Conscience nor Justice permitted them to do what he desired they were prosecuted at Law as if they had been guilty of some great Crime Letters were written and intercepted by which it appeared evidently that the change of our Religion was determined and that Popery was to be brought in with all speed least the opportunity should be lost And for the better compassing this pious design our Civil and Parliamentary Rights were to be taken away in Ordine ad Spiritualia And when the Nation and those who were concerned
King make unto him certain propositions for taking away some heavy Taxes that had been imposed on them by his Father Solomon which he refusing to gratifie them in and following the Advice of Young Men Ten of the twelve Tribes immediately chose Jeroboam a Servant of Rehoboham's a meer Stanger and of mean Parentage and made him their King and God approved thereof as the Scriptures in express Words do testifie For when Rehoboam had raised an Army of One hundred and fourscore thousand Men intending by force of Arms to have justified his Claim God appeared unto Semaiah and commanded him to go to Rehoboam and to the House of Jadah and Benjamin saying Return every man to his house for this thing is of me saith the Lord. So that since God did permit and allow this in his own Commonwealth which was to be the Pattern for all others no doubt he will approve the same in other Kingdoms whenever his Service and Glory or the Happiness of the Weal-publick shall require it The next instance I shall give you shall be in Spain where Don Alonso de la Cerda having been admitted Prince of Spain in his Father's Life-time according to the Custom of that Realm married Blanoha Daughter of Lewis the First King of France and had by her two Sons Named Alonso and Hernando de la Cerda but their Father who was only Prince dying before Alonso the Ninth then King he recommended them to the Realm as lawful Heirs apparent to the Crown But Don Sancho their Fathers Younger Brother who was a great Warrier and Sirnamed El Bravo was admitted Prince and they put by in their Grandfathers Life-time by his and the States Consent and this was done at a Parliament held at Sagovia in the Year 1276. And in the Year 1284 Alonso the Ninth being dead Don Sancho was aknowledg'd King and the Two Princes Imprisoned but at the Mediation of Philip the Third King of France their Unkle they were set free and Endowed with considerable Revenues in Land and from them do descend the Dukes De Medina Celi at this Day and the present King of Spain that is in Possession descendeth from Don Sancho In France Lewis the Fourth had Two Sons Lothairin who succeeded him and Charles whom he made Duke of Lorrain Lothairin dying left an only Son named Lewis who dying without Issue after he had reigned Two Years the Crown was to have descended on his Unkle Charles Duke of Lorrain But the States of France did exclude him and chose Hugo Capetus Earl of Paris for their King and in an Oration made by their Embassadour to Charles of Lorrain did give an Account of their Reasons for so doing as it is related by Belforest a French Historian in these very words Every Man knoweth Lord Charles that the Sucession of the Crown and Kingdom of France according to the ordinary Rights and Laws of the same belongeth unto you and not unto Hugh Capet now our King But yet the same Laws which do give unto you such Right of Succession do judge you also unworthy of the same for that you have not endeavoured hitherto to frame your Life according to the Prescript of those Laws nor according to the Use and Custom of the Kingdom of France but rather have allied your self with the Germans our old Enemies and have accustomed your self to their vile and base Manners Wherefore since you have abandoned and forsaken the ancient Virtue Amity and Sweetness of your Countrey your Countrey has also abandoned and forsaken you for we have chosen Hugh Capet for our King and have put you by and this without any Scruple in our Consciences at all esteeming it for better and more just to live under Hugh Capet the possessor of the Crown with enjoying the ancient use of our Laws Customs Privileges and Liberties than under you the next Heir by Blood in Oppressions strange Customs and Cruelty For as they who are to make a Voyage in a Ship on a dangerous Sea do not so much respect whether the Pilot claims Title to the Ship or no but rather whether he be skilful valiant and like to bring them in safety to their ways end even so our principal care is to have a good Prince to lead and guide us happily in this way of Civil and Politick Life which is the end for which Princes are appointed And with this Message ended his Succession and Life he dying not long after in Prison And now I shall come home and give you an Instance or two in England since the Conquest and so conclude William Rufus second Son of William the Conqueror by the assistance of Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterbury who had a great opinion of his Virtue and Probity was admitted King by the consent of the Realm his elder Brother Robert Duke of Normandy being then in the War at Jerusalem William dying his younger Brother Henry by his ingenuity and fair carriage and by the assistance of Henry Earl of Warwick who had greatest interest in the Nobility and Maurice Bishop of London a leading-man amongst the Clergy obtained also the Crown And Robert Duke of Normandy was a second time excluded And though this King Henry could pretend no other Title to the Crown than the Election and Admission of the Realm yet he defended it so well and God prosper'd him with success that when his elder Brother Robert came to claim the Kingdom by force of Arms he beat him in a pitch'd-Battel took him Prisoner and so he died miserable in Bonds King Henry had one only Daughter named Maud or Matilda who was married to the Emperor and he dying without Issue she was afterwards married to Geofry Plantagenet Earl of Anjou in France by whom she had a Son named Henry whom his Grandfather declared Heir-apparent to the Crown in his Life-time yet after his Death Henry was excluded and Stephen Earl of Bulloine Son of Adela Daughter of William the Conqueror was by the States thought more fit to Govern than Prince Henry who was then but a Child And this was done by the perswasion of Henry Bishop of Winchester and at the solicitation of the Abbot of Glastenbury and others who thought they might do the same lawfully and with a good Conscience for the publick Good of the Realm But the Event did not prove so well as they intended for this occasioned great Factions and Divisions in the Kingdom for the quieting of which there was a Parliament held at Wallingford which passed a Law That Stephen should be King only during his Life and that Prince Henry and his Off-spring should succeed him and by the same Law debarred William Son of King Stephen from inheriting the Crown and only made him Earl of Norfolk Thus did the Parliament dispose of the Crown in those days which was in the year 1153 which sufficiently proves what I have asserted The sum of all I have said amounts to this That Government in general is by the Law of
nothing in the Test consistent with either And 3dly If the Protestant Religion and the Earl his reference to it be nothing then is not only the Council sadly reproached who in their Explanation declare this to be the only thing sworn to in the first part of the Test but our Religion quite subverted as far as this Test can do it But next for the Treason the Advocate says That the Earl expresly declares he means not by the Test to bind up himself from wishing or endeavouring in his station and in a lawful way any alteration he shall think for the advantage of Church or State whereby says he the Earl declares himself and others loosed from any obligation to the Government and from the duty of all good Subjects and that they may make what alterations they please A direct contrariety instead of a just consequence as if to be tied to Law Religion and Loyalty were to be loosed from all three Can there be a flatter and more ridiculous contradiction Next the Advocate pretends to found upon the fundamental Laws of this and all Nations Whereby it is Treason for any Man to make any alterations he thinks fit for the advantage of Church or State But first The Earl is not nor cannot be accused of so much as wishing much less endeavouring or making any alteration either in Church or State only he reserves to himself the same freedom for wishing which he had before his Oath and that all that have taken it do in effect say they still retain 2dly For a man to endeavour in his station and in a lawful way such alterations in Church or State as he conceives to their advantage not repugnant to Religion and Loyalty is so far from being Treason that it is the duty of every Subject and the sworn Duty of all His Majesty's Councellors and of all Members of Parliament But the Advocate by fancying and misapplying Laws of Nations wresting Acts of Parliaments adding taking away chopping and changing words thinks to conclude what he pleases And thus he proceeds That the Treason of making Alterations is not taken off by such qualifications of making them in a lawful way in ones station to the advantage of Church or State and not repugnant to Religion or Loyalty But how then Here is a strange matter Hundreds of Alterations have been made within these few years in our Government and in very material Points and the King 's best Subjects and greatest Favourites have both endeavoured and effectuate them And yet because the things were done according to the Earl's qualifications instead of being accounted Treason they have been highly commended and rewarded The Treasury hath been sometimes in the hands of a Treasurer sometimes put into a Commission backward and forward And the Senators of the College of Justice the right of whose places was thought to be founded on an Act of Parliament giving His Majesty the prerogative only of presenting are now commissioned by a Patent under the great Seal both which are considerable alterations in the Government which some have opposed others have wished and endeavoured and yet without all fear of Treason on either hand only because they acted according to these qualifications in a lawful way and not repugnant to Religion and Loyalty But that which the Advocate wilfully mistakes for it is impossible he could do it ignorantly is that he will have the endeavouring of alterations in general not to be of it self a thing indifferent and only determinable to be good or evil by its qualifications as all men see it plainly to be but to be forsooth in this very generality intrinsically evil a Notion never to be admitted on Earth in the frail and fallible condition of humane Affairs And then he would establish this wise Position by an example he adduces That rising in Arms against the King for so sure he means it being otherwise certain that rising in Arms in general is also a thing indifferent and plainly determinable to be either good or evil as done with or against the King's Authority is Treason and says If the Earl had reserved to himself a liberty to rise in Arms against the King tho he had added in a lawful manner yet it would not have availed because and he says well This being in it self unlawful the qualification had been but shams and contrariae facto But why then doth not his own reason convince him where the difference lies viz. That rising in Arms against the King is in it self unlawful whereas endeavouring alterations is only lawful or unlawful as it is qualified and if qualified in the Earl's Terms can never be unlawful But says the Advocate The Earl declares himself free to make all alterations and so he would make Men believe that the Earl is for making All or Any without any reserve whereas the Earl's words are most express that he is Neither for making all or any but only for wishing and endeavouring for such as are good and lawful and in a lawful way which no Man can disown without denying common reason nor no sworn Councellor disclaim without manifest Perjury But the Advocate 's last conceit is That the Earl's restriction is not as the King shall think fit or as is consistent with the Law but that himself is still to be judge of this and his Loyalty to be the standard But first The Earl's restriction is expresly according to Loyalty which in good sense is the same with according to Law and the very thing that the King is ever supposed to think Secondly As neither the Advocate nor any other hitherto have had reason to distinguish the exercise and actings of the Earlâ—s Loyalty from those of His Majesty's best Subjects so Is it not a marvellous thing that the Advocate should profess to think for in reality he cannot think it the Earl's words His Loyalty which all men see to be the same with his Duty and Fidelity or what else can bind him to his Prince capable of any quibble far more to be a ground of so horrid an accusation And whereas the Advocate says The Earl is still to be judge of this It is but an insipid calumny it being as plain as any thing can be That the Earl doth nowise design His thinking to be the rule of Right and Wrong but only mentions it as the necessary application of these excellent and unerring Rules of Religion Law and Reason to which he plainly refers and subjects both his thinking and himself to be judged accordingly By which it is evident that the Earl's restriction is rather better and more dutiful than that which the Advocate seems to desiderate And if the Earl's restrictions had not been full enough it was the Advocate 's part before administrating the Oath to have craved what more he thought necessary which the Earl in the Case would not have refused But it is believed the Advocate can yet hardly propose restrictions more full and suitable to Duty
distinctly As what thing spoke in Council is distinctly heard and considered by all Yet it being certain that they did all approve it it is sufficient to the Earl And it is only their concern whether in approving what they did not hear they observed their Oath De fideli c. or not His Highness who the Earl was most concerned should hear did certainly hear as himself afterwards acknowledged 2. The Advocate says That the hearing and allowing the Earl to sit is no relevant Plea yea further though all the Council had allowed him that day yet any of his Majesty's Officers might have quarrelled him the next day But first I would gladly know upon what head For if upon obtruding a sense of his own it is undeniable that whatever the sense was the obtruding of it was purged by the Council's acceptation and it became theirs and was no more his But if the Advocate doth think that even the matter of the Explanation though allowed and accepted may still be quarrelled Then 1. I hope he will consider in what terms he doth it for if he charge it after it becomes the Councils as in truth he hath done already with the same liberty wherewith he treats it as the Earl's he runs fair to make himself the arrantest Defamer and Slanderer of the King and Council that ever yet attempted it But 2dly It merits a worse name than I am free to give it to say That an Explanation allowed by the Council in the administrating of an Oath proper to be administrat by them doth not secure the Taker as to that sense both in Law and Conscience Seeing in effect this quite takes away the best grounds of assurance among men and turns their greatest security to their greatest snare And 3dly If this be sound Doctrine it is worth the enquiring what security the Clergy to whom the Council as you have heard did indulge an Explanation have thereby obtained For as to such Laicks as did only at their own hand take hold of and snatch at this Indulgence not provided for them by the Councils Act it is clear their doom is dight It is not here debated how far that Explication of the Council's may satisfy and quiet Conscience let such concerned see to it Some please themselves with a general notion That if the sense given by the Administrator be sound then it is also safe whether it be agreeable to the plain and genuine meaning of the Oath or not nay whether it be agreeable to the sense of the first Imposers or not But others who consider more tenderly what it is to swear in Truth and in Judgment think it rather a prophanation and a sinful preferring of the Credit of Men to the glory of the Almighty to offer to smooth an Oath by a disagreeable interpretation when in effect the Oath it self ought to be changed But the thing in question is about the security of life and fortune for seeing the Council's Explanation is at least to say no worse liable enough to the Calumnies of an inventive malice and the Advocate telleth us Though all the Ceuncil had allowed a man to swear with an Explanation yet any of His Majesty's Officers may the next day quarrel him it is evident that this allowance can afford him no security It is true the Advocate may alledge and possibly find a difference betwixt the Council's emitting and their accepting of an Explanation But as in truth there is none more than betwixt a Mandat and a Ratihabition so I am confident if ever the thing come to be questioned this Pretence will evanish and come to nothing It is likewise to be remembred That when the Earl the next day after he took the Test was questioned for the Explanation he had made and required to exhibit a Copy which was afterwards made the ground of his Indictment so soon as he observed that some began to carp he refused to sign it demanded it back and would have destroyed it as you have heard which were all clear Acts of disowning and retracting for eviting offence and of themselves sufficient to have prevented any further enquiry there being nothing more just and human than that words though at the first hearing offensive yet if instantly retracted when questioned should be past But this as well as other things must in the Earl's Case be singular and whether he plead the Councils allowing or his own disowning as in effect he doth both it is equally to no purpose the thing determined must be accomplished You heard before how that a Reverend Bishop and many of the Orthodox Clergy did take a far greater liberty of Explanation than the Earl pretended to you see also that first the Council allows his words whereupon he rests And when he finds that they begin to challenge he is willing to disown And withal it is undeniable and acknowledged by the Council themselves that the Test as it stands in the Act of Parliament is ambiguous and needs to be explained And the Earl may confidently aver that of all the Explanations that have been offered even the Councils not excepted his is the most safe sound and least disagreeable to the Parliament's true sense and meaning And yet when all others escape he alone must be seised and for a thing so openly innocent clearly justifiable and undeniably allowed found guilty of the worst of Crimes even Leasing-making Leasing-telling Depraving of Laws and Treason but all these things God Almighty sees and to him the Judgment yet belongs And thus I leave this Discouse shutting it up with the Case of Archbishop Cranmer plainly parallel to the Earl's to shew how much he was more favourably dealt with by the King and Government in those days than the Earl now is though he live under a much more merciful and just Prince than that worthy Prelate did for Cranmer being called and promoted by Henry VIII of England to be Archbishop of Canterbury and finding an Oath was to be offered to him which in his apprehension would bind him up from what he accounted his duty he altogether declined the Dignity and Preferment unless he were allowed to take the Oath with such an Explanation as he himself proposed for salving of his Conscience and tho this Oath was no other than the Statute and solemn Oath that all his Predecessors in that See and all the mitered Clergy in England had sworn yet he was admitted to take it as you see in Fuller's Church Hist of Britain lib. 5. p. 185 and 186. with this formal Prorestation In nomine Domini Amen Coram vobis c. Non est aut erit meae voluntatis aut intentionis per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta qualitercunque verba in ipsis posita sonare videbuntur me obligare ad aliquid ratione eorundum posthac dicendum faciendum aut attentandum quod erit aut esse videbitur contra Legem Dei vel contra illustrissimum Regem nostrum Angliae Legesve aut
Praerogativas Ejusdem Et quod non intendo per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta quovis modo me obligare qui minus libere loqui consulere aut consentire valeam in omnibus singulis Reformationem Religionis Christianae Gubernationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae Praerogativam Coronae ejusdem Reipublicae vel commoditatem earundem quoquo modo concernentibus ea ubique exequi reformare quae mihi in Ecclesia Anglicana reformanda videbuntur Et secundum hanc interpretationem intellectum hunc non aliter nequa alia modo dictum juramentum me praestiturum protestor profiteor That is to say In the name of God Amen Before you c. It neither is nor shall be my will or meaning by this kind of Oath or Oaths and however the words of themselves shall seem to sound or signify to bind up my self by vertue hereof to say do or endeavour any thing which shall really be or appear to be against the Law of God or against our most Illustrious King of England or against his Laws and Prerogatives And that I mean not by this my Oath or Oaths any ways to bind up my self from speaking consulting and consenting freely in all and every thing in any sort concerning the Reformation of the Christian Religion the Government of the Church of England and the Prerogative of the Crown of the Commonwealth thereof or their advantage and from executing and reforming such things as I shall think need to be reformed in the Church of England And according to this Explanation and sense and not otherwise nor in any other manner do I protest and profess that I am to take and perform this Oath Nor did that excellent Person says Mr. Fuller smother this privately in a corner but publickly interposed it three several times once in the Charter-house before authentick Witnesses again upon his bended knees before the high Altar in view and hearing of many People and Bishops beholding him when he was consecrated and the third time when he received the Pall in the same place Now would it not be very strange if the like liberty should not be allowed to the Earl under His Majesty in reference to the Test which Henry the VIIIth a Prince that stood as much on his Prerogative as ever any did vouchsafe to this Thomas Cranmer who as another Historian observes acted fairly and above-board But there wanted then the high and excellent Designs of the great Ministers the rare fidelity of Councellors sound Religion and tender piety of Bishops solid Law and Learning of Advocates incorruptible Integrity of Judges and upright honesty of Assizers that now we have to get Archbishop Cranmer accused and condemned for Leasing-making depraving Laws Perjury and Treason to which Accusation his Explanation was certainly no less obnoxious than the Earl's But I hasten to the fourth and last Head of the Earl's Additional Defences viz. The removing certain groundless Pretences alledged by the Advocate for aggravating the Earl's Offence As 1. That the Earl being a Peer and Member of Parliament should have known the sense of the Parliament and that neither the Scruples of the Clergy nor the Council's Proclamation designed for meer Ignorants could any way excuse the Earl for offering such an Explanation But first the Advocate might have remembred that in another Passage he taxes the Earl as having debated in Parliament against the Test whereby it is easie to gather that the Earl having been in the matter of the Test a dissenter this quality doth rather justify than aggravate the Earl's Scrupling 2dly If the Proclamation was designed for the meer Ignorants of the Clergy as the Advocate calls them who knew nothing of what had past in Parliament an Explanation was far more necessary for the Earl who knows so little of what the Advocate alledges to have past in Parliament viz. That the Confession of Faith was not to be sworn to as a part of the Test that of necessity as I think he must know the contrary Inasmuch as first this is obvious from the express tenor of the Test which binds to own and profess the true Protestant Religion contained in the Confession of Faith and to believe the same to be agreeable to the Word of God as also to adhere thereto and never to consent to any change contrary to or inconsistent with the said Protestant Religion and Confession of Faith Which to common sense appears as plain and evident as can be contrived or desired But 2dly It is very well known that it was expresly endeavoured and carried in Parliament that the Confession of Faith should be a part of the Test and Oath For the Confession of Faith being designed to be sworn to by an Act for securing the Protestant Religion which you have heard was prepared in the Articles but afterwards thrown out when this Act for the Test was brought into the Parliament some days after by the Bishop of Edinburgh and others the Confession was designedly left out of it But it being again debated that the bare naming of the Protestant Religion without condescending on a Standard for it was not sufficient the Confession of Faith was of new added And after the affirmative Clause for owning it and adhering to it was insert upon a new motion the negative never to consent to any alteration contrary to or inconsistent with the said Protestant Religion and Confession of Faith was also subjoined But not without a new debate and opposition made against the words And Confession of Faith by the Bishop of Edinburgh until at length he also yielded All which it is hoped was done for some purpose And if at that time any had doubted of the thing he had certainly been judged most ridiculous For it was by that addition concluded by all That the Confession was to be sworn And further it appears plainly by the Bishop of Edinburgh his Vindication that when he wrote it he believed the Confession was to be sworn to for he takes pains to justify it though calumniously enough alledging That it was hastily compiled in the short space of four days by some Barons and Ministers in the infancy of our Reformation Where by the by you see that he makes no reckoning of what the Act of Parliament to which the Test refers expresly bears viz. That that second Ratification 1567. which we only have recorded was no less then seven years after this Confession was first exhibited and approven Anno 1560. But moreover he tells us That the Doctors of Aberdeen who refused the Covenant were yet willing not only to subscribe but to swear this Confession of Faith Which again to answer the Bishops Critick of Four days was more than 70. years after it was universally received It 's true that when the Bishop finds himself straitned how to answer Objections he is forced to make use of the new Gloss I shall not call it of Orleans whereby the Protestant Religion is made to be
our just and due Acknowledgments for the happy Relief You have brought to us and that we may not be wanting in this present Conjuncture we have put our selves into such a Posture that by the Blessing of God we may be capable to prevent all ill Designs and to preserve this City in Peace and Safety till your Highness's Happy Arrival We therefore humbly desire that your Highness will please to repair to this City with what convenient speed you can for the perfecting the great Work which Your Highness has so happily begun to the general Joy and Satisfaction of us all December the 17th 1688. THE said Committee this day made Report to the Lieutenancy that they had presented the said Address to the Prince of Orange and that His Highness received them very kindly December the 17th 1688. By the Lieutenancy Ordered That the said Order and Address be forwith Printed Geo. Evans To his Highness the Prince of Orange The Humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common Council assembled May it please Your Highness WE taking into Consideration your Highness's fervent Zeal for the Protestant Religion manifested to the World in your many and hazardous Enterprizes which it hath pleased Almighty God to bless You with miraculous Success We render our deepest Thanks to the Divine Majesty for the same And beg leave to present our most humble Thanks to your Highness particularly for your appearing in Arms in this Kingdom to carry on and perfect your glorious Design to rescue England Scotland and Ireland from Slavery and Popery and in a Free Parliament to establish the Religion the Laws and the Liberties of these Kingdoms upon a sure and lasting Foundation We have hitherto look'd for some Remedy for these Oppressions and Imminent Dangers We together with our Protestant Fellow-Subjects laboured under from His Majesty's Concessions and Concurrences with Your Highness's Just and Pious purposes expressed in Your gracious Declaration But herein finding Our Selves finally disappointed by his Majesty's withdrawing Himself We presume to make Your Highness Our Refuge And do in the Name of this Capital CITY implore Your Highness's Protection and most humbly beseech Your Highness to vouchsafe to repair to this CITY where Your Highness will be received with Universal Joy and Satisfaction The Speech of Sir George Treby Kt. Recorder of the Honourable City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Dec. 20. 1688. May it please your Highness THE Lord Mayor being disabled by Sickness your Highness is attended by the Aldermen and Commons of the Capital City of this Kingdom deputed to Congratulate your Highness upon this great and glorious Occasion In which labouring for Words we cannot but come short in Expression Reviewing our late Danger we remember our Church and State over-run by Popery and Arbitrary Power and brought to the Point of Destruction by the Conduct of Men that were our true Invaders that brake the Sacred Fences of our Laws and which was worst the very Constitution of our Legislature So that there was no Remedy left but the Last The only Person under Heaven that could apply this Remedy was Your Highness You are of a Nation whose Alliances in all Times has been agreeable and prosperous to us You are of a Family most Illustrious Benefactors to Mankind To have the Title of Soveraign Prince Stadtholder and to have worn the Imperial Crown are among their lesser Dignities They have long enjoyed a Dignity singular and transcendent viz. To be Champions of Almighty God sent forth in several Ages to vindicate his Cause against the greatest Oppressions To this Divine Commission our Nobles our Gentry and among them our brave English Soldiers rendred themselves and their Arms upon your appearing GREAT SIR When we look back to the last Month and contemplate the Swiftness and Fulness of our present Deliverance astonish'd we think it miraculous Your Highness led by the Hand of Heaven and called by the Voice of the People has preserved our dearest Interests The Protestant Religion which is Primitive Christianity restor'd Our Laws which are our ancient Title to our Lives Liberties and Estates and without which this World were a Wilderness But what Retribution can We make to your Highness Our Thoughts are full-charged with Gratitude Your Highness has a lasting Monument in the Hearts in the Prayers in the Praises of all good Men among us And late Posterity will celebrate your ever-glorious Name till Time shall be no more Chapman Mayor Cur ' special ' tent ' die Jovis xx die Decemb ' 1688. Annoque RR. Jacobi Secundi Angl ' c. quarto THIS Court doth desire Mr. Recorder to print his Speech this day made to the Prince of Orange at the time of this Court 's attending his Highness with the Deputies of the several Wards and other Members of the Common Council Wagstaffe His Highness the Prince of Orange's Speech to the Scots Lords and Gentlemen With their Advice and his Highness's Answer With a true Account of what past at their Meeting in the Council-Chamber at Whitehall January 7th 168â— His Highness the Prince of Orange having caused Advertise such of the Scots Lords and Gentlemen as were in Town met them in a Room at St. James's upon Monday the Seventh of January at Three of the Clock in the Afternoon and had this Speech to them My Lords and Gentlemen THE only Reason that induced me to undergo so great an Vndertaking was That I saw the Laws and Liberties of these Kingdoms overturned and the Protestant Religion in Imminent Danger And seeing you are here so many Noblemen and Gentlemen I have called you together that I may have your Advice what is to be done for Securing the Protestant Religion and Restoring your Laws and Liberties according to my Declaration As soon as his Highness had retired the Lords and Gentlemen went to the Council-Chamber at Whitehall and having chosen the Duke of Hamilton their President they fell a consulting what Advice was fit to be given to his Highness in this Conjuncture And after some hours Reasoning they agreed upon the Materials of it and appointed the Clerks with such as were to assist them to draw up in Writing what the Meeting thought expedient to advise his Highness and to bring it in to the Meeting the next in the Afternoon Tuesday the Eighth Instant the Writing was presented in the Meeting And some time being spent in Reasoning about the fittest way of Coveening a General Meeting of the Estates of Scotland At last the Meeting came to agree in their Opinion and appointed the Advice to be writ clean over according to the Amendments But as they were about to part for that Dyet the Earl of Arran proposed to them as his Lordship's Advice that they should move the Prince of Orange to desire the King to return and call a Free Parliament which would be the best way to secure the Protestant Religion and Property and to