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A44227 Vindiciæ Carolinæ, or, A defence of Eikon basilikē, the portraicture of His Sacred Majesty in his solitudes and sufferings in reply to a book intituled Eikonoklastes, written by Mr. Milton, and lately re-printed at Amsterdam. Hollingworth, Richard, 1639?-1701.; Wilson, John, 1626-1696. 1692 (1692) Wing H2505; ESTC R13578 84,704 160

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what the Memorandum further says That King Charles the Second and the Duke of York did assure him it was none of the said King 's compiling c. An Earl it is said wrote it and I dispute it not but this I say That neither the King nor the Duke could speak it of their own knowledge but as by report from others because the King then Prince of Wales from his Expedition into the West with General Ruthien from whence he went off to France could not have seen His Father in near four Years before His death and therefore it seems improbable that the King should have shewn him a Letter To the Prince of Wales and at the same time told him it was not of his own compiling when yet the Letter says Id. I●●n 221. Son if these Papers come to your hands c. and concludes Farewel till we meet if not on Earth yet in Heaven And if the King did not tell him so then what he assured the Earl could not be of his own knowledge And for the Duke of York he was under Thirteen at the Surrender of Oxford from whence he was brought to St. James's where he made his Escape for Dort so that except when he saw his Royal Father at Hampton-Court which could not be often he could not have seen him in two Years and an half before his Death Nor seems it probable that the King should communicate his Thoughts with a Person of those Years albeit a Prince and his Son but not his next Heir But on the contrary more probable for both that what they so spake was but by report which young Princes are but too apt to take up from those who to cover their own Ignorance perswade them it smells too strong of the Pedant for a King to take up a Pen when yet the greatest of former Ages are oftner remmembred by their Pens than their Swords Caesar yet lives in his Commentaries M. Aurelius in his Philosophy and we may read Trajan by his Epistles to Pliny But to come nearer home Our Henry the first is as well known by the Name of Beauclerke as of King of England Henry the Eighth's Pen not his Sword gave him the Title of Defender of the Faith And this the Royal Portraict of our murther'd Sovereign shall outlast every thing but it self and Time Lastly And if there yet want some living credible Testimony of that time or matter of Record since Sir William Dugdate an indefatigable Searcher of our English Antiquities and perfect Master of the Transactions of his own Time gives us this gradual account viz. That these Meditations had been begun by His Majesty in Oxford long before he went from Oxford to the Scots under the Title of Suspiria Regalia That the Manuscript it self written with his own Hand being lost at Naseby was restored to him at Hampton-Court by Major Huntington who had obtain'd it from Fairfax That Mr. Thomas Herbert who waited on His Majesty in his Bed-Chamber in the Isle of Wight and Mr. William Levett a Page of the Back-stairs frequently saw it there and not only read several parts of it but saw the King divers times writing farther on it And that that very Copy was by his Majesty's direction to Bishop Duppa sent to Mr. R. Royston a Bookseller at the Angel in Ivy-Lane the 23d of December 1648. who made such Expedition that the Impression was finish'd before that dismal 30th of January on which the King was bereft of his Life As may be better read from himself Sir W. Dugd●●●'s Short View c. p. 380 381. in his Short View of the late Troubles in England And this further I speak of my own Knowledge That the very next Morning after that horrid Act I saw one of them and read part of it under the Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which it now bears And for matter of Record and that the World may the more undeniably be convinc'd that both King Charles the Second and King James the Second did believe this Book was written by their Royal Father let him that doubts it but look upon Reliquiae Sacrae Carolinae Printed it the Year 1662 or any Impression of this Book since that time and he will find prefix'd to them a Privilege or Patent of King Charl● the Second to the said Mr. Royston his Executors c. for the sole Printing and Publishing the Book intituled Reliquiae c. and all other the Works of his said Royal Father and mo● especially mentions these most excellent Meditation and Soliioquies by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And it so happening that most of that Impression in 1662. coming to be lost in the Fire of London whereby the Book became very dear an● scarce to be had King James the Second upon his coming to the Crown reciting those former Letters Patent grants him the like Privilege for the Printing and Publishing the said Book as it had been in the Year 1662. And now what shall an honest Man do in such a Case s●a● he give Credit to a bare Memorandum of what another said and as 't is most probable by report only or say the Circumstances before were not of weight to two Records For my part I take the King's Certificate to be of high nature yet I should hardly believe th● King himself against any one single Record against which the Law of England admits no Averrment and therefore I think no Man ought to make more of a Posthumous Memorandum than what the Law makes of it In a word these Pathetick Meditations no sooner came abroad than the Nation was undeceiv'd concerning the Author the Scales were fallen from their Eyes and they religiously look'd on Him whom in the simplicity of their Hearts they had pierced These our Pharisees saw and confest it themselves but said they if we let it alone the Romans will come and take away our City And therefore finding they could not suppress them they made it their Eusiness what in them lay to blot them Nay to that impudence they were arrived that and I saw it my self this Icon was exposed to Sale bound up with the Alcoran III. What end I proposed to my self in making this Reply And that 's easily shown nor is it forbidden any Man to burn Incense where the Air 's infected That this Royal Martyr has been calumniated is but too visible but how justly I am coming to examine In which I have this advantage to my hand That Time the Mother of Truth has justified her Daughter concerning Him and might have stopt the Rancour of his most inveterate Enemies but that nothing how evident soever can affect those that have a secret against blushing To be short my end is to vindicate this Good this Just however Unfortunate Prince to blow off that Froth that has been thrown on his Memory and according to my strength deliver him to the World as he was A great if not the only steddy
Name of a Petition beset the Houses and force them to resettle it as it had been on the Citizens Hereupon the two Speakers with forty of the Lower House five Earls one Viscount and three Lords run off to the Army and Vote with them in their Council of War in the Nature of a Parliament and engage to live and die with the Army And a Mercy it was says our Answerer that they had a Noble and Victorious Army so near at hand to fly to The remains of the Houses on the other hand chuse new Speakers and raise an Army in the City and declare in Print it was in Order to his Majesty's being free and in a capacity of treating which yet they made use of but as a Stale to the Faction The Army-Soldiers also engage to Fair fax that they will live and die with him the Parliament i. e. such of the Houses as had fled to them and the Army who set out a Declaration of the Grounds of their march towards London and denying them to have been a Parliament since the said 26 of July at what time they were under a force call them the Gentlemen at Westminster and by a Letter to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen reproach them with those Tumults and demand the City to be delivered into their Hands to which purpose they were now coming to them To be short the Forces the City had raised were able and willing enough to have fought the Army but the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermens Hearts failing them they open their Gates and let them march through the City And now the first thing was to replace the Speakers and purge the Houses Aug. 6. 1647. which being accordingly done and a holy Thanksgiving appointed they declare all that had past in the Houses from the said 26 of July to the 6 of August to be null and void And the Army in their way impeach some imprison others demolish the Line of Communication and take every thing into their own Hands And yet to sweeten the People on the other side they treat the King now at Hampton-Court with more Liberty and Respect than had been shewn him by the Parliament's Commissioners for they not only allow him his own Chaplains and permit his Children and some Friends to see him but pretend to establish him in his just Rights to call Committees and Sequestrators to an account and free the People from Excise and Taxes and now who but the Army and Cromwell Tertius è coelo cecidit Cato Such as well as I could put them together were the Distractions in the two Houses the Army and the City that ensued the Army's surprisal of the King at Holmby And here they ended for this time what became of them afterward I shall come to show in the last Chapter CHAP. XXVII To the Prince of Wales HIS Majesty's Father King James the First who might have truly said Many and evil have been the days of my Pilgrimage thought it not enough to have pass'd those Windings himself without leaving his Son some Clue to direct him and therefore wrote that his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Instructions to his Son Henry the Prince And by his Fatherly Authority charges him to keep it ever with him as carefully as Alexander did the Iliads of Homer And the same seems this the King's Letter to the Prince of Wales A Manual penn'd by the best of Men and may be a Guide to the best of Princes For as to himself it is so ad fidem Historiae and as to the Prince so ad exemplar justi Imperii that whoever he be that opens it without prejudice cannot to use his Majesty's Words measure his Cause by the Success nor his Judgment of things by his Misfortunes And truly when I came to this Letter I was thinking to my self what our Accuser could say to it till having perused his Answer I was thus far satisfied that he deceiv'd not my Expectation for instead of giving it any solid Answer he only catches at Words Et minutiis rerum pondera frangit And had he gone no farther how blamable soever he might have been he had been less Ignominious But when he rakes those Kennels of his own making and throws his dirt-balls to blacken what he cannot destroy what is it but a spitting against the Sky where the Spittle returns upon his own Face In short this Letter might have shewn him if he had pleas'd how when some Mens Consciences accuse them for Sedition and Faction they stop its Mouth with the name and noise of Religion and when Piety pleads for Peace and Patience they cry out Zeal When on the contrary all good Men know that this is a Religion not proceeding from the Spirit but a Worm of their own breeding how devoutly i. e. Enthusiastically soever they vent it to the People for neither is every Dream new Light nor every Whim Prophecy And what the sad Effects of this has been we cannot sure have so soon forgotten When God was brought in to the worst of Actions the King abus'd in the affections of his People Religion wounded with a Feather of its own and the State fired with a Coal from the Altar CHAP. XXVIII Meditations upon Death after the Votes of Non-addresses and His Majesty's closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook Castle WHAT our Accuser says to this last Chapter and whether his Majesty had not a more particular ground for these Meditations will best appear if we look back to the latter end of the twenty sixth Chapter where I left the People in an Hosannah or now save us to the Army and Cromwell And now what might he not do before he was discover'd Or if he were the Army was in his Hands the Parliament in his Pocket the City at his Feet and which of them was there durst first say to him What art thou doing There stood nothing now in his way but the King he had no more need of him and how should he dispose of him To keep him in the Army was troublesome to let the Presbyterians get him had been a Bar to his design and to have murthered him had nothing further'd it for as yet he was but Lieutenant General The best way therefore was to let him escape beyond Sea To which purpose private Letters are slipp'd into his Hand that the Agitators had a design upon his Life which coming also to his Ear from report and the Guards purposely disposed for it the King in a dark rainy Night makes his escape from Hampton-Court but the Vessel that should have carried him over sailing he unfortunately fell into the Hands of Colonel Hammond Governour of the Isle of Wight who secures him in Carisbrook-Castle and sends to the Parliament to know their Pleasure concerning him From thence His Majesty sends to the Houses his desires for a Personal Treaty Decemb 6. 1647. which they refuse unless he first pass four Bills 1. That the Parliament have the Militia and
should neither censure them rigidly nor deny them the same mildness with which we commiserate the Infirmities of other Men Or at least if we must be prying and poring be so just to our selves as not to publish the Miscarriage and suppress the Vertue In a word let him that would make a true Judgment of this oppress'd King first consider his Circumstances and then tell me whether where he stretch'd his Authority he had not been first necessitated to it by those that murther'd him and whether the worst of his Actions were not superabundantly expiated with many good which our Accuser has so every where endeavour'd to silence and supplied with Calumnies that I 'll close all with that Abstract of Seneca's Epistles Xerxes 's Arrows may darken the Day but they cannot st●●ke the Sun Waves may dash themselves upon a Rock but not break it Temples may be Prophan'd and Demolish'd but the Deity still remains untouch't THE CONTENTS THE Introduction page 1 Chap. I. Vpon the King's calling his last Parliament p. 13 Chap. II. Vpon the Earl of Strafford's Death p. 29 Chap. III. Vpon his going to the House of Commons p. 36 Chap. IV. Vpon the Insolency of the Tumults p. 41 Chap. V. Vpon his Majesty's passing the Bill for the Triennial Parliaments and after settling this during the Pleasure of the two Houses p. 50 Chap. VI. Vpon his Majesty's retirement from Westminster p. 57 Chap. VII Vpon the Queen's Departure and Absence out of England p. 65 Chap. VIII Vpon His Majesty's repulse at Hull and the Fates of the Hothams p. 66 Chap. IX Vpon the Listing and raising Armies against the King p. 69 Chap. X. Vpon their seizing the King's Magazines Forts Navy and Militia p. 73 Chap. XI Vpon the Nineteen Propositions first sent to the King and more afterwards p. 76 Chap. XII Vpon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland p. 83 Chap. XIII Vpon the Calling in of the Scots and their coming p. 86 Chap. XIV Vpon the Covenant p. 91 Chap. XV. Vpon the many Jealousies rais'd and Scandals cast upon the King to stir up the People against him p. 98. Chap. XVI Vpon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer Book p. 10● Chap. XVII Of the differences between the King and the two Houses in point of Church-Government p. 10● Chap. XVIII Vpon the Uxbridge Treaty an● other Offers made by the King p. 11● Chap. XIX Vpon the various Events of the War Victories and Defeats p. 1●● Chap. XX. Vpon the Reformations of the Times p. 11● Chap. XXI Vpon his Majesty's Letters taken an● divulg'd p. 11● Chap. XXII Vpon His Majesty's leaving Oxford and going to the Scots p. 12● Chap. XXIII Vpon the Scots delivering the King to the English and his Captivity at Holdenby p. 12● Chap. XXIV Vpon their denying His Maj●sty th● Attendance of his Chaplains viz. Dr. Juxon Bishop of London Dr. Duppa Bishop of Salisbury Dr. Sheldon Dr. Hammond Dr. Holdsworth Dr. Sanderson Dr. Turner Dr. Heywood p. 125 Chap. XXV Penitential Meditations and Vow● in the King 's Solitude at Holdenby p. 126 Chap. XXVI Vpon the Army's s●rpriz●d of th● King at Holdenby and the ensuing Distraction in the Two Houses the Army and the City p. 127 Chap. XXVII To the Prince of Wales p. 134 Chap. XXVIII Meditations upon Death after th● Votes of Non-addresses and His Majesty's closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle p. 135 VINDICIAE CAROLINAE OR A VINDICATION OF 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Introduction IN every Action consider the End so shalt thou not be ashamed of thy Work was a wise Saying and had this Effect upon me That I no sooner resolv'd with my self to make some Reply to this Answer of Mr. Milton's than I began to consider three things and as I thought necessary for the better carrying it on Which in short are these 1. To what End this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was first Written 2. To what End and that after a forty odd Years interval it came to be reprinted at Amsterdam too and with an Advertisement before it 3. What end I propos'd to my self in making this Reply I. As to the first let the Book speak for it self and there are few Leaves in it but visibly declare that Milton's end was To justifie the unparallell'd Villainies of his own time Et quorun pars magna fuit Wherein the best of Monarchies was shook to pieces by the worst o● Men A King whose only Crime was his being King disarm'd by one Faction and in tha● condition left to the growing Designs of another and the merciless Cruelty of both Th● Fountain of all Law Justice and Honour publickly arraign'd sentenc'd and assassinated b● the Tail of the People and that too under the false detorted Names of Law Justice and Honour of the Nation and God as impiously brought in against himself to Patronize th● Parricide to defend the Tyrranny of an usurping Commonwealth against their natura● Liege Lord and Sovereign to vindicat● those dreggs of Mankind from what th● World then thought them and a later Statut● has since declared them 1. Cor. 2. c. 14. viz. The most traiterous Conspiracies and armed power of Usurping Tyrants and Execrable Perfidiou● Traitors And lastly as if it were not enough to have murther'd Him in his Authority as 〈◊〉 King and his Person as a Man to murthe● Him over again in His Fame and Memory This Milton the Gall and bitterness of whos● Heart had so taken away his Taste and Judgment that to write and be scurrillous wer● the same with him is dead 't is true and shoul● have been forgotten by me but that in thi● new Impression he yet speaketh To write and be scur●illous I said were the same with him Witness his Pro populo Anglicano Desensio● against Salmatius a learned Knight hi● Defensionem Regiam and who as such might have deserv'd the Civility of a modest Language Yet thus he begins with him Quamquam tibi vano homini ventoso multum arrogantiae multum superbiae Salmati c. and further calls him Grammaticaster Stramineus Eques and the like stuff which proves nothing but the insolence of the Writer That he wrote good Latin will be readily granted but with this remark That it was Billingsgate in Rome As also That he was a Person of a large thought and wanted not Words to express those Conceptions but never so truly as when the Argument and his deprav'd temper met together Witness his Paradise lost where he makes the Devil Who though fallen had not given Heaven for lost speak at that rate himself would have done of the Son of this Royal Martyr upon his Restauration had he thought it convenient when in his Paradise regain'd he is so indifferent poor and starvling as if he never expected any benefit by it But enough of him and I wish I had not met this just Occasion of having said so much II. To what end it was reprinted c. Glory had departed from the Israel of those
about Six Thousand tumultuously flock to Westminster crying Justice Justice against the Earl of Strafford Which within a day or two they second with a Petition On which the Earl less valuing his Life than the quiet of the Kingdom writes a Letter to the King whereby to set his Conscience at Liberty and by his own Consent prays him to pass the Bill which in a few days after was by Commission to the Earl of Arundel and three other Lords accordingly done with this Proviso That no Judge or Judges c. shall adjudge or interpret any act or thing to be Treason nor hear or determine any Treason any other way than they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act and as if this Act had never been had or made A modest Confession and that nothing but an Act of Parliament could affect him Nor unlike that Clause in an Ordinance of the King and Lords for the Banishment c. of the Lady Alice Pierce a Favourite of King Edward the Third's viz. That this Ordinance in this Special Case Mr. Seld●n's Privilege of Baronage 71 which may extend to a Thousand other Persons shall in no other case but this be taken in Example However after the Bill was pass'd the King as deeming They will reverence my Son wrote a Letter to the House of Lords with his own Hand and sent it by the Prince of Wales in which he interceeds for that Mercy to the Earl which many Kings would not have scrupled to have given themselves But 't was resolv'd and nothing would do And thus between Accumulative and Constructive Treason nor better prov'd than I have shewn before Sic inclinavit heros caput Taken from Mr. Cleveland Belluae multorum Capitum Merces favoris Scottici praeter pecunias Nec vicit tamen Anglia sed oppressit Or if my Reader had rather have it in English take it from that happy Flight of Sir Richard Fanshaw on that Occasion And so fell Rome herself oppress'd at length By the united World and her own Strength And yet not to leave his Memory in the Dust there is an Act of Parliament that vindicates all I have said in the matter and that is The Act for reversing this Attainder 13 14. Car. 2. c. 29. which says thus That the Bill of Attainder was purposely made to Condemn him upon Accumulative and Constructive Treason none of the said Treasons being Treason apart and so could not be in the whole if they had been prov'd as they were not And the Act further says It was procured by an armed Tumult the names of Fifty nine of the Commons that opposed the Bill posted by the name of Straffordians and sent up to the Peers at a time when a great part of them were absent by reason of those Tumults and many of those present protested against it For which Causes and to the end that Right be done to the Memory of that deceased Earl it was enacted c. That the said Act c. be repeal'd c. And all Records and proceedings of Parliament relating to the said Attainder be cancell'd and taken off the File c. to the intent the same may not be visible in after-Ages or brought in Example to the prejudice of any Person whatever Provided that this Act shall not extend to the future questioning of any Person c. however concern'd in this Business or who had any hand in the Tumults or disorderly procuring the Act aforesaid c. A shrewd suspicion that they thought that Act of Attainder was not so regularly obtain'd as it ought to have been for if it had what needed that Proviso And having duely considered this Act I think the Wonder will cease why the King was so dissatisfied in his Conscience touching the giving his Assent to that Bill of Attainder His Speech on the Scaffold or that the Lord Capel so publickly begg'd forgiveness of God for having given his Consent toward it At least I presume it may startle any Man that from such repeated Calumnies has not yet come to be of our Answerer's Opinion That there may be a Treason against the Commonwealth as well as against the King only A Treason not mention'd in 25 Edw. 3. or in any Statute since saving those of the late Usurper's making inasmuch as no Estate or Estates of the Realm make any thing of themselves but as joyned to their Figure the King And therefore passing the King 's most detested Conspiracy as he calls it against the Parliament and Kingdom by seizing the Tower of London bringing the English Army out of the North c. I leave him and his Stuff together and come to the Third CHAP. III. Vpon His going to the House of Commons I Said ere-while His Majesty might think the Lords would reverence his Son nor was in to be doubted whether the Commons would himself Especially considering the business he went about It was faith the King to demand Justice upon the Five Members whom upon just motives and pregnant grounds I had charged and needed nothing to such Evidence as could have been produced against them save only a free and legal Tryal which was all I desired Which fill'd indifferent Men with Jealousies and Fears yea and many of my Friends resented as a motion rising rather from Passion than Reason See says our Answerer He confesses it to ●an act which most Men whom he calls his Enemies cried shame upon indifferent Men c. as before He himself in one of his Answers to both Houses made profession to be convinc'd that it was a plain breach of their Privilege Yet here like a rott● Building newly trimm'd over he represents it speciously and fraudulently to impose upon the simple Reader c. Words insolent enough without adding the rest though it had not been from his Matter if he had told that simple Reader in which Answer of his Majesties he might have found that Profession However for the discovery of the Truth on both sides it may not be amiss to make a few steps backward that considering the occasion we may the better judge of the thing It had been advis'd to the King by the then Privy-Council of Scotland to send the Book of Common-Prayer to be receiv'd and us'd in all Churches of that Kingdom The King's Declaration 1639. which was accordingly order'd And in the Month of July 1637. publickly read in the great Church of Edinburgh The Kirkmen took fire at it nor wanted there some in England to fan the Flame which in a short time got that head that they invade England but finding the design not ripe enough yet they humbly submit and the business is smother'd Whereas had those smoaking Brands been sufficiently quench'd they had not made a greater Eruption the next Year During this time the King had gotten into the matter and calls this Parliament with a real intention of quieting all They begin where the last Parliament