so that strangers had all the intelligence of their resolutions which they dis-appointed and obstructed before they were in a forwardness to be set on foot But this great Minister knowing secrecy to be the Soul of Counsel and that none are better then those which continue unknown even after the execution brought forth every day wonders effected by his Prudence of which the Grandees themselves had not so much as a thought Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do his Majesty being the most secret Prince that ever was Formerly every one was impatient at the obstacles and delays of the Marquess de la Vieville whereas after his establishment all those who had any affairs to negotiate or represent for his Majesties service were over-joyed that they were to Treat with a Minister whose Countenance was a Throne of sweetness and bounty and whose words have so powerfull a Charm that they still went away satisfied what ever difficulties were proposed by them Besides they were constrained as it were to pay him all respects and the Gravity too which the Graces have bestowed upon him is so agreeable and taking that the respect which it begets in the soules of men never thwarts that love which is due unto him and that love doth not at all hinder them from fearing to displease him The ancient Allies of this Crown formerly left for a prey to their enemies began to be confident to him as soon as ever they had known him and finding that his Genius did not terminate in a meer defensive they betook them to their Arms not onely to oppose those unjust Usurpations which were made upon them but also to assault and set upon those who had began them In short as he never declared himself to be for any Faction but on the contrary shewed himself much averse to all Rebellions both the Grandees of the Kingdome and Hugonots too were not long to learn that it would become them for the future to live within the limits of their obedience And lastly not being able to away with any Mutiny he soon began to make them take some course of living which is the surest foundation of Peace in a Kingdome so that every one had the content to see France flourish both at home and abroad and to acquire its former lustre which hath alwaies made it acknowledged to be the first Kingdome of Europe The Marriage of the King of England with the Lady Henrietta Maria of France THe first considerable affair which presented it self after the Cardinals admittance to the Administration was the Marriage of the Lady Henrietta Maria his Majesties Sister with Charles Prince of Wales the present King of Great Brittain The Spaniard had a long time feared it would be made up knowing that if France and England were leagued together they would become so considerable as that they would without difficulty frustrate and bring all his designs to nothing so he indeavoured to hinder it by pretending a desire himself had to contract an Alliance with England and accordingly hee proposed to match his Infanta with the Prince of Wales giving some hopes by Paraquance that he would restore the Palatinate though he had as little mind to deliver it as the King of Great Brittain had earnest Passion to recover it He held on this Treaty at least twelve years yet finding every day new excuses to defer the conclusion of it But at last the King of Great Brittain detected his deceipt which had lain hid under those delays and found out that his design was onely to gain time untill all the daughters of France were married elsewhere at least he had great conjectures of it to clear all and bring it to a conclusion he thought good that the Prince of Wales should in person go into Spain Hee had not been there many dayes before it was known both to himself and those of his Counsel that they had been untill that time entertained with vain hopes however he would not make known his resentments in a strange Country where he might receive much damage by it but being return'd into England he informed King James his Father of it with so much anger that they resolved to break with him rather sooner then later to avoid exposing themselves to the dis-esteem which other Princes might have of their management of this affair and withall to countenance the breach by the Parliaments approbation This resolve was as soon executed as concluded and King James having summoned a Parliament at least to consult on a means for recovery of the Palatinate informed them of the many reasons which he had to beleeve that the Spaniards had no intention of concluding those Propositions of marriage which had been so long in Treaty that the onely end of their design was to gain time and to fortifie themselves in the Palatinate and so to settle themselves there that shortly it would be impossible to remove them thence and therefore hee thought it fit no longer to hearken after it The Parliament were induced with so much the more ease to beleeve these reasons they having testified on divers occasions their suspicions of the Spanish tricks and in conclusion thought good not to regard any more their Propositions of the Match But the King of Great Brittain stayed not long there for the Prince of Wales his son who had now good esteem of France and a liking for the Kings Sister whom he had seen as he passed thorough that Court without discovering himself had perswaded him to give him leave to seek for that Princess in marriage which was proposed in Parliament and carried without much difficulty for many reasons which were there alledged particularly That the French being accustomed to live with those of their Religion it was to be beleeved they would not make such extraordinary demands in behalf of the Catholicks as the Spaniard would have done It was then resolved to dispatch an Ambassadour into France who might lay the first foundation of that Treaty so that the King forthwith made choice of the Earls of Carlisle and Holland The latter set forward about Mid-May He had order first to wait on the King alone and to pretend the interests of the Palatinate but indeed to discover how they would resent his Proposal and if rejected not to make any more noise of it accordingly hee met his Majesty and Compiegne he began to consider about means to recover the Palatinate and then acquainted him with a great deal of dexterity that the King his Master desired his Son the Prince of Wales might marry his sister The King who understoood that Proposals of this nature how remote soever ought not to be received but with honour testified that he had a great esteem of it and forthwith debated it with his Ministers to give him an answer it was concluded That this Match was very convenient for the Quality of his Majesties Sister That in the whole Empire there was not any more hopefull
any other mans of what condition so ever he be That this constraint is repugnant to the safety of Kings of which in History are many examples especially in these latter ages These reasons were very considerable but withall the Marquess D' Effiat followed them home with such address and vigour that they made the same impressions upon the Kings as they had done upon his Embassadours minds who indeed did much contribute by their Letters to bring it to a resolution Articles of Marriage between the King of Great Britain and the Princess Henrietta Maria of France THe Negotiation was so fortunate that the King consented to all those Articles which were demanded in behalf of the Catholicks and accordingly his Majesty gave command to his Embassadours to accord it and on the 10th of November they were signed by them with the Cardinal upon these conditions That the Kings Sister should have all manner of liberty to increase the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion together with all her Officers and their children that to this purpose she should have a Chappel in every of the Kings houses a Bishop and twenty eight Priests to administer the Sacrament Preach Gods Word and doe such other Offices as their Function required That the children which should be born of this marriage should be brought up in the Catholick Religion untill the age of 13 years by the Princess That all the Domesticks which she carried into England should be French and Catholicks chosen by the most Christian King and they dying she might take others into their place French and Catholicks by and with consent of the King of Great Brittain Moreover that both the King of Great Brittain and Prince of Wales his son should bind themselves by oath not to attempt by any means whatsoever to make her change her Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it and should promise by writing upon the faith and word of a King and Prince to take order that all those Catholicks as well Ecclesiastick as secular which had been imprisoned since the last Act made against them should be set at liberty That the English Catholicks should not be any more hunted after for their Religion nor constrained to swear any thing contrary to the Catholick Religion and that such seizures of their Goods as had been made since the last Act should be restored to them And generally that they should receive more liberty and favour in respect of the Alliance with France then had been promised them upon the Spanish Treaty This was as much as could be desired for the present in behalf of Religion until the Princess who was indued with all the qualifications both of Body and Soul which could render a Princess beloved should have acquired a good power over King James his spirit and the Prince of Wales her husband and so finish the remainder which the King expected both from her zeal and behaviour with the more confidence because Ladies have a great hand over their husbands and Father in Law when they are once intirely loved by them Politique Observation THere is good reason to hope for the Conversion of a Prince from the Princess whom he marries Women have so natural an art to perswade men and to lead them to what they desire that there is hardly any thing impossible for them to do Their beauty alone hath such strong charms that they imprint in the soul by their eyes all the affections they have a mind to and the Love wherewith they are cherished gives them so great a power that if they have never so lâttle ingenuity one cannot defend himself from their perswasions and if it be thus true in general it is not lesse in the particular of converting their Husbands or the People who are subject to them History is so full of Proofs of this nature that one must be altogether ignorant if he knows not that the divine Providence hath divers times made use of their means for this glorious purpose Thus Clotilâa daughter to the Duke of Borgogn was the occasion that Clovis one of our first Kings her husband imbraced the Christian Religion and banished Idolatry out of his States Iâgând Sister to Childebert King of France being married to Hermenegild King of the Gâths converted him to the Holy Châistâan Faith Chieâumte daughter to the King of Merâe in England married a King of the West Saxons made him become a Christian and she her self a Saint Thââdâlinda wife to ââgâlulph King of the Lombards perswaded him and a great part of his people to lay by their false Gods and to live under the Lâws of he Gospel Gizel daughter to Hânry Duke of Bavier and Sister to the Emperour Henry the first being married to Steâhân the first of that name King of Hungaria made him and his whole Kingdome resolve to in ârace the Fââth of Jesus Christ and thus many others of the like examples do verifie that Qâeens have ever had a great power in this particular and the spirit of God which hath made use of them for such glorious effects saith The unbâlieving Husband shall bâ sanctifiedly the believing Wife Heaven it self fights for them in such occasions when they labour for his glory besides it cannot be denyed but that their Rbetorick is perswasive that their accord do some time passe or currant and undeniable reasons that their words are charms and that their addresse is able to master the greatest courages In the midst of this diligent care which the Cardinal took for the Interests of Religion and the State his Prudence was not forgetfull of any thing which might bee thought in favour of the Kings Sister It was agreed in respect of eight hundred thousand Crowns which his Majesty gave her in marriage that she should renounce all successions either Paternal Maternal or Collateral which might befall unto her and accordingly after she had received leave from her mother the Queen Mother so to do she did renounce and the King of Great Britains Embassador did ratifie it that in future no such pretensions might arise to trouble the quiet of the Kingdomes as formerly had been Withall he took such tender care of all advantages for her that she could not suffer any inconvenience by any accident whatever It was agreed upon by his care that the Prince deceasing without issue the mony should be totally restored to her to be disposed of according to her own will whether she did live in England or in France That if he had children by this marriage there should onely be two thirds of her Portion returned the other being moveable that the last twenty of the third part should be made a yearly rent to her during her life that her Dower should be eight hundred thousand pound sterling por annum returning French mony at sixty thousand Crowns rent which should be assigned to her in Lands and Houses one of which should be such and accordingly furnished that she might make
consideration of that diversity of Religion between the Princess and the Prince of Wales his Majesty should send to his Holiness to procure a Dispensation before the Marriage were effected to obtain the said Dispensation the Cardinal proposed to the King to send Father Berule Superior General of the fathers of the Oratory and to commit the charge of it to him as a person capable of such a negotiation and whose Piety which amongst the People is extreamly recommendable might take off all shadows or apparencies which the weakness of their senses or the malice of the Spaniards might raise abroad concerning it It should seem he did fore-see that Fury wherewith the Spanish Partisans writ against this marriage So angry they were that they had not prevented it not reflecting that for eleven whole years they had testified to the world that they would have done the self-same thing But that I may not be hindred by those outragious speeches which proceeded from those spirits puft up with Ambition who then began to discover that France had a Minister capable to countermine them and to oppose their unjust designs I shall inform you that the instruction which was give to Father Berule was to go to Rome with all diligence and to obtain the Dispensation from the Pope to which purpose he was to represent to his Holiness That the King of Great Brittain having demanded the Princess Henrietta Maria the Kings Sister in marriage for the Prince of Wales his son his Majesty was the more inclinable to hearken to the Proposition because hee looked upon it as a probable means to convert the English as heretofore a French Princess married into England had induced them to imbrace Christianity But that the Honour which hee owed to the Holy Chair and in particular to his Sanctity who had formerly held him at the Font of Baptism in the name of Pope Clement the Eighth had not permitted him to conclude upon the Treaty before the obtainment of his Dispensation That this Marriage ought to be regarded for the Interest not onely of the Catholicks in England but of all Christendome who would receive great advantages by it that there is not any thing of hazard for the Princesse seeing she is as firm as could be desired both in the Faith aââ Piety That she should have a Bishopâ and eight and twenty Priests to do all Offices That she should have none but Catholicks in her Houshold That the King of Great Brittain and the Prince of Wales would oblige themselves by Writing and Oath not to solicite her directly or indirectly neither by themselves or any other persons to change her Religion Moreover that there being nothing to be feared in relation to the Princesse there were great hopes that she might be intirely beloved by the King who was well disposed already to become a Catholick and by the Prince of Wales That shee might the more contribute to their conversion in regard that women have very great power over their Husbands and Father-in-Laws when Love hath gotten any power in their affections That for her part she was so zealous in Religion that there was no doubt but she would employ her utmost industry in so pious a design That admitting God should not succeed her iâtentions either upon King James or the Prince of Wales there were hopes her Children might become restorers of that Faith which their Ancestors had destroyed seeing she had the education and bringing of them up in the belief and exercise of the Catholique Religion until they were thirteen years old and that their first seeds of Piety having being instilled into their souls and cultivated with carefulnesse when they became capable of good Instructions might infallibly produce stable and permanent Fruits that is so strong a Faith as might not be shaken by Heresie in a riper age And after all That the Catholiques of England would forthwith receive great advantages by it seeing both the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales his Son would oblige themselves by worâ and deed not to hunt them out or when they were discovered to punish them To free out of Prison all such as were layed up to restore them their Monies and Goods which had been forced from them after the last Act if they were possible to be had and generally to treat them with more favour than if the Treaty with Spain had gone on Lastly he had order to inform the Pope that to render a greater respect to the Church he had conditioned that the Princess should be affianced and contracted according to the Catholique form like that which was observed they Charlâs the Ninth in the Mariage of Margarice of France with the late King Henry the Fourth then King of Navarr These things spoke in their own behalf and were so eminently visible that no doubt could be made of them The Father Berule too wanted neither Ability nor Good-will but represented them to his Holyness with such dexterity that his Sanctity gave him hopes of a favourable answer 'T is true the Pope would not grant him a dispence without conferring with the Cardinals that he might give no jealousie to Spain who had been dealt with in the very same manner when they desired a Dispensation for the Inâanca but they were of his own naming and such as no one could think were more subject to Passion than Justice So they met divers times about it and though it were with the ordinary delayes of the Court at Rome without which they esteem no affair can be discussed and judged with Prudence or Majesty enough yet in sine they referred the expediting of the Dispensation to the Popes pleasure All that was cross in the business was barely this Father Borielâ being naturally addicted to refine all things was perswaded that there had not been assurances strong enough obtained from the English for the securing and hindring the placing of Protestant Officers over the Princesses children the solicitation of Officers to change their Religion the continuation of forcing English Catholiques to take Oaths of Abjuration against the Catholique Religion and the holy See though indeed it had been expresly concluded and agreed on That the King of England and Prince of Wâlâs should engage both by Writing and Oath not to enforce them any more However this induced both the Pope and Cardinals to think fit not acquainting the âieurâdâ Bethune with it though the Cardinals Prudence had tyed up the said Father Bârulâ in his Instructions not to doe any thing without him to oblige the King in the Instrument of Dupensation to procure from the King of Great Britain new assurances in these parcicuâars So that he following his own sense and specious reasons upon which he relyed his Holyness dispatched him upon those conditions and sent him back to the King with all diligence Politique Observations IF Piety prohibit Ministers to doe things contrary to Religion Prudence obligeth them to referre the management of affairs to Persons who
more inviolable than the word of a Prince it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity or to desire his ratification by Oath The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration that another swore for him now to desire that he himself should swear were to decline that respect which is due unto him However the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath when they are of any great importance which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in The Laws look upon it for so venerable that they never permit it to be broken what ever advantage happen by it Perjury is condemned as a double sin because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God who is invoked as a witness but also Faith which is the most sacred Bond of humane society Which Laws too do oblige Princes much more then other men to keep their Oaths because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithfull they have not any thing left them which is considerable Christians ought to be most precise in this point if they would not be put to the blush at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels It is much to be lamented that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths if they may but get any thing by it they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity who thought the Art of well-lying a great piece of vertue and that it was an Index of a good Wit then that of the Common-wealth of Rome which was so religiously faithfull for their words that Ptolomey King of Egypt left his young son their tuition and protection without the least apprehension of suspition Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity as soon as he came of age they delivered up the Kingdome into his own hands The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw d' Esten extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Hollaâd came likewise thither to desire his Majesties Assistance and the renewing of the ancient Alliance The League being ended and the enemies of their Liberties beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies then to keep his own People in obedience received them with all kind of favour and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires His Majesty knew that their Protection was Honourable that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed that what Assistances he gives them are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity and withall that it was full of Justice The History of Holland had taught him that the Princes of Austria by their altering the Fundamental Laws and oppressing the publick Liberty of those Countries had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority to shake off the yoke of their obedience by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland An ancient saith that Power is full of equity which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country This in particular was so much the more assuredly just for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People and upon Conditions cannot infringe them and not lose their Authority and especially if they break Covenants which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Soveraign People in the Treaty of the League made Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain and arch-Arch-Dukes of Flanders And in the same quality have the Kings of England Deâmark and Sweden the most part of the Hans Towns the Common-wealth of Venice and many Princes of Germany ever treated with them whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises A work of Justice so much the more certain for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him Besides these important reasons the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make by defending of them that it is above threeseore years together that they have obliged not onely this State but the most part of Europe to assist them to ballance the Power of Spain and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated besides that it was now much more necessary in regard the Garisons were to be established in the Valtoline and it would concern the State to make him some diversions that might entertain his Armies elsewhere withall he found that if he did assist Holland with these succours it would ingage them to do as much for him when occasion should require it which was no inconsiderable thing as Henry the Great found by experience when he was by them assisted against those unjust oppositions which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him He himself too might fall into the same necessities seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes is like a Calm at Sea which as it is often over-blown with storms so that too is no less subject to interruption by civil or forraign Wars These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours of a strong succour and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them and this great Minister who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution having determined them concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan three Millions and two hundred thousand Livers in three years On condition that they should re-imburse them three years after the War was ended That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever without his advice and interposition That if he had any occasion of Ships of War they should furnish him either for sale or hire at a reasonable Price That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars they should repay him one half of the said
come to the very end he had proposed to himself or at least so neer as possibly he may withal remembring that he may perchance have formerly heard it said every one who fights doeth not conquer and the Conquerors do not alwayes were the Garland The King of Spain to breake the League between his Majesty the Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Venice negotiates another between himself and the Princes of Italy THe King of Spain was not a little surprised to see himself destitute of that Passage which is the surety of his States in Italy and concluded that in case that in-let should be stopped up it would be a great inconveniency to him so that without making himself sure of the Popes Protection he gave Orders to his Agents to treat a League between himself and the Princes of Italy to oppose that which had been concluded between the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice and at the same time he summoned all his Estates and the principal Signeors depending upon his Crown to contribute their utmost towards the charges of the War Thus they gave an Allarum to Italy and made them all beleeve that the King Duke of Savoy and Venetians would divide it between them so every one of those little Princes being touched in his own Interests was very glad to enter into the League for his own defence The Partisans of Spain say that this Alliance between their King the Duke of Parma and Modena the Common-wealths of Genoa and Lucqua had concluded to raise an Army by Land of 24000 Foot and 6000 Horse which should be commanded in the Emperours name by the Duke de Teria Governour of Milan and a Navy by Sea of 90 Galleys who should come to Genova and be there commanded by the Marquess de Saincte Croix who was to be Admiral they reported too that all the Kingdomes of Spain and the Grandees of the whole Nation were taxed with great sums for the keeping of an Army of above 100000 men But all these black stormy Clouds vanished without any noise at the splendour of his Majesties Arms and he had more victories then Rodomontadoes as shal be made appear in the Prosecution of this year Politique Observation THE Affairs of Christendome were brought to that passe that the two Crowns of France and Spain did partake with the Interests of all other Princes The one is bound to assist those who are assaulted by t'other and never did either of them attempt any thing which ought not by reason of State bee opposed by the t'other If any one ask a reason hereof it may be ascribed to that emulation which for above a hundred years hath been nourished between them so that neither can indure to see t'other increase his strength or power but to speak more rightly the reason is not one and the same between France and Spain for that either of them have their particular motives The Spaniards like the Lacedemonians have fixed the highest part of their Monarchy not in that which is so much just as profitable for the inlarging of it and consequentially they do easily violate all Rights and Justice not reflecting that the Common-wealth of the Lacedemonians stood but a little while it being setled upon so ruinous a Foundation which was the destruction of their Power Now with France it is quite otherwise whose State being grounded upon Justice doth not hurry them on to snatch up their Arms but onely when their own defence or that of their Allies calls them to it France hath no design but to preserve it self Spain to increase it self France knoweth that safety consists in an equal ballancing of the Powers and strengths of one another and therefore it is that France thinks her self concern'd to obstruct Spains growing too Potent that he might not pretend to have any advantage over her or her Allies Spain on the other side which hath long since formed and contrived a design of making it self master of all Europe conceiveth that there is wrong done him if at any time France doth uphold her Allies in their just Possessions of their Estates or take up Arms for their defence Now to cement them in this dispute either of the two Crowns have their Allies which are tied to them by several Bonds that is by different considerations France hath such for her Allies who suspect the Power of Spain and fear they shall be set upon by it Spain hath others who take part with the Interests of the House of Austria as issued from thence by some relation or other and who are so far from France that being not easily releeved they are forced to keep all fair with them and serve them in their designs under the hopes that by this means they may at least procure that favour which the Cyclop promised Vlysses In this last from I range the Italians who having experimentally found how little favourable the Protection of France hath been hath been to them by reason of their distance from one another and the difficulties of passing Forces into their Country do tie themselves so much the stricter to the Spaniard it being easie for him to seize upon their States Milan and Naples lying so neer upon them Experience hath made it evident that they were never faithfull to the French They have sometimes ingaged our Kings in enterprizes by allying themselves with them but after they had occasioned great expences and all to no purpose they fell off from their words as Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan and then he of Milan who presently turned tayl to the Interests of Henry the 2d though he had secured him from the violences of the Emperour The onely means to unite them really with France and to draw them off from the Interests of Spain whom they have no great inclination to were to have a free open Passage for the Souldiers which might be quickly dispatched from Languedoc and Province which happiness France now hath by the Prudence of the Cardinal in the possession of Pignerol The Spaniard spreads abroad defaming Libels against the League of France Venice and Savoy AS Defamatory Libels are the most subtle Artifices which are used to surprize the minds of People and the Fire-brand which have been alwaies thought most proper to inflame their Courages to War So the Spaniards were not backward to countenance their designs by dispersing several of them abroad against the League between France Savoy and Venice and with all that Justice might appear to be with them to make use of Religion and Piety as a Cloak to their knavery They cannot but well remember that the same pretext served their King to invade the Indiaes That it was very advantagious to Philip the 2d to make himself Master of France and that very lately it gave them an In-let to the Palatinate and that they now hope by the same means to recover the Valtoline It gave their Libellers opportunity to say that the King of Great Britain and the Swiss
Protestants were ingaged in the same League though in truth there was onely the King Duke of Savoy and State of Venice comprised in it They called it by the name of the Protestant League but with so little truth that there was no appearance of it and lesse reason had they to call theirs the Catholick League seeing they had on their party the Elector the Princes of Upper Saxony the Dukes of Luneburg the Landgrave Lewis de Hesse de Armstadt and the most part of the Lutherans of Germany so that all that did not favour their Party must needs passe for Hereticks By which one might beleeve they would place even God himself amongst this number because he appears sometimes contrary to their designs They declared every where that their onely intention for their parts was to settle the Catholick Religion in the Valtoline and to root out Heresie though that Combination and Cabal which they kept up fomented and which gave them most advantage was headed by Rodolph Planta and several other principal Hereticks of that Country Neither did they stick to say that the Catholicks were oppressed in the Valtoline by the Grisons But they went not away without a reply made to them which was this that the Catholicks both Spiritual and Temporal were never ill intreated but when they contrived Combinations against the State and when at any time there were any Protestants discovered to have a hand in any such Cabals they were equally punished with the rest without any respect had to their Religion To be short they indeavoured to beget in the souls of all People Compassion and Pitty in behalf of the Valtolines though for the most part those Officers which they entertained of the Crisons were Hereticks desiring to make People beleeve that in truth they were troubled at the exercise of the Catholick Religion But besides that this Proposition was quite contrary to the truth any one might easily know that all Magistrates were indifferently chosen either Catholicks or Hereticks and that the exercise of Religion was absolutely free so that it was easie to answer them that look upon those Magistrates who were established by Soveraigns before any consideration could be had of what Religion they were as Gods Lievtenants and as the Apostles have taught us in their Holy Writ and by their deeds no one had any cause to complain of them at all and thus all their Reasons tended onely to surprize peoples understandings who were weak but were discovered by all who had never so little understanding to be contrivances forged in the fire of their Ambition and indeed they themselves discovered the Fraud when as his Majesty had proposed to them a most certain way for the assurance of Religion and the Liberty of Catholicks which they refused to accept of as to the Valtolines or to lay down their Arms. And thus did they use their utmost indeavours to impede the late King Henry the Great from obtaining his Absolution from Rome after his Conversion though they every where Proclaimed that the design of their Army in France was onely to oblige him to become a Catholick Politique Observation IT hath been a usual trick amongst Ambitious men to cover their designs with a cloak of Religion So in the Heathens time the Governours of the City of Rome after they had to no purpose used their utmost indeavours to hinder the People from being elected into Offices had at last their recourse to Religion and made them beleeve that they having consulted the Gods on that affair were assured by them that to communicate the Honours of the Republick to the Commonalty were to prophane them which being so saith T. Livy they forthwith desired them to recede from their pretentions they feigning that they did it more in order to the Wil of the Gods then of their own particular Interest They well knew that the people were much addicted to Religion and that it were so much the more easie to surprise them upon that accompt they having but a little knowledge of the Interest of Princes the genuine reasons of State or of Religion it self Thus Ottho desiring to get the Empire was not contented by his pretending a great Treason to speak aloud his Affection to the Emperour Galba but moreover told the Souldiers the more to inflame them that the Gods had declared to him by a remarkable Tempest that his Adoption of Piso was agreeable to them After all these fetches can onely surprize silly people they who are raised never so little above the ordinary sort are not ignorant that in point of State-dissimulation they ought more to regard their actions then their words They learn by experience that such kind of People cannot be better compared then to Coyners of salfe money who daub over their base allay with Leaf Gold to hide the falsenesse of it But Princes are now so accustomed to see through their disguises that they are no more to be over-reached by them and that without being stopped by the murmures of the people they surcease not to take up Arms for the defence of their Allies Intreagues of the Spaniards with the Hugenots THere need no more to proove that Religion served only as a mask to the Spaniards to hide the injustice of their designes then the bare intelligence which they had with the Heretiques of this Kingdom of France which when undivided hath been alwayes so potent that it hath impeded the cours of their proceedings and therfore it was that they endeavoured to make parties amongst them as soon as ever they were drawn off towards the Valtoline Those great losses which the Heretiques continually had had for some preceding years in Bearn and Languedoc alwayes kept them waking especially after the Peace of Montpellier they well perceiving that those small Routs which they had suffered did threaten their party with an utter destruction The Spaniards finding this disposition amongst them were not backward to foment it and laboured very much to get the Sieurs de Soubize and Rohan who were the only eminent persons to command their arms Their designe took effect These two Brothers being met at Castres to consider on such Propositions which were made to them on their behalf about Autumn in the foregoing year resolved to rayse those of their Party the one by Sea at Guienne and the other in Languedoc The attempt upon the Fort of Blavet otherwise Port St. Lewis of which wee have already spoken about the end of the last year was an effect of that resolution as also the endeavours of the Duke and Dutchesse of Rohan began about the same time in Languedoc to draw in more Towns into their party This Dutchesse that she might use her utmost dilligence went most commenly by torch-light in the night time in her Coach which being in mourning and withall furnished with eight black Horses served rather to strike a terror into the Country people who were not used to see such spectacles then to gain any
the King of Spaine THE Pope who is equally qualified with the Title of Common Father to Christian Princes as well as that of Soveraign Bishop was much displeased to see the war was upon the point of flaming out both in France and Italy The condition of France mooved him with pitty it being both against the Church as well as against the Kings authority but besides that this piety did not make him less sensible of the War in Italy He had some apprehensions to for his own States doubting lest they after those of Genoua might become the Scene of this Tragedy this was it which obliged him to send a Legate into France and Spaine or into some other neuter place where the two Kings Deputies might be found to negotiate a Peace as the Cardinal of Florence was heretofore sent to treate a peace at Vervins and Aldobrandine for the Peace of Savoy His Holiness spoke of it to the Sieur de Bethune as a thing which he had resolved on and told him that he desired to make use of one of his own house for this employment and that he would willingly prefer his desires and that the affections which he had for peace more then any other He presently proposed to him his Brother the Cardinal de Saint Onufra to which the Sieur de Bethune only answered that he was very capeable of the Legation But that they that have been so long in a Cloyster living in such an extraordinary Piety as he did would commonly judge by the rules of devotion which being so it might happen that he would not consider at all the affair of the Valtoline more then by the specious pretext which the Spaniards had given out for their invasion and thus considering all in a spiritual way without regarding those interests of state which would happen there could hardly be found all the necessary qualifications to make the peace between the people who should be interessed it it It was said in few words and no reply on the one side or the other The Pope then having changed his discours soon after alter'd his design and proposed to send the Cardinal Barberin his Nephew who earnestly desired to be imployed in this negotiation and to make the voyage between France and Spain Although the Sieur de Bethune honoured him as one of the most virtuous Cardinals of the Consistory yet he knew that he wanted experience in affairs to negotiate this business Besides finding the Spaniards indisposed to renounce the passages of the Valtoline he easily concluded that the voyage would be to no purpose but however looking upon the inclination of him to this voyadge he would not testify to his Holiness that he misliked his choyse only upon the first motion of it he expostulated it with his Holiness and represented how much it troubled him that his Holiness should give this commission to a Person who being so neerly related to him could not but be very dear to him thinking that the consideration of that one thing would work more with him then all others and then he added to the intent his journey might be the shorter that it would be proper to draw up and agree upon those points with the Spanish Ambassadour in which the greatest difficulties were contained without which finding the business all confused and undigested either in France or Spaine it would of necessity follow that he must be a long whiles absent from the Court But the Pope who had been propossessed by the Cardinal his Nephew who took a singuler delight to please him took no notice of it and a few dayes after conveened an Extraordinary Consistory to deliver him a Legats Crosse and caused him to be conducted in Pontificalibus by all the Cardinals out of the gates of Rome according to the usual custome They who had been upon the same employments before him return'd back to Rome for a few dayes that he might take orders for their occasions but did not appear on any publique employments The great affection which the new Legat had to the journey made him prolong it no more then one day so that he set out immediately punctually observing his Holiness command of using an extraordinary industry to prevent the progresse of the war in Italy to administer on his part the offices of a Common Father by procuring a Peace between the Kings of France and Spaine Politick Observation IT is no lesse Glorious then profitable to the Pope to mediate Peace between Princes one of the best and noblest properties of the Sun is to establish such a Temperature and moderation amongst the divers and sundry Elements that they may all subsist together and contribute to the preservation of the universe for without this as the Naturalists have observed the Elementary World would revers to it's first nothing by reason of the disharmony which would remain between them Just so the moderation which the Popes who are in the Church as the Sun in Heaven shall use amid'st the broyls and wars which shall at any time arise amongst Christian Princes is a work which contributeth to their great glory and splendor If it be honourable to them it cannot be lesse advantageous to seeing their authority is never so considerable as in times of Peace and that their Oracles are no more heard or regarded in war then a civil Magistrats command amidst a mutiny or insurrection Certainly nothing can so well befit them as this they having the honour to be Christs vicars here on earth who took the flesh upon him that he might bring peace to all the world which also he recommended to his Apostles as the thing he would have most cheriâhed Thus to do is to follow the glorious footsteps of their Master this is to follow his intentions and to prosecute the ways which he hath prescribed but that they may effectually instil this moderation into the minds of Princes they must needs dis-roab their own selves of all sort of interest For as the Sun if he were clothed about with any of the Elementary qualities would not be able to reduce them to a moderate temper so the Popes cease to be any longer entrusted by Princes when once they take part with any particular interest for who so once appears partial is no longer fit to be credited or to make any proposal which will not be suspected Father Berule arriveth at Rome to obtain the dispence for the Lady Henrietta Maria of France to be married with the Prince of Wales LET us give leave to Cardinal Barbarin to make his journy into France we shall anon overtake him at the Court and take notice of what passed in his negociation Let us now speak of another important Affair which was treated on in the Court of Room for Madam the Kings Sister we have already told you about the end of the forgoing yeer that the match with the Prince of Wals being concluded Father Berule was sent to Room to procure a disperse for it where
would not have so great an influence in perswading most men to what ever they desire I could say it was for this reason that the enemy of our Salvation designing to involve us in sin made his first addresses to Eve rather then upon the man knowing shee would easiliest contribute to the effecting of his intended end if hee could but once make himself Master of her Will. But without being beholding to examples of invisible Spirits who knoweth not that the Emperour Augustus affected to make himself be beloved by several of his enemies Wives not that hee might indulge his Senses or delight himself in Voluptuous Pleasures but that hee might fish out of them any Resolutions which were taken to his dis-advantage or Ruine and Tacitus is the man from whom wee learn this excellent device Open War in the State of Genoa WHilest Love was filling England with Mirth Mars was kindling a Fire of War in Italy The Duke of Savoys Army assisted by the French being all well provided the General would no longer defer the advancing of his Troops into the State of Genoa the rather because the Spaniards were imployed in other places and the Genoveses had but a few Forces to defend themselves The Prince of Piedmont was with the Duke his Father and the Marshal de Crequy with the Constable his Father-in-law The King in Consideration of the Alliance between Savoy and France consented that the Duke should give the word and that the Marshal should likewise pay the same respect to the Prince of Piedmont The Order which they observed was thus That the Constable should march with the Avant guard towards the Coast of Loppiata and his Highness with the body of the Army towards Cremolin The Constable comming before Loppiata the Inhabitants made some small resistance but they were soon forced and their Town Pillaged to strike a terrour into others this induced those of Gua a City belonging to the Territories of Genoa to send their Keys to the Duke who when he sent the Marquess of St. Reyran with his Regiment to Quarter there found some resistance for that Nicholas Doria in the mean time had put in some Forces there to defend it so the Duke commanded the Count of Veriie to march thither with certain Companies which strook such a fright into Doria and his Forces that they presently lest the place and Captain Martin Corseque delivered it at the first summons The City of Novy which is very large sent at the same time to the Constable to assure him they would open their Gates and accordingly he seized on it and then turning towards Gavy he defeated in his march five Companies of Neopolitans whom the Spaniards had sent to secure the place and shortly after the Duke of Savoy joyned with him to incounter with six thousand men part being of Collonel Gasees some Modenois and other some Parmesans who pretended to defend the Town But they soon cut one party of them in peeces near Ottage in a fight which lasted neer two hours and then falling upon four Squadrons of Horse not far off the same place they routed them with such good success that they took the Town and Castle of Ottage with three and twenty Colours killed above two hundred Neapolitans and Genoveses upon the place took above a thousand Prisoners and amongst them the chief Commanders Upon this defeat they concluded to make themselves Master of Gavy which was absolutely necessary for their marching up to Genoa The Castle is built on a Rock and the Town well fortified insomuch that many were of opinion it would be a hard task to take it seeing too that Barbarossa in the expedition which he made in the time of Francis the first into the River of Genoa could not take it in But the Constables courage which was not used to stoop under any Fear did not forbear to make his approaches upon the Town He who commanded it made a Sally with about three hundred men of which two hundred were slain in the place which so terrified those of the Town that they sent an assurance that they would open their Gates provided they might be protected from being Plundered and maintained in their ancient Priviledges which was granted to them and the Constable being got into the Town began to besiege the Castle At the first the Governour pretended a Resolution to defend it discharging several shot into the Town beleeving that the Castle could not be battered and supposing there were not any points of Rocks upon which any Cannon could be mounted to command it but the Constable soon let him see that there was not any thing impossible to the courage of the French for in a few days he had raised a Battery upon certain Rocks which did so awe him that he was forced to surrender upon Composition on the last of April Some Spanish Relations say that the Governour was rather frighted with Pistol shot then forced by the Cannon to surrender but their anger was at the Constable who had made himself Master of the place After these happy exploits the Prince of Piedmont took ten thousand men of the Army to go force the Passages of the Mountain Griego where the Genoveses were intrenched and to make way for the Siege of Savonne He presently forced their Trenches so that he had full Liberty to march as far as Pleve a Town scituated in the Mountains defended with a good Castle and several small Forts his courage made him resolve to carry it by assault after he had taken in those little Forts though it seemed capable of holding out a longer Siege which was executed with so much resolution and good successe that the place was won in an instant the besieged yeelding themselves as soon as they found the Gates and Walls were already secured upon condition of saving the lives of all such as should be found without Arms. All which was done with no small resistance for there were at least two hundred killed and taken together with seven Colours which were sent by the Prince to the Princess of Piedmont and afterwards to the King together with those three and twenty others which were taken at the defeat of Ottage and the Staffs of two Masters of the Camp Caracciolo and Catanda fent by the Duke of Savoy as the the fruits of those Victories which his Majesties Armies had obtained with a Letter in answer to that which was brought him by the Marquess de Saluce The Prince of Piedmont having suffered his Army to Pillage for about six and thirty hours in Plâve he destroyed the Country towards Albengua the Magistrate of which place sent to offer to him the obedience of the Inhabitants accordingly he entred into the Town with some few Troops and from thence went towards Orvietta which the Genoveses had newly surprised but he forced it in a few dayes time After this once done he summoned the City of Ventimelia the inhabitants made some shew of resistance but the Prince
Power of the States themselves of some Countries to change such Customes as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Soveraigns Anno 1626. The Duke of Savoy's Design to continue the Warre against the Spaniards WHo so hath at any time beheld the Sun shining through a black Cloud dissipating those darknesses that cover the earth dispelling fear out of their Souls who had been affrighted with the Thunder and rejoycing the World by the presence of his rayes hath seen the Image of that happy Peace which entred upon the beginning of this year in concluding the Wars wherewith Italy and the Vâlteline were so much afflicted But to go on with the prosecution of that which hapned after the raising of the siege of Verrue untill the conclusion of the Treaty I must tell you that after those advantages obtained the Duke of Savoy being suggested by those happy successes and the Devastations which the Spaniards had made in his Country desired passionately to fall upon their Army which was retired to Pand sture as also to enter upon Mallan that he might ingage the two Armies in a long War and by that means be revenged of them This was according to the temper of his Soul who could not indure any quiet but the Constable ae Lisdiguiers and the Marshal de Crequy who desired not to attempt any thing which might not sort to their Masters glory opposed his design representing to him that there was no sence of reason to assault the Spanish Army which consisted of fourteen thousand men effective intrenched in a place very advantagious with Cannon and where they might be releeved with all necessary provisions and that neither the season nor condition of their forces would consist with the besieging any place in Milan without hazarding the Kings Army and Reputation These reasons were very considerable and the Constable without losing any more time and seeing his presence would be needlesse during the rest of the Winter in Piedmont withdrew himself towards Granoble after he had put the Troops in Garison under the Command of the Marquis de Vignolles and Vxelles In the mean while it being necessary to give his Majesty an accompt of the condition of affairs and to receive his commands he forthwith dispatched the Marshal de Crequy towards the Court. This journey of the Marshal did much perplex the Duke because hee doubted that he would induce the King to Peace as also least he might make complaint to his Majesty of the little care which was had for the satisfaction of the Treaty of the League and least he might lay all the faults which had happened in his dish This moved him to resolve upon sending of the Prince of Piedmont towards him as well to defend his Interest as to perswade the King to carry on the War in Italy and having dispatched him a few dayes after they both arrived at Court about the beginning of February where after they had entertained his Majesty according to their own desires they were obliged for the better consideration of their Propositions to put them down in writing accordingly they presented them to his Majesty who assisted by his Ministers examined them with great deliberation and at last resolved in order to that Prince his designs and withall the more to oblige him to have a greater care in performing his promises hee was assured of having the chief command of his Army though the effect of it was diverted by that unexpected negotiation of the Sieur de Fargis in Spain which ended in the Treaty of Mouson in Arragon Politick Observation HAppy is that Prince whose Councels in War become unprofitable by a favourable Treaty of Peace who can doubt but that the one is the source of all miseries brings all things into necessities deprives the people of their liberties maketh the land barren destroyeth the most glorious Pallaces tieth up the hands of Justice and bringeth the Country men under the barbarous insolency of souldiers and that on the contrary the other is acknowledged to be the Mother of Plenty the beginning of the happinesse of Kingdomes and the joy of Nations that it giveth all Liberty of Commerce and Labour leaving to every one the power of injoying his own Goods making Arts to flourish Justice to Reign and banishing all fear which keepeth the mind in hell and in a continual unquietness whilest there are any troubles It is not much more pleasant to behold the earth decked with its verdure painted with all sorts of Flowers inriched with the diversity of Trees which either nature or the Labourers hand had Planted replenished with all fruits and spices and flowing with Milk and Honey then when it languisheth by the insufferable hardnesses of Winter converted into Snow and Ice become stiffe and dis-coloured and the Land Barren and over-flowed with Water So much more satisfaction ought a wise Prince to receive when Peace commeth to deliver his Subjects from those miseries into which War had precipitated them to restore them the free use of their own Goods to give them the means of exercising their own Professions with quiet to drive away necessity from them to open the Ports of Trade from one Coast to another about their affairs then to see them remain idle and without exercise in the want of the greatest part of necessaries not daring to go out of their Gates besieged by War in their Towns and slaughtered in their own houses by sickness and famine The Conclusion of the Treaty of Mouson FOr the better understanding in what manner this Treaty was concluded It will be needfull to look a good way back and to take the first rise of Affairs from Count Olivares the chief Minister of Spain who finding that the Legat could not bring his business to that passe as was expected resolved to use his utmost to accommodate things in a peaceable manner and accordingly made several overtures that way tending to the Sieur de Fargis Ambassador with his Catholique Majesty who was not wanting to give speedy notice of it hither and at the same time the Marquis de Mirabel Ambassador for the Spaniard certified to the Marshal de Schomberg that his Master desired a Peace Whereupon orders were sent to the Sieur de Fargis that he should answer to such overtures as had been made that his Master would not be unwilling to embrace it if it might be made upon Honorable and safe conditions and he was also acquainted with the Kings desiers in that particular which were reduced under three principall heads First that the Spanjards should renounce all pretenses to the Passages in the Valtoline next that the Soverainty of the Valtoline should be preserved to the Grisons and last related to the safety of the Catholique Religion he acquitted himself of their directions very diligently but with so much heat that after several meetings and conferences had with the Count d'Olivarez they at last set down their several proposals in writing which
he had won to his Interests in Brittain might stir up some Commotion with hopes to enforce the King to grant him his liberty but as his Majesties presence only was sufficient to deprive them both of the means and liberty to do so he went to Nantes and shortly after summoned all the States to meet there where such as were any wayes suspected were not suffered to appear The King was pleased to be personally present at their first Assembly and the Lord keeper gave them to understand that his Majesties design was only to consider of what means and wayes were most proper for setling the peace of that Province which was the principal thing there debated and at last it was so happily concluded by the Kings Authority and the Prudent conduct of the Marshal de Themines to whom his Majesty had committed the Government of it upon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment that there did not any difficulties arise in it The chief means to settle all was to disarm such as were suspected and to deliver them to others who were known to be right and honest To destroy some strong places many of which belonged to the Duke of Vendosme and served only to countenance a revolt Which being thus ended The King began to debate with the Queen Mother and his Counsellours whether it were proper to marry Monsieur or not for that was one of the main pretexts of the Cabal who had endeavoured to possesse Monsieur with the opinion That having no other liberty or freedome he might chuse his own wife and in that particular follow his own inclinations but it was easie to undeceive him by laying before him how the liberty incident to Marriages was civil that it is ordered by the Laws of the Kingdome which do prohibit any Princes to marry themselves without the Kings consent and that he for his part could not do better then to be governed by the King who loved him very dearly and would undoubtedly match him which such a person as would be most proper for him Divers reasons were urged both of the one and t'other part all sorts of Interests were considered with great deliberation and all the consequences incident upon his marrying or not marrying were examined to the full and in conclusion the King of his own motion said he indeed apprehended several reasons which were sufficient to take him off from any thoughts of marrying him but with all that the Quiet of his State seeming to oblige him to marry him he resolved to do accordingly That his intentions in it being good he could not but hope Heaven would blesse it with good successe and in case the enemies of the publique Peace should attempt to raise contrary effects out of it that he had power enough in his hand to remedy and defend it It is reported That Monsieur the Cardinal did only represent to his Majesty those reasons which might seem either to invite or disswade the marrying of him without inclining more to the one then to the other as well because he knew his Majesty to be prudent enough and not to want any advices in what did so neerly concern the power of his Authority as also because it was a business in which his Majesty ought to follow his own will and pleasure and was not obliged to conclude off or on but with his own satisfaction and content it is very dangerous to second too strongly such counsels whose effects are lyable to the changes of Fortune and it were a great folly for a man to think himself safe and sure of that which is often perverted by the wickedness of some men who by it raise advantages to themselves At last it being generally resolved the Queen mother passionately desirous that Monsieur should marry Madamoiselle de Montpensier sent to Madam de Gâise to come forthwith to Nantes and to bring her with her as also she presently proposed to execute those Articles which had been so long since concluded on This Princesse who indeed was the richest match of France had been betrothed to the late Duke of Orleans in the year one thousand six hundred eight whilst the King was then living and the young Prince dying about the year one thousand six hundred and eleven both the King and Queen Mother had pass'd their words to marry her to Monsieur who was to succeed in the quality of Duke of Orleans Both being now of an age fit to be married Madam de Guise did oftentimes urge that the promises which had been made to her might be performed and Monsieur who had alwayes preserved himself in a total resignation of his own to the Kings will was the more easily induced to effect it in regard of those most excellent qualities wherewith Heaven had blessed both the Person and mind of that Princesse but however the liberty which is usually permitted to Princes of his age did allay the over hasty execution of it neither did his Majesty presse it until he had discovered by the dangerousness of the Cabal that one of the onely means to shop the farther progress of them was to hasten on his marriage The King did not approve of his marrying any Forraign Princesse least it might prove an in-let for Factions in the State and least it might open a dore for strangers to invade the Kingdome as often as they would raise any discontents to themselves but he liked well of this Match with Madamoiselle de Montpensier her Birth and vertue rendring her worthy to be admitted into the Royal family The Queen Mother who could not be heartily perswaded to love Monsieur the Prince did not like of the Match between his Daughter Madamoiselle de Bourbonne and Monsieur though the Cabal did much drive it on Withal Madamoiselle de Montpensier being left sole inheritrix of her whole house was extreamly rich and would very well serve to make up Monsieurs affairs as also ease the Exchequer of great Pensions which otherwise must of necessity be bestowed on him They of the Cabal were vexed at heart to find things so carried on but they were necessitated to be quiet and to hold their peaces too Shortly after the King declared some part of his thoughts to Monsieur who answered him that if it were his Majesties pleasure to marry him there he should totally resign himself to his Majesties will By which and in several other occasion he hath alwayes shewed That Heaven did with his birth infuse into him extraordinary respects for the King which had doubtlesse inseperably linked him to his Majesty had not the mallicious devices of those in whom he placed some confidence diverted him Monsieur sent M. le Coigneux his Chancellor to Madam de Guise to assure her of his kindnesses and particularly of the affection which he had to conclude the Match between himself and Madamoiselle her daughter and charging him afterwards to wait upon Madamoiselle de Montpensier he commanded him to assure her on his behalf that he would
for the Country where they live so that they do not heartily embrace the Interests of it and in case a war should break out none would be so ready as they to entertain intelligence and give advices to the enemies They are also easily provoked against the natural inhabitants of the Country upon any suspition that they are lesse esteemed by them then others which induceth them to stick close together and to raise Factions against the State withal their bodies may not be punished though there be some kind of reason for it least they should generally resent it and raise up a thousand Broyles These are the chief reasons why it is impossible to preserve a Family of Officers Strangers in a Queens Court This was it which did oblige those of Sparta as Xenophon reporteth it not to suffer any strangers to live in their Commonwealth which made the Athenians take the same resolution as Plutarch observeth in the life of Pericles and which made Suetonius commend Augustus that he would rarely grant to any the being free or naturals of his Kingdome and which induced Polydore Virgil to say in his History of England That it was not the custome of English to admit of many strangers amongst them least the difference of their customes and fashions might cause them not to live in a good intelligence with the natives of the Country The King sends the Marshal de Bassompierre into England THe Queen Mother having been acquainted with the disorder which had hapened in the Queen of Englands Family first sent the Sieur de Barre to her to testifie to her that she was sorry for her and took part in her discontents and shortly after there being no reason to put up such an injurie the Cardinal advised his Majesty to dispatch the Marshal de Bassompierre as extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England for a redresse in the business Amongst divers others he was more particularly made choise of for that employment because there had been many of his near kindred retained near the Queen who were now all sent back again So that it was thought considering the near Interest of his family that he would be the more zealously affectionate in dispatching such instructions as should from time to time be sent to him He was but coldly entertained in England because audience had been denied to the Lord Montague who was sent into France upon the return of those Officers however he was no whit discouraged at it knowing that any Ambassador ought to shut his eyes at all little difficulties and obstructions so he may carry on his Masters work to a good issue The King of England appointed Commissioners to treat with him upon that affair who being met together he represented to them in order to his instructions that amongst other things comprehended in the Articles of Marriage it had been concluded and agreed on That the Queen of England should have free excercise of her Religion that she should have a Bishop and a certain number of Priests to exercise the Offices of her Religion That all her houshold should be Catholiques and French and that all the English Catholiques should in general receive greater priviledges then had been granted them if the Treaty with Spain had been effected That the late King James and the present King Charls his son then Prince of Wales had confirmed it by oath and that King James had commanded his Officers not to trouble or molest the Catholiques any more whereupon that the King his Master had conceived great hopes of prosperity and happiness for the Queen his Sister neither could he believe that the King of England his Brother in Law would break his word given upon the consideration of Royal Marriage who until then had amongst other virtues the reputation of being Just to his promises That this new Alliance instead of reuniting their persons and Interests would now rather breed great divisions between them and at such a time when they had most need of being in amity with one another both for assisting of their Allyes and their own particular preservation And that notwithstanding all these premises the King of England had sent back all those Officers of the Queen contrarie to the Treaty which had been confirmed by oath that he placed about her Officers who were English and of a Religion contrary to hers and besides all this that the Catholiques in General were every where troubled and ill treated for their Religion sake So that the King his Master unable to abandon the Queen his Sisters Interest had sent him to his Majesty of Great Britain to put him in mind of his promises and to perswade him That her Majesties Catholique Officers might be re-admitted to her as also that his Catholique subjects might be more favourably dealt withal The English Commissioners could not deny what had been concluded in the Treaty but they would lay the fault of the Officers return upon their own shoulders pretending that they had raised troubles in the Kingdome in his Majesties own Family and that of his dear consort the Queen but they did not produce any sufficient proofs upon the business And as to that which concerned the English Catholiques they pleaded that it had only been granted for formalities sake and to satisfie the Pope But the Marshal producing before them the late Kings Oaths confirmed too by another of the present King then Prince of Wales they could no longer tell what to say to the business but fled to other complaints not material or any wayes relating to the matter in question The Marshal replyed and that very tartly that he could not sufficiently admire that the Articles of Marriage and confirmed by Oath were not observed That the Queens Officers were sent back under pretence that they troubled the State without giving the King his Master any notice of it and without acquainting him in the least with those crimes which were presented to be committed That presently thereupon English Officers and those Protestants should be placed in their rooms That indeed those accusations were to be esteemed as frivolous and admitting them for just yet ought they to be chastised only and others French and Catholique put into their places by the rules of the Treaty But that indeed those pretended quarrels or Jarrs raised by the Queens French Officers were so far from being the true cause of their return that on the contrary the Lord Moântague had been at Nantes not many dayes before their being sent over to congratulate the King and Queen Mother concerning the good understanding which was between their Majesties of Great Britain and concerning the great satisfaction which the King received at the Queen his wifes behaviour That of the suddain and unlookt for discharge of her Officers happening so immediately upon the neck of this joy could not but appear strange and that as it did much wound the King of Englands Reputation so it likewise injured the King his Masters Generosity who was
with reason declared by giving him his eldest Daughter to wife that she should be the true Inheretrix of his States and that he should only enjoy them in her right He also made his entry into Nancy with Balls and publique rejoycings in his Court and all that he might celebrate with the more Honour his arrival to the Crown of Lorrain hereupon he pretended to do Homage to the King in his own name for the Dutche of Bar as appertaining to him in Fee and not in right of his wife but he therein met with greater obstacles then in that of the Bishop of Verdun It was presently given him to understand that he had not a little offended his Majesty in that he had upon his own head assumed upon himself the Investiture of Bar and not expected his Majesties introduction to whom the Soverainty did belong That he had expedited all letters Patents in his own name without mentioning that of the Dutchess his wife for that no vassal hath any thing by descent in his Fee until he be invested by his Soverain to whom he doth Homage That he gave a just ground to be disseised of it if he should possesse himself thereof before he were lawfully introduced That he had also committed no small fault when as he attempted to alter the quality of Tenure of Bar and so create it Masculine whereas the Chief Soveraign could only alter the nature of Fees and dispence with Customes The inconsiderate and lofty humour of this Prince was such that he could have wished he had not been dependant on any other and gave him not leave to consider the Justice of these reasons he answered those Ministers with whom he treated that it being indifferent to his Majesty whether the Homage of Bar were Masculine or Feminine he imagined that Râynard King of Sicily his great Grandfather had lawfully constituted it upon the Males in exclusion of the Females and that in consequence it was become his own right that he was ready to pay unto his Majesty that homage which is due unto him and lastly he added that in his judgement he had no power to annul the right which he had acquired He made use of the Duke de Châureuse who made many journies too and fro to make his argument passe amongst the Ministers for good and some others too which being inconsiderable I shall passe by But he was ever told that his Majesty had reason enough and interest withall to oppose that an Homage dependant upon his Crown might be altered in quality that the Customes of Countries and succession of States were not at all altered seeing such changes are reserved in his onely power and in no other whatever That he ought to know the Customes of Bar were never changeable but by his Majesties permission and moreover on condition that they were confirmed by the Parliament of Paris That he could not be ignorant how the custom of both Bar and all those lands bordering upon the Rhine did grant the succession to daughters in exclusion of any Males descended from a second Brother they beâng daughters of the eldest and that he had so much the lesse reason to change this custom without the Kings Authority in regard this one Article was of greater concern then all the rest that such a change was contrary to the fundamental Laws of Lorrain and that he debarred the Dutchesse his wife of the right which indubitâbly belonged to her Now as he could not possibly make any satisfactory answer to these objections so he was forced to return without doing any thing at all in it onely he procured some time to make out his pretensions and to furnish himself with Titles and Reasons to second and uphold them Politique Observation THE wisest Politicians have thought it dangerous to the good of the State to alter any Laws without urgent occasion or unlesse the change carry some great advantage with it Aristotle saith it makes subjects slight rules and powers and doth much diminish their Authority Thucydidâs hath gone a little further thinking it safer and more proper inviolably to continue the Laws of a Country though ill ordered rather then set up new ones and better in their place St. Austin saith that as in sicknesse it is good to continue the use of those medicines which till then the sick person had used so likewise it is the effect of a great discretion to preserve the observation of those Laws which had formerly enough in them to remedy any inconveniences in the State Which if true of Laws in general is then much more necessary in Fundamentals which have been the establishers of a State seeing they are no lesse conducing to its preservation then the Foundation of a house for the subsistence of it To speak ingeniously such Laws are the Pillars which uphold Authority and as a building if the Foundation be undermined and shaken soon falls to the earth so a State too quickly comes to ruine if those Laws upon which it is established once come to destruction or alteration For this reason Adrian ordained that no one should intraduce any new Customes into Rome Plato in his Common-wealth prohibiteth the changing of any thing in it even Childrens-play for novelties alter manners and bring antiquity into dis-esteem a thing of great consequence I should like well of the alteration of some rules of Justice because the manners of men are variable and the punishing of Crimes too may admit of change according to the disposition of men and times But it is not the same thing in fundamentals which rule the government and which settle the election which God hath made of a Soveraign which do authorize the order established by former Princes for the ordering of the people and which are the known rules for the preservation of the common good indeed such ought no more to be changed then the Laws of nature for both are equally founded upon Gods Law He it is who divideth the earth amongst Nations who establisheth Kings families and inheritances so that without his will no alteration may be intraduced to change those Customes which have been anciently in use The Dutchess of Orleans death upon her lying in of a Daughter THE King was much troubled soon after the Duke of Lorrain's departure for the Dutchess of Orleans his Sister in Law We have in the former yeart related how many broils the marrying of this Princess did raise at Court and how most of the Princes of Christendome indeavoured to hinder it now we are come to wonder at the blindnesse of Grandees who turmoil themselves in extremity who move heaven and earth by their broils and all for those things which death and the inconstancy of humane affairs cause to vanish in a moment The marriage was concluded but more for discretion than love in his part yet God so blessed it that Love had quickly united both their affections very strongly notwithstanding all the indeavours or devices of Monsieurs Favourites
proper to pay them often and little then seldome and by great sums which they consume in a short time by a natural ill husbandry without considering that that once gone they are liable to a thousand wants and inconveniences which may happen by sicknesse to the very great decay of them Courages and Resolutions The Kings Forces are Masters of the Field in Languedoc THe revolt of the Towns in Languedoc which the Duke of Rohan had gotten into about the beginning of the year did at first make a great noise but soon after Monsieur the Prince the Dukes of Montmorency and Vantadour who commanded his Majesties forces become Masters of the field and before the end of it repossessed themselves of all those palces which were capable of being forced in a few days for they thought it improper to ingage themselves in any long sieges because that might have given the Duke of Rohan opportunity to seize upon others Monsieur the Prince presently took Poussin and many other places upon the Rhone which were of great importance in those Countries by reason of the hinderance they brought to Commerce Not long afterwards he marched towards Tholouze that he might confer with the Duke of Montmorency Vantadour and d' Espernon who were to be there to consider what was fit to be done Now as he passed by Tarascon he had intelligence given that those of Nismes had seized of the Castle de Vauvert belonging to the Duke of Vantadour and he finding himself obliged by many considerations concludeth to pursue them but they of Nismes seeing him come up neer unto them forthwith surrendred it up into his power His Courage made his journey to Tholouze the longer but having had the satisfaction of reducing this place he arrived there with great content and after some conferences had with those Lords who met there it was ordered that the Duke of Vantadour should take some forces into Vivaretz to impede the Duke of Rohans proceedings in the Sevennes that the Duke of Espernon should march towards Milhaud in Rovengue the Count de Carmain with some Regiments to Foix which the Duke of Rohan had much ruined and that the Prince and Duke of Montmorency should remain in Tholouze untill March. Whilest they were yet there the Parliament made the processe against the Duke of Rohan and condemn'd him to be executed in Effigies declaring his Goods to be confiscated to the King who bestowed them on Monsieur the Prince The States of the Province were at the same time assembled together as well to consult of the means for keeping their people in obedience as to raise contributions and taxes for the maintenance of the forces The Kings Officers pressed hard on the Rebels to ingage them to fight and sometimes met with them for they well knew that long deliberation is an enemy to good successe especially in matters of War The Duke of Vantadour went from Tholouze towards Vivaretz about the end of January and passing as near the Rebels as possibly he could he had notice given him that all their Cavalry were issued out of Nisms scouring up and down the Country and that they committed all kind of disorder under the command of the Sieurs de Laignes de la Chassagne and d' Aubay Hereupon he commanded his Troop of Curasiers and that of his guard to follow him whom he carried up so near and advantagiously to the enemy that he ingaged them broke their ranks cut some in peeces took divers Prisoners and put the rest to flight The taking of Pamiers and other places by the Prince of Conde ABout the same time the Sieur de Perant Governour of Vsez fell upon six hundred foot of Mamoirac's Regiment seconded with a hundred Curassiers and fought with them Marmoirac two of his Captains one Ensign and about one hundred Souldiers were killed upon the place the rest were pursued to the very Gates As for Monsieur the Prince and the Duke de Montmorency they departed from Tholouze directly to Pamiers where Beaufort the Duke of Rohans Lievtenant General in Foix had built a Cittadel which by the leasure he had was made very strong they led up the Army to it and made their approaches so happily that they onely lost two men Monsieur the Prince raised a Battery filled up the Ditches and prepared every thing for a Breach the Battery was so quick that in a few hours there was a reasonable way open which the Prince having notice of he would needs go with the Marshals of the Camp to view it who drew out some of every Regiment to fall in upon the Town which they did and being got over lodged themselves under the Wall being unable to passe further on by reason of the Trench they met with but the standing which they had was so advantagious that the inhabitants could not offend them at all and not a man of the Town could appear but they presently fetcht him off with their Musquets insomuch that they forced them to demand quarter which the Prince caused to be given unto them from thence he went to âealmont a strong Town in Alkigeois against which place he raised three Batteries which thundring upon them forced them to surrender upon composition The next thing he did was to dispatch the Marquesse de Ragny with the fore guard towards Castle Franc which they reduced under his Majesties obedience and thence he caused some Troops to face Cosââ and Saint Seveâ Brassao and Castebrian which places were forced to open their Gates The Harvest now was comminââon and the Cardinal gave him and the Officers under him notice that his Majesty thought it not amisse to Forrage round a hour Montaââan Casâres Nismes and divers other principal Towns in Languedoc These orders drew the Prince neer to Castres the Duke de Montmorency before Nismes and the Duke â Espernon before Montauâââ They ãâã Castre having notice of the Princes design drew all the Forces they could make out of the neighbouring Towns and Garrisons to prevent the Forragers and at first comming they made some skirmishes with his Souldiers and upon those who came within shot they leââflie their great Guns The Prince was not dismayed at it but onely looked on it as an occasion to increase his glory They whom he commanded to make the wast fell lustily to their work to the admiration of all those in the Town who with their whole forces made a salley out upon them Their first was a very violent encounter and maintained with great courage untill at last they were beaten back to the very Ditches from which time they did no more attempt to beat off the Forragers from their work The Duke de Montmorancy for his part took Poussin in his march a Town re-fortified by the Duke of Rohan and Mirabel a place of importance and then joyning his forces to those the Duke de Vantadour and Marquesse Desporsez he went to Forrage about Nismes where the Duke of Vantadour cut off about one
hundred foot whom he fell upon at unawares in a Village not far from the Town They were so fortunate that they did not onely bring Nismes to famine but Vsez Aletz Aduze and all the Sevennes having burned above fifty Villages with all the Corn then standing on the ground both old and new neither durst the Duke of Rohan once attempt to prevent it The Duke of Espernon did the like about Montauban and not long after the Duke de Vantadours Troops of Curassiers his Gardes and Carabines which were in garrison at Beaucair being commanded to march up towards Nâsmes that they might draw out their Forces to fight with them went up and drove away all their Cattel in sight of the Town on purpose to invite them out they presently made their sally and were so resolutely charged that their horse was broken and the Dukes Forces broke quite thorough to the foot left threescore and seventeen dead upon the place and about fifty wounded After this blow the Rebels durst not appear any where their luck 's was so bad so that the Kings Army were Masters of the field The Prince finding his presence was no more usefull in those parts obtained leave of his Majesty to return to Berry Politique Observation HE who hath perswaded any Towns to revolt must not expect to keep them any long time unlesse he be Master of the Field his hopes of maintaining them in his own power will vanish and he will soon see them re-taken by his Soveraign before his face if once he be master of the Country For as there is not any place how weak soever which doth not hold out some small time especially if it be assisted so there is not any place how strong soever that can alwaies hold out it not releeved that is unlesse there be a sufficient power on foot to force him who is sate down before it to raise his siege or at least to send Forces and Ammunitions into it Places cannot defend themselves but must have men to do it for them neither can the men ever do it unlesse they have refreshments both of victuals munitions and Souldiers otherwise the troubles necessities and discommodities of a Siege will inforce them to surrender whether they will or no. It is evident that if the Soveraign be Master of the field then the revolted Towns can hardly be releeved or assisted because of his greater power to prevent and hinder it Those places I must confesse which are strong indeed seem to command and keep the Country in subjection but this power of theirs can be of no long date unlesse their fellow Rebels have a potent Army to assist them with Convoys both of Men Victuals and Munition The Tyrians were so insolent by reason their Town was so strongly built upon a Rock in the Sea that they mocked at Alexander when he besieged them and made a Bank about them to keep off any relief from comming unto them they asked of him if he designed to make himself greater then Neptune by that device of his to overcome the Sea his Souldiers they called Asses and beasts because they laboured without ceasing in carrying matterials towards the Bank but at last Alexander having reduced the neighbouring Country finished his works which he had projected and finally forced them to render at his mercy Which being so the best advice that can be given to a Soveraign for the preventing of a Revolt or the progress of it is forthwith to make himself master of the field and to fall upon them and their Towns without giving them leasure to increase their numbers or fortifie their Cities For shewing a resolution to force them by Arms if they submit not by fair means is a most powerful way to open the strongest gates whatever Maharbal General of Hannibals horse was not ignorant of this particular when his advice was forthwith to march up to the Gates to Rome after that famous Battel of Cannes telling him that there being hardly any forces at all neer or about the City he would infallibly in a little while become Master of that too Hannibal followed not his Councel but those who perswaded him to give his Souldiers breath but yet every one concluded he lost a most fair opportunity it having been a most easie thing in that conjuncture of time to have carried his victorious Troops to Rome and to have forced the Citizens to set open their Gates unto him Caesar never did so but when ever he found himself master of the field any where presently went on to the perfecting of his Conquest which he could not think compleat whilest there remained any thing undone or any small place untaken The Duke of Savoy enters into a League with the Governor of Milan to fall upon the States of the Duke de Nevers and Mantua WHilest his Majesty was thus ingaged before Rochel and in Languedoc the Duke of Savoy and Doân Joncales de Cordona Governour of Milan seeing the Duke of Nevers had taken possession of the Dutchesse of Mantua and Montferrat made a League together The Articles imported that the Duke of Savoy should indeavour to make himself master of all the places in Montferrat excepting Casal Poât Desture Nice Aqui and some other places and that the Marquesse de Montenigro should fall in upon the State of Mantoua and get what he could there The Emperour being wrought to it by the Spaniards commanded without regard had to the Duke of Nevers submissions which he had sent to him by the Arch-Bishop of Mantua that those Dutchies should be in sequestration until the claim of Prince Gastles who pretended himself heir to them were adjudged and determined and sent the Comte Jâan de Nassan in the quality of an Imperial Commissary to seize on them and there to fortifie himself that the King nor Princes of Italy might enter upon it In brief the Duke of Savoy having his Army ready upon the first news of Duke Vincents death seized upon Albe Sainct Damien Dian Trin Gabian and Motecalvo Don Joncales went with his Army to Casal where finding himself opposed he made himself Master of the adjacent places and the Marquesse de Montenigro invaded Mantua to get what advantages he could The Duke of Matnua hereupon dispatched one in all hast unto his Majesty for those succours which had been promised to him and in the mean time he himself had raised an Army of about twelve thousand foot and two thousand horse part he sent into Montferrat the rest he kept in Mantua and thereabouts to binder the Marquesse de Montiningro's progresse in the Mantuââ The King being informed of these violent emotions permitted all Monsieur de Mantua's friends to go to his assistance and his Highnesse to ralse what Forces he thought fit in the Kingdome of France insomuch that shortly after the Marquesse de Beuuron carried with him store of French over the Mountains of Savoy who cast themselves into Cazal and so incouraged the inhabitants that Don
invaded the Territory of Meyânfield where he made great havock and not long after surprised Coiâ and made a Garrison of it without regard had to the Publick Faith and without any care of this outragious dealing with a people who had nothing to do with him Politique Observation JT is a very unjust act in a Prince to force those Passages which are in his Allies Countries It is an act full of hostility not to be used but toward an enemy I condemn it for unjust according to the judgement of the Thessalians who when they opposed themselves against Brasidas desirous to passe through their Country to fight against the Athenians told him as Thucidâdes relateth it That he who forced a passage without their knowledge to whom it belonged did an unjust act Every one that hath power in his hand ought not to exercise it in out-rages and violence against his neighbours seeing he hath onely received it from Heaven for his just defence The Romans were hertofore much commended for that they never invade any Country no not their enemies without first proclaiming a War so far were they from seizing upon any thing which belonged to their friends If the Romans did at any time pretend to any thing which was their neighbours they sent their Embassadours to demand it if within three days after demand made it were not delivered they denounced the War neither then did they enter upon them but after many Ceremonies which are described in Titus Livy But that we may not go so far back did not the Heralds of Florence and that not above three hundred years since declare War against their enemies with Ceremonies much after that kind Those ancient forms indeed are now no longer in use but yet that Prince who seizeth upon any Passages or Towns without it cannot be considered but as an Usurper But ambition is now grown to that passe that it is enough be the means what they will so they serve his designs without considering that divine Justice throws down whatever is founded upon injustice that as the Laws of man do punish private Thefts so God the judge of Kings will chastise their usurpations that they who indeavor to grow great by violence will at last meet their own ruine in a greater and that the greatnesse which is obtained by injustice cannot long last though force uphold it for the present Prosecution of the History THe Comte de Merodes having taken Coir and knowing that the Sieur Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour with the Grisons had imployed the utmost of his industrie and prudence which by his employment he was bound unto for the keeping of those people in that friendship which they had promised unto France and for the confirming them in their resolution of denying the Passages to any whatever who should attempt against his Allies surrounded his lodging with Guards and seized on his Papers without any regard to the Law of Nations which declare the persons of Embassadours to be sacred and forbid that any outrage or injury should be done unto them Politique Observation SEEing Embassadours represent their Masters persons they cannot be affronted without great injustice by any Prince who is not in open War with him He who doth otherwise breaks that Law which is so generally received among all States and injureth the person of his Master He is guilty of an outrage seeing their persons have been alwaies esteemed inviolable and as Tacitus saith it is rarely seen among enemies that Embassadours are ill treated Besides how unworthy a thing is it to affront such persons who can neither defend nor revenge themselves but onely dispute it by reason All that can be done toward an Embassadour from whom one hath received an injury is to license his departure without permitting any injury to be done unto him Thus did the Romans to the King of Persia's Embassadours they gave them eleven days to depart out of Italy with order to tell their Master that the Consul Publius Licinius should shortly be in Macedonia at the head of their Army to whom he might hereafter send his Embassadours if he had any thing to propose to them and not put himself to the trouble of sending them to Rome where they should be no more received They likewise ordered Sp. Carilius to conduct them out of Italy to their ships as Titus Livy reporteth And the late King Henry the great whose conduct may serve for a President to other Princes hath shewed us a rare example of that respect which ought to be used toward Embassadours when he discovered that Tassas Dom Balthasar de Cuniga his Successour Embassadours of Spain held intelligence with Haste and Merargues he had more regard to the Law of Nations then to their sedicious practises which in reason might have passed for acts of hostility To injure or imprison an Embassadour in times of Peace cannot be done without injustice neither can there be other reason for it then for the satisfying of some ambitious and rash pretences The Sieur de Sabran is sent Embassadour to the Emperour SHortly after the Comte de Merodes had been thus active amongst the Grisons his Majesty who pretended not to uphold Monsieur de Mantua with an high hand but only to satisfie that injustice which obliged him to preserve his Allies thought good to send the Sieur de Sabran his Embassador to the Emperour upon the businesse of the Treaty of Suze His principal intent was to acquaint him with the sincerity of his actions and designs and to obtain if possible at his recommendation that Monsieur de Mantua might be reinvested in the Dutchy His Majesty for the preserving of the Peace of Italy would not make use of that advantage which his Arms gave him at Suze or the opportunity of divers Princes of Italy who proffred him their assistance but would have been glad to have continued it by paying this civility to the Emperor The Duke of Mântua had discharged his duty when he sent the Bishop of Mantua to demand his instalment and the King could not imagine that his intreaty wined to the others submission could have been refused seeing that the same Laws which require the Princes depending on the Empire to demand it do likewise oblige the Emperour to grant it at least without the prejudice of any other in case there be several who claim it which in processe of time ought to be examined by the usual ways and the Laws of Justice To this purpose was the Sieur de Sabran sent to the Emperour Whiles he was yet in his way he received new orders to wit that he should complain unto the Emperour of the little respect which the Comte de Merodes had shewed unto the Sieur de Mesmin his Majesties Embassadour and of his violent proceedings among the Grisons by seizing on the Passages of Steir Pom du Râin the Towns of Coir and Meyenfield and all this without declaring the War but at that instant when he began it and that he
a Deity They knew Heaven would be very severe in punishing those who violated it and they would not only be overwhelmed with Infamie but that it would be of ill consequence to the State considering how true it is that Justice and Fidelity are the two chief things which support the Thrones of all Kings Prosecution of the Subject I Cannot omit the great assistance which the Venetians did this year send unto the Duke of Mantua it being impossible for his Majesties whole Army to have been with him soon enough although some few Troops had already come to him The King had by his Ambassador negotiated those Succours with the Venetians upon the first discovery of the House of Austria's design Now the Venetians were the easier enclined to send these Succours it being their very great Interest to hinder the Spaniards growing power in Italy especially so neer them they having so often and so long had designs upon them Besides they well knew that they had at that present several good Towns and places which formerly belonged to the Dutchy of Milan but had been taken from it by their Common-wealth which peradventure the Spaniard might have a mind to recover from them In conclusion they send divers times Mony Victuals and some Troops unto the Duke of Mantua which did not a little help to preserve him Politique Observation THere is not any thing more dangerous then to suffer a potent Ambitious King to seize on a Neighbour Princes Country by violence seeing his conquest will only serve for a Bridge to the next Kingdome An Ambitious King is like a great River ever eating into it's Banks without regard had either to the Justice or Injustice of his designs When he hath once proposed his end he careth not by what means it is atchieved His chief care is how to make a party in his Neighbours Country how to raise a division which may open an entrance for his Ambitious designs He spareth no cost to corrupt their Officers and Ministers He is like some people in Affrick who sleep with their eyes alwayes open and as he believeth the greatest glory to consist in possessing the greatest empire so he imagineth the design of Command to be a just cause of War If his Forces be not strong enough he bloweth division amongst his Neighbours to make them revolt and maketh use of those who are credulous that he may subject their fellows to his Dominion He winks at Justice not that he may Judg with Equity but that he may not behold if possible the injustice of his own intentions In short there is not any thing which he will not do if it lead him to new conquests Which being thus who can be ignorant of the obligation which lyeth upon all Allyes to assist one another when any attempt is made upon any single Country amongst them The assistance which they lend is a security to their own States and in fighting for him they confirm their own quiet But above all they who are nearest bordering upon one another ought to be careful in this particular because they run a greater hazard When an Army is at our Gates it is little worth then to call upon a relief far from us for great Armies do not flye no they march but slowly and before they can arrive to assist us we are lost and taken He who being unable with his own strength to defend himself calleth in a friend far distant from him is like a sick person who being taken with a sodaine dangerous fit sendeth for an able Physitian to another place twenty miles distant and in the mean time before his Doctor arrives becomes incurable Antiquity hath furnished us with an admirable example of the thing in that of Sâgânte which being besieged by the Carthaginians was taken before the relief from Rome could come up to it And of later times the City of Sienna being besieged by the Imperialists was in expectation of the French assistance but to little purpose they being at too great a distance to come up to them In such occasions those Countries neerest at hand are to be employed they being in reason bound to rise in their behalf and hereupon it is that Alliances and Leagues made with them are much more advantageous then any others whatever Prosecution of the History NOtwithstanding that the Treaty of Peace and the Renewing of Alliance between France and England had been concluded in April whilst his Majesty was at Suze yet the final confirmation of it was used to be done by oath and by extraordinary Ambassadors interchangeably sent which Ceremony had been put off until his Majesties return back to Paris from his Italian-Expedition and was now performed in September at Fontain-bleau whither the Lord Esmond came from the King of Britain for that purpose The King caused him to be entertained with very great honour as had been accustomed on such occasions particularly invited him to dine with him at his own Table that day when the Ceremony was celebrated The appointed hour being come he was conducted into the Church of Bourg magnificently prepared for that purpose where the King and all the Princes of the Court wayting on him hear'd Vespers At his entrance he saluted with great respect the King and Queens after which he took his place in a Scaffold made ready for him The King made the oath in his presence and swore upon the Holy Evangelists to observe and perform all the Conditions of the Treaty which he had signed The same oath was made at London the same day with no lesse Ceremony by the King of England in the presence of the Marquis de Chasteauneuf Extraordinary Ambassador there forth at purpose Politique Observation AS Sacraments render Actions the more venerable so have all people thought it fit to confirm their Treaties therewith that Princes might be obliged the more Religiously to observe them But in all times they have been as various as Nations That which was most universally observed was to drink in the same Glasse It is true those of Thracia and Aegypt did not use the same Cup but the same Ox-horn The Jewes used to kill certain Beasts and divide their entrailes The Caldeans passed through certain Flames holding a Sword in their hand to confirm their oaths But the Ceremonies of the Arabians seem to me more extraordinary then all the rest Some eminent Person of the Treaters placed himself in the midd'st and beating his hand with a sharp stone drew bloud which was gather'd up with some part of their Cloths wherewith they besmeared seven other stones about which they stood invocating the names of Denis Vrania The Scythians mingled blond with Wine dipp'd their Arrows their Hatchet and Javelins in it with several Protestations of Fidelity and then drank it up causing the witnesses of their oath to do the same The Romans were accustomed to call their Great Priest who raised an Altar of Turf placed a Hog on it which he smit with a
difficulty of the Passages any whit divert her but from Paris shee soon followed him by the perswasions of the Chancellor Marillac who after he had made himself Master of her will and mind would as willingly have rendered himself Dominus factotum in his room who had placed him so near her Majesty Politique Observation ANger is a Passion which forceth a man to undertake any thing nay all things It is a Torrent which bears down whatsoever doth resist it and its Rhetorique is so perswasive that there is no difficulty whatever which it will not break through and make appear feaseable to those who will but lend an ear to its Reasons so there be but any time fix't in which it may arrive to take that revenge which it proposeth it self Anger is most Industrious and Vigilant upon every oportunity of offending those whom it ayms at and there is not any thing which it will not patiently endure so that it may arrive to the end of its designs Anger too as it hath no fellowship with Prudence but a great friendship with boldness which makes it hope and attempt the levelling of Mountains so it doth frequently tumble those whom it possesseth into those pits and snares which they had provided for others Anger hath alwayes its eyes and thoughts fix't upon the end of its designs not once considering the difficulties dangers or wickednesses which accompany the means of obtaining its desires And it is apparently seen that the minds of those who are once transported with this Passion reflect on nothing but how they may quench that fire with which they burn concluding there is no other water to extinguish it then the ruin and downfal of those whom they hate and maligne little imagining that a Remedie of this quality will consume them in a worse heat and render their disease the more tormenting In fine it is most of all dangerous in great Personages because the designs into which it transports their courages are not alwayes conformable to the good of the State And by reason they have more power to execute their revenges which induced an Antient Writer to say they ought to have so much the lesse of this passion by how much they have more power This Anger being but a simple poor fault in private persons is like a Thunderbolt in the hands of great men which overthrows every thing without any the least consideration or thought that they are subject to other Laws then those of their own violent humours Stars that are highest move slowest And Grandees ought so much to moderate their emotions and ebullitions of choller by how much their qualities and conditions are more eminent then those of others The Duke of Savoy would not perform the Treaty agreed on with the King THE Prosecution of this History compels me to look back on the Cardinals expedition of which we have already said that it was about the end of the foregoing year As soon as he was arrived at Lions he would not lose any longer time but after he had writ to the King that it was not expedient for his Majesty to venture himself considering the extreme ill season of the year he presently dispatched the Sieur de Servient Superintendent of Justice in his Majesties Army towards the Duke of Savoy to inform him that he was come with forty thousand men with design to assist the Duke of Mantua and to defend him from the Spanish oppression His Highness was obliged by the Treaty of Suze to joyne his forces with those of the King for the preservation of that Prince and of the Liberty of Italy and but a very little before he had renewed those his promises to the King by the President of Montfalcon who had assured his Majesty in his behalf that he would advance ten thousand men and keep his Marts well provided with necessaries for the Souldiers and all this that he might be as good as his promise The time was now come in which he must declare himself and reduce his words into Actions The Cardinal commanded Monsieur de Servient to presse him to it in the King's behalf The answer which the Duke of Savoy should have made if he had proceeded with that faith and truth which ought to go hand in hand with the Promises of all confederate Princes had been this that he would not go one tittle lesse then his word but instead of that fair and clear dealing his first answer was that he did totally disown the President of Montfalcon without the least shew of a readiness to execute his promises which gave evident causes of suspition that he held Intelligence with the Spaniard and of which there had been former notice and advise given from other hands Politique Observation THe words of Princes ought to be as inviolate as the Sanctuary Whatever consequence they apprehend in their affairs is not a sufficient ground for their double dealing but they ought to blame their own fore-sight It is as dishonourable for them to say I did not think it as it is glorious and noble for them to keep their words That Prince cannot be thought faithfull who will break his promise upon what occasion soever it be which whosoever doth deceiveth and cheateth himself for that the truth and faith of Grandees gives then as much power and credit as their Swords It is esteemed by the most wise to be a good Store-house or Armory when a King can assure himself of the assistance of all other Princes which he may safely do so long as they are reputed faithfull But when any Prince becomes faithlesse it is lawfull for every one to break with him who first breaks himself He who hath been once treacherous is for ever looked on as a Coward the onely going back from his word being an assured sign that his fear of others is that which makes him abandon his own Allies A couragious Prince will keep touch with his very enemies and it is neither fear nor necessity that can divert his gallant resolutions whilest it is his maxime that if Prosperity obligeth him to this high point of vertue Adversity doth it in a more particular manner The Gallantry and Valour of Attilius Regulus was much esteemed of by all the Ancients who returned willingly to the tortures of his enemies rather then he would break his Parole once past unto them But the Duke of Savoy is not so well Principled and being in league with the Spaniard thought perhaps he would as little regard his word as they do it being grown a Proverb amongst them that the Wind drives Words and Feathers yet in it he will find himself much mistaken and that to his own very great disadvantage as well as in his many other tricks artifices and designs of amusing and deceiving the Cardinal Proposals made by the Duke of Savoy to the Cardinal Richelieu FIrst of all it was proposed to the Sieur de Servient that a conference might be had if it were thought fit
prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him nor force and power to punish and chastise him Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu ONe other device the Duke had by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance Prudence of the Cardinal incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirolâ who had no power to conclude any thing otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court but never consenting to the Kings demands without which he knew his Overtures would never be admitted The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to succour the Duke of Mantua as often as need should require and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it alledging that the Emperour never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protection with and against the whole world and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service which were however very needfull for the surety of his Estate it being impossible for him to raise a sufficient party in his own Dukedom The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessary Orders for the carrying on of the War never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace but used his utmost indeavours to obtain such conditions as without them the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms it had been but of a short continuance for that it had onely given opportunity of time to the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy to fortifie the Passages and render themselves Masters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease a design which France could not brook though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to passe Politique Observation MOst certain it is that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented by so much Peace is to be wished for and imbraced Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society the delight of nature the nurse of good Laws of Order and Policy it peopleth Desarts and maketh the Land fruitfull every one finds it the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and aboundance On the other side War is a fatal source of mis-fortunes the desolation of Countries the demolition of Cities the destruction of Nations and the cause of all sorts of miseries There are I must confesse two Occurrences in which War is better then Peace The first when that Peace cannot long last for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost Such was Archidanus his advice when he disswaded the Lacedemonians from making a Peace with those of Thâbes in Isocrates opinion wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Countries and they indure without regret the troubles of a War that they may the longer enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace and most certain it is that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace on all such occasions where no accommodation could be made but to the prejudice of the Kings honour or estate Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions not onely because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing it being apparent that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation As you may find in T. Livius the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty upon the first War with the Romans The Revictualling of Cazal AFter all this jugling the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Savoy but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence though he did not beleeve that the Kings enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty was because he would cast the blame on them and their party and that the Kings Army might appear with more Justice on its side who had prosecuted their desires or Peace so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it moreover that by this means he might pierce into their designs as also to revictual Cazal which he could not have done should he have fallen out with the Duke as soon as there was an occasion offered for it For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the Kings Army he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any releef to Cazal without which the Souldiers there could never have endured the Siege and for which Spinola had began his preparations and to skirmish with them in Piedmont and there to hold him play untill his enemies had began the Siege and fortified themselves in their Trenches which would be in a short time impregnable As soon as Cazal was thus victualled and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty was not then longer able to break the insolencies of his enemies which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to passe by and take no notice of at all Politique Observation IT is not alwaies fit to break off a Treaty of Peace as soon as one dispairs of concluding it But I think it very expedient and a matter of great concernment to prolong it as long as honourably one may provided he get any advantage by it And as Salust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus hath well observed a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testifie his desires of Peace with too great an Ardour or Affection because that were an assured sign of fear and weaknesse the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies Though in a Treaty of a Peace a Prince reap no other benefit then this one to wit the sending abroad with more liberty his intelligences into his enemies Quarters under pretence of Conferences there to find out his enemies designs yet the advantage were not despicable In this Overture the Cardinal was not behind hand with them in any of these particulars for there passed not any day in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy by persons both of great quality and judgement well knowing that men so qualified are capable in their negotiations not onely of knowing
the State of Affairs but also to penetrate into the very secrets of their enemies Counsels And so Plutarch hath well observed that Hannibal was not to seek of this Prudent course in the Wars which he had with Scipio Divers Conferences between the Prince of Piedmont and Cardinal Richelieu I May not passe by the many conferences which the Cardinal had with the Prince of Piedmont in which the Prince could say little in his own defence for that the Duke of Savoy had promised the opening of the Passages and furnishing the Marts with necessary Provisions At last all occasions of discontent were removed and the Cardinal did no longer refuse to see him I am the willinger to be a little particular in this affair that the model of it may serve for Princes to guide themselves by in interviews of this kind The main ends of the Prince of Piedmont drift were to sift out the Cardinals designs in his discourses and to sink into his thoughts if he could find any manner of hopes that the Cardinal would relinquish and wave the general Peace with this belief that Peradventure those many inconveniences which the Army had smarted for in their first Quarters might have somewhat abated and it might be altered the Cardinals last resolutions But the Cardinal who well understood both by his own discretion and experience the ends of such meetings and discourses especially when such persons are concern'd in them who in former procedures have evidenced their intentions of lying on the Catch so managed himself and kept himself in so retired a garb that the Prince of Piedmont could not pick the least advantage out of him At first nothing of business was named only Complements and Civilities The Cardinal made his Excuses that he should not first propose any thing being obliged to pay that Honour to the Prince of Piedmont that he might thereby learn what it was they would be at And the Prince fearing to discover himself would have slip't his Neck out of the Collar and left all to the Cardinals Proposals The time was best spent in discoursing of the general Peace after both Parties had made their proposals However the Cardinal stuck close to those Articles which he had proposed on the Kings behalf with this provisionary promise that if they were ratified then the Duke of Savoy should expect satisfaction from his Majesty to whatever he should desire more then this he would by no means discover telling the Prince of Piedmont very plainly that for his part as he was not at all curious to prie into their designs so he could not think it strange that he did not discourse to him his Majesties intentions and resolutions Politique Observation STayedness and discretion in Grandees who are imployed in treaties of this Nature is a matter of very great concernment for even by this means those who are but meanly vers'd in affairs do discover the others most secret thoughts and consequentially are prepared to oppose them and lay rubbs in their way when occasion and time serves By this means they do as it were besiege and Block up a man by their divers prepared Questions and Artifices so that if then he be not altogether silent which will make him passe for an impertinenâ man and render him suspected it will be impossible for him to tell what he would have himself There are but few men who indeed can discuss an affair of State in so reserved a disguisement for any long continuance but by some means or other they will be discovered for oftentimes the Behaviour and Gesture speak a man as well as words so that it is necessary for a States-man to arme himself from head to foot before he attempt any such Treaties to be well instructed advised and prepared not only to keep his thoughts lock't up in his own breast but also to make such propositions as may not in truth be any whit a kin to his thoughts but such as all else would conceive to be the main things he drives at and thus he ought to be complemental with all kind of Civilities with an open free discourse ever referring his resolution upon such new proposals as are made to him unto some other time and never giving his answer upon the sodaine upon any occasion whatsoever For this same prolonging of a Resolve is a sure hold to every wise man in his negotiation but it is very difficult I may say impossible for a man to prevent his being snapt and caught if he shall presume to give an answer in that instant when the Question is first started Those with whom a man treats have commonly cunning and craft enough so to addresse themselves that thereby they may discover that which they pretend though they appear to be far enough from ever so much as speaking of it indeed without this referring and delaying of a thing to another time there is no way to shun the ruining and downfall of a whole design In brief If a States-man would have his affairs to succeed according to his designs it were requisite that he got the repute of being a Frank open generous person and a speaker of truth otherwise his words will not be belielieved and are look't upon as no way tending to the design he hath which is in effect to perswade his Enemies that his Intention are quite contrary to his meaning He ought also to be secret not to speak one tittle of his designs And lastly he must make himself a Master in the Art of dissimulation feigning to watch every thing and place but that which really he doth and by his discourse slyly indeavouring to perswade his designs to be any thing but what they are The Prosecution of this Subject A Man can hardly imagine how much the Cardinals Prudence in these interviewes did hamper and perplex the Duke of Savoy the Prince of Piedmont Spinola and all others who treated with him The Valour of the French Nation is that which hath made them so much redoubted they having been otherwhiles taxed with want of discretion in their Treaties but here they found to their confusion that the Cardinal had as much Prudence as courage when as all of them had tryed alwayes to discover somewhat of his intentions by their practises to tire him quite out with prolongings and delayes but he at length caused the Avant Gard to March from about Suze and to draw near towards Ceseletta they not guessing at his design in it because he drew farther off from Cazal The Cardinal pretended to do it principally to ingage the Duke of Savoy to joyn his forces with the Kings and therefore brought the Army to his Frontiers which was strong enough to have made him jealous of somewhat else and certainly the Duke was somewhat more then ordinarily ingaged so to have done for that the Cardinal presently sent him word that the King had accorded him the vale of Sizery on the Bridge of Gresin according to his own desires
sake the War was begun or to believe that the Peace might be of some continuance And on the contrary there were good grounds to apprehend that they would not conclude a Peace in that weak condition to which they were then reduced but onely that they might bring to passe their Intentions upon the Duke of Mantua so that the King should still keep Pignerol which would give him a free entrance into Italy that his Majesty might with more ease take in Montferrat as occasion should serve That Princes not having any Juster titles to those places which they possess then the conquest of them in a just War his Majesty should not acquit that which makes him so considerable in and to Italy being by it able to march into it when and as often as he pleased and to set bounds to the Spanish Ambition who would find work enough to do so long as his Majesty continued Master of it that it would serve to Curb the Duke of Savoy who did nothing but commence and create every year new broyles and troubles In fine that it was absolutely needfull to enter upon Savoy because the Duke would infallibly besiege those places which had been taken if his Army were not other wayes diverted and in case he should not besiege them his forces would be coasting of it from one end to t'other of Savoy and indanger the Passages at least disturb them which were of necessity to be preserved for that Spinola had risen to besiege Cazal at the same time that the Cardinal marched towards Grenoble Could there be more just or important considerations did they not deserve to be regarded and lookt after Could any one with reason say that the Peace was in the Cardinals power when the Duke of Savoy would not conclude it without the surrender of Pignerol the Importance of which Place was so great as shall be anon discoursed more at large Indeed such things might take with Women whom the noise of a Cannon terrifies to juduce them to deliver up a place of such concernment into the hands of the Spaniards and Duke of Savoy who had made it evident no trust could be reposed in him But certainly it would not at all move a great Minister whose discretion was incomparable and who was so far from being terrified into any thing that he struck a terrour into all the World having Reason and Justice on his side Would the Treaty which should be now concluded with them be of any longer durance then that of the last year which they broke without any fear or wit Will a wise man trust one who hath deceived him and broke his word in that very same affair And this Calumniator who cares not what he writes whilest he endeavours to detract from the Cardinals glory can he lay the blame on the Cardinal for the continuation of the War Cazâl would be no more the Duke of Mantua's if the Peace had been concluded with the delivery of Pignerol Thus the King who knew better then any of his Counsel the Importance of these reasons was not at all moved at it but resolved to depart 2 dayes after to set upon Savoy and accordingly upon the 13 of May he advanced without delay together with the Marshals of Crequy Bassompierre and Chastillon giving the command of the vantguard of his Army to the Marshal Crequy with order to march before Chambery which was put in execution with so much diligence that the 14 of May the approaches were made the suburbs reduced without resistance and the Town summon'd to deliver After they had obtained by Composition of his Majesty the same Articles which were granted them by the late King when it was taken in the year 1600. they opened their Gates to his Majesty upon the 18 of May into which his Majesty then made his Entrance Politique Observation VVHen an Army marcheth into a Country to make War the assaulting of the principal Town is a business of no small importance The taking of that terrifies all the rest and strikes such a fear into them that if sometimes forceth them to deliver up themselves without fighting Cenâmon Captain of the Lacedomonians did so when he laid siege to Strato the chief Town of the Country upon his first entrance And Thucydides who relates the History commends that Act of his as being conformable to Military Prudence So Hannibal having mastered Carâia the Prime Town of the Olleades all the rest rendered themselves Tributaries to the Carthaginians The losse of a Commander is oftentimes the losse of an Army and the taking of a head Town or of a Fortresse of concernment seldome happens but the rest follow But there ought to be great care had that he come not short of his enterprise for then it would happen to be quite contrary and for this reason it is advantageous to use such diligence that the Inhabitants may be taken unprovided and when they least think of it assaulting the Enemy before he comes to meet us or that he attempt ought upon any thing which belongeth to us The Emperor Othe is blamed in Tacitus for that having designed to go into France and fight his Enemy Viteâius he used too much delay for that in effect his long stay gave opportunity of time to Gallus and Spurma to passe over the Mountains and seize upon the River Po so impeding the march of his Forces which were by that means forced to quit their enterprise Perchance it might so have happened to his Majesties Amy if he had rested at Grenoble upon those propositions of Peace which were made to him by Spinolâ and the Duke of Savoy which were to no other intent then to recover Pigâârol or to amuse him and gain time There is nothing so slight in a War which a little time doth not often render of great consequence a Moment of time doth work great effects in most enterprises and the least retardment doth eftsoon bring with it extream inconveniences and losses The taking of Annesy and Romilly by the Kings Forces THE King departed from Chambery on the 22 of May and ordered the Marshal of Chastillon who had that week commanded the avantguard of the Army to advance towards Aââsy which rendered it self without any great resistance as soon as the Garrison of the Castle in which a Brother of the Bishop of Genoua commanded saw the Cannon appear whence it came to passe that his Majesty to lose no time being assisted with the Marshal of Bassompierre led the Body of his Army to Romilly a place strongly scituated and which they had began to fortifie particularly the Castle where there were seven or 800 Souldiers who made shew as if they would defend themselves But this resistance did but add new heat to his Majesties courage who was very glad to find it so that he might gain the more reputation He advanced in person towards the Town with his Army and took the trouble upon himself to put them into Battalia in the plain
his industry Prudence without doubt acquires great glory when it surmounts force Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others Prudence it self which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy Marquis d' Effiat and the Marshal de la Force IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army the Marshall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains and take the reins into his own hand But the great Cabals he found at Court which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal but to overthrow the whole State if not dissipated constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat and the Marshal of la Force Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns with such Order that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others one commanded the Van-Guard one week the other the Battalia the third the Rear-Guard and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King of committing the command of his Army to many Generals was the necessity of Councel and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding and experience in those affairs which should happen Now it was impossible to send them thither without command by reason that being persons of great quality they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence if they might not have Governed in their turn Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them and consequently is cause of great confusion in an Army but his incomparable Prudence who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences and this same to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard Battalia and Rear-Guard was an excellent one by reason that making them all participate of the same glory they had no occasion to envy one another Politique Observation AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever if he doth not shew some effects which are not common so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence if there be nothing singular in his conduct And he doth not set up a new Order both in Peace and in War which is evidently advantagious to the Publick The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers to whom the charge of them is committed But this here was found to be so much the more profitable as the Counsel of several persons whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities is advantagious upon all occasions Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel as upon the quantities and indeed the courages of Souldiers But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains the least of which is able to command an Army One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one falls into those of another and if one misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy another doth not if one foreseeth any danger the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army but whoever joynes three together supplies that defect provided he keep them from dissention one perchance excels in stoutnesse and being blinded with it is by consequence fitter for execution then Counsel another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels and to invent necessary expedients but being of a colder constitution is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution and another haply may have an admirable addresse and a winning carriage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline and to make them live in good order so that joyning these great persons in commission together and giving them the same commands in the Army not leaving any ground of jealousie or cause of confusion there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe The Prosecution of the History EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter The first encounter that they had with the Enemy was upon passing the Bridge of Villane where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over But the successe was so disadvantageous notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight or cut in pieces The two Princes that led them sweating as was afterwards heard that they never saw any fight so well In Prosecution of this victory they maâched directly to Saluces with design to take it and to make use of it in the room of Pignerol whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities The Marshal de la Force whose week it was commanded his Son with 500 Horse to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender thinking it proper so to deal with them that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals which was granted to them and accordingly they were conducted where they then were But upon their return 500 choise men were clap't into it discharging both at them and ours too with such insolence that the Generals being informed of it advanced with the Army Many who made the first approches were slain and wounded But the courages of others who saw them in his condition could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive
his son had compleated that Faction which he had designed against him and the State but not sparing his own blood he presently clapped him up in prison upon his first notice and assurance of his resolutions Charles the Ninth did not pardon the Duke of Alençon his own Brother no more then he did the King of Navar for upon his first knowledge of their Intreagues he sent them both unto the Boys de Vincennes Did not Henry the Third after conference with his Nobles at Bloys threaten the late Henry the Grand and the Prince de Condè in case they did not conform themselves to those resolutions which had been concluded for the good of Religion and the State Neither had France ever been so much spoiled by those Wars had Monsieur de Guise been imprisoned as soon as ever his wicked designs had been discovered The Queen-mother her self did the same thing for during her Regency she imprisoned Monsieur the Prince upon suspicion lest he might attempt something against her Authority L' Mareschal d' Estree addresseth himself to execute his Majesties pleasure against the Queen-mother DUring the Queen-mothers abode at Campeign the Marshal d' Estrée was very carefull to shew her all manner of respect according to the command given him by the King He went constantly to receive the word from her he sent to know what course she would be pleased to take concerning the Keyes of the City and whether she would have them brought to her All the Officers of her Family prosecuted their charges without any disturbance she her self went abroad when and where she pleased unaccompanied with any who could but seem to restrain her liberty neither did he ever discourse to her in any other dialect but to beseech her from his Majesty that she would be pleased to go to her house of Moulins which her self had made choice of since her Widdow-hood he assured her she should not have any guards about her Insomuch that really she could not have any just cause to complain And in fine she condiscended to go to Moulins Not long after some of her Faction being at liberty reflecting on the neernesse of Paris and how advantagious it might be to their designs in regard it was the Center where all the intelligence of the Kingdom was brought and where all their Contrivances might be managed with the greater security and secresie advised her to change that resolution and perswaded her to continue at Compeign although her self had not long before said that she could not possible live there The King knew that the Neighbour-hood of Paris war of a dangerous consequence for those very reasons which made them aim at it so that he refused to give way to her longer stay thereabouts but offered her the choice of any other town in the heart of the Kingdom she pitched upon Nevers and the King had no sooner approved of it but she presently changed her mind pretending she had not any money for the journey thereupon she was promised a supply and that she should not want for any thing so she pretended a great preparation of Gallies to transport her out of France which was only an invention suggested to her by those who only continued it as a delay The King proffered the Government of Anjou unto her together with the City and Castle Angiers in case she would go thither To all these Proposals she discovered nothing but a resolute stubbornnesse against the Kings Will having forgot belike that she was his Subject as well as his Mother and not at all regarding those instances so often represented from his Majesty that she would depart from Compeign so that her disobedience against his Authority was not the onely offence but her delays in that City being so passionately and stifly by her desired bred the greater jealousie and suspicion of her Politique Obeservation OBstinacy is a fault the more dangerous amongst great persons in regard their example may serve for a Spring to give motion unto the people and their resisting their Kings Will causeth great evils in a State That perversenesse of not being ruled by reason and their Soveraigns Authority serveth only to ingage them in great disorders which instead of advancing ruineth their Interests and shipwracks all their adherents For the King must be obeyed and that by the very greatest of his own Blood and Family Better it is for them to bend then break to turn to any hand rather then go streight on to their ruine and confusion The certainty of Prudence doth not consist in a determinative will of absolutely doing this or that thing but in a resolution of prosecuting with zeal whatever reason doth dictate to be advantagious or proper when it followeth that whenever Prudence discovereth any notable disadvantage likely to attend that which formerly had been concluded necessary and profitable she presently with-draws her self An irrevocable resolution cannot be commendable but in Angels who piercing into the truth of things in an instant and knowing all the Qualities or Accidents which can render them either good or evil may ââhout fear of being mistaken remain firm in their first decrees But so it is not with a humane Soul which oftentimes coming to learn that those Subjects by him thought profitable are dangerous is then obliged to reject them with the same earnestnesse as he did before prosecute them That ignorance in which we are all born doth oblige the most powerfull men to follow the Counsels of the wise even against their own opions which rendreth them more inclinable to accommodation then others Hence it is not any inconstancy to change in any evil designs neither then when any unseen misfortune comes to be discovered but it usually happeneth to us in the confusion of affairs as when we are sick we are most eagerly desirous of those things which are quite contrary to our recovery The Discontents of Monsieur's Creatures AMongst the many other complaints made by them who abused the Queen-mothers Name and Seal in their Letters this was one of the chiefest that she had not been removed from the Court but only because she would not hold a fair correspondence with the Cardinal But is not this like the complaining of the sick who being fallen into some shamefull disease by their own faults will by no means accuse themselves but indeavour to impute it to some other cause more likely to justifie themselves Truly the Cardinal was no more the cause of the Queen-mothers Removal then Vertue is the cause that Sin betaking it self to all wickedness out of the hatred it bears to goodness should by that means come to be aliened from God who withdraws himself from it It cannot indeed be denied but that the King before her left he at Compeigne did once and again charm her to love the Cardinal and it were not amisse if the true motives which induced him so to do were here layed down The good of his State was chiefly in his intentions and
frequently disowned by them These good Fathers were but ill spokes-men in matters of Propositions being intrusted to say nothing satisfactory and somtimes what they say is contradicted so that in fine themselves conclude themselves to have been deceived which is all the satisfaction to be had by them Politique Observation IT is an error to believe it unlawful for Princes to confederate themselves with Hereticks or Infidels either for their own defence or the preservation of their Allies in the possession of their just Rights The contrary opinion is frivolous in the judgement of the ablest Divines though Spanish The Law of Nature doth generally oblige all men to unite themselves for the defence of one another of what condition soever Those who doubt it would I send to the School of creatures void of reason who would make them ashamed of questioning it The Law of Grace doth not destroy that of Nature Hence it is that this Obligation doth still remain and that those Alliances made by Kings with Infidels or Heretiques when profitable or necessary may not justly be blamed Do we not see in holy Writ how the Patriarks and the most Renowned Kings of Judah have authorized this Doctrine by their example Did not Abraham ally himself with Abimâlâch both for himself and his Successors as also with the Canaanites Did not Jacob league himself with Laban the Idolater Were not the Israelites ally'd with several Infidels excepting only those with whom God prohibited commerce Was not Lot confederate with the King of Sodom and did he not go to war with him The Macchabees though zealous in the observance of their Religion did yet confederate themselves with the Lacedemonians God himself was pleased that Solomon should joyn his Fleet with the King of Tyre's and so blessed their alliance that they obtained vast riches by it nay he was likewise well contented that the Temple should be built by the Tyrian Infidels To pass by these examples of Antiquity let us descend to later times where seeking for proofs of this Truth we find S. Paul recommending to the Primitive Christians to be at peace with all men and not refusing his proper deâence from the violence which the Jews designed against him by the assistance two hundred Archers and seventy Horsemen all Infidels What can be objected against this Reason It is permitted every one to make alliance with all such as are comprised under the notion of Neighbours and it may not be doubted for the Son of God hath commanded us to love them as our selves The Infidels are positively comprehended under that Title especially when they are of advantage unto us as Jesus Christ restifieth in the parable of the Samaritane and by consequence it only resteth to be concluded that alliances with Infidels and so with Heretiques are permitted to Princes and that they only ought to be circumspect in the use of that liberty that they abuse it not The Affairs of Italy THis is all I shall say concerning the alliance with the Swede for the good of the German Princes But who will not admire that at the very same time his Majesty gave the Law to the affairs of Italy for the setling them in peace It is good to see the Sun after a long storm dispel that cloud whence the Tempest arose clear up the Ayr command the Winds to be still to guââd the mountains and make his Rays shine in our Eyes but how much more pleasant is it to behold the King whom the glory of a generous and invincible courage maketh to shine among other Princes allay that War wherewith Italy had been embroyled for the three years last past compel the Forces to retire into their Countries establish the Liberty of commerce and re-estate Italy Savoy Piedmont and the Grisons in the enjoyment of an happy peace Europ beheld all this about the end or this year at which time those embroyls which we shall shall shortly treat of were agitated in France and which we come now to consider for the more orderly describing those things which hapned Before we come to the ground of the Treaty of Peace I think it proper to speak a little concerning the inclinations of Princes affections to a general accomodation The King having learn'd about the end of the last year by a dispatch from the Sieur de Leon in which his Majesty was inform'd how the Emperour was certainly resolved to be at Peace and to permit the investiture of the Duke of Mantua in conformity to the Treaty of Ratisbonne commanded him to return to Vienna and asâure him that he would contribute his utmost to effect it and that he would willingly surrender to the Duke of Savoy whatever he had gotten in his Dominions although in his just possession by the Laws of War provided the investiture of Mantua and Montferrat were confirmed and restitution made of what had been usurped from that Duke His Majesty ingaged himself in this War only to establish the Duke of Mantua in Peace and consequently would make no difficulty to withdraw his forces from Italy provided that the Emperour the King of Spain and Duke of Savoy did the like relinquishing their designs which their ambitions had hatched upon that Princes estaâe Whereupon they having resolved to leave him in quiet though the Spaniards did not speak very freely the Cardinal bent his thoughts in finding out fit means for the executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne not that he was ignorant that the laws did not oblige him relinquish all those advantages which the justice of Arms should obtain or to relinquish those places taken in Savoy and Piedmont but he easily condescended to suppress his own interest that Europe might see the sincerity of his designs and how he had not entred upon Italy with intention to invade any one or to trouble the peace of Christendom but only upon the score of preserving his Ally in the just possession of his undoubted right Politique Observation DIvers are the considerations which oblige a Prince to give an end to a forraign War He ought to resolve to sit still when he shall have obtained his pretences for as Thucydides saith it is unjust to prosecute a War against him who is disposed to give satisfaction and willingly submit to reason No War is just but that which is necessary and Soveraigns are permitted to end that difference by force of Arms which they perceive cannot otherwise be concluded He who continues a War after satisfaction offered by his enemy instead of glory acquireth hatred One of those reasons which got the Emperour Augustus so great an esteem of justice was That he never undertook a War unlesse compelled by some important reason Xenophon saith that a wise Prince forbeareth what âe can to make War though sometimes pressed unto it and that he is obliged to prefer Peace before War where his honour the interest of his State or Allies are not totally concerned Only furious beasts make War to satisfie the motions of
That God who is the Judge of Kings taketh pleasure to abase their insolence and to cast them down when they think themselves highest To be short the most sure and agreeable Dominion is that which hath justice for its Basis That the Duke of Mantua's Right doth not prejudice the Emperour THe Emperour had been disabused by the Sieur de Leon of those ill impressions which the Spanish Ministers had instilled into him concerning those Forces which the King had sent into Italy He was informed with the true reasons which engaged him to undertake the Duke of Mantua's protection which was such as did not at all prejudice the Rights of the Empire seeing he had never any thoughts of hindring that Prince form rendring to his Imperial Majesty all those devoirs which could be expected by him He was informed with the Duke of Mantua's pretensions who had no other crime then that of being a Frenchman and therefore odious to the Spaniards to deprive whom of his lawful Succession were to commit an insupportable outrage and to force the most Christian King to protect him At length his eyes were opened to discover the disguisments wherewith the Spaniards had surprized him to the end they might employ the power of the Empire to carry on their ambitious designs in Italy whereupon from a Scholar being made Master of the Affair he resolved to put an end to it and accordingly sent unto the Baron de Galas a full power to conclude with the Ambassadors of France upon some means to execute the Treaty of Ratisbonne and to establish an happy peace in Italy promising to invest the Duke of Mantua in that which belonged unto him his Majesty being readily disposed to make a surrender to the Duke of Savoy These are the true reasons which induced the Emperour to this resolution yet it cannot be denied but that necessity compelled him to it for the King of Swede had already made a great progress in Germany and done great exploits so that had not the Emperour presently recalled his Forces from Italy he would soon have over-run the whole He likewise knew how the Christian King had made a Treaty of alliance with him for the defence of his Confederates and that he must undoubtedly fall in that war if he did not unite his scattered forces to sustain the charge of two so great Powers Politique Observation NOthing is more powerful to reduce Princes to reason than necessity whose Laws are more absolute then those of their Power they know nothing but the Divinity and that above them somtimes it is a trouble to them to admit it especially when it thwarts their ambition yet it cannot but be thought happy when it forceth their arms out of their hands and leads them to a fair accomodation The most discreet do the more willingly submit to its Laws in regard no one can be blamed for following that condition which necessity imposeth a good excuse in the greatest faults somtimes it is so favourable as to lead them to victory by obliging them to attempt it when they least expected it at other times it is content to settle them in peace by a reducing them to a disability of prosecuting war In fine they must subscribe to its pleasure for necessity it is which imposeth the Law upon them but receiveth none from them they being in this respect in the same condition with meaner persons Hence it was that âhalâs being demanded what was the strangest thing in nature answered Necessity because it surpasseth all things Are not Castles in themselves impregnable forced by necessity to surrender What saith Quintâ Curtius Necessity hath a more absolute Empire in Arms then reason it self Is there any Rhetorick which can perswade the mind more efficaciously There is no power which is not obliged to reâder it obedience Prosecution of the Subject WE now come to speak of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua Who can doubt of their inclinations to Peace when it was the only means to re-establish them in their States It is a trouble to behold the earth languishing under the rigours of a tedious Winter covered with Ice and Snow and over-spread with torrents of waters But it is much more troublesome to a Prince to see his Sâates in the possession of others his people oppressed by the burthens of War his Towns and Villages forsaken hiâ Fields unmanured and the Earth dyed with the blood of the dead These were indeed the reasons which obliged Monsieur the Duke of Mantua to entertain the Sieur Priaudy still neer him that he might propose such overtures of peace to him as presented themselves to his thoughts and which induced the Duke of Savoy to send about the beginning of the year the Comte de Drouin to assure the King of his Respects and Affection to contribute his utmost to his Majesties service He well found that the Spaniards chief design was to advance their affairs at his expences and that on the contrary his Majesty who hath evermore fought rather for glory in the defence of his Allies then to usurp their estates had not over-run Savoy and Piedmont until he was necessitated to it by his denying assistance whence it was that he no longer doubted that it would more advance the recovery of his estates to keep a fair correspondence with France then to follow the interests of Spain Politique Observation THere is not any condition more to be pityed then that of a Prince despoiled of his Estates The impotency to which he is reduced is so much the more insupportable by how much the memory of his former Authority doth constantly present it self unto him and his Poverty is the greater in regard of his former plenty Such great âalls do carry some shame with them especially to such who have been the Authors in some sort of their own miseries We do not hold them to be so much Philosophers as to be content with what Fortune hath left or that they would live in any other condition then their former they are likewise the more impatient of being restored to their estates for that they know Authority if once degraded falls to ruine if not quickly re-instated The Pilot who finds his Vessel beaten by the Tempest his Masts broken his Sails rent his Cordage torn and his Ship leaky bends all his thoughts how to get into Port and a Prince considering his places to be in the hands of his enemies his Revenue sequestred his Country forraged his Subjects fugitives and his Forces reduced to an impossibility of securing themselves from a total ruine is in perpetual trouble until he finds himself restored by a Treaty oâ Peace The Deputies of the Christian Princes for the Treaty of Peace THese are the inclinations about the beginning of this year of the several Princes who had taken part in the War of Italy or the Interest of Monsieur de Mantua The Pope who is the common Father did not a little contribute to bring things to this pass
increase his Revenue but cannot so well peradventure secure him from those violences whereunto he is exposed as the power of a great King with whom he intrusteth it Ferdinand King of Naples did wisely when he found himself without money destitute of necessary Forces to recover his estate of which we French had despoiled him in resolving to enter into a league offensive and defensive with the Venetians who made a scruple to admit him unlesse he would deliver them the Cities of Otrante Bronduze and Trave with Monopoly and Sulignan with condition that they should be restored upon payment of 200000 Ducats for their expences in his occasion Prudence alone is capable to make known unto us without producing other examples that it is more discretion to quit a part to secure the rest then by preserving it to endanger the losse of the whole When Pignerol was promised to the King by the Duke of Savoy PRinces actions are liable to divers interpretations because they are more maturely considered then ordinary mens and their drifts are more secret This Treaty of the Duke of Savoy did set many heads on work and divers apprehended it in terms quite different from the truth He granted the City and Castle of Pignerol to the King for six moneths only and that for performance of his promise to give him free passage through his State and to assist him with Ammunition and Provision of all sorts as much and as often as need should require for defence of his Allies in Italy However divers believed that he had absolutely given this place to the King and besides that it had been so concluded before ever the Marshal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient departed from Paris toward Querasque It was said that the Comte de Drouin had passed his word in January and then assured his Majesty that the place should be delivered to him But that being never declared they did rather guesse then know it for knowledge is grounded upon reasons certain All that can be said is that the Duke of Savoy did consent to remit Pignerol absolutely into his Majesties hands for the conservation of the rest of his estate in so doing he did very prudently as we shall hereafter declare had the King procured this advantage to his Crown it had been but just to recover an ancient Demeasne which had been lost by the condescention of his Predecessors he had raised a Trophy to his glory obtained by his Arms in Italy he had conserved part of that which did justly belong unto him by the Laws of War it fine he had secured all his Allies on the other side the Mountains and curbed the Spanish Ambition These reasons were so full of Justice that the greatest part of the world was perswaded that the Duke of Savoy had absolutely given Pignerol to the King for what likelihood could there be that his Majesty should not retain some part of his Victories That he should expend at least fifty millions in a War without reserving somewhat for recompence That his Prudence should not take some care for the preservation of his Allies after the experiment he had made of those difficulties in the Passages And that he should leave the Spaniards in full power to prosecute their Usurpations There could not be any reason for it and he must have renounced his just and lawfull pretensions so to have done On the other side that which did most of all call in question the truth of the Treaty if indeed there were any thing was that it was alwaies denied and dissembled in the conferences and kept as a secret till this present neverthelesse this secret cannot be denied but to have been the effect of the Cardinal's Prudence who well knoweth that the greatest designs ought to be executed with the greatest secrecy and that counterfeit pretences cannot but be commendable provided they be advantagious and free from injustice Politique Observation ALthough Dissimulation is commonly esteemed a vice amongst private persons yet it is so much the more needfull amongst great Princes in regard their designs ought to be kept more especially secret The discreetest Princes never look that way they design and though they alwaies effect their thoughts yet they seldome speak what they think they who apply themselves to reading are more fit to entertain good company than for high enterprizes seeing the Government of a State is a Stage upon which the Actors oftentimes ought to change their Masks and habits They who can best of all cloak their designs are the most ingenious and do oftnest attain their ends hence it is that he who hath any thing to do with a crafty companion hath work enough to look about him Who knoweth not that if all truth were necessarily to be told nothing would remain unknown which if so the highest enterprizes would be successelesse it being most certain that the discovery of an affair is like an Alarum to summon together the strongest oppositions It is allowable to keep that a secret which may be advantagious to our selves or our friends and cannot injure any one It is great Prudence not to discourse it with those whom a man suspects and absolutely to disown it to all others Thus Lewis the Moor Duke of Millan having made a Treaty with Charles the Eighth to give him passage into Italy and to favour his designs did constantly deny it to the King of Naples the Pope and Peter de Medicis although the report of it was common and some signs of it almost indubitable Whereupon he denying it so confidently they remained a good while in suspence without knowing what to conclude The denying of a design with asseveration doth insensibly leave some doubt in the most determinate minds to believe it and although the protestations made to the contrary do not gain an absolute belief yet do they commonly delay obstructions which might be raised and put off those enterprises which would be set on foot to hinder them The Interdiction of the Court of Ayds of Paris VVHilest the Cardinal 's incomparable Prudence was thus busied in these weighty forraign affairs there passed some others in the Kingdom which I cannot omit especially seeing his Genius which giveth orders for all things teacheth by his conduct divers maximes very necessary for all Ministers The great expenâes made the last four or five years in the Wars having exhausted the Treasure and the factions of the Queen-mother and Monsieur breaking out there was a necessity of raising great sums to support divers Armies at the same time This was that which forced the King to lay new Impositions upon his Subjects which he did with the greater regret in regard he had formerly by the Cardinal's counsel used some expedients to ease them but necessity whose Empire is more absolute then that of Princes forced his Majesty to defer them until such time as his affairs were setled in a sure Peace neither did the Chamber of Accompts make any scruple to confirm
those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris Mensieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much they fell into such disorder that they all departed thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them so that Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile which draw all the inferior Orbs after it so their motion might be capable of making the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessities of the State as we have formerly said Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs Masters of Requests and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms and to determine those affairs which were depending before them This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-prisions of his Majesties will which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means necessary to preserve them in their beauty Politique Observation THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish then those which are accompanied with dis-respect for as he who is much respected doth easily retain his Subjects in their obedience so being once fallen into disesteem his commands are little regarded The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth people to regard it with the more reverence and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience which if violated by disrespect remaineth inconsiderable His Ordinances are laughed at his Will not regarded and attempts are often made against him I think for my part that scorn is more dangerous then hatred for peradventure a King who is hated may yet be feared and fear is of it self sufficient to keep subjects in obedience but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem is neither hated nor feared so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections but dis-respect is more effectually so because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease but adds confidence to it Now of all disrespects none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it by withdrawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate and on the contrary men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission They ought rather to comply obediently with their Soveraigns then by denying him to show an example of Rebellion to his Subjects their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust In fine they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him then justice to his Subiects They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power seeing it was only to supply his presence and perform his will All their power vanisheth at his presence as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth neither ought they to take notice of his Commands further then he gives them liberty Now that liberty which he gives them is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances not absolutely to deny and that with disrespect the execution of his commands especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts but that they might be executed with more submission and to discharge them from those commands which the importunity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties without regard of Justice or the good of the State The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes and the designe of retaking Moyânvic with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent unto the King that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways assist him in his enterprises against France and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire then the Duke of Bavier and the Elector of Trâves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them that they might hinder his Forces or at least that they might not joyn theirs with his The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Alliances his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them There was concluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere good and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot two thousand Horse Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot and the rest such monies as might defray the charges The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot and one thousand Horse and Ammunitions of war necessary for the defence of his Dominions in case of an Invasion with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers so much money sufficient to pay them Besides they interchangeably promised not to bâaâ Arms one against the other directly or indirectly Thus was France assured on that quarter and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or hâzard the Emperour not being able to hinder it by reason of the King of Swede's diversion without the Duke of Bavier's assistance Politique Observation DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes how great soever Few can subsist by themselves and if
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâolois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At âheir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him âet his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gânoa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
one of the greatest marks of their Authority God entrusting them to dispence Justice hath not only appointed them to chastise the people but likewise to make Laws and Statutes which may serve for a Rule of their Government Hence the Lawyers say That Princes Will is Law Democracy ascribeth this power to the People but Monarchy restraineth it to Kings only and acknowledgeth no Laws but what are signed by their Majesties Now as the power of making Laws is in them so is that of changing and adding according as they shall think fit if they had not this power we should have no other Laws then those of Nature imprinted in the heart of man by the meer instinct of reason or such as were made by the first Father of Mankind All the Volumns of Theodosius and Justinian might be burnt and those of our Kings too as so many attempts against the liberty of the people because they have been but of late Creation there being none so ancient but what did once savour of Novelty Were not this to put the people into an extream licentiousnesse and to shut our eyes against reason which teacheth us that the Kings of this age have no lesse power then those of old who in their Laws have included what-ever they thought necessary and which could not tye up their Successors hands from following their examples left unto them It is a vulgar error to imagine that to alter Laws must needs be dangerous Without just consideration indeed it ought not to be done but when there happens any such to be the alteration of them cannot but be advantagious it being impossible that the first Law-makers should foresee all inconveniences which being so their Successors have power to change or abrogate them as occasion shall require Absolutely to reject Laws because they are new is but a Cynical humour seeing the antiquity of them cannot be a just denyal to the use of several others which have since been ordained neither can novelty be a sufficient reason to impower those which are at present in use Vlpian saith Kings may change any Laws into better and Cicero pleading against Verres very boldly saith That the ancient ought to be left and the new received when there is a probability of advantage by it All France hath commended Hugh Capet for changing that law which called all the male children to the succession of the Crown and stiâl will approâe of those changes which tend to preserve the Royal Authority in its luster The Cardinal is created Duke and Peer of France THe King having established all things so firmly in France that none of the factious Caballists could trouble the Peace and restored the Princes and People of Italy to their Liberties by the Treaty of Queraâque it was but just that the Cardinals services should be rewarded with some new Titles of Honour in regard those important affairs had been managed by his discreet counsels No one can doubt but that the Quality of Duke and Peer was his just due seeing he had so gloriously acted the part of a Duke and Peer which as the French History relates is either to govern the Affairs of State or some particular Province by his Majesty's Order or else to command his Armies Was it not in these two employments that his prudence and courage so eminently appeared that all Strangers were no lesse terrified then the true Frenchmen rejoyced His Majesty who admires more then any one the eminence of his Genius having made the greatest experiments of him was not defective to confer this honour upon him His Majesty dispatched his letters unto him which carried in them an extraordinary recommendation it being seldome conferred on persons of his worth and after so many glorious actions They were confirmed by the Court not only without any difficulty but with high eulogiums and a particular acknowledgement of the good offices he had done in France In fine he went to take his Oath at the Palace on Sept 15. accompanied with Monsieur le Prince the Dukes of Montmorancy Chevreuse Rets Crequi Vantadour and Montbazon the Marâschal d' Estree Vitry and d' Effiat and many other Lords who desired to follow him to testifie by their presence how great an esteem they had of his services which rendred him worthy of so eminent a quality The Chambres were all assembled and coming into the great one he took his Oath to serve his King well and faithfully in his highest greatest and most important affairs to do Justice impartially both to poor and rich and to behave himself in all things like a most vertuous most generous and most magnanimous Duke and Peer of France and then he took his place beneath all the rest of the Dukes Amongst these great honours I cannot omit one remarkable passage that as the greatest Genius are the most modest and scorn inferiour men who esteem of nothing but an extraordinary honour so he would not pass by the great Gate of the Palace where many thousands attended him but by a private door where he might not be seen because he desired not to be publikely commended as the custome alwaies was on such occasions and indeed the most eloquent of the Barreau would have found themselves gravelled to have done it his Actions and Qualities being above expression Politique Observation A King ought never to forget the rewarding of extraordinary services with marks of honour for glory is the Nurse of Vertue and reward ought to follow all Actions accompanyed with Courage and Valour so that it is unjust not to reward those advantages which a grand Minister procureth to the Crown It is likewise true that honourable Qualities cannot more justly be conferred on any then those that do honourable actions seeing the most significant names are given to Subjects only in consideration of their ordinary Actions Now the name of Duke most properly belongeth to him who leads an Army in War and manageth affairs of State in peace under the King's Authority In this sence the primitive Gauls took it and it is most conformable to the Etymologie of the word Those are the Offices which Justânian ascribeth in his Institutes to a person of this Quality Ancient Authors do not observe that this was taken for any constant Honour until Diocâesian and Constantine in whose time the Governours of Provinces and Frontiers and Generals of Armies were called Dukes and Masters of War as may be seen in Amienus Marcellinus Tacitus indeed who lived under Trajane called Generals of Armies Dukes but it was only a temporary Quality which lasted no longer then their Commands It was under the later Emperours and our first Kings that this qualification was annexed to any particular person and made permanent as may be seen in Gregory de Tours the most ancient of our Historians where it is observed how Kingâ âântram gave the Dukeship and Government of the whole Kingdom for five years unto Eudistus At that rime indeed this quality was not so fixed but
entring into his Territories and to take revenge for some injuries which he pretended to have received from him This proceeding of his Majesty was accompanied with so much clemency that the Duke could not but acknowledge at that very instant that his Majesty had just reason to be discontented with him and that his Majesties readiness to forgive him then when it was in his power to carve his own satisfaction would be a strong obligation upon him and lastly protested that if he wanted power to defend himself from his Majesties forces hereafter he should not desire it Upon these respects his Majesty condiscended to pardon him and treat with him His Majesty could not but be jealous of his fair promises for that chastisements though just do usually exasperate those on whom they are inflicted whereupon he demanded Marsal to be delivered up unto him for an assurance of his world The Duke agreed thereunto and in fine the Treaty of Peace was concluded and signed in the moneth of January at Viâ by which the Duke did then ingage to relinquish all Intelligences Leagues Associations and practices whatever which he had or might have with any Prince in prejudice of his Majesty his States and Country under his obedience or protection or in prejudice of the Treaty of Alliance and confederacy contracted between his Majesty the King of Swede and Duke of Baviers for the preservation of the liberty of Germany the Catholick League the defence and protection of the Princes in friendship and alliance with the Crown of France Moreover he ingaged himself not to make alliance with any Prince whatsoever contrary to his Majesties knowledge and approbation to expel the Kings Enemies out of his States as also all his Majesties Subjects who were then there contrary to his Majesties allowance and in fine not to give them any passage or protection nor to permit any Levies of Men against his Majesties service The King on the other side to testifie his true and sincere affection promised to protect his person and defend his States with and against all men and after the execution of this Treaty faithfully to surrender Marsal into his hands Marsal was put into the King's power upon the thirteenth of January Monsieur the Kings Brother being then at Nancy departed and thus every one verily beleeved the Duke would sit down in Peace and that this Treaty would compel him to keep himself within bounds either in regard his Majesties clemency was such that it alone was sufficient to captivate the most stubborn Rebels or in regard the fear of losing Marsal would oblige him to be as good as his word But there are not any chains strong enough to bind up a spirit over-mastered by ambition and hatred the only insinuaters of disloyalty into the minds of men and the sequel of his Actions made it apparent to the whole World that he only ingaged in this Treaty to divert that storm which threatned him in case of non compliance as also that to observe the performance of those Articles was the least part of his resolution as we shall hereafter declare Politique Observation ALthough it do much concern little Princes not to pull upon themselves the forces of their neighbours who exceed them in power yet they are hardly to be perswaded thereunto unlesse compelled by meer force Though they want power yet they have a good mind and want no ambition to instigate them on the contrary as Passion increaseth by opposition so it should seem their desires of extending their Authorities addeth new provocations from those wants of abilities which their sence represents unto them The most inconsiderate do exceed those limits which their debility hath prescribed and commit themselves to the hazard of Fortune which feedeth and blindeth them with vain hopes whereas they who are truly wise make a great vertue of this necessity knowing that the most eminent Philosophers have placed their greatest felicity in being contented with their conditions and in cutting their cloaks by their cloth Admit their minds to be of what temper soever yet after they have once rashly run into any designs against a Prince more potent then themselves who forceth them to stoop under his Arms and to be at Peace it cannot be doubted but they are obliged to act with all reality and sincerity to alledge his power with whom they treat as a pretext to cover their dissimulation is frivolous indeed the power of an unjust Uâurper may give a Prince leave to dissemble yet the case is far otherwise in consideration of the power of a victorious Prince who after being compelled by injuries and provoked by indignities to take up his Arms may lawfully according to the custom of War give the Law to the vanquished and compel them to Treaties very disadvantagious to them A private person indeed who is forced to promise any thing by contract is not obliged to the performance thereof but otherwise it is when there is a necessity of obeying a lawful Prince or of complâance for fear of just Laws Thus a petty Prince oppresâ'd by a Tyâanical force to promise any thing is not obliged to act with integrity or to perform any part of his agreement but if he find himself go by the worst in a just war and in conclusion is forced to a Treaty contrary to his Inclinations and desires it is far otherwise for there he is obliged to proceed with reality and is fully bound to perform his agreement If it were not thus all Faith would be banished from Treaties of War for that usually one party finding himself the weaker is compelled by fear or necessity to submit unto such conditions which else he would refuse A Prince is a lively Image of the Divinity and his chiefest happiness consisteth in imitation thereof Whereupon God being Truth it self he is the more obliged to study Truth in his Treaties Antiquity having esteemed them sacred and not to be violated He ought not to run into any promises which are not first discussed with mature deliberation but having once passed them he is bound to perform them with Truth and Sincerity Admit it be to his disadvantage he ought to complain of himself only seeing he first gave the occasion of War and it is unreasonable to term that violence which is a meer and just chastisement of injuries The Saguntines are blamed by Plutarch for having falsified their Treaties with Hannibal unto whom they gave their Faith to be obedient and to pay him three hundred Talents of Silver which they undertook to do that he might be induced to raise the Siege from before their City but resolved upon his withdrawing from their Country to make use of the first advantage against him whereas he provoked by their Trechery return'd to besiege them a second time and forc'd them to surrender upon condition that the men were to march out with a single Coat and no Arms the women with their wearing habits and in this equipage to go live
into Germany for it was no small blow unto the Emperour to draw away from him the Electors of Cologne and Treves the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholick Princes that in some sense it wee to cut off one of his Arms and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength that in conclusion he believed his Majesty of Swede was obliged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still provided they did totally decline the Emperour's asistance with whom alone he was ingaged that hereby convincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion a thing much taking with the people it would evidently follow that his enemies would oppose him with the lesse resolution The King of Swâden received his Majesties request made by the Marquis de Breze with a great deal of honour but being a Prince of great understanding he forthwith âounded the depth of the Catholique Princes promises and made apparent unto him that their Proposals were not real that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they indured by their own unreasonable wilfulnesse contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them of forsaking his enemies and injoying their estates in quiet under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them He likewise declared unto him the resolutions of the League concluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat which were directly repugnant to these proposals as also the Duke of Baviârs Letters who in the middest of his protestations of forbearing hostility did not however cease to raise forces fortifie Towns and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies by all which it was evident enough that his designs tended only to linger out the time whereby he might take better aim in future The Marquesse de Breze replied unto him that in truth the evil designs of those Catholique Princes could no be executed in regard of he time pass'd especially after sight of their Letters yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly if there were a Treaty concluded with them That the King his Master was far from countenancing their unjust pretences but that in case they should be reduced to reason as his Majesty well hoped and themselves had fairly promised he should then affectionately desire they might be permitted to sit still in order whereunto he requested there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days in which time some reasonable end might be concluded The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France without which he should hardly have been perswaded to passe over the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes after those affronts received from them In fine it was no more then he might have desired he being too prudent not to observe how by granting them to become Neuters he did much weaken his enemies and how that satisfying the World he intended not an invasion of the Church the Emperours Forces would not be so zealous in his service by which means he might the easilier perfect their destruction Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War not to declare himself against Religion a thing which mightily incourageth them who defend it for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall becomâ partakers so that if a Crown of Laurel proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games could produce such great passion in those who entred the Lists how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens animate the courages of the Souldiers They are informed how the death with which they meet is not so much a death as a happy passage from death which leadeth them from the grave to immortality from unavoidable miseries to infinite goods from tears to unspeakable joy and from a fight to triumph Thus it being natural unto man-kind to be concern'd at the apprehension of great rewards it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage The most fearfull are stout and bold in defence of their Religion of which the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples seeing women and children have for the conservation of their Religion tryumphed over the greatest courages of Emperours He who never thought to go out of his own house willingly taketh up Arms when the Churches Liberty is in question The Jews saith Tacitus were not much concerned to die in their wars because they believed another life And Gaesar saith The Druides of France were unconquerable in the Field because they believed the Transmigration of Souls and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again What resolution then would the Catholique have amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength as the resolution of his soul and in that resolution which banisheth all sence of Fear from the heart which infuseth an universal heat and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiesest effects is to replenish the soul with an heavenly fire and to infuse it with power for the destruction of what ever resisteth the glory of God No passion doth so encourage as the zeal of Realigion it rendereth men sensless in all sufferings converteth stripes into pleasures causeth labour to be delightful and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become couragious A Treaty of the Catholique Princes of Germany with the King of Swede THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholique Princes to become Neuters and consented to a cessation for fifteen days there were Articles drawn up and those the most reasonable that could be wished they implyed 1. That the League should forsake the Emperors Alliance and Interests and relinquish all Intelligence with him 2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army 3. That the Palatinate should be restored 4. That the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes should return unto the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them since the year sixteen hundred and eighteen 5. That they should not permit the Emperour to make any Levies in their States 6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands for their performance of the Treaty 7. That in consideration of these agreements the King of Sweden should ingage not to use any acts of Hostility against them or exact any contributions from them There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just then these whereby to settle the Princes in neutrality for in case they ceased to assist the Emperour the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them and relinquish those which his Armies
to be another time more wary he commanded the Comte d' Alets to draw out six hundred Horse his own Musquettiers thirty of the Cardinals Guard two hundred Musquettiers of the Regiment des Gardes all mounted upon small Naggs and to go charge them which was effected accordingly with such courage and success that two hundred and fifty were left dead on the place many wounded and taken besides five Cornets and store of Horses which afforded the Foot opportunity to march more to their ease The King's loss was not great there being only seven killed and some few hurt amongst whom the Duke d' Halvin Commander of the light Horse and the Sieur de Bouchavennes received two Pistol shots in their Arms. The Sieur de Calabre was at that time about two leagues distant raising a Troop of Dragoons for the Duke's service but he was hindred by thirty of the King 's light horse and as many of the Mareschal at Schomberg who by his Majesty's order charged them so home and so suddenly that they had not leisure to make any defence but were all brought away Prisoners The King in the interim advanced into Lorrain and took divers places one after another Bar le Duc surrendred upon the first summons Saint Mihel did the like into which place his Majesty entred in Tryumph accompanyed by the Prisoners of Rounray and his whole Army to the great astonishment of the Inhabitants who were not used to behold so great a Power He ordained the Sieur De Nesmond to take the place of Justice in the Seat of the Soveraigne Counsel of Lorrain in this City and finding the Officers refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance he prohibited them to exercise their Offices and appointed others in their stead hereby shewing unto the Duke of Lorrain that his ruine was inevitable as often as he durst attempt any thing against France or recede from his devoir In earnest I know not unto what that little Prince may be compared more fitly then unto the earth which may well fill the Ayr with exhalations and somtimes over-cast the Sun with clouds from which not long after proceed Thunders and Hail to destroy what-ever she hath of beauty and to reduce her richest Harvests unto nothing For just thus who-ever hath beheld the designes of his contrivance the preparations he hath made and his attempts ever since his first comming to the Dukedom must conclude his whole work hath been to raise storms which have in the end fallen upon his own head to his great loss and then vanished like a cloud of Thunder Politique Observation NO War is just but that which is necessary according to the opinion of the wisest Politicians So that a Prince never ought to undertake it but upon just considerations War is know to be the source of all misfortunes it filleth a State with impieties violences extortions and cruelties it destroyeth the innocent incommodateth the rich and pulleth away the bread out of the hands of the poor what reason therefore to commence it unlesse upon good ground and when necessity doth even inforce it Now of all Princes which fail of their designs in point of War none are more justly punished for their temerity then those who build designs disproportionable to their powers such Princes are easily reduced either to a necessity of seeing their Army cut in pieces or of making a Peace upon dishonourable conditions Perhaps they fancy an augmentation of credit power and glory but in conclusion they are driven to exigencies and confusions which had never befallen them bad they but prudently remembred that the Creator of the Universe hath set bounds to all Empires that he had before our births pre-ordained what condition we should here injoy that our lives and our fortunes are both limited and that notwithstanding all our care all our indeavours we cannot increase the one or protract the t'other one tittle unlesse Heaven concur to favour our attempts They find by experience that the most active and busie drive on their ends more slowly then other men that those men whose minds are taken up with continual broyls do often fall into the snare they had contrived for others and that those Princes who think to be most wise and subtle in deceiving others are commonly themselves mistaken and deluded To conclude they who are truly wise do foresee at a distance what the issue of their attempts may be and do refer the management of affairs unto their Judgement without following the impetuousness of their emotions they know that who so is master of his passions is master of his Fortune and they imitate Caesar's Prudence who never took the Field until he had taken care for four things which seem to be the true foundation of Victory The first whereof is To be fully inform'd of an Enemies Force of his Advantages and of his Wants before he encounter with him The second is To have an Army in readiness if possible before he hear of it The third is To have all Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals in a readiness And the fourth is To have all sorts of Instruments and Warlike Engines at Command These were the things which gave Caesar the opportunity to prosecute his Conquests with success and to bring great exploits to perfection in a very small time He who would imitate his Victories ought to imitate the example of his Prudence otherwise his misfortune will be as great as were his Quondam hopes of glory The Duke of Lorrain sendeth to assure the King of his Service IN vain do the Stars endeavour to twinkle in the Sun's presence who ushered in by the morning darkens them at his only sight In vain do the great Rivers which astonish the world by the impetuousness of their waters endeavour to contest with the Ocean which forceth them to pour all their store into his Bosome as a Tribute due to his greatness And in vain doth a petty Prince make a muster of his Forces in presence of those of a great King before whom he is only esteemed as a small star which hath neither light nor luster when the Sun comes in view The Duke of Lorrain was forced to confess as much though against his Will both in consideration of the defeat of his Forces and loss of his Towns In fine he was necessitated to send the Sieur de Courtrisson to offer all sort of satisfaction unto his Majesty The King amidst the greatest Victories was ever wont to prefer peace before war yet because Infidelities are a just cause of distrust he could not believe that the Duke had any cordial intention to conclude the war his Word and Actions being disconsonant Whereupon be Proceeded on Wednesday June 23. to invest Nancy and accordingly he came with his Army two days after unto Liverdun which is only two Leagues distant from it and sent another part of his Army within half a league from it The Duke well perceived that the King was resolved in good
at that time they had no other honour but that of being issued from the County of Abspurg in Switzerland Besides Princes allyed by marriage commonly joyning their Forces together do not a little help to defend one another upon an occasion and even to favour those enterprizes which either of them shal make to increase their power Lewis the second well knew how to break off the Match between Charles Duke of Burgogn with Margaret daughter to Richard Duke of York and Sister to Edward King of Enâlând which would have joyned the English Forces with those of Bârgogn by demanding that Princess for Charles his brother though he had no intention to marry him to her he being too too prudent to match a Brother so inclinable to Rebellion with an enemy so Potent as she was It is true if the Aliance of France with England was then thought to be disadvantagious to the good of France yet now that which may be concluded on with them is of so much the greater concernment because having nothing more to do then to ballance the house of Austria it could not gain a greater advantage in relation to that design then by this means for this being one of the powerfullest Kingdomes in Europe will turn the scales to that of the two Crowns with which it shall bee joyned in Alliance France cannot hope that England would upon any consideration of marriage whatsoever relinquish their own particular interests seeing Soveraigns have nothing which is dearer to them but it will have good reason to beleeve that it will never invade us unless provoked by honour or some great Consideration and on the contrary that they would assist us with a good will in such enterprizes where they could receive nothing but Glory After all Fâance will have this benefit to hinder their being leagued with our enemies who joyned with them might much damage us and it is advantage enough to avoid those mischiefs which would follow if it were left undone and by that means to prevent the uniting of our enemies with them The Cardinal knew That that Minister who hath a care of the Church interest draws down a thousand blessings from Heaven upon the State Accordingly he did particularly imploy himself to get as much liberty as possibly he could in England The Earles of Carlisle and Holland came with confidence that there could not be any great strictness used in that particular but imagined as their Master did that the diversity of Religion which was in France would induce them not to be too earnest only of an Assurance that the Princess and those of her retinue should have free liberty to exercise that Religion whereof they made profession but the Cardinal quickly told them That the King his Master being more obliged by divers Considerations to procure greater advantages to the Church then the Spaniard they ought not to hope that he would be satisfied with less then they He represented to them that his Majesty being the eldest son of the Church and bearing the Title of the most Christian King would be much blamed if he proceeded upon other terms besides that this Alliance could not be concluded without the consent of the head of the Church That it would be ill received at Rome if it should be proposed there with conditions less favourabâe to the Catholicks then those which were granted to the Spaniards To which for the present the Embassadors replied That the King their Master had not procured the Parliaments consent for this Alliance with France and breaking off that with Spain but in consideration that they would not have been so strict in requiring so many favours in behalf of the Catholicks and withal that it was held there as a fundamental Law not to grant them any freedomes by reason of many great inconveniences which would in time happen to their State The Cardinal was not wanting to reply that he was well informed neither the King or Parliament were induced to break with the Spaniards untill they were convinced that their Treaty was onely feigned and that they had other designs then of giving the Infanta to the Prince of Wales and as for what related to the Peace of the State he answered that the liberty which was granted to the Catholicks could not trouble it seeing experience hath evidenced it on a thousand occasions that there is not any thing which doth more stir up People to Commotions then the restraint which is imposed upon the exercise of religion That that is it which incites people to shake off the yoke of their obedience and that never any thing but mis-fortunes have followed that Prince who would force men in that beleef which they had a long time imbraced That in truth Religion might by fire and sword be destroyed and rooted out before it be fully setled in the soul but after that it will be so far from being changeable by force that rather on the contrary violence will but ferment and fix it so much the more because those things are more difficult then the care which ought to be had for their conservation That in effect this Maxime was verified in France where the liberty which was granted to the Hugonots by the Edict of Peace had converted a far greater number then all the rigours of punishment and war These reasons were so strong that the English Embassadours found themselves unable to answer any thing against it But it was not sufficient to perswade them the King of Great Brittains consent was needfull It cannot be denied but there were great hopes of obtaining it considering his particular inclination he himself being well disposed to be converted and that he was also satisfied in Conscience concerning the principal difficulties in the Catholick Beleef and had permitted the Arch-Bishop of Ambrun sent at his intreaty by the King to sound him upon some other points to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to above twenty thousand Catholicks in London indeed it was apprehended a little hazardous lest the Parliament should not consent to it they having a great power in the resolution of affairs This difficulty induced the King after the Cardinal had informed him of it to send the Marquess de Effiat into England in the quality of an extraordinary Embassadour to negotiate all the affairs which related to the marriage In his instructions were particular orders to indeavour to perswade his Majesty of Great Brittain to like well of those reasons which the Cardinal had imparted to his Embassadour and moreover to tell him in particular that considering the Parliament was composed of Protestants and Puritans he ought to suspect them on this occasion that himself being party against them there was no apparence of any reason to delay that which concerned the Catholicks Interest Moreover that it was dangerous for a Soveraign to use violence towards his subjects in matter of Religion seeing that it teacheth to despise life and who so despiseth his own life is master of
have the reputation of an extraordinary Honesty especially to the transacting of such things which notwithstanding their innate Justice may provoke any evil spirits For though the most upright regulate their Judgements by some Principles which serve them as a Law in the Government of a State yet the most part ghuessing onely by their own senses and apprehensions judge of the Affairs by the Persons who conduct them Opinion guides the whole world and sets a price upon virtue it self and the reputation alone of him who negotiates may cause his designs to passe under the notion of good and lawful If the Foxes good counsel be once suspected by a man he will be hardly perswaded that a Person replenished with all the ornaments of a singular integrity will engage himself in unjust designs The repute of such a person sets a value and a price upon his words and actions and the opinion which is conceived of him is so absolute an Empire that there is no Appeal from his Judgement It is an ancient saying Truth is the strongest thing in the world But however if once Opinion hath fixed her Throne in the mindes of the people Truth will have somewhat to doe to disappoint her The prescriptions of a Physitian who is in esteem doe even passe for good And the Acts of a person who hath the credit of a sublime Virtue cannot be found fault withall The wiseft of the Pagans were not ignorant hereof but made great advantages by it as occasion offered it self Scipio the African would sometimes be a long while together all alone in the Capitol pretending he did conferr with Jupiter concerning the affairs of the Commonwealth and all this he did that he might be thought to be endued with a more than humane Piety Minos the Law-giver of Candia went down to make Laws into a subterranean Cave which he called Jupiters Grot and thence brought them all written perswading the people to believe that they were inspired into him by that Divinity And this was an easie way to perswade the people to whatsoever they had a mind to God himself hath thought it very proper too when he would bring any great thing to passe for he hath chosen usually such men who by their eminent virtue are able to make all people believe that whatsoever they declare could not be but truth He hath commanded the Prophets and Apostles to publish such sayings as would jarr and clash with the senses of most men and yet he hath replenished them in respect of his choice with the many graces that it were almost impossible for the most part not to believe them The deputation of the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clercs to the King of England in the qualitie of an Extraordinary Ambassador AFter the King had payed this respect to the Pope and that the Articles of Mariage had been coucluded upon the twentieth of November His Majestie cast his eys upon the Sieur de la Ville-aux-clerâs one of his Councellors and Secretary of State to dispatch him into England as an Extraordinary Ambassador He gave him particular order to testifie unto the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales the great affection which he had to live with them in a strait and near intelligence and to assure them that one of the chiefest reasons which drew him to agree to the Mariage was the consideration that as one link of their Friendship was tyed by Blood this would render it indissolvable After these Complements were once past he commanded him to procure the Articles of Mariage to be ratified and to obtain their Oaths and Promises by Writing according to what the Ambassadors had engaged their words He discharged himself with honour both to the one and t'other Commission and having several times entertained them with the Content that his Master would conceive by their Alliance he at last concluded with such dexteritie that he had instilled into them all sorts of good will and affection for France and in particular for his Majesties Interests and so invited them to a quick consummation of the Treatie that the sudden chances which usually happen to affairs of this consequence might not breed any alteration or change This was the ground-work upon which he founded his demands for their Instruments and Oaths which had been promised and which both of them were readily disposed to effect and accordingly they promised upon the Holy Evangelist not to attempt by any wayes or means to induce the Princesse to change the Roman Catholique Apostolique Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it They likewise promised upon their Faith and words of Princes to grant to the Catholiques more Liberties and Franchises in every thing which concern'd their Religion than had been given in favour of the Match with Spain not to force them to take Oaths contrary to the Rules of the Roman Church and to take effectual care that they were no more troubled in their Persons or Estates for their Religion provided they exercised it in private and lived in obedience as good Subjects ought to doe and finally both of them signed and delivered two Deeds for the better assurance of their Oaths and Promises After all this his Instructions did not oblige him to be contented with words onely as to that which concern'd the Libertie of the Catholiques so that he proceeded with great earnestness to obtain the effects of it and he was assured that upon the conclusion of the Mariage there should be a Patent of Enlargement granted to all such as were Prisoners for their Religion-sake without being any more troubled for the future and for what related to all in general there was a Deed made under his Majesties own Hand and Seal directed to the Lord Conway Secretary of State commanding him to signifie to all whom it concern'd that it was his Majesties pleasure no farther prosecution should be made against them and accordingly the Lord Conway gave notice hereof to the Chancellor Treasurer to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York and to all other chief Officers principally requiring the Grand Treasurer to restore unto them all the monies which had been forced from them and payd into the Exchequer with order not to do the like hereafter and thus by obtaining their Promises Words and Assurances they had as much security as they could wish for could they but be contented to exercise their Religion in private and without noyse Politique Observation THe word of a King hath alwayes pass'd for so sacred that ours have sometimes scrupel'd at the confirmation by Oath of what they once gave upon their words It was for that reason Saint Lewis would not swear in his own person to the League then made with Henry the third King of England at the Camp neer St. Aubin Anno 1231. but desired it might suffice if he caused it to be sworn in his name and presence by the Prior of St. Martin the fields Indeed there being nothing
Assembly very remarkable of the three States in which it was resolved to make the Treasurers render an accompt and to intrust the disposal of the Publick Money into the hands of the Ecclesiasticks and Noble Men who it was hoped would manage them with more Fidelity In fine a Commission was granted to the Abbots of Marmostier and Corby and they had joyned to them for Counsel four Bishops and four Knights Pierre des Essars Treasurer of France was then clapt up in Prison and severall Financiers condemned to pay great Fines The Affairs of the Valtoline AFter the declaring what Empires Death and Fortune exercised during this year in the State the prosecution of Affairs ingageth me to inform you of what passed in the businesse of the Valtoline but that I may write it with more perspicuity I think it necessary to take the rise of this Affair and to observe to you that the Valtoline is a Country scituated at the foot of the Alps not unlike a great Ditch separated by the high Mountains from the Grisons and those which are on the Coast of Italy It is not of very large extent not being above twenty leagues in length and one in breadth but is very fertile and of great importance serving as a Gate to the Spaniards and Venetians to bring Forces out of Germany into Italy as well to defend as to increase their States The Venetians were not ignorant of it when they were imbroyled with Pope Paul the fifth Anno 1603. they made a League with the Grisons who are natural Lords of it to have free passage through it as their occasions should require though France had the onely Power to dispose of it according to the Treaty made with them by Lewis the 12th and renewed by Henry the Great Anno 1602. during the time of his own life the life of the present King and eight years after his decease Which Alliance with them gives great offence to the Spaniards which caused them to make another League with the Grisons to whom the same Passages were assured for the safeguard of Milan However after a long Treaty made in the year 1631. these two new Alliances were turned topsie turvey and that of France re-setled it is true it was not for any long time because the Venetians having been at variance with the Arch-Duke Ferdinand and the house of Austria sent Secretary Patavin to the Grisons who contracted another league with them which made the Spaniards re-assume those former intelligences of theirs insomuch that there were two parties formed amongst them that of Plauta for the Spaniards and that of Deslia for the Venetians which kindled such a fire as could not be extinguished to this present day The difference was such that from the year 1617 to the year 1621. there were nine insurrections among them in which sometimes one party sometimes another had the better of it At last the Valtolines annoyed by the Injustices and Extorsions which the Protestant Grisons used over them and otherwhiles pretending that they would abolish the Catholick Religion from amongst them they made a general revolt and at the perswasion of the Governour of Milan massacred all the Protestants they met with In July 1620 the Grisons could easily have chastised them for this cruell act whereas they to secure themselves from the revenge which they expected had recourse to the Governour of Milan who glad at heart to make an advantage in this occasion was not backward in sending them souldiers and building them Forts in their Valley The King being then ingaged in re-taking those Towns which the Hugonots had gotten into their possession could not succour the Grisons with his Armies but however he sent the Marshal de Bassompiere extraordinary Ambassadour into Spain to require and in his name to demand that the Valtoline might be restored and all things re-placed into their former state and condition The Marshal took extraordinary paines to procure it and at last obtained it and accordingly it was signed at a Treaty in Madrid in May 1621. on condition that certain great Liberties might be accorded to the Catholiques there and with a Proviso that the Cantons of the Swisses and the Valtolines should incline the Grisons to consent to what had been agreed upon But the Spaniards proceeding with little Faith to execute the Treaty procured the Catholique Cantons by their mony to deny their consents which one thing being deficient they would put off the whole execution of the Treaty and moreover made one at Milan with the Deputies of the Grisons and two others with the same Grisons and the Archduke Leopold by which they got great advantages in those Countries and so kept to themselves the power of passing any Forces thorough that Country This Procedure made the Duke of Savoy very jealous as also the Princes of Italy and Germany which were not interessed in the designs of the House of Austria and having made their complaints to his Majesty his Majesty who is as much concern'd for them as the Grisons concluded a Treaty of Alliance with the Duke of Savoy and Republique of Venice in February 1623 for the executing the Treaty at Madrid and the re-establishing the Grisons in their Soveraignty of the Valtoline This League made the King of Spain suspect that they began to smel the Usurpation which he had made so that ghuessing he should find a hard task to preserve it âhe offered the King to put all those Forts which the Governour of Milan had built in deposit in Pope Gregory the fifteenth's hands and those of the Holy Seat to be by them kept until the conclusion of the Treaty which should be made to end all those differences The King could hardly be drawn to agree to to the deposit both because there was no need of any other Treaty then that of Madrid as also by reason of the liberty of passages which the Spaniard would keep However his Majesty being pressed unto it by the Pope consented to it upon condition that all those Forts should be demolished within three months during which time the Articles of Accommodation should be agreed on at Rome The Commander of Sylleri was then Ambassador at Rome for France and the Duke de Pastrane had the same charge from Spain and both having received power from their Masters to treat and negotiate this Affair there were divers Proposals made France never made any difficulty of according to any thing which might contribute to the exercise of the Catholique Religion in the Valtoline or for security of all such as made profession thereof But they would never agree to those demands which the Spaniards made concerning the having of Passages with so much peremptoriness During which time Pope Gregory the fifteenth dyed and Vrban the eighth being set in his place after his first entrance upon the Popedom proposed new Articles of Accommodation which comprised as much as could be of advantage for the Church and Catholiques which were readily accepted
length of time and delays if he had not been pressed by those Protestations which were several times represented to him That the King his Master after he had imployed all the means of a Treaty to no purpose would have recourse to those to his Arms without any more ado to obtain that by force which was denied to the justice of his Reasons His Holiness being thus hard put to it would willingly have delivered up the Forts into the hands of the Valtolines but one thing which hindred him was he would be re-imbursed of those Charges which he had expended for their preservation during the deposit The Spaniards offering to give him satisfaction in it did invite him to deliver them up to them But the Sieur de Bethune making him the same proffers from the King did so puzzle him that afterwards he could not deliver up the Forts to one without offending the t'other and without making a breach between them Now to dis-ingage himself from these broyls he made divers Proposals but all tending to delays the Sieur de Bethune acquainting the King therewith received express Order not to consent to any expedient of that nature and rather to press his Holiness to leave the Fort in the Spaniards hands then to use any longer delays because his Majesty was fully resolved not to let the year pass away without somewhat of Action and in case he could get no other determinate resolution that he should write to the Marquess Coeuures presently to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline Politick Observation IT is usual with Princes who are Mediators of Peace between other Soveraigns to amuse those Embassadours which are with them upon that accompt with divers new Proposals which themselves judge not to be feasible When they find things hard to be concluded on they hope that time may in fine produce some agreeable overture both to one and t'other which may induce them to lay down their Arms or else they indeavour by this means to give time to him whom they would incline to favour to draw his forces together and put himself into a posture of defence In such Encounters an Embassadour ought to be both Prudent and Stout Prudent he ought to be that he may dive into the qualities and consequences of such Propositions as shall be made unto him either to reject them if inconvenient or to make appear that it is on good grounds he doth not accept of them Couragious too he ought to be to maintain his Masters Interests with strong Reasons and Generosity without fear of being importunate and without making a scruple of speaking out when need requires If he discovers any weaknesse ir-resolution and dulness of Soul if he be slow in finding out expedients or do not well discuss such propositions as are made to him he cannot escape the censure of the World on the contrary he will gain the more honour if by his vivacity address and vigour he shall effect with ease those affairs which otherwise would be intricate and Thorny and free his Country from Wars and allay the exasperations of his enemies and in fine reduce the most obstinate to be governed by the Rules of Reason It wâll be an act of Prudence in him not to bewray the least apprehensions of fear to see his Master ingaged in a War which if he should his enemies would soon make advantage of it on the contrary he ought rather to imitate the resolution of Quintus Fabius who being sent from the Romans to the Carthaginians presently told them that he should be most glad if there might be any expedient found out for an accommodation which would be for the good of both parties if it might not be he there presented them too Gages one of Peace and t'other of War that they might chuse which they pleased He will be much blamed who suffers himself to be amused with frivolous Proposals made onely to gain time as it befell the Embassadours of Dyonisius the Tyrant who being sent to the Syracusian to treat a Peace were entertained by Dion General of their Army with several specious Propositions but without any conclusion until he had re-edified a good part of the Wall by which the Town should have been taken and then had no other answer but this That the Syracusians could make no Peace with Dyonisius unless hee renounced the Soveraignty and content himself with some meaner Honours An Embassadour ought sometimes to excite and press that Prince with whom he treats when he cannot draw any reason from him and if his Instances shall be looked upon as importunities by him yet his master will esteem them for marks of his Courage and Fidelity however such remembrances ought to be with respective honour due to Persons of Quality For being a little toucht they rouze up themselves but if provoked by offences they run into extremities An Embassadour of Genoa did heretofore suggest as much to Galeas Duke of Milan by a witty invention when he was so obstinate that he could not procure so much as Audience from him he presented him among other things a Vessel on which he had laid a Basil-plant the Duke was surprized at it and knowing not what it signified sent to know the Embassadours meaning the Embassadour willingly waited on him and told him that the Genoveses were as all other Princes like that Plant which if a little rubbed in the hand sends forth a very sweet smell but if pressed untill the juyce come out it breeds Scorpions thus he obtained much of what he desired by this means To be short Kings are of that humour that if an Embassadour should be so inconsiderate as to domineer and use outragious speeches it would onely breed Scorpions that is Bloody Wars by provoking of their anger but if he be Prudent and Generous to press with dexterity and moderation they will become sensible and be reduced in fine to whatsoever shall reasonably be desired from them The Marquess de Coevures is sent to the Cantons of the Swisses for the Grisons affairs THE orders in this negotiation were executed with a great deal of Prudence and Courage however all would not do to obtain any reason from the Spaniards who never want opportunities of making advantages out of the rediousness of a Treaty The Cardinal who knew of old all their tricks advised the King not to stand dallying upon the means of a Treaty as formerly but forthwith to make use of his Arms to reduce them to terms of Justice This way of proceeding was much different from those which had heretofore been used the intent of it being to raise up the Renown and Reputation of the French amongst strangers to make no difficulty of taking up their Arms to obstruct the enterprizes of the house of Austria rather then to suffer their allies to be longer oppressed the Ruine of whom would undoubtedly shake the Foundations of this Empire it self This Generous resentment was concurrent with his Majesties inclination so that
Majesty of all possible means to communicate it to his Highness and that his Majesty having had advise upon it was counselled to lay hold on peace in regard of the disposition of Affairs both within and without his Kingdome considering the small progresse the Arms of the League had made after two years time in Italy and lastly for that those very things were obtain'd in the Peace for which the League had been contrived all which things were much more considerable then any Formalities and Punctilio's of honour Upon the second point the Sieur de Bullion had expresse charge to tell his Highness that his Majesty had so much the more willingly consented to the Treaty of Peace that he might be capable of ending his differences with the Common-wealth of Genoa by arbitration in respect his Arms had so little contributed to advance his interests as yet and that if his Highness would be pleased to make known his pretentions The King would embrace them very affectionately and as his own and would also concur with him for the procuring him all possible satisfaction and content either by disputing the business by reason and if need were by Arms. Upon the third point which had no relation to any thing of the League and yet was no inconsiderable thing neither for that it was designed only to allay and take off from the Dukes anger and passion that his Majesty well knowing the courage and magnanimity of this Prince and that it was his high mind which made him esteem glory above all things as also that eminent Titles of honour have a great influence on the Souls of those who are touched with greatness and that it doth bring them to that point which is pretended commanded the Sieur de Bullion to humour this inclinations and to let him know that his Majesty had by the Sieur de Bethune proposed to the Pope to cause him be Crowned King of Cyprus as wel in regard of the pretensions which the house of Savoy hath upon that Kingdom as also in regard of his particular valour which was risen to so high an admiration and credit in the whole World that this Title could not with Justice be denied him and that there was not any King in Christendom which would not be wel satisfied with the admission of a Prince of his Birth and recommendation into that degree and quality The Dispatch of the Sieur du Chasteauneuf to the Common-wealth of Venice for the Affairs before-mentioned THE Sieur de Bulloin made use of his Reason with so much Judgement and Prudence that he obtained all he could desire The Cessation of Arms was consented to and accordingly proclaimed in Milan Genoa and Piedmont The referring of the businesse to Arbitration was well approved of and his Highnesse delivered a breviate of his pretensions to the Crown of Cyprus to the Sieur at Bullion who assured he would recommend that businesse particularly to his Majesty and told him that most assuredly his Majesty would be very careful of it On the other side the Sieur de Chasteauneuf was at the same time sent to the Common-wealth of Venice to induce them to accord to the Treaty and accommodation of Mouson and from thence for the same purpose to the Grisons the Valtolines and the Swisses Those first Reasons which were given in charge to the Sieur de Bullion to represent to the Duke of ãâã were also included in his Instructions and he had likewise particular order to adâ⦠to the Common-wealth of Venice That they had great reason to be well satisfied with the Peace seeing it freed them from a chargeable War subject to many accidents and in which well they might lose much but gain little And because the Venetian Embassador declared that he did imagine the assurance of the Treaty to consist in the keeping up of those Forts in the Valtoline the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf had Order to let them know that such a pretension as that was would most assuredly have broken off the Treaty of accommodation and that all that was to be wished was sometimes impossible to be effected Besides that the keeping up of the Fort would be a great charge either in relation to the necessary expences for the giving of a full satisfaction or else for the maintaining of a strong Garison and who at last cast too might not peradventure be able to keep out the Spaniard if at any time hee should have a mind to enter upon them with an Army He was also charged to let them perceive that the natural inclination of the Valtolines was not to indure any Rule or Government and that they would never have indured any long time together that those Forts should remain in the power of a stranger and that the Spaniards knowing their natures to be such would alwaies be inciting and assisting them underhand to retake them so that the keeping up of the Forts would instead of securing the Treaty onely become an absolute ground of troubles to the Common-wealth as they who are nearest seated to the Valtoline who are in perpetual fears and jealousies and forced still to be upon their Guard against the Spaniards attempts which would put them to vast charges and force them too at last to yeeld to reason And he was commanded by his Majesty that he might humour the Commonwealth in its Interests to tell them that the King would willingly grant them the Passages of the Valtoline and Grisons for ten years he knowing how passionately they desired it and moreover that his Majesty would in case they should request it enter into a defensive League with them The Sieur de Chasteauneuf prosecuted these Instructions so luckily that the Common-wealth was sensible of the honour the King had done them in sending to them an extraordinary Embassadour upon their Affairs and left it to his Majesty to consider whether all those advantages which were to be wished for were comprised in the Treaty and that for their particulars they thought themselves much obliged for his proffer of a defensive League assuring the said Sieur de Chasteauneuf that they should be ever ready to continue those testimonies of affection and observance which they had alwaies had towards the Crown of France which was as much as could be desired from them Then the Sieur de Chasteauneuf went towards the Grisons and the Valtoline in prosecution of his Embassiy The Instructions which he received from his Majesty concerning those parts was to joyn himself with the Marquesse de Coeuvres and to swear those people to a solemn observaon of the Treaty The Valtolines made not any difficulty at all at it but accepted of the Treaty as also to pay every year unto the Grisons five and twenty thousand Crowns which had been imposed on them But as for the Grisons there were many meetings and Assemblies held amongst them without any resolution but onely in general terms they thanked his Majesty for his assistance and acknowledged themselves
But that I may now return to the two Brothers who were come to wait on this Majesty at Bloys his Majesty being retired to his bed sent about two howers after mid night to find out the Sieurs d'Hallier and the Marquis de Moicy Captains of his Guards and commanded them to go into their Chambers and make sure of their persons accordingly they seized on them and it is reported that the Duke of Vendosm beginning first to speak should say looking on his Brother well Brother did not I tell you in Britain that we should be arrested and that the Grand Prior should answer would I were dead upon condition you were safe there again and then that the Duke should reply I told you the truth when I said the Castle of Blois was a place fatal to Princes They then made a thousand excuses each telling the other that he was the cause of their imprisonment and that they themselves confessed that they were advised that evening by a letter how they should be imprisoned but that they could not believe it That whole morning they had liberty to disburthen their miracles by their complaints of the misfortune in which they found themselves imbroyled Afterward they were carried to the Castle of Amboyse and thence to the Bois de Vincennes This blow gave the allarum to the whose Cabal though his Majesty who would content himself with punishing of some few pretended to be ignorant of the rest He also sent a commission to the Count de Soissons to command during his absence in and about Paris for the securing of it It 's true he would not trust himself there but chose rather to passe away some little time either in Savoy or Italy A certain Princess took the boldness to say unto some who went to visit her that notwithstanding the assurance which the King had given to the Grand Prior in behalf of his Brother the Duke of Vendosm yet that both of them were arrested which did clearly evince that those were near his Majesty did perswade him to break his promises which being reported to the King it is said he was pleased to answer that the was not well informed of the whole passage and that he was not concerned to entertain such discourse for that if they knew themselves innocent they would never have thought of demanding a security to come and wait upon him and that who so doeth require an assurance for his attending on his Soveraign doeth in effect condemn himself to be guilty and that the promises which are made on such an occasion ought not to be his warrant unlesse they be very clear and expresse to that purpose Politique Reflection ALthough all absolute promises which are made by Kings ought to be kept and that even with seditious persons yet it is not the same thing where a divers sence may be imposed on them or where there is an apparent good will shewed on purpose to draw them on into a snare prepared to arrest them To punish them and hinder their troubling the repose of the Kingdom cannot be denied for an Act of Justice which if it cannot be done but by giving them fair hopes and good words to a muse them then such means are to be made use of accordingly provided alwayes that there be no expresse promise granted unto them King Antigonus having understood how that Pitho Governour of Media did raise Souldiers and money to revolt against him pretended not to believe those informations but gave out that he would send him an Army to command upon some exploit or other designing that Pitho when he once heard how affectionately he was esteemed would peradventure come to wait upon him which indeed hapned accordingly for he presently repaired to the Court shewing himself highly pleased with the Honour which the King did him and that he came on purpose to receive his Majesties Commands whereas Antigonus finding him within his power chasticed him according to his deserts Pope Leo made use of the self same device to imprison John Paul Baylloni and to punish him for those Crimes which he had committed and he answered those who complained of being deceived by his promises that evil doers could not think themselves deceived when they were chasticed for their fals but that they were deceived when as there were permitted to continue Scot free in their Crimes and when their liberties and lives of which they were unworthy were continued and granted to them The proceeding of Artaxerxes King of the Persians towards Artaban is not improper to be remembred on this occasion This Prince having unâeâsâood how the other had contrived to kill him and seize upon his Kingdom resolved to prevent him but he being cunning and alwayes well guarded he had recourse to his wit dissembled the suspition which he had against him and that so handsomly that Artabanus imagined himself to stand very right in his opinion To compleat his designe he gave out that he intended a certain forraign invasion and gave him order to levy his Troops and draw them together which being all assembled Artaxerxes desired to see them mustered in his own presence and comming up to him in the head of his Forces seemed to be much taken with the handsomness of his Arms and desired to make an Exchange with him Artaban finding himself obliged to put them off forth with disarnied himself and presented them to the King who seeing him naked would not loose that opportunity but fell on him and killed him with his own hand I know there are some Politicians who are of opinion that there need not any great care be taken concerning performance of promises nay not those which are absolute and expresse though made by Princes in the way of assurance and security and that it is sufficient for them to answer those who shall complain of the breach of them as Agesilaus did a friend who taxed him upon a promise which he afterwards had found to be unreasonable If what you demand be Just I have promised it but if it be unjust I am not obliged to be as good as my word and when he was answered that a Prince ought to perform whatever he promiseth yes Quoth he and a subject ought not to request any thing of his Soveraign which is unreasonable But for my particular I am of opinion that a Prince is obliged inviolably to observe all expresse promises and that it is only permited to his Ministers for Justice sake to be lesse then their words I should rather imagine that a Prince should on such occasions make use of all violent means rather then delusions because Force is reputed for a vertue when backed by authority and nothing can be alleadged against it whereas deceipt cannot be taken for any other thing then a kind of mallice unbecoming the Majesty of a Soveraign The Assembly of the States at Nantes the King being present UPon the Duke of Vendosm's imprisonment it was mistrusted least divers persons whom
as well as himself and opposed those first attempts which were made against his Kingdome Francis Sforzza from a private Souldier became Duke of Milan and his Children who were Princes and Dukes became private Gentlemen for want of experience in the war and because they would deceive others by their cheats rather than render themselves famours by battles Lesse than this cannot befall a King who suffers the Rebellion of a strong Town to go away unpunished especially when it serves for a prop to uphold the revolt of any great party or to countenance the attempts of stangers He ought to be in the field as soon as they begin to declare themselves and to take up arms with so much the more courage for that Trasan saith God doth usually overwhelm the enemies of peace and those who are the disturbers of others by war as heretofore in the example of Pyrchus and of later ages in that of Charles Duke of Bourgoign I shall add that for the quicker and more secure reducing of his subjects to obedience he ought not to expect till their revolts make Levies He ought alwayes to have Regiments ready in Garrisons as the Macedonians had their Argyraspiâes the Romans their Legions the Sultans of Aegypt their Mammalukes and the Turks their Janisariâs By this means a Town shall no sooner seem to mutiny but it will be assaulted and if any of their Forces shall appear in the field they will be soon cut in pieces Prosecution of the Historie IT were of small consequence to have shut up the Rochelois by Land had they not also been blocked up by Sea The Cardinal acquainted the King with the necessity of it and those contrivances formerly resolved on for that purpose were put in execution The Cardinal had the Chief conduct of it because he had examined with an extraordinary care all the means of finishing the siege with good successe and was more capable than any other to effect it He was so modest that he suffered himself to be directed by Pompâjus Targon an Italian Ingineer who had wrought with the Spaniards in blocking up the Channel of Ostende he thought good to make a chaine of Masts and other great pieces linked together with Harping Irons and Cables but the first shot forced them in sunder and spoiled the work He built certain Castles upon Ships some floating and some fixed in the Sea He contrived other engines which were Square and of great pieces of timber such as he called Bridges for the planting of Cannon upon them levelled just between wind and water But all these inventions were more for shew than use though very chargeable so the Cardinal was forced to follow his own thoughts and the design which himself had contrived for stopping the passage and as there is no soul like his so no invention could equal that whicâ himself had projected It was to raise a certain banck thwart the Channel leaving onely an entrance in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea This design seemed difficult for that the Sea is uncapable of any obstacles which humane industry can raise against it But as the starres obey great Souls so it was unjust that the Elements should resist his will Two things induced him to judge that this banck would easlier be raised than divers imagined First the advantage of stones which might be had on both sides of the Channel and the great multitude of labourers which might be drawn out of the bordering Countries and from the Army it self for a quick dispatch of the work It was began in a place where the River is seven hundred and forty fathom broad where the Cannon of Rochel could not reach but at random so that the work could not be hindred The Cardinal allowed 12 fathom of depth which quickly passing over they left a stoping in the bottome and made a plat form of four fathome upon the surface which should be raised to such an height that the highest tyde could not reach it It was built of dry stones laid upon one another without other morter than what the Sea brought and to strengthen it the better at every 12 foot there was an addition of great timber This grand Minâster knowing the taking of Rochel depended on this Bank did oftentimes go to see it not regarding the Cannon shot which the Rochelois continually made He spared no money for the encouragement of the work-men and he obliged them by the charms of his words which carry men on to whatever he pleaseth It was so advanced in two moneths time that the Rochelois who had hoped that it would onely serve for a laughing-stock to the Ocean could now onely at several times passe four or five small Vessels over it However it was a vast work such as passed beleef neither was it finished till 7 or 8 moneths were ended Besides this the passages in the middle for the ebbing of the Sea was to be stopped up to hinder the going in or out of any Vessels Three great Fences were found out such as could not be bettered The first was a Range of about 40 Vessels filled with Stones and sunk to the bottome The second was a kind of Pallisado made about as many floating Vessels linked together with Chains and Cables which were guarded by a whole Regiment The third was of great stakes fastned in the bottome of the Sea made Taper waies which for that reason were called Chandelieâs Thus was the Passage quite blocked up and there was no other way for the Rochelo to be relieved by Sea unlesse the English whose assistance they implored should send them a puissant Fleet which might break through all these obstacles Politique Observation IT of so great importance to hinder the comming in of Provision to besieged Towns that that being once secured the taking of them cannot be avoided they who have forced them by famine have by the Ancients been more honoured then those who have taken them by the sword because they are lest subject to hazards and their Souldiers lives not in danger A thing very considerable In long sieges the onely thing intended is by necessity to force the besieged to open their Gates the truth is most commonly this is a work of time and consequently of great expence but on the other side it saves a great many Souldiers lives which is a recompence great enough It was one of Caesars advices in forcing of Towns rather to do it by Famine then the Sword as the Physitian saveth his Patients more by abstinence then forcible Medicines The truth is I imagine this to be the better and safer way in regard necessity is such a thing as nothing whatever can resist Now as it is a way very advantagious so is not lesse difficult especially in Sea Towns heretofore esteemed impregnable because of the incertainty of the Sea and weather which seldome lets a Fleet lie long in safety to prevent relief as also by reason of its violence which commonly laughs at
of the Joy he had in this accident to find the succession devolved upon him whom he esteemed a Prince endued with all excellent Qualities and from whom he might receive the same respects both as to his person and the Publique good as he had heretofore from his Predecessor He had order to proffer unto him his Friendships and Royal assistance of his Credit Name and Authority assuring him that he should find the effects of it not only at Rome and in his Affairs depending there but also in all other things when-ever occassion should be next of all he was to inform him of the design which the Spaniards had to marry him after dissolution of his late contract to one of the Emperours Daughters and then dexterously to observe to him that the States of Mantoua and Montferrat being very considerable in Italy for their scituations and fertility as also the strong hold wherewith they are defended were continually watched after by the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan that they might take some advantage over them and that he not being able to defend himself against them but by the Union and Correspondencie which he held with France and the Princes of Italy was obliged so to carry himself as neither of them might be jealous of him Moreover that his Enemies who well knew all these things would pick out all occasions whatever to make a Breach between him and his friends by carrying him to such Actions as might provoke them against him but in case he should so change that instead of the Free and absolute Soveraignty in which God had now settled him he would find himself reduced to a perfect dependance on the Spaniards who would expose him to the scorn of others and cause him to loose his reputation of friendship and fidelity that all things considered he could not do better then to remain Neuter to hold an equal correspondency with the house of France Austria and the Princes of Italy without doing any thing which might incense either one or t'other but perceiving an intire affection for France as for him who desired his good prosperity and settlement and from whence he might be sure of receiving all assistance and protection without any prejudice in the least But above all the Marquesse was commanded to lay the foundation of the Princess Maria's marriage Neece to Duke Vincent with the Duke de Rethelois and to dispose the Duke to declare him successor to his States after the death of Monsieur de Nevers his Father However he himself was inclined to marry her could he but have procured the dispensation of his first contract at Rome He had instructions likewise to tell him how much his so doing would settle his affairs and authority against his neighbours designs who peradventure if his succession were not declared would be the bolder to attempt upon him and not unlikely on his person too These were the chief points of the Marquesse his Commission upon his comming to Mantua he was resolved with all kind of honour usually shewed to an extraordinary Ambassadour of France After he had entertained the Duke upon those particulars contained in his Instructions the Duke testified to him a great acknowledgement of the honour which the King did him telling him withall that he received it with the greater respect in regard he was French both by inclination and Obligation He discovered to him the great desire he had for the dissolution of his marriage that he might afterwards wed not one of the Emperours daughters as was supposed but the Princesse Maria his Neece whom he passionately loved and from whom he had great hopes of having a Son who might succeed after him As to that which concerned the Prince de Rethelois he ever spoke of him with great respect as a Prince whom he loved and esteemed and whom he looked on as his successor in case he died without issue The Marquess de Saint Chaumont thought it improper to propose to him when he found him so inclined the marrying of the Princesse Maria to the Duke de Rethelois it being an unseasonable motion to one who earnestly desired her for himself But talking in private with the Marquesse de Strigio chief Minister of Mantoua he discovered it to him and ingaged him to contribute his assistance to it in case a dissolution of his present contract could not be obtained as the onely and principal means to preserve his Masters Life giving him withal to observe that this once done the house of Austria and Duke of Saxony must of necessity cease their pretensions which whilest the Duke was without a Successor were too many any longer to be permitted He pressed him too the more earnestly in regard the Marquesse de Strigio told him how that the Physitians had assured that Duke Vincent could not long subsist his body being sickly The Marquess de Strigio was sensible of the importance of that particular and faithfully promised to use his utmost diligence and power to effect ãâã As to the neutrality which the Duke was obliged by interest to observe between the two Crowns the Duke would oftentimes tell the Marquesse that his heart was French that he was totally disposed to pay all respects and services to his Majesty which could be expected from him and that by the natural inclination he had for France to be gratefull in acknowledging the protection which his Majesty had given his late Brother Ferdinand and he added that his Majesty should never have any cause to be offended with him The Marquesse having thus dispatched the greatest part of his affair took his leave of the Duke to return to his Majesty and to give him an accompt of what he had done Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to he carefull of his Subjects Rights among strangers then of the particular affairs of his own Kingdome He is to his Subjects as the head is to the rest of the members which ought to provide for their conservation Kings are bound to maintain their rights who are under their protection either by fair means or foul This made Theopompus answer one who demanded of him how a King might raign in safety That he ought to fear nothing but permit all reasonable things to his friends and be carefull of his own Subjects that they received no injury from any one Divers Princes have been ruined by their toleration of injuries against those who have depended on them We have a remarkable example hereof in that of Philip of Macedon who was killed by Pausarias for having been deaf in his behalf in not defending a wrong which had been done unto him Nothing is indeed more glorious to Kings then the observation of this thing It is an action resembling the divinity to protect the weak against the mighty and to defend them from oppression Great Monarchs are not in any thing more considerable them little Princes but onely in the Power of Arms which they have to defend and
protect the execution of Justice Besides they have by so doing a great and notable advantage to themselves in abating the insolent and ambitious pretensions of those who would usurp their Subjects rights and become terrible to their neighbours by their too great power If this rule be worth consideration in general it is much more to be observed in respect of the rights which may befall his Majesties Subjects in Italy where it is absolutely necessary to prevent the increasing greatnesse of the house of Austria They have already become Masters of the greatest part of Germany and there is not any more certain way to ballance their growing power then by Alliances with the Princes of Italy by finding out some means to set foot in their Country be it either by gaining some of their States as divers of our late Kings have attempted or by establishing such French in them as want not pretences to them and which might be able to let in the Arms of France when the Princes of Italy should have occasion to make use of them and there is no doubt but the Princes of Italy would be very glad to see the Arms of our Kings in their Country opposing those of the Spaniard whom they hate because they fear To speak the truth it is an action which doth beget both glory and affection in those who shall succeed the honour which is to be atchieved in so doing will shine thorough all parts and render them venerable amongst all strangers The Marriage of the Prince de Rethelois with the Princess Maria the Inheritrix of Mantua UPon the news which his Majesty recived by the Marquesse de St. Chaumont that there was little hopes of Duke Vincents long life he concluded it to be very necessary that he should use his utmost indeavours to make up the Match between the Prince de Rethelois and the Princesse Maria as also to procure that he might be declared the Successor to the States of Mantua and Montferrat after the decease of his Father the Duke de Nevers The Cardinal by his Councels seconded his Majesties judgement and that with the more eagernesse in regard the Duke of Savoy and Governour of Milan did both begin to declare their pretences This made his Majesty resolve upon sending away the Marquesse de Saint Chaumont into Italy The Instruction which he received was onely of two particulars in which he was to bestir himself The first was in his Majesties name to make an end of those differences between the Duke of Savoy and Mantua to which end he was to passe by Turin to dispose Duke Ferdinand to the making of some other overtures for their accommodation and then to propose them to the Duke of Mantua to see if any conclusion could be had withal to let them both know that a good correspondence were not amisse for the good of their States in regard their enemies by their divisions would be furnished with opportunities to make attempts upon them The second was to labour very earnestly with the Duke of Mantua for the concluding of the Match between his Neece and the Prince de Rethelois and that he might be declared successor to his States after the decease of his Father the Duke of Nevers At that present it was the easier to be effected in regard the Pope had solemnly protested he would never grant a dispensation of his first marriage He was also commanded to shew unto him that as this marriage was of great advantage and benefit to the Duke of Nevers and Rethelois whom he loved by assuring them of the succession so it was not lesse necessary to defend and secure himself from the attempts which the Spaniard and Duke of Savoy might make upon his life and State for that they did already begin to discover their intentions against him He was farther Commanded That if Duke Vincent should chance to die whilst he was near him then to animate in his Majesty name the Chief leading men of the States of Montua and Montferrat by all arguments of reason and perswasion to preserve the liberties of their Country to keep the faith obedience which they did owe unto Monsieur de Nevers as their Lawful Prince and to declare him for successour to Duke Vincent according to the usual Forms of those Countries and lastly to assure them that his Majesty would protect them against any Forces that should molest or trouble them that himself would invite the Pope and all other Princes of Italy to joyne with them in defence of their liberties These were the Chief Instructions in the Marquis his Commission In order to them he went to the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to some agreement with Mounsieur de Mantua He told him how the report went of his being in league with the Spaniards for the deviding of Montferrat But the Duke seemed to be angry at it and wondred that after the having done such good Offices to his Majesty be should imagine such a thing of them Yet he did not disown his apprehensions of the advantage which he might now take during Duke Vincents sickness to regain that which did belong to him in Montferrat adding withal that it would be much more for his Majesties Interest if it were is his hands rather then the Spaniards and that at last in case he were joyned with the Spaniards yet it was no more then his Majesty himself had done seeing they sent him a Fleet to Rochel But the Marquis that he might lay the foundation of an agreement proposed to him to renew the Treaty which had been between the late Duke Ferdinand and himself as to that which was in dispute between them in Montferrat all the answer he could get was this he demanded fifteen thousand Crowns rent for his pretentions there and twenty thousand for the Damages he had sustained for want of execution of his promises made of marrying his little Daughter with the Cardinal his Son By these his unreasonable demands he evidenced that he only sought an occasion to justifie his breach with him and the Marquis finding after divers other conferences had with him that there was no good to be done made no longer stay there but went to Mantua he came thither so opportunely as if Fortune had lead him by the hand for within five dayes after his arrival there the Duke dyed He found that the Marquis de Strigio had disposed the Duke with a great deal of addresse to all that could be desired That he had stirred him up on the designs which his Enemies might set on foot both against his life and State to declare by his Letters Patents the Duke de Nevers his only and Lawful successour in all his States and the Duke de Rethelois his Livetenant General ordering him to marry his Niece the Princesse Marie before his decease and to cause the Governours of all strong places faithfully to keep them for the Duke de Nevers There wanted indeed a dispense for the marriage
fell off from their obedience he represented to them the disasters which would infalliby fall upon them if they should suffer themselves to be led away by some who endeavoured it he informed them of the small reason or hopes they had to believe the Duke of Rohan's promises or the assistance of the English Fleet which could not hinder the relieving of the I le of Ree his words thus animated what with his address and the confidence which they bad in him so wrought on them that they subscribed a Declaration which they delivered to him in which they protested to live and dye in that Loyalty which they owed unto his Majesty This was as much as could be wished for all the other Towns great and small uningaged in the Rebellion did the like and his Prudence was so succesful that the Towns of Briateste Castres Pamiers Puylâurens Mazares Sainct Amand Cabarede Mazâres Masdazil âalat and many others made the like Declarations under their hands and seals But the misfortune was that having left divers mutinous and factious Spirit of âonsieur de Rohans Party in Castres Pamiers and some others of those Towns before named they did not remain firm to the Resolutions he had insinuated to them by which means the Duke of Rohan soon after became Master of them Politique Observation IN Publique exhortations Prudence is many times as effectual as Force But for the safty of Towns the Inhabitants ought to be prevented their Arms taken away and the most Factious amongst them turned out from them To prevent them is of great consequence they being like the Camileon which taketh any colour that is laid before it Sometimes a very little matter will settle them if applied in time and before Faction hath got any great power in their minds One man well prepared and esteemed by them may easily stop their violent proceedings by laying the miseries which follow war before them by acquainting them with their own weaknesses and by assuring them of enjoying their goods in Liberty and Peace A mutinous people may at first be wrought upon by their own Interests the Rule by which they Judg of all things For they naturally think well of nothing but what pleaseth them and reject that for evil which putteth them to any pains or trouble To believe their promises and not disarm them were a madness seeing they never hold long in the same humour the least shew of liberty charmeth them They are alwayes Enemies of the present State of Affairs Lovers of Novelties moved with any winds nay those of their own raising They do more affectionately embrance those things which are prohibited then those which are permitted them Great friends they are to innovations Infidellity is a Quality which they eat and drink not to be seperated from them insomuch that to leave them armed when a revolt is mistrusted were to permit a Sword in a mad mans hand The apprehending and securing of seditious persons is the next thing considerable which ought especially to be done A discreet Phisician doth make it his first work to draw out all the ill humours from his Patients body which serve to nourish his Fever and the first thing which a Minister is bound to observe in a place where Rebellion is like to break out is to withdraw all such discontented mutinous and Factious persons as are any way likely to carry the people to revolt That rigor which is used to such persons ought to be esteemed as a Commendable Pitty If they should complain of their condition it is much better to suffer the Insolencies of their words in a place where they cannot do any hurt then to run the hazard of their mutinous Actions in a City which they may probably cause to revolt The King unable to stop the Duke of Rohan's proceedings by fair means maketh use of force THe way which his Majesty used to hinder the proceedings of Monsieur de Rohan was very advantagious but it did not totally to the businesse The King finding it commanded an Army to be raised and committed the Conduct of it to the Prince of Conde sending him a Commission of Lieutenant General of his Forces in Languedoc Dauphine Guienne and Lyonnois He had upon the first rumour of those revolts there expedited certain Regiments thither but finding there would be need of a greater power to stifle the Rebellion in its Cradle he dispatched this Commission to the Prince of Conde with order to raise new Levies and to take the Field with the first He presently hereupon came to Lyon but upon better consideration it was found proper to divide the Army into two parts because there were several places to be looked after and far distant from one another so the Prince of Conde had the better half the t'other being committed to the Duke de Montmorency's care then Governour of Languedoc Monsieur the Prince marched out of Lyon about the beginning of December ââânded by the Marquesse de Bourg and de Ragny Marshals of the Camp the Mââquesse de Nangis Comte de Tournon Comte de Charlus Vicomte de l' Estrange Montreal and divers other Gentlemen Voluntiers He had two Troops of Carabins and near about two thousand foot with these he lay before Soyon a strong place upon the Rhone which did very much trouble the passage of the River he assaulted it and in two dayes forced them to deliver There was likewise another little Town not far off Saint Aubin which did much infest those parts the Prince surrounded it took it by storm and put all the Souldiers in it to the Sword From thence he went to Aiguemortes to confer with the Duke de Montmorancy who was then there and having sent for ten Companies of the Regiment of Normandy he commanded them to march against some certain places which the Duke of Rohan by reason of their importance had resolved to defend but the very fear which the Inhabitants and Souldiers apprehended on sight of the Army made them open their gates so they entred without resistance At the same time he commanded the Marquesse de Fossez Governour of Montpellier to go and besiege Corconne and the Sieur de Ornano to secure Aubenas both of them behaved themselves with courage in it and performed his commands the former taking Corconne a place strong of scituation being the Key to Seveunes and the second making himself Master of Aubenas by perswading the Nobility of those parts to fall into it In the mean while the Duke de Rohan was in the Comte de Foix whether the Duke de Montmorency pursued him as well to fight him as to oppose his designs They followed him some dayes without doing any thing worth notice But the Duke de Montmorency who had too much courage came up so near him near Castel Naudau that he could not avoid the fight Orders were accordingly and the Duke de Rohan being charged on the left by the Sieur de Arpageon seconded by the Company of the
homage in that form which should be thought reasonable and in the mean while to beseech him that he would excuse him for some little time He presented unto his Majesty a Kennel of as find hounds as could be seen which his Majesty kindly accepted of and yet to let him see that he looked upon hunting onely as a diversion when other important State affairs gave him some leisure time he hereupon made him a discourse which is not amisse to be observed in this place for the instruction of Soveraigns in what degree they ought to hold those recreations which tend to their pleasure Cozen said he I have left off hunting I must confesse I delight in it when other affairs give me leave but at present my thoughts are altogether taken up to show how affectinately I interest my self with my Allies after I shall have relieved the Duke of Mantua I may perchance return to my old recreations till some other of my friends may have occasion to make use of me And most certain it is his pleasures never withdrew him from theears of his State He would be informed very exactly of all affairs how mean soever neither would he allot any time for the recreations which other Princes used to allow themselves because his piety forbid him as knowing them to be contrary to the Laws of God Politique Observation HUnting is a kind of war not onely not misbeseeming but sometimes very comendable in a Prince It was Xenophons advice in his Cyropaedia It teacheth them saith he to rise betimes It inures them to heats and colds habituates them to riding and all other labours The resistance which salvage beasts make against them teacheth them to fight and to use their Weapons seeing they ought to observe a time when to beat them when to prevent them and to have the free command of their body to cast themselves to and fro when once they come up upon the pursuit Doth not the chasing of those who may endanger them accustome them not to fear any perils I have often observed that those Princes who are great hunters have been likewise esteemed very valiant History tells us so in the examples of Vlysses Pelopidas Pompei Alexander The Prince of Roman eloquence saith that a man at hunting useth a kind of military exercise Plinius Secundus thought it the more agreeable for Princes it being a solitary and silent exercise and giving them leisure to think on their State affairs to which give me leave to add one effect more which renders this recreation very commendable in Kings and that is it keeps them from vice It is reported that Hippolytus Theseus his Son did use this diversion to live chastly and avoid idlenesse the source of all vices and evills The Poets feigned that Diana spent most part of her time in that manner in the company of Arethusae Calista Cranae and divers other Nymphs who were all desirous to preserve their virginities each of them knowing that they were exposed to many Shipwracks by the divers companies with whom they conversed Plutarch observed upon the life of Pompey that this great conquerour imagined that Princes get no little honour by this exercise and after he had vanquished Domitius in Affricque and reduced all in those Countries to his power himself spent some dayes in hunâing Lions and Elephants to the end quoth he that the stoutest beasts themselves might not be ignorant of the Romans good fortune and courage A Victory obtained by the Kings Forces against those of the Duke of Savoy upon the 14. of February 1629. THe King departing from Chaalons passed by Lyons but did not go into the Citie by reason of the sicknesse to Grenoble where he staid 7. or 8. dayes during which he oftentimes sent to the Duke of Savoy to acquaint him that he was come thither resolved to relieve Cazal and to demand passage through his States which he was obliged by Treaties to grant under assurance of not doing any acts of hostility or any other damage The Duke being engaged with the Spaniard and having promised them to assist them in the taking of Cazal as Comte Louâs d'Ast one of his Residents at Rome had openly declared had recourse to his usual artifices and returned many complements and fairs words he beseeched his Majesty to give him leave to find out some expedient to dis-engage him of those promises he had made to the Spaniard The Duke proposed several overtures but so void of reason and Justice that it was no hard matter to discern his intent was onely to stay the King until Cazal was taken which as was well known could not hold out above dayes but it was all in vain for the King a person not to be delayed but with just reasons and who was well assured that Cazal would yet hold out in expectation of him two full moneths marched from Grenoble and by great Journies came to Oux a place bordering upon the Frontire and passage of Suze The Duke having but ill intelligence heard not of his Majesties advancing for indeed he made such haste that it was hardly credible but by them who were eye witnesses of it The Duke thougât he had been still at Grenoble when indeed he was not far off Suze But for fear of that storm which threatned him he resolved to send the Prince of Piedmoât his Son to delay his Majesty by giving him some hopes of opening the passages not without expectation that Cazal would in the mean while be taken The Prince was hardly come to Chamberry but he heard the Kings Army was passed the Mount of Geneva this made him return directly to Chaumont where he found the Cardinal already arrived with the Vanguard He had at that place a long discourse with his Eminence who no lesse powerful in his words than arms entertained him with a great deal of addresse and pressed upon him such reasons that he at last promised to do whatever should be desired of him The Cardinal at first told him he was much astonished that notwithstanding the Treaties between France and Savoy that his Majesty and his Army should be denied to passe his Country to assist one of his Allyes Hee remonstrated to him how injurious this procedure was to the honour of a Prince it being contrary to his word and faith that his Majesties Arms marched in a just cause but that his did unjustly protect injustices That if he should have the advantage at any time to hinder his Majesty from entring into Italy which however he could not well hope for yet it would be as great a discredit to him to support an unjust oppression as the design of a protecting a Prince would be glorious to his Majesty withal that he did apparently deceive himself if he imagined to raise any advantage by assisting the Spaniard in the taking of Cazal that his hopes of sharing the Montferrat between them was vain and that they would suffer him to have no greater a part than in six
hundred and thirteen when they absolutely opposed him and that the most he could expect was some paltry Town whereas adhering to his Majesty he would find means to induce Monsieur de Mantua to let him have Triâ and other handsome places to the yearly rent of fifteen thousand Crowns That withal he disobliged the Princes and extreamly much wronged himself by favouring the growing greatness of Spain in Italy upon which they had already testified but too great a design That Cazal would give him great advantages and that he had the more reason to be suspâtious of it himself he being so near a borderer upon Milan and that the Spaniard having drawn him off from France would quickly invade his territory as being assured himself alone could not resist him It were much to be wished that we knew the Cardinal ' whole discourse in this conference or that I could discribe the gracefulness and authority with which he spoke But that not being I shall content my self to say that it is impossible to defend ones self against his discourse when he undertakes to perswade any thing his words being accompanied with certain charms which in a little while force a surrender It is not possible long to deny him his discourses are replenished with such an I know not what sweetnesse which insinuateth it self into the heart his gesture and complasance do no lesse second his discourse and they ought to be esteemed for such as the best wits have confessed it was impossible to defend themselves from him whatever promises they had made of sticking close to any resolutions of theirs contrary to his desires Politique Observation ELoquence is an ornament so much the more necessary for great States-men in regard they are obliged more then others to perswade diverse things to the people and those Grandees with whom they treat The Roman Prince of Eloquence saith It is Rhetorick which raiseth men above beasts and I may add that it iâ Eloquence and a volubility of discourse gives a States-man great advantages over those with whom he treats Prudence teacheth him good counsels and the wayes to obtain his ends but Eloquence is that which gives him the perswasive power so that in some sence it is the soul of Counsels Rash Eloquence would do him no good it being like counterfeit Gold glisters indeed but is worth nothing and a mute prudence where there is a defect of good expression is of no great use but is like a fair statue whose proportions and sculpture are admired by every one but cannot speak whereas Eloquence and Prudence joyned together work miracles The Ancient Sages saith Cicero who have established the foundations and Laws of the most famous States as Lycurgus Solon Pitâacus and the like were equally endued both with one and the other with prudence for the invention of those just Laws which they published and with Eloquence for the perswading the people to receive them It cannot be denied but that Eloquence was one of those qualities which did insinuate into the peoples belief that Doctrine which Jesus Christ preached seeing the Gospel it self recorded it where it is said that the sweetnesse of those words which came from his mouth ravished the people with admiration And who can doubt of the power which Rhetorick hath on mens minds seeing that tongues were the first Arms given the Apostles when they were sent abroad to preach Indeed there cannot be an handsomer ornament added to the dignity of great Ministers then to discourse well nor really stronger Arms to their Prudence Their affairs will continually lead them to treat with Grandees who must be satisfied with reasons which when well expressed are the more perswasive They must know how to appease to mollifie or provoke passions by the addresse of their discourse according as occasion requires Is it most certain that naked reason is commonly weak whereas clothed with the ornaments of Rhetorick it captivateth the soul insinuateth into the most unreasonable cureth the disaffected softneth the most obdurate hearts reclaimeth the most irregular actions and in a word exerciseth an absolute empire over the will The Athenians were not ignorant of it when being oppressed by Alexanders Arms to deprive themselves either of their Captains or Orators they chose rather to banish the former than the latter preferring the Gown before the Sword Eloquence in the person of a States-man is then most powerful when accompanied with affability and complasance for these virtues rendring his person as well as his reason agreeable do insinuate themselves with such power and charms that it is impossible to hold out against them Prosecution of the History THE Prince of Piedmont had promised to return the next morning with the Duke of Savoy's ratification but however he came not his perswasions not having that power over the Dukes reason as the Cardinals had over his He only sent the Comte de VerruÌe with Complements and Civilities in stead of a positive resolution The King was not satisfied with it and Monsieur the Cardinal who is in nothing more sensible then that which concerneth his Majesties glory took these delayes of the Duke of Savoy with a great deal of regret and Impatience So that his Prudence telling him there was no more time to be lost he sent word unto his Majesty that the next morn by day break he would secure the passages who unwilling to let the attempt be made without him told him he would make one of the patty to which end he presently took Horse and accordingly having taken order and given instructions concerning the main Body of the Army then neer him he came away about ten or twelve at night and march't four leagues in so great a darknesse that he was forced for the most part to walk on foot yet at last he came to Chaumont where he met the Marshals de Crequy Bassompierre and the Schomberg with the Cardinal contriving every thing for the assault and for carying of the Baricadoes upon the very first break of day which they were all resolved to do notwithstanding the snows the wearinesse of the Souldiers and the fight it self which could not be but furious in regard the Duke of Savoy had laid his choysest forces for the guarding of those passages which of themselves were so strait and strong that a hundred men might defend them Politick Observation IT is no lesse advantagious than seemly for a Prince to give Orders in his Battels and to appear in his own person to see them executed as well by his example as command I say it is seemly in regard Kings have not received their swords from the hand of God onely to devolve the charge and conduct of their Armies upon their Captains Their crowns are not bestowed on them so much for the honour of their own persons as to oblige them to maintain and encrease by the prudence of their counsels and the force of their Arms the glory of their States they are like the Sun
of necessity He is more apprehensive of the discredit to loose an occasion of glory then of the mis-fortune and is alwayes more careful to preserve his honour than his life his courage fortifies him and makes him confident of the means dictated by his prudence he doth not fight rashly with his eyes shut as the Andabates or precipitate himself into dangers without looking what is necessary to secure himself but guiding his courage by reason he takes such Order as is fit and needful and then engageth without fear There is no courage so commendable as that which is accompanied with prudence and when the heat of Anger exciteth an obligation to repel al obstacles his reason ought to serve him in examining his designs his prudence to make choise of those means which are most likely to obtain an happy successe and his Anger to make him quick in action Last of all he delay not the exposing himself to combates where his prudence tell him there is not any danger but knowing that fortune is the friend of courage and doth often favour the bold he assaults his enemies as soon as ever his prudence hath given Orders for the fight he carrieth deeply engraved in his heart that saying of Salust They who are most fearful run most hazards and sure it is confidence is a rampart and every thing gives way to him who fals in with courage as every thing repelleth him who is carried away with cowardize To apprehend resistance is to be half overcome and he who scornes danger is half master of his enterprise Valour is very needful for the obtaining of an happy successe in all afâairs Fire is the noblest of all the Elements because it worketh quickest and nothing resisteth it and that man is most to be commended for his courage who acteth the most boldly and whom no dangers are able to affright It is also true that resoluteness doth oftentimes bring a good issue where prudence and counsel had no part whence it ãâã appears that in many affairs of war long deliberation is unnecessary and often prejudical in the successe of attempts besides the diminishing of his honour who conducteth them Something must be ventured and where there is no clear demonstration of a good successe there a good resolution seconded with judgment will go far which once concluded on then comes action into play and the sword to execute The Prince of Piedmont comes to Suze with full power from the Duke of Savoy to Treat with the King PResently after this victory the King sent to summon the Governour of the Fort Jaillon belonging to the Duke of Savoy bordering upon Suze to surrender he refused it but not long after fled with 300 men into the mountains and left the Fort to the Country people who left it to the King who put â00 Soldiers in guard there At the same time his Majesty caused some forces to march to Roussillon a league and half from Suze being in all about an 1000 foot and 2000 Horse under the Command of the Marshals de Creiquy and Bassompierre who were saluted by those in the Cittadel of Suze with about 1000 musket and 200 great shot but no hurt onely the wounding of about a dozen men This insolency of theirs made his Majesty resolve to assault the Cittadel and for that purpose the Regiment Estissac was drawn out upon the top of Mount Brunet which adjoyneth to it In the mean while hearing that the Duke of Savoy began to repent his being engaged with the Spaniards and opposing of the French fearing belike and that not without good reason that his State would be seized on as a punishment of his rashness his Majesty sent the Sieur de Seneterre towards him to understand with he did intend to do and to let him know that if he would hearken to an accomodation that his Majesty out of his natural goodness and in consideration of Madam his Sister would forget what was past without making any other advantage of his victories onely for the assisting of his design to raise the siege of Cazal he expected to be assured of the passages for the conveyance of victuals to his Army and to be furnished with all things to revictual it paying for what he had The Duke thought himself very happy to be quiet upon such slender terms and presently dispatched the Prince de Piedmont towards the Cardinal to make the Treaty inpowering him to give his Majesty all content The Prince came to Suze and the same day it was concluded with Monsieur the Cardinal that the Duke of Savoy should give free passage through his Country to the Kings Army that he should furnish the markets both to Cazal and back again that he should contribute to the revictualling of Cazal by furnishing victuals and munition of war for which his Majesty should pay him withal that in future he should open such passages as the King should desire and should set out as many Soldiers for the securing of Montferrat if need were as his Majesty should think fit that for the better assurance of his promise his highness should presently deliver the Cittadel de Suze a the Fort de Gelasse into his Majesties hands and shortly after things being thus concluded he came to salute his Majesty and rendred him all kinds of respect Politique Observation NOthing is so requisite in a Prince as to attempt all things with Justice and such as are within his power without this he will inevitably fall into confusion and see himself exposed to as much shame as he proposed glory Imprudence is the spring of ill successe and rashness throws a Prince into the Gulph of confusion it inforceth the courages of those who have more heat than judgment charming them with a certain show of glory for which it makes them hope but indeed onely to engage them in greater disasters True generosity consisteth not in a blind impetuous rage which adventures upon all without considering the power or weighing the design by the Laws of prudence but it follows a medium between defect and excess Holding the head too high doth oftentimes throw down into praecipices and the want of prudence is no lesse dangerous for it oftentimes obligeth to discover not onely a deficiency of power but also of heart That Prince is greatly to be blamed who falls upon a King incomparably more powerful than himself and who pretends with an handful of men to oppose that which at last he will be forced to grant It is no shame for necessity to take the Law of one that is more powerful but if power prevail the who is forced to it is discredited with interest besides in passages how strait or difficult soever they be he cannot be able to defend himself from the danger which is falling on him unless he be very strong seeing that enemy who comes to assault him with a great Army will at last force him although they loose some men in the gaining it Commonly there
madnesse thus to run into the Arms of France's sworn enemy and to uphold a Rebellion against his own Country But with what Justice could Spain pretend to protect such Rebellious Subjects and thus openly to maintain Heresie What was now become of Religion that specious Cloak of theirs which had so often been the stalking horse to their ambitious designs Did he not herein evince to the whole World that his pretended zeal and counterfeited devotion was onely a Vail to cover the injustice and violence of his designs seeing he did not stick to maintain Heresie when it served to support his pretences He was no long while deliberating upon the giving this assurance to the Duke of Rohan for that he clearly saw if his Majesty did once absolutely overcome the Hugonot party or reduce them to an inability of raising any more broils that he would then soon bound in his Ambition and force him to renounce those designs which he had so long contrived against France and our Allies because if France should but once unite and become one he would then find him self prevented in all his designs against them nothing of good successe could in reason befall him and besides there was no way left to secure himself from these and many more mis-fortunes Politique Observation JT is not lawfull for one Prince to support the Rebellions which another Princes Subjects raise against him seeing he is no lesse bound to deal justly with his neighbours then with his own Subjects If Equity doth not bound in his Ambition God who is the Judge of all Kings dealeth justly with him if he be whipt with the same Rod and as there is not any Crime in a Subject so bad as that of Rebellion so neither can one Prince do a greater out-rage to another then by protecting it seeing it is that which woundeth the very heart of a State and disordereth the most powerfull Spring by which Soveraigns govern their people Justice is without doubt the strongest Pillar of Kingly Government that which makes them long to Reign that which secureth them from forraign enterprises and the strongest Bulwark to defend them as the wisest of Kings hath said in his Proverbs and it may be truely said that that is it which renders their Government exempted from the Dominion both of Time and Fortune That King who offendeth another inviteth him to retaliate the like and he who supporteth a Rebellion enforceth him who is so injured to arm himself with fury that he may repay him in his own kind and thus both a the ingaged by this means in one anothers ruine God Almighty doth sometimes indeed permit the Ambition of a Prince to obtain great successes against his neighbours for their punishments but although he doth permit it to be so yet he doth not approve of it That which is unjustly got will not long last unlesse preserved by Justice Kingdomes are said to be like Tortoises which as long as they keep within their own Precincts are safe and secure but in danger when once they are abroad And I do verily believe that that which hath made the French Monarchy of so long a continuance is because it never yet carried its Forces without its own bounds unlesse for the just defence of its Allies or at least to preserve that which belongeth unto it It hath imitated the River Nile never over-flowed it s own Banks but it inriched those places where it passed Whereas they of the house of Austria ambitious of assaulting other Countries are now assaulted by every one and receiveth notable decreases of its power though it hath been but of a few Ages and they find that ancient saying to be true to their losse That although Earthly power doth promise an escape for all Violences whatever yet Heaven doth never grant any long duration of it His Majesty Summoneth Privas HIs Majesty being well acquainted with all these Passages concluded that it was not fit any longer to suffer the Insolencies of the Heretiques but that they ought to be prevented before their assistance from Spain were yet come unto them This made his Majesty depart from Suze with some part of the Army directly towards Privas the Capitol Town of the Vivarests which place he resolved first of all to chastize for the Rebellion of the rest this having been the chief Fire-brand of the Rebellions which had happened in sixty years last past but in the interim there being little or no credit to be given unto the Duke of Savoy's promises who made no reckoning of his word but when it stood with his advantage his Majesty thought good to leave the residue of the Army at Suze with Monsiâur the Cardinal for the better securing of his victories and gave the Marshal de Crequy full power to command all the Souldiers who were designed for Italy after the Cardinal had repassed the Alyes Not long after to the same purpose the three Regiments of Villeroy Rabarac la Grange were sent into Mântâerrat who were quartered in Nice de la Paille Agoui Pouson and other neighbouring Places under Command of the Sieur de Thoâras then Marshal of the Camp that in case either the Duke of Savoy or the Spaniards should attempt any thing those forces might be in a readiness to make head against them Politique Observation THere ought not to be any Tye more indissoluble between Princes then that of Treaties but seeing there is little Trust in them by reason that most Princes are apt when they have any mind to it to raise pretences whereby to break them it is therefore great prudence so to conclude them if possible that a Prince be not alwayes necessitated to keep upon his Guard With a Prince who hath formerly used to break Treaties and Leagues this care ought to be the greater seeing he who hath once been worse then his word ought ever to be suspected A Minister ought to know this for a certain Truth that most States have ruin'd themselves in the abundance of their coâfidence That this is it which hath been the inlet to so many disorders and that he who is the least distrustful is the easiliest surprised and ruined He ought to be like the Lion who sleepeth with his eyes open and so to be upon his Guard even after the conclusion of a Treaty that he be not within the reach of a surprise Dâstrust is the Motheâ of good successe whereas Credulity and the Confidânce which one man hath or another serveth most commonly to ruine This sanââ Frankness of believing every one is very prejudicial It cannot indeed be called an offence because it is grounded upon the esteem of others but surely it is a great deficiencie when it mâketh any one live in a secure neglect It seldome happens that distrust brings any daâger with it Princes are the more obliged not to rely at all on the promises or words of any one because they have only interest for their end and make it their profession
should presse his Imperial Majesty to command the Comte de Merodes to withdraw his forces from Italy and the Grisons and than he should satisfie his Majesty for that want of respect to his Embassadour The Sieur de Sabran acquitted himself very worthily of that employment he used his utmost prudence to justifie his Majesties proceedings and intentions and to convince unto the Emperour that the King his Master had not done any thing in prejudice of the Empire He further informed his Majesty that the King had not drawn his sword untill the Spaniard had besieged Cazal contrary to reason and justice and that his most Christian Majesty was bound to protect the Duke of Mantua by the Treaties of Cambray and Veroins neither did he omit any thing for the getting of satisfaction for the violences of the Count de Merodes But the Emperor being prepossessed by those of his Counsel that Embassy came to nothing and all the answer he could get was that the Duke of Mantua should be righted if his Majesty did withdraw his Army out of Italy with all that he could not but wonder that his Majesty should interest himself with the Princes under his obedience without taking notice that his most Christian Majesty was obliged by diverse treaties to succour him and that it would be a great dishonour to him if he should not now assist him considering he was more exposed to danger than ever by reason of the Emperours and Spanish Forces then in Italy and designed particularly for his ruine Politique Observation IT is an honorable employment to be the Mediator of Peace between Princes but he is more to be pittied then envied who takes that office upon him whilst their first heat is not yet over It is with such Negotiators as with Physitians and as these who are called upon the amendment of a disease aâe happier then the others so those likewise are very fortunate who are intrusted in treating a Peace between Princes when they are a little cooled and the great expences of War have discomposed them and when they are a little wearied out by continual Cares The first Emotions of anger are like clouds which obscure the light of reason and hinder the apprehension of the great benefits of Peace not permitting them to lend an eare to it Anger it self must make them feel those pains which accompany it that they may at last be sensible of the Just Cause they have to hate it and by consequence be the easilier appeased It was the continual inconvenience of War which induced Frâncis the first to have a liking to Peace Neither had Charles the fifth or Philip the second ever embraced it during the advantages which they made by the Treacheries of some French had they not been tyred out by the vast expences great cares and dangers to which a forraign War exposed them In short Princes ought never to be so ex-asperated in their differences as not to seek the good of Peace by some means of agreement by their mutual giving one another to understand their Intentions by their Ambassadors He who undertaketh to carry all things by a high hand forceth all others to flye no extremities which are accompanied with great Evils The distance which is between Princes is oftentimes the Cause of misunderstandings between them but their Ambassadors acquainting each other with the Justice of their Intentions doth not a little allay their Anger 's and dispose them to sweetness The Wise admit not of any injustice and though they are free from obedience to others yet will they be subjected to reason They know true greatness doth not so much consist in the power to do what they will as what they ought Neither do they measure their greatness by the licentiousness of satisfying their own passions but by their power to do that which is Just It is their glory to make it appear that though they can do all yet they will not act any thing but what is commendable Whence it comes that first putting themselves in the wayes of reason they do not afterwards scruple to sollicite others to do the like Thus likewise is it not an act of Lowness but of great Prudence and Civility which Princes owe to each other Prosecution of the Subject I Return to the Comte de Merodes amongst the Grisons whose actions there did not much surprise the King too well informed of all the passages in Europe to be ignorant of other Princes designs They onely obliged him to give order to the Marshal de âreqây to inform Monsieur de Savoy that it was contrary to the treaty of Suze for the execution of which he was bound by word and deed to joyne his Forces to those of his Majesty and to summon him to declare himself in this occasion The Duke of Savoy having sollicited their invasion need not have pretended time to inform himself of their design yet that was it which he fled to to hide his infidelity after the knowledge of which he promised to give his Majesty all satisfaction The Marshal de Crequy that he might put him to it indeed gave him some time which once past he pressed him for an answer which was this That the Surprisal of the Prisons passages had nothing of dependence in Monsieur de Maâtua's affair yet however if the King of Spain might be satisfied who desired the French should withdraw out of Italy as also from Suze he made no doubt but to obtain of the Emperour that he should withdraw his Forces though offended with the King for intermedling in those differences which he had with the Duke of Mantua his Vassal but did not all this while discover any thing of his own particular designs because he could indeed pretend nothing not comprised in the treaty of Suze The Marshal acquainted the King with this answer who commanded him to reply unto the Duke of Savoy that this answer of his did not at all relate to the obligation under which he was by the treaty of Suze that is of joyning his with his Majesties Forces and therefore to continue summoning him to declare himself but withal to assure him that if the Emperor should invest Monsieur de Mantua he would recal his Forces from Italy and Suze his Majesty having no other design but the hindring the invâsion of the Duke of Mantua's Estates his Ally and under his protection by the âreaty at Vârvins it being unreasonable that the Emperour should out him of those Dââ¦iâ⦠to which he was Lawful Heir and that as concerning any difference between the Dukes of Mantua and Savoy he had endeavoured to accomodate them by proposing convenient expedients between them both Nothing could be replied to so just reasons neither said he other thing to Monsieur de Crequy but that he would remain Neuter ând become a Mediatour of Peace without replying as to the obligation of the treaty at Suze and without considering how prejudicial it might be to him to sit still
with the Prince of Piedmont upon the Bridge of Beauvoisin there to determine what should be done designing that this interview should entertain them with specious hopes and so prevent their absolute breach with him and seizure on the Passages by force of Arms. The Cardinal very well knew there was nothing to be thought on but to be done that was to open the Passages and furnish the Markets as it had been resolved on so that after a full debate with himself what honour he was bound to render to this Prince being the Kings Brother-in-law he concluded that in going to confer with him who had falsified his word and intended nothing but to surprize him he should do an act quite contrary to the Kings Majesties Grandeur who had done him the honour to make him Lievtenant of his Army so that he absolutely declined this meeting as well knowing that the Duke of Savoy's design in it was to amuse and delay the Army in their march and by this means to disperse and bring them by little and little to nothing so the Cardinal advanced to Embrun not being willing to come near Suze lest in case the Army should want rest they should there meet with many inconveniences and eat out all their store of Provisions Politique Observation IT cannot be denied but that it is a basenesse in a General to go meet him who hath broke his word and who designs in his interview nothing more then the losse of his Army If he will needs go meet him let it be with his sword in his hand to chastise him for the injuries he hath done I am of the same opinion with the Grand Cosmo de Medicis who said a man may forgive his enemies their faults but its fit to punish the offences of such as call themselves our friends and under that notion betray us But if a King or he who represents his person do not desire satisfaction or to revenge the injuries which are offered unto them yet it would be ignominious to go meet and confer with a Prince who aims at nothing but his own interest and advantage This were to be defective both in the Rules of Prudence and Valour Besides those conferences of face to face between incensed Princes do rather increase their hatred then breed any hearty good will between them and of this Plutarch hath well adjudged upon that conference between Pompey and Lucullus And Tacitus in his Annales upon the meeting between Germanicus and Pison It 's true the place design'd by the Duke of Savoy was proper enough and such as hath been sometimes used between Princes and great Commanders who have chosen to meet upon Bridges in the middest of which Rails and Barriers have been set up to prevent any attempts of either party And thus Lewis the Eleventh met Edward King of England as Philip de Commines hath it upon the Bridge of Pequinis But the same Historian doth much dis-approve of such meetings between Princes in the midst of their discontents and esteemeth it more to the Purpose that they should refer the accommodation of such mis-understandings to their Officers and Ministers of State who have not resented any offence done to their private and particular persons The Duke of Savoy's Artifices discovered by the Cardinal of Richelieu BY this refusal of the Cardinal the Duke of Savoy concluded that all his designs were discovered and misdoubting that a just punishment would follow he had another trick to take to which was he granted the Passages and Marts but in such places as were accessible by none but Bears and if those were not approved of he promised others but with this reserved resolution that he would so long delay the furnishing the Army with Victuals and other necessaries that in effect it should not passe at all The Cardinal whose Soul fore-sees the Effects in their Causes guessing he would flie to such tricks and shifts gave advice of it to the King His Majesties Orders soon came which were to accept of no other ways then those usually called the military it being impossible to lodge the Troops in any of the other Passages but most facile for his Majesties enemies if they had but as much power as they had ill will both to impede their march and indeed totally to ruine them So the Cardinal utterly refused any other ways the difference now was concerning the Markets which the Duke indeavoured to retard with all his might and main that the Imperialists and Spaniards might have time enough to fortifie themselves in their Passages and places of Mantua and Montferrat and that he might force the Army to break up either by mutiny or famine The Duke gave out that theâe was no Corn in Savoy though it was well known there had been great quantities brought thither from Bresse Dauphine and Bourgogne and that which the King sent from Nice had been likewise already received He demanded a greater rate too for Provisions then had been agreed on which however the Cardinal submitted to that he might take away all occasions of excuses and paid down the advance money Notwithstanding all this there were fifteen days spun out in which he had not provided one loaf for the whole Army creating every day new difficulties and in conclusion would open no other Passage but that of Candân which in Summer was good enough but at that present so full of Boggs and Quagmires that they could not be passed but with very great danger so that all his whole proceeding for some time was nothing but a continued imposture and cheat that he might render his promises made to the King of opening the Passages and providing Victuals for the Souldiers ineffectual and to no purpose Politique Observation IT s usual amongst Princes who would deny any thing to their Allies rather to pretend an Impossibility or at least a most extraordinary difficulty then point blank to refuse them it must be granted for a prudent put off when such excuses are not contradictory to any promises formerly made which if they be they rather serve to condemn them of injustice If any great or notable losse insue as the destruction of an Army or the breaking a design it renders them for enemies and administers a good reason of commencing a War upon the Authors without breaking any Treaty He being reputed the first breaker of the Peace who gives the first occasion by his unjust Combinations and Practises not he who first takes up Arms. As Procope the Armenian Embassadour suggested to Cosroes King of Persia when he advised him to take up Arms against Justinian Indeed he who would serve himself with such excuses had need be well assured that he is the stronger for admitting him to be the weaker the punishment of his falsenesse will be unavoidable there being no one thing so difficult as for a weak and low person to attempt and enterprise the deceiving and crafty undermining of others who are more able and want neither
of the Emperour Spaniard and Duke of Savoy joined together could not bring them any releef so that they had much rather render themselves upon such honourable conditions as were accorded them then expect that rigour of the Kings army which was impossible for them to avoid and accordingly surrender they did upon our Lady-day a day which hath ever been fortunate for France in their Italian expeditions for on that day they won the Battels of Cerssolles and Ravennes Politique Observation IT must be confessed that the reputation of a General of an army giveth a great stroke either in Sieges or other Incounters Their very name is a Thunder-bolt which strikes amazement into the whole world they are accustomed as by their trade to vanquish and those whom they do at any time besiege give themselves for lost as soon as ever they see them appear before their Walls and resolve to set open their Gates to them having no other hopes but of being forced with dishonour I am of opinion with that ancient Authour who saith that great Captains carry good fortune along with them and cannot blame Caesar who forbad such as were with him to be afraid onely because they were in his Company Câriolanus made it apparent to the Romans when he was banished by them and retired himself to the Volsians who made him General of their Army which he led up directly to the Walls of Rome to revenge the injury they had done him and there overcame them though they had not long before beaten and triumphed over the Volsians and this made Titus Livy to say the Common-wealth of Rome hath gained as much reputation and glory by their Commanders as by their multitude of Souldiers Credit is to a General the same as 't is to a Merchant and it hath been often seen that by it little Armies have defeated very great ones that is it which keepeth Confederates close to their promises which renders the Souldiers couragious which removes all obstructions opens all Passages which doth facilitate the waies for Provisions and finally which doth attempt many things with good success which otherwise would appear to be impossibilities The Passages from France to Piedmont were open after the reducing of certain Towns of the Duke of Savoy DUring the Siege of Pignerol the Cardinal gave order for the besieging the Fort of Perousa which held out but a small time and thereupon sent the Marshal of Scâomberg with a Regiment of foot and 22 Troops of Horse to seize upon the Town of Briqueras which as soon yeelded it self The same day he followed on his design'd way and formed a foundation for a Fort which was finished with extraordinary diligence that he might thereby make himself master of many Vallies which adjoyned to the Mountains of Dauphine and secure himself of a safe Passe which strook such a terrour into the inhabitants of the Vallies of St. Lucerz Augroaque and St. Martin that they forthwith rendred themselves under the Kings Obedience and went to take the Oath of Allegiance to the Cardinal accordingly There was one onely Fort remained called Mirebourg lying at the foot of the Valley of Lucern which was besieged and soon taken by which means the Passages between Piedmont and France were open clear and safe not onely for the Army to march without danger but for the conveying of Recruits Provisions of Victuals and Monies and other necessaries for the Army as often as need should require Politique Observation THere is not any one thing which a General ought to have a more especial care in then that he leave no Place behind him which may afterwards trouble or indanger him Charlemaign gained a very great deal of honour amongst other our Kings by his Arms and withall he was much blamed when he passed into Spain for not making himself Master of those places which he passed by in the Mountains It cannot be denied but he deserved that blame considering the consequences which followed it for that the greatest part of his Forces were cut in pieces upon their return and all the Baggage rifled by the Mountainers Caesar in his Commentaries upon the War with the Gauls holdeth it for one of the greatest maximes in the Art of War that marching through a strange Country one ought to secure himself of all such places which are in his way and that it was a great joy and satisfaction to him being there making War to find those of Therovanne voluntarily proffering to render themselves after some little resistance because willingly he would not leave an enemy behind him One of the greatest oversights which Charles the Eighth commited in his voyage into Italy was his relying upon the Duke of Milan's promise instead of making himself master of such places as were needfull for his safe Passage The Duke being in league with other Princes appeared in the head of the Passage of Tar to obstruct and hinder his further proceeding and this Prince returned not into France but by the Battel of Fornone where he ran very great dangers and hazards But if in their return they o not ingage them yet two hundred Musquetiers in a Fort behind them will so gall those that come to bring Recruits that the whole Army may be much annoyed by it The Mutiny in Dijon VVHilest the Cardinal was atchieving these glorious exploits the King was advancing toward Lyon and marching by Fountainbleau his Majesty received intelligence of a great sedition which had happened at Dyon on the 28 of February by the mutiny of a Company of Vineyard Dressers who had the boldnesse to pillage and rifle some of the chief Officers houses They which blowed the fire of this sedition informed the people that the establishing the Elections in Borgogne was to no other intent or purpose then in conclusion to settle the taxes and other impositions though in reality his Majesties intentions were onely to rectifie and redresse the ordinary contributions which were made by all the Provinces The insolencies of Mutineers hurrieth them on to the greater extremities by how much Magistrates are more remisse or negligent in confronting and punishing their first emotions and rebellions His Majesty presently dispatched Monsieur de Bellegarde Governour of that Province who had a great power and influence upon the affections of the people not onely in respect of his Office but in relation to the great love and repute he had particularly got a long time amongst them He quickly allayed and quieted all things and not long after his Majesty going to Lyon would passe through it to take course for a better order in future forcing those great multitudes of Vineyard-keepers to pack away and setling new Magistrates and Officers who should be diligent to keep the people in their due obedience not forgetting to give a charge to the Parliament that some of the principal Mutineers and Assistants of those destructions and spoils should be punished and thereby be made examples of his Justice and their own follies
such an affront without a ready help and assistance so they used such dilligence in planting the Cannon that they were mounted within twenty paces of the Walls and ready to make a breach within two or three hours after their arrival Whence it happened that the Inhabitants being astonished presently rendered themselves and the Castle had not the hardiness to hold out above 24 hours though there were 500 men in it whom they would not receive but in the quality of Prisoners of War to qualifie by their fear the heat of the rashness which they had used It is true that the most part of them were quickly freed from this fear being in a Bravery that day sent to the Duke of Savoy with this message that seeing he wanted men they had sent him some and only kept Balbian who was Commander in chief of the five hundred men and some of the principal Officers who were carried to the Castle of Dauphine Politique Observation RAshnesse is much to be blamed in sieges as courage is to be commended it is base for such as find themselves in a place of defence to render at the first summons and not to sell it at the price of the lives and bloods of some of the besiegers but it is imprudent so to do if the strength of the besiegers or weaknesse of the place make them despair of keeping it It is handsome for them before they yeeld to testifie by some generous action that it is not out of cowardize that they surrender but it is not commendable for them to provoke the anger of their enemies which if they should draw upon themselves it were an excesse of heat which were hurtfull upon such an occasion as well as in all other enterprises and subject to turn into Ice after its first heats are over and produceth nothing but confusion in those whom it possesseth The Laws of Prudence in War oblige those who are in an apparent weak condition to stoop under the Arms of their enemies at least not to provoke them with outrages those of Justice giving leave to the victorious to chastize the insolency of them who do otherwise I have alwaies much esteemed of ãâã Livy his opinion who saith that temerity besides its inconsideratenesse doth ordinarily punish it self by infortunate successes True Courage is founded upon strength which giveth hope of overcomming It is not onely animated with passion which serveth for a spur to quicken it but with judgment which maketh one scorn those forces and designs which are formed against it Now although this rashnesse be more pardonable then a shamefull cowardize yet it hath alwaies passed in the judgement of the wise and persons of Conduct for a fault full of consideration The taking of Veillare by the Marshal de Schomberg THe Marshal de Schomberg had order at the same time to march over the Mountains with 8 or 10000 men to recruit the Army so that passing by Veillare he resolved to assault it and in eight daies he became Master of the Town and Castle which strook such a terror into the Duke of Savoy that he began to think of putting an end to these affairs by sweetnesse acknowledging that the first Victories which the King and the Cardinal had obtained in commanding his Majesties Army had given the Souldiers so great a Courage that there was nothing able to oppose it self to their violence Politique Observation IT is with Victories as with Torrents when the way is once open and the passage free for the Waters they overturn whatever they meet with and there is nothing found which can resist their violence so the first Victories of an Army do so stagger their enemies courages that it is afterwards easie for them to vanquish all that present themselves before them True it is those are the absolute effects of a true Valour whereas those second ones are rather to be attributed to their reputation The first advantages infuse fear into their enemies which if they once apprehend they are almost half overcome before hand Souldiers are ordinarily more affected with what they fear then with what they hope and they do many times leave and forsake the field not because they have lost the Battel but because they beleeve that it is lost in fine an Army fights with so much the more courage and assured hopes of overcomming by their being flesht with Victory whereas the t'other defend themselves faintly because they expect to be vanquished in prosecution of the forepast victories obtained against them And if any small losse happen to them be it never so âittle all the Towns abandon them and submit to the Conquerors party Thus after the defeat of Antiochus his Army all the Towns of Asia sent their Key to the Consul who led the Roman Army to bring them under obedience as Titus Livy hath observed And so after the losse of the Lacedemonians Army all their Towns rendred themselves in two or three dayes to the Romans as the same T. Livy hath recorded And Diodorus Siculus tells us that upon the getting of one Victory by those of Thebes under the Conduct of Epaminoââas against the Lacedemonians they became Masters of all Greece so available and powerfull are the first advantages which are gotten in Wars that they give a continuance of happy successes to all following enterprizes The Death of the Duke of Savoy THis taking of Saluces together with the other Victories which were obtained at Veillane and the taking those other little places thereabouts struck such a terrour into the enemies that they abandoned the Fort of St. Pierre and all the Valley excepting onely the Castle of Bresol which was taken the day following But that which was most strange was the Duke of Savoy conceived so sensible a displeasure at it that it deprived him of this life in a few daies after fortune had taken away from him the greatest part of his Estates Grief hath made evident in this Prince what experience hath shewed us in divers other persons that it is able to drie up the radical moisture to extinguish by little and little the natural heat and to strike its poison even to the heart and at last to kill out-right As the necessity of death is not to be avoided so the Law which hath imposed it admits not of any exception Death doth alike exercise its power over Princes and poor people delighting to make them once equals after they have lived in an extraordinary difference It is as natural as our births and as agreeable with mans nature as it is with the Sun to set and as it is natural so it cannot be bad for that nature maketh nothing which is evil Besides why should any one think it evil seeing our departure out of this World is followed with fewer afflictions then our comming in There is nothing in it of suffering but the inquietudes which trouble the mind and the grief which the body indures before the separation of the Soul Wherefore I
esteem the quickest to be the happiest so it come with Gods grace for that it hath lesse pain with it Politique Observation THat which I esteem to be most desirable by Grandees in that particular is after the well disposal of the Soul to die before the miseries of this World make them desire death That Prince is to be pittied whom death hath spared onely that he might undergo the disgraces of Fortune and be dispoiled of his Estates If he be ordained by the Divine Providence to indure such displeasures it were however much sweeter for him to die in a Battel with Honour then in his Bed with shame He who dies in a skirmish of War wounded with any turbulent commotion in the heat of a Combate doth hardây feel his wound for whilest death it self guides him out of the World by the Gate of Honour it makes him leave it with the leââe regret But true it is the sicknesse of the body caused by the griefs of the mind which puls the Soul away with violence in these disasters of Fortune do not ordinarily convey it forth but with great Convulsions The Prince of Piedmont takes the Government of the Army after the Duke of Savoy's death THe Duke of Savoy being dead the Prince of Piedmont who had alwaies commanded part of the Army took the whole charge of it upon himself and one may say he had none of the best good luck in it For the Kings Army prosecuting the point of their victory went to seize upon Vilâe Franchie and Panâallâer and afterwards the Bridge of Carignan which gave them full liberty to passe the Po and march up to Cazal It is true they found much resistance but so that it was advantagious for them being onely an augmentation of their Glory The choicest of the enemies Army as well Spaniards and Germans as of the Duke of Savoy were intrenched and fortified so advantagiously under a Half Moon which they had raised that Argâncour who was sent to discover them informed the Council of War that it was impossible to carry it but by time However the Kings Army fell upon them with such violence that they entred the Half Moon unawares and the top of the Bridge in despight of all the resistance which was made the chief of the Spaniards being all either taken prisoners wounded or killed upon the place Now although this new Duke had no greater inclination to the Kings Interest then his Father yet the displeasure which he found in so many crosse incounters so opened his eyes that he began to imagine that Peace would be more for his Interests then War though he did dissemble it He was more and more strengthned in that resolution by the many reasons which were represented to him by some means or other amongst others these were the most considerable that his Majesties Army was not likely to be hindred from getting to Cazal seeing they had not as yet met with any resistance that if it were relieved without him and the War continued on against him he would inevitably he would inevitably find the Kings Army fall in upon the rest of his Territories that it was a joy to the Spaniards to ingage him in the War they not having lost any thing in Italy that they should but lose the hopes of Victory of Cazal were relieved whereas he would find himself quite despoiled that he did but deceive himself to believe that the Spaniards would raze the Castle of Cazal if they should take it for which they had used so many indeavours and been at so great a charge onely that they might make themselves stronger in Italy That the Duke of Mantua would grant to him some part of Montferrat to which he made pretensions and that he ought to rest satisfied therewith it being as much as he could expect from the Spaniards if they should become Masters of Cazal That in fine he had more reason to suspect the neighbour-hood of the Spaniards then of the Duke of Mantua seeing they were but too potent in Italy already in relation to the design of which they had oftentimes given testimonies of making themselves absolute Masters of it All these reasons were very considerable and did so work with the Duke of Savoy though he could not as yet declare himself that he did not so eagerly prosecute the enterprise he was ingaged in wherein he could not meet with any thing but his ruine and it was perceived that from that time he had not such frequent intelligence with the Spaniards as formerly he had used to have Politique Observation THere is not any motive which doth so strongly unite and divide Princes as Interest They quickly break a League when they cease to believe that it is for their advantage It is long since T. Livy saith common good is the bond and knot of Treaties each one regards not but his own advantage and cares not for that of another so it do but accord with his own All their common enterprises are built on this Foundation which if once it begin to decay you may see all their designs come to nothing Grandees have neither friend nor foe but in relation to the good or evil which attends it But what is there of strangenesse in it seeing all the Elements of the whole Universe are as it were tied together and united with invisible Chains which quickly fall into division if any one attempt any thing upon another A Cessation of Arms between his Majesty and the Spanish Army by the mediation of Mazarini THe Treaty of Peace was now upon breaking up yet Mazarini continued to negotiate daily both of one side and t'other At last about the fifth of August he proposed a Truce to the Generals of the Army with such conditions that at first dash were not all liked viz. They were to deliver the Town and Castle of Cazal into Spinola's hands for a certain time still keeping the Cittadel and this was to give the Spaniards some satisfaction who as yet had not got any advantage in Italy and that which made Spinola the more willfull was he had seen in a Letter how that his Master the King of Spain was in a great anger with him for that his Army had not made any progresse at all so it was thought fit to grant this favour for Spinola's honour and the Arms of Spain but upon assured confidence that the Treaty would produce a good Peace However this did but excite the spirit and courage of the French whose impatience was such that it would have carried them on to the relief of Cazal by plain force A proposition of so extraordinary a consequence could not suddenly be resolved on but a Cessation of Arms for three daies was concluded and that seconded for three daies more Shortly after there came Letters from the Sieur ...... which made them give Cazal for lost so that Mazarini comming again about the beginning of September to renew the propositions of the Truce was more
own interest who will become spies to give intelligence and agents to draw others into their opinions It seems rigorous indeed that the innocent should suffer with the nocent but how prejudicial would it be to the Common-wealth if not so better it were to preserve the publike tranquility severity then to indaâger it by lenity Never was there yet Law made for the publike good which was not attended with some inconveniences to particular persons and he who would make Laws in which no particular man should be interessed will but deceive himselâ for want of penetrating into the consequences The best course which can be followed is ever to prefer the universal beâore a particular good remembring that wise saying of Tacitus that all exemplary acts have somwhat of evil in them but the injury they do particular men will be abundantly recompenced by the publick advantage Prosecution of the History THus you have the several Intreagues and the strange attempts which they who abused the favours of the Queen-mother and Monsieur used during this year contrary to their allegiance the Kings Authority and the tranquility of the Kingdom You have likewise the courses which were taken to impede their designs which ended in the ruine of the Complotters The Cardinal used such care addresse and Prudence that all their attempts were only like so many impressions made upon the clouds which vanish with the first breath of Wind they were like Bullets shot at random like blows in the air and like pictures in the water which the waves do as soon deface as designed The Pilot seems sufficiently employed during the Tempest if he preserve his Vessel from the violence of the Winds and fury of the Waves his presence and command being necessary to guide all those who have any charge to the performance of their Offices and his prudence to incourage them to go through stitch with any thing which conduceth to his happy successe so it is hard to beleeve that a Minister of State hath not as much employment as humane wit can undergo when he is obliged to defend himself and the State too from the violence of a faction headed by the chief persons of the royal family seeing he must necessarily every day issue out a thousand several Orders and hardly will any one beleeve that he can be capable of any other thoughts whiles he is agitated in such furious Tempests True it is the highest pitch of glory that a Minister in such encounters can attain to is to avoid shipwrack Experience hath made it evident that great Souls can passe further on and that as the intelligences though taken up in their contemplation and love of the Divinity yet cease not to be solicitous of things here below or neglect the protection of Princes Kingdomes and particular persons so likewise Heaven doth sometimes produce certain sublime wits endued with courage addresse and prudence enough to undertake such encounters a thousand other noble enterprises besides the conservation of the State Hath not all Europe found it so in the Cardinal who without shewing any trouble at all the attempts this year made to embroil France and destroy it under which any other but himself would have sunk not only rendred them successelesse but re-established the Duke of Mantua and defended the Princes of Germany whom the House of Austria had almost swallowed up a thing which I cannot sufficiently admire and of which I find my self obliged to say something that it may serve for instruction in the Government of States Affairs of Germany I Will begin with the assistance of the German Princes concluded with the King of Sweden in January at which time these factious agents did their utmost to destroy this great Minister We have demonstrated in the precedent year with how much justice the King of Sweden entred Germany to defend the liberty of some Princes oppressed by the House of Austria who were allied unto him as also to this Crown and who were not only driven out of their Principalities but also reduced to such extremity that they knew not how to live We have likewise seen that he was the more readily induced to defend them in regard himself had received some injuries from the Emperour particularly when the Emperour caused his Letters sent unto the Prince of Transilvania to be opened and falsly interpreted when he sent the Duke of Holsace with a great Army under his own Colours to make War upon him in Prusse when he confiscated the Ships and Merchandises of the Swedes formerly landed in the Towns of Germany when he not only refused audience to his Embassadours and denied them answer but commanded them upon pain of their lives presently to depart the Empire and when he refused by way of scorn his proffer of Peace in confidence of destroying him not thinking him able to sustain the force of his Arms. The Cardinal knew that a Prince received no lesse glory from defending his Allies then from curbing the Ambition of his Neighbours and therefore thought himself obliged to perswade his Majesty not to forsake the King of Sweden and Princes of Germany in so important an occasion He knew no War was more lawfull then that which tends to the keeping of confederate Princes in their Dominions and to revenge any injuries offered unto them Hence it was that having taken order for the interests of the Catholick Religion in Germany he perswaded his Majesty to conclude and sign the Treaty of Alliance with the King of Sweden the conditions whereof had been concluded about three or four moneths before His Majesty engaged to assist him with Men and Money as he then did and the King of Sweden expresly engaged not to attempt any thing in prejudice of the Church in the Catholick Towns of which he might possibly become Master our invincible Monarch not thinking it enough to follow the generous sentiments of his justice which led him to secure those Princes from oppression unlesse accompanied with those of his Piety so he could not resolve to assist an Heretick King without precaution for the interest of the Church that those violences which are the usual effects of Arms might not be attributed but to the disorders which do necessarily follow the Camp Politique Observation THat War is just saith St. Ambrose which is undertaken in defence of the weak or the Allies of a State against those who oppresse them St. Augustine teacheth us that those Arms are justifiable which are taken up to revenge injuries The defence of Confederates is one of those actions which doth most of all set off a Kings glory and raise it to the highest pitch of greatnesse Nothing doth more assimilate them to the Divinity then the stretching out of their hands to support the weak the protecting of whom is an act well-beseeming their Majesties He who never ought to divide his Crown to any one ought however let his Arms be common to other Soveraigns for their defence They who do otherwise
both by the endeavours of his ordinary Nuncios who resided near them and by the prudence of the Nuncio Panzirolo who had alwaies continued in Piedmont or thereabouts endeavouring to extinguish the flame when it was first of all breaking out His Holiness was no less interessed in the Peace then the rest because in War the Church is neither heard nor obeyed nor indeed regarded but as a Magistrate in a City troubled with dissentions and who in consideration of his Temporal estate could not be exempted from those troubles which attend Armies and upon whom the House of Austria had designed as well as upon the rest of Italy as having been heretofore the most noble part of the Roman Empire and which their ambition tells them they have right to recover through the whole extent of it Upon these just considerations the Pope sent Mazarini to the King about the beginning of the year as to the best qualified and most just Arbitrator of Christendom whose victorious Arms had acquired him a full power to settle Italy in peace at his own pleasure His Majesty did very well resent the entreaties made to him for the contributing his endeavours to peace whereupon the Mareschal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient were shortly after chosen for this employment worthy of their abilities to meet at Suze a Town near Quârasque where the Plague had forced the Duke of Savoy to retire and where all parties had concluded to send their Deputies to confer of some convenient means for executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne The Nuncio Panzirolo came in the first place to testifie by his diligence the ardour of zeal and charity which the Church hath for the âeâling of Peace between Christian Princes The Baron de Galas Captain and Colonel General to the Emperour came shortly after with full power from his Master whom the progress of the King of Swede made impatient till he could see his Imperial Forces at liberty to return into Germany whereby to give a check to his proceedings not considering that this earnestness of his gave others advantages upon him This obliged the Sieur de Servient to go directly thither without the Mareschal de Thoyras who was not as yet come though he arrived shortly after to show that his Master had no less inclination to peace then courage in War when the enemies of his Allies provoked him to it The President de Baines was appointed by the Duke of Savoy to assist at the conference and Guichardus Chancelour of Montferrat by the Duke of Mantua though he had given an absolute power to his Majesties Ambassadors to dispose of his affairs as they should think fit Cavacâia was sent thither by the Common-wealth of Venice but it was only to reside near his Majesties Ambassadors whom they looked upon as the chief Arbytrator of this affair and who took the same care of their Interest as themselves would have done for they assisted not at the Conference no more then the Comte de la Rocque extraordinary Ambassadour of Spain for he had no power as we have already declared and came thither only to hinder the accomodation These were the chief Deputies which had the charge of this important Treaty amongst which I may safely say that those of his most Christian Majesty evinced unto the Comte de la Rocque and Galas that the French Nation are no less prudent in counsel then couragious in arms that if they have more of fire then the Spaniards and Germans yet they have no less Flegm to debate such Propositions as were made to them the vivacity of their soul penetrated into the depth of affairs but their prudence prevented them from saying any thing but what was necessary their solidity sustained the assaults of others their prudence deluded those artifices wherewith it was endeavoured to surprize them and their patience surmounted the slowness of Galas and the Comte de la Rocque whom they made despair of obtaining any thing but by reason They came last to Querasque and at all meetings stayed till the last to let the world see they were not in haste and that they desired no an end of the Treaty but by the way of Honour and for their Master's advantage They well knew that the Emperor's the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua's Deputies would press the Treaty home enough by reasoâ of the ill condition of their Masters affairs and from thence indeed they knew how to draw divers advantage Qualities necessary for an Embassadour PRinces though they are great yet can they not negotiate their most important affairs in their own persons Necessity compels them to imploy some of their Officers and when they may negotiate in person any treaties with strangers Prudence forbids them so to do they should not only be unworthy of that Mejesty wherewith they are accompanied by employing themselves in the resolution of a thousand difficulties which they will meet with but also committing their authority to the contests which happen at all conferences and what is most considerable is that they have more liberty treating by their Embassadours to reject any Propositions dis-agreeable unto them without being obliged to declare their reasons Withall they have more time to weigh their resolutions either ratifying or rejecting them with their counsel then when they are in publick Assemblies they may likewise judge with more judgement because before the final conclusion they are informed of all the intentions of the contrary party which their Embassadours present at the Treaty cannot but successively discover although they are obliged to resolve on the Articles upon mature deliberation Treaties of Peace are the more important seeing in them is debated the restoring of the bond of human society to States the life of the Laws Order and Policy and the plenty of all Prosperity so that able persons ought to be employed in them The necessary qualities which he who is imployed on such occasions ought to have cannot be laid down in few words I shall content my self to name some few which are the chiefest and to say that above all things he ought to have a perfect knowledge of the affair which he negotiates as also of his Masters interests of theirs with whom he treats and of their Allies for otherwise he cannot avoid a surprisal Next to this chief quality prudence ought to be as his eyes to inform him what to resolve and what to evade to fore-see the consequences of those propositions which are made to countermine them who indeavour to blow him up to know how to chuse means proper to obtain that end which his Master proposeth and to wave those reasons which are prest upon him This Prudence ought to be accompanied with a certain stayednesse which may prevent him from running into a rash resolution he ought to be more phlegmâtick then cholerick to check his hasty design of giving too quick a dispatch to his affairs He ought let others wrangle without being moved from what he
of States to re-assume its former lustre which ârequent disorders had destroyed He will soon see his Towns deserted by the violence of the Souldiers re-peopled and revived out of their own ashes He will see his Subjects discharge their Offices with pleasure and live in abundance of tranquility traffique free commerce open voyages secure the earth loaded with rich harvest all things restored to their first splendour and order the Laws and Statutes which before were dead put in execution justice established in her Throne re-assuming her authority and terrifying such as before scorned her in fine his estate putting off its mourning apparel and cloathing it self with magnificence mirth contentment and joy The second Treaty of Peace THe Articles of the general Treaty had been concluded with so much Prudence and Equity that all those whose intentions were just could not but rest abundantly satisfied though the Spaniards who only sought an opportunity to embroil affairs made the Emperour beleeve that under that secret Article divers designs were comprised insomuch that he writ to the Duke of Savoy somewhat discontentedly that Suze and Avigliane should be put into the Swisse's power and withall refused to ratifie the Treaty of Peace though it had been expresly concluded in that of Ratisbonne that any other way might be taken besides that of Hostages if the Deputies who negotiated the Affairs of Italy should so think fit This difficulty was enough to have undone all if the Most Christian Kings Ministers had been tainted with the like design as the Spaniards were but their thoughts being altogether bent upon finding out some assured means for the restitution of places on either party they made no difficulty to renew the conference in order thereunto The Conference lasted untill the 19 of June on which day the second Treaty was signed by which all the Articles of the former Treaty were confirmed excepting only that of the secret Article The Baron de Galas obliged himself to invest Mantua and Montferrat in Monsieur de Mantua within 25 days or at least to deliver the investiture unto the Sieur de Leon or the Bishop of Mantua both resident with the Emperour So that it should be expedited and consigned into their hands He likewise promised that the Emperours Forces should quit Italy as for the rest it was concluded as in the first Treaty that for the assurance of the restitution of places Hostages should be consigned on both parts to wit on the Emperours part the Signieurs Piâolomini Chisa and Vileben and on the Kings part the Sieurs de Tharanes de Nerestan and Aiguebonne who should be deposed into the Popes hands upon the 20. of August under promise from his Holinesse not to deliver them until the execution of the Treaty and not to assume any Authority but as Depository In prosecution whereof the Sieurs de Thoyras and de Servient obliged themselves to restore unto the Duke of Savoy Brigueras the same day that the Baron of Galas who delivered himself for hostage should quit the Forts and the Passages of the Grisons withal that Suse and Avigliane with the adjacent Forts should be restored to the Duke of Savoy as Porto and Canetto to the Duke of Mantua and that lastly Pignerol should be fortwith surrendred into the hands of the Duke of Savoy the same day that Galas should restore Mantua to its lawful Lord that each party might be Master of his own at one and the same time This Treaty was signed both by one and the other the Emperour and the Most Christian King ratified it The Investiture of Mantua and Montferrat was expedited the second day of July the newâ of which being once arrived the rest of the Articles were put in execution the Hostages were delivered to Cardinal Pallotta appointed for that purpose by the Pope who received them excepting what concerns the Forts and Country of the Valtoline Grisons and Comte de Chiauenne with which his Holiness would not intermeddle the Inhabitants being Heretiques and not acknowledging him but in exchange the Baron de Galas delivered himself as Hostage unto Monsieur de Mantua for performance of his promise Brigueras with the other small places of Savoy were delivered to the Marquis Ville in behalf of the Duke and the same day the passages oâ the Grisons to their lawful Lords the places of Mantua except Mantua it self Porto and Canello to the Marquis de Pomare for the Duke of Mantua the fifteenth of September Suze and Avigliane were restored to the Duke of Savoy Porto and Canello to the Duke Mantua and on the twentieth of the same moneth the French quitted Pignerol and the German Mantua Thus were all things remitted into the hands of their proper Princes and each one established in the possession of their own Cardinal Pallâtta who had received the Hostages in the Popes behalf having received notice thereof dismissed them and this great storm which had troubled all Europe gave place to an happy peace leaving his Majesty the glory of having supported his Allies in despite of the Emperour the King of Spain and Monsieur de Savoy and the Cardinal the honour of having equally vanquished them both by Arms and Prudence Politique Observation IT is alwaies necessary for the better assurance of the execution of Treaties between Princes that some security be given especially where there is any diffidence between them Some have received places in deposite as Charls the eight going to Nâples did of sundry Italian Princes others have contracted Marriages as the Historians of most Wars have recorded and it is a custom as ancient as common to give and take Hostages It is very hard for those who have been exasperated during the Wars to believe interchangeable promises only especially when they are to be executed at divers times and in divers places besides it will be easie for a Prince to deceive if he will break his Word To alledge some particular examples of Hostages St Lewis having made a Treaty of Peace with the Sultan of Babylon offered for assurance of their agreement the Comtes de Poâctiers and Anjou Thus Charls King of Navarre son in Law to King John having caused Charls d' Espaigne to be killed who was Constable of France and extreamly beloved of the King would never return to the Court till his Majesty had delivered to him Lewis Compte d' Anjou his second son for hostage whom he forthwith sent to his City d' Evreux under his Brothers custody Thus the same K. John having been four years Prisoner in England was not set at liberty until he had paid his ransome in part and given hostage for the assurance of the rest who were Lewis d' Anjou and Jean Duâ de Berry his children Lewis Duke de Burgoigne Peter Comte d' Alââson John brother to the Comte d' Estampes all Princes of the Blood Guy brother to the Comte de Blois the Seignieurs de Montmorency de Hangest de St Venant d' Andresel de la
Roche-Guyon and the Comtes de St Pol de Coussii de Brenni de Harcourt and de grand Pre. This is so usual that it will be needless to add any more The Spaniards intention to break the Peace of Querasque followed by that of Mire-Fleur ALthough all these places were restored yet the Spaniards whose Counsels are engraven in brass for the perpetuating of them could not resolve to withdraw their Forces from Italy or to send the Emperours into Germany they stayed them whiles they could in Milan and thereabouts pretending they should want part of them in their Garrisons and that they expected leave from the Legate of Ferare to transport the rest into Naples Those whom the Duke de Feria had promised to disband in July were on foot in September and this very delay caused the restitution of places to be retarded Besides the King was certainly informed that the very morning after the expediting the Investiture they had found means to wrest an act from the Emperour which they caused to be published in the Imperial Chancery by which it was nullified in case the Treaty of Ratisbon were not punctually executed although concluded in express terms that it should be given without any limitation Was not this testimony enough of their intentions to break the Treaty if they could but find any favourable opportunity seeing particularly that this Declaration was a firebrand for that it gave them the liberty of finding fault with some of the Duxe of Mantua's actions which themselves would interpret and judge to be contrary to the Treaty Neither was this the only Index of their minds the Comte de Merode who acted not but by order from Feria committed all sorts of violence in the Grisons as if he would force the King by a just resentment to make a breach moreover the Comte de la Roch letters having been taken by some thieves from his Courrier who were more careful of his money then papers left no cause of doubt to them who saw them of their intentions to foment the discontents of the Queen-mother and Monsieur to such an height as should be irreconcilable that they might be revenged on France for those advantages obtained against them They likewise raised new Troops in Milan as if they would not have any ignorant of their designs and lastly they were extreamly urgent to force the Duke of Mantua to disband an inconsiderable number of French from Casal and Mantua whom he had desired to be left there for the guard of those places and which were hardly able to secure them from a surprize whereby he might be so disabled that they might with ease over-run his Country which being so and that no one can doubt of their Designe of re commencing the War the following year what reason had his Majesty to leave Italy without full assurance of Peace and Liberty by other means then that of a Treaty Should he not have so done he had thrown away his charges in vain and the lives of so many French to no purpose This was it which obliged the King to require new assurances in the behalf of his Allies and to inform the Duke of Savoy that he himself was in no greater assurance them others considering how distrustful the Spaniards were of him and how much discontented with his late proceedings On the other side the Cardinal represented to his Majesty that Prudence obliged him not to abandon Italy in this danger and that it was needful for him to use his power with the Duke of Savoy to obtain some one of his places which might afford a free passage for his Armies into Italy if occasion should draw them thither a third time His Majesty whose judgement is equally prudent as just apprehended the importance of this advice so that soon after he sent Orders to the Sieur de Servient who was yet with the Duke of Savoy to desire him to put Pignerol Suze Avigliane or Savillan into his Majesties hands for some time that he might keep the Spaniards in aw and prevent them from making new attempts This Proposition indeed was somewhat strange but did not exasperate him as it happened for the Prudence which the Sieur de Servient used in that affair obtained his demands to his Majesties glory and the liberty of the Italian Princes he evinced unto the Duke of Savoy by so many demonstrations the designs which the Spaniards had to recommence the war the just reason he in particular had to fear their growing powerful in Italy which if once effected all he could hope for was the favour of Cyclops when he found himself obliged for the surety and defence of his estates The Sieur de Servient perceived that distrust which is natural to Princes made him loath to part with a place of importance and to intrust it in the hands of a stranger but when he recollected to his memory that franknesse wherewith his Majesty had so lately restored unto him the greatest part of his Dominions and the open profession which he made of establishing his glory by the defence of his Allies he at last brought him to resolve upon the delivery of Pignerol untill such time as the Spaniard should make apparent that they intended to leave Italy in peace This Treaty was concluded and signed at Mireâleur upon the 19 of October and presently put in execution It cannot be apprehended how unpleasant this news was to the Governour of Millan and with what resentment he complained in his Letters to the Duke of Savoy and his Highnesse was not wanting to return him an answer full of courage how he had not done any thing but what was lawfull for any Prince and that he was obliged to entrust this place in the hands of his Christian Majesty sooner then any other since his bounty had restored him to those States of which the War raised by others had despoiled him Politique Observation THat Prince cannot be thought imprudent who in making Peace foresees those dangers of War which threaten him and who for the preservation of his State in an happy tranquility deposits some Town in the hands of a Monarch whose power can secure him from all misfortunes He who assures himself of the protection of a potent King secures in it his Crown and peace to his Subjects strikes a terrour into his enemies and makes them afraid of falling on him These advantages are far greater then those which he can possibly receive from any place by him deposited whence it is great prudence to prevent the storm and imitate the wise Pilot who fearing a total shipwrack throws part of his goods into the Sea âe cannot but be commended who accommodateth his counsels to the necessity of times and he ought to think himself happy if by the losse of one Town he can secure the rest It is advantage enough for a Prince saith Augustus in Suetonius to put himself into such a condition that no one can offend him One City indeed may
reasons which gave the cause of that suspicion were their apparent discontent because Pollette was not restored with such conditions as they desired and because their authority came short of being parallel with his Majesty's and besides the correspondencies which several of Monsieur's and the Queen-Mothers Officers had amongst them It was likewise considered that divers affairs of concernment came to be divulged from their manner of proceedings it being impossible to keep a secret among so great a multitude Whereupon his Majesty resolved to establish a Chamber of Justice composed of persons equally considerable for their ability and integrity who should have full power to judge seeing it was likewise requisite to commissionate some Judges extraordinary for the chastizing of divers Clippers and Counterfeiters of money of which there were store in the Nation the toleration of which did much endamage Trade so that both Commissions were given to the same Judges The King to carry on the businesse with the more sweetnesse was pleased out of his Prudence and usual Goodnesse to elect most part of the Judges out of the Parliament and to appoint their meeting in the Palace the common Seat of Justice But the Parliament little considering this grace raised new difficulties against the confirmation of the Letters of Establishment which obliged his Majesty to remove the Chamber unto the Arsenal and to compose it of two Counsellors of State six Masters of Requests and six Counsellors of the grand Counsel all chosen for their extraordinary merit who began to sit the tenth day of August Politique Observation THe King is the Head of Justice and may commit the administration of it to whom he will The Sea distributeth her waters as she pleaseth by subterranean passages unto all Fountains neither bath any thing right to controul her distribution the Sun that inexhaustible source of all worldly light communicateth splendor unto the Stars as God hath ordained neither can any of them complain of receiving lesse then others So a King whom God hath endued with Soveraign Authority to distribute Justice to his people may commit the charge of it to such as he thinks fit and that with such power and extent as he judgeth proper for the good of his State usually he intrusts this power with Parliaments but they ought to remember that he who hath given them this Authority may likewise take it from them may bound it or give it to others as he pleaseth The Authority of a Senate which is in Common-wealths or Free Cities cannot be altered by any Princes because it partakes of Authority with them and is established to confine their Prudence But it is not so with Parliaments Monarchies where the Magâstrates have no other glory but that of being Ministers to execute Justice in their Master's behalf they are like Clouds raised by the Sun from the Earth which are by him refined to represent his Image not that he deprives himself of the power of raising others to whom he may impart the same favours Thus is their power a Twig sprung from the Royal Authority without depriving its Root of the power to produce others of the same quality Judgement given against several Persons THis Chamber of Justice being thus established they began to act with as much zeal as integrity to the punishment of the Coyners and those who had brought the State into trouble Divers of either sort were exemplarily punished and amongst the factious Senelles and du Val were for ever condemned to the Gallies the Duke Rouannez the Marquis de la Viâville and the Marquis de Fargis were beheaded in Effigie the rest were remitted till the next year Now as he who condemneth the Body confiscateth the Goods so those of the condemned did undoubtedly belong to the King whereupon that it might be accordingly adjudged his Majesty being at Troyes established a Chamber of Domain composed of Counsellors of State and Masters of Request to attend the Court who declared the goods of the Comte and Comtess de Moret the Dukes d' Elboeuf de Bellegarde and de Rouannez the Marquis de Boissy de la Viâville and de Sourdeac and of the President le Coigneux to be confiscate and forfeited to the Crown In fine they who had any Governments or Offices were deprived of them the Government of Picardy was taken away from Monsieur d' Elboeuf and bestowed on the Duke de Cheâreuse that of Burgogne was taken from the Duke de Bellegarde and Monsieur âe Prince appointed in his place the King's Lievtenance which the Marquis de la Vieville had in Champagne was granted to the Sieur de Senneterre as the charge of President was taken from Coigneux and conferred on the Sieur de Lamognon and so of divers others Now that which did more particularly oblige his Majesty to drive things to this height of finishing the Process of these factious persons and of confiscating their Goods and Offices was a discovery of their designs to attempt the surprizal of divers places in the Kingdom They had gained the Marquis de Valençay who promised them Calais La Louviere was employed to work upon the Marquis Moncavrel and to perswade him to do the like with Ardres The Captain du Val was hanged for having attempted to surprize the Citadel of Verdune Threescore thousand Crowns were given in Monsieur's name to the Duke of Bouillon that he would raise a party in Sedan one of the Ports of the Kingdom and that he would let in Forreigners that way when thereunto desired There were likewise divers Gentlemen seized upon raising of Forces in several parts of the Kingdom and it was not unknown how they had induced the Queen-Mother and Monsieur to send persons of Quality into Spain England and Holland and to all Neighbour Princes to procure what Souldiers they could for him What reason was there longer to let these attempts against the State go unpunished Such a patience had been unjust That difficulty which the Parliament of Paris made to confirm his Majesty's Ordinance which commanded to execute after six moneths the confiscation of such as were guilty of high Treason who had been condemned by Out-lawry in regard of an ancient Ordinance might have seemed just enough in regard of those who are guilty of mean crimes but surely not in the behalf of Traytors such as these were who had made Divisions in his Majesties Family who had attempted against his Authority who had endeavoured to surprize divers places who had raised Souldiers in divers parts of the Kingdom who had published a thousand aspersions to eclipse his Majesty's glory What reason I say could there be that such men as these should longer continue unpunished by confiscating their Offices and Goods seeing their absence would not admit the punishment of their persons And hereupon it was that his Majesty commanded his Ordinance to be proclaimed and the Parliament accordingly obeyed it Politique Observation AMongst the divers Powers of Soveraigns that of making Laws is
wrought upon in condescending to their commands they are never at quiet but do alwaies take the liberty of making new requestâ in hopes of a like success This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience to support their quiet without which they will easily revolt it is the true beginning of the peoples happiness and cutteth up the root of their rebellions Affairs of Lorrain ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorrain should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom They had chosen him for their Brave and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men which he had raised about Spring were the chief of their hopes when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom they were so inconsiderate as to believe that these Forces entring into France would be like Rivers falling from great mountains increase as they go as if the King assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal were not able to ruine all their Souldiers upon their first taking the Field It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble the cause was either Fortune or peradventure the Cardinals prudence which so wrought that the Emperour finding himself oppressed by the King of Swede commanded the Duke of Lorrain with his Army to assist him in his occasions so that leaving Monsieur's affairs for some moneths he addressed himself to attend the Emperour and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies but like the Grey-hound who running after two Hares takes neither he forsook Monsieur's assistance as he had promised and instead of comming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperour 7000 of his men disbanded and were scattered whether by a Panick fear or by some accident which so disordered them that it was impossible to rally them again It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur and to make a recruit which the Emperour pressed him to do The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King as he had done for three or four years last past by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes not only of raising a potent Army in his Country but withall of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the Kings Family by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroilers that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour after her disgrace as his chief correspondent that there was not any forraign Prince whom he did not indeavour to make an enemy to France and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented that he would with him hold a particular friendship and all this without considering that building without a foundation his superstructure would soon fall to the ground and that his Majesty would effect as many generous enterprizes in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary signâ which were ever successelesse It was resolved that the Duke of Lorrain should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intreagues and devices His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him which was not conformable to justice the rule of all his actions and in this he took the sweetest course he might with justice have seized on Barr because he had neglected to pay his fealty and homage and have invaded his Countries in revenge of the injuries he had received But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopprick of Metâ in particular whiles the Kings Arms were in Italy he only seeking occasions to incense France that he might render himself the more considerable to the House of Austria induced the Emperour to make himself Master of Moyenvic and to give it him in keeping the chiefest place of the Bishopprick of Mets and the Emperour animated by the Spaniards was glad to have it and fortifie it though against reason by a meer attempt against the rights of the Crown and his Majesties reputation who was Protector thereof The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs seeing the Peace of Italy concluded and the Emperour sufficiently diverted in Germany perswaded the King to retake it with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in question did easily resolve upon it and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lorrain under the Marshal de la Force defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Collonel Mars who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic Vic presently yeelded but Moyenvic did not For the Governour was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out he advised Collonel Offa the Emperours Commissary with the condition of the place and the little hopes of long holding it if not relieved but he was answered that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorrain who had promised the Emperour to relieve this place should be so carelesse of it that himself was now upon return and that to him he ought to redresse himself for relief In conclusion the Duke of Lorrain was charged by the Emperour to defend it after it had been fortifi'd at his charges and that with such passion that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach He addressed himself to the Duke but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself durst not openly assist them but gave order to the Governour of Marsal to assist him with Men Ammunitions and Victuals yet these succours were too weak is likewise the place to resist the Kings power whereupon a parley followed and conditions were agreed on for the surrendring of the place if within six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear No Army appeared the Duke of Lorrain wanting forces but not ill will The garrison marched out making it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction Politique Observation NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice but for a mean Prince to attempt it relisheth of meer imprudence It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another if he can
Publike Registers where in one of the chapters of Royal Râghts it is expresly so recorded But this Register being but of four hundred âeats standing at most whereas this Custom is as ancient as the Kingdom it self I would fain ask them where the Salique Law is to be found which hath been inviolably observed in the Kingdom above twelve Ages together Thus it was established by the Custom to which oftentimes there must be recourse had and which must be admitted for a Law carrying in its forehead the Image of Justice much more evidently then any written thing and being also more prevalent to induce the people to a due observation thereof Who can then forbear to have this particular custom in great esteem or not embrace it for a Fundamental Law when it hath been observed from the beginning of this Monarchy and then established for the Kingdoms good Troubles hapned in consequence of Marriage THe greatest troubles have been the consequences of Marriages and they who have contumaciously violated this custom have been constantly punished by their Kings The example of Merouee son to Chilperic ninth King of France will evidently prove the establishment of this Custom in the beginning of this Monarchy who assuming the boldness of marrying with Brunehâut without his Fathers consent became the object of hiâ Iustice and was punished according to his desert and Pretixtatus Bishop of Rouen who had a hand in the marriage was impeachel in a Council held at Paris of that very thing as a great Crime he indeed was the first who exceeded the limits of his duty in this partitular and accordingly was he chastised for it Saint Bâruâra willing excuse unto the King the Comte ãâã hibaut de Champagne accused for designing to marry his children without his Majesties consent alledged it was improbable a man of his integrity would ever run into so great a premunire Thus Philip Conâte de Namur broâher to Baudouin Conâte de Flandres being overseer of Jean and Marguerite his Neeces daughters to the said Baudouin engaged unto Philip Augustus in a Treaty that they should not be married without his Majesty's consent which one of our Historians saith to be in reference to the Soveraign right which our Kings have over such persons whose marriages may occasion troubles to the Kingdom Is there not yet extant in the Kings Charters an Oath made by the Grandees of the Nantion unto Charles the Fifth which absolutely implies they were not to marry with Rebels disobedient or enemies of the State One of the Crimes charged in the Duke of Alençon's Indictment was his treating a Match between his Son and the Dutchesse of York an English Prince's daughter without approbation from Charles the Seventh The same Charles the Seventh would not look upon his Son Lewis the Eleventh though of Age for having treated a Match with Charlotte de Savoy without his knowledge though it remained unconsummated until his permission first had and obtained Doth not an English Historian though an enemy to France say that the Match between Anne ae Bretagne and Maximilian of Austriche unto whom she was betrothed from her Infancy was broken in regard the King had not consented thereunto Now if any one imagine that this permission cannot avoid a marriage once consummated I shall indeavour to convince them of the contrary by laying before them the example of Lovic de Begne who having married Ausgarde without her fathers consent was in conclusion forced to quit her though he had children by her and though he was his eldest Son and to marry Adelaide and his son by her was acknowledged for right heir to the Crown by name Charles the Simple I shall add this one more of Judith daughter to Charles the Bauld who having though a Widdow to the King of England married Comte Baudouin against her fathers Will saw her marriage disanulled by Pope Nicholas the first together with the Bishops of France and was compelled after obtainment of her Fathers approbation to be re-married as she was at Auxerre Monsieur 's Marriage with the Princesse Marguerite of Lorrain ALthough the Sieur de Puy-Laurens was very passionate for the concluding of Monsieur's Marriage yet Princes Families being often divided into factions the President Coigneux was not so inclin'd but on the contrary took occasion in the t'others absence whilest he was at Brixels negotiating with the Spaniards for aid to represent divers reasons unto Monsieur to divert him from those thoughts He was not to learn that in case Monsieur married the Princessee Marguerite and the Sieur de Puy-Laurens the Princesse of Falsbourg himself should totally lose that little credit and authority which he then had he was apprehensive of the ascendency which a Woman hath over the soul of a Prince when she is once passionately beloved by him Besides he was the more concern'd in that particular of the Princesse Marguerite because he conceived she would be guided by the instinct and directions of the Princesse de Falsbourg who would in fine rule all lastly he doubted there was no way left to break off this match which would be imputed as his fault by reason of the place he held with Monsieur so that there would be no hopes for him to be restored to the Kings favour or the injoyment of his Goods and Offices These were the true motives and grounds which induced Coigneux to declare himself against the marriage and to disswade Monsieur from any further progresse therein although his advices were seconded with no other reasons then the service of his Highnesse and the good of his affairs He one day took the boldnesse to tell him that he ought not to steer such a course as would undoubtedly render the King irreconcilable unto him seeing his greatest glory and power was tied unto his Majesties grace and favour which this marriage would assuredly hazard nay utterly destroy he layed before him how that though Princes are sometimes excusable for doing such acts in their heat and passion which are displeasing unto their Soveraign yet they never ought to flie into such extravagances as may totally ruine them in their Kings Favour If may sometimes peradventure turn to their own advantage to run out into discontents as the increasing of their stipends or the obtaining of some other gratification but so it cannot be if they imbarque in such designs as may cause an absolute breach All the lustre which Princes have and which rendreth them venerable is the effect of their Soveraigns favour just as the light of the Stars is derived from the Sun their Fountain But these Councels of Coigneâx being known drew the whole house of Lorrain to have an eye upon him And I verily believe they might have wrought some good effect upon Mânsieur seeing he was ever inclined to be obedient unto the King had not the return of the Sieur de Puy-Lauâeâs prevented it who at first dash spoiled all the t'others indeavours This new Favourite had gotten so great an
had lately acquired There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them About the same time the Sieur de Varennes then near Sarbruck carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers The King having received them sent the Sieur de Charnce unto the Duke of Baviers the Electors of Colâgne and Treves the heads of the League to induce them to confirm the Treaty He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates and hopelesse of repelling them and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swidâ and in the interim to strengthen themselves and then to make use of their advantages This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him that he was very pressing upon them to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof seeing the League which united them was called Catholique and two of them were Feclesiastiques But the first Article was the stumbling block of all for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests The Sieur de Charnace represented unto the Duke of Bavies how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests ought to prefer the preservation thereof both in his own and his Neighbour States before all other considerations whatever and that being now the thing in question he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other Notwithstanding these reasons he could not find the least inclination in him so to do but rather on the contrary the Duke publiquely declared he could not conclude upon it in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him unto which he replied that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith seeing every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine which else was unavoidable However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety could not prevail upon him He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty neither here could he effect any thing considerable so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria before those of the Church as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses demolished Altars profaned Sacred things plundered Priests and Religious men despoyled provided they might not see the House of Austria abased or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong unto them It was a bewitching blindness not to be enough admired that these two Electors by embracing the Neutrality might preserve themselves their Religion and States and yet would by refusing it expose all to assured ruine But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment when he shall understand That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it could be blamed for their non-acceptance and ruining it For my part I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end can complain against no one but himself if he miss of his Designe In fin they desired a prolongation of the Treaty the fifteen days being expired that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement The King that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Churches good dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany for that purpose But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality by them refused and that delays which was but Truth gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him he desired to be excused And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests Politique Observation IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned if they stand off and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger But much greater is their fault who without any detriment to themselves or Interests may by sitting still make their Peace Caesar one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients advised to agree upon what condition soever provided it were sure rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self Thus of evils the least is to be chosen neither is the Pilot to be discommended who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea Humane hopes are deceitful so that it was the choice of a wise man rather to secure himself from an evil then to assure himself of an uncertain good it often hapneth That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him liveth to repent his non-acceptance thereof Thus the City of Tyre was sorry but too late that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege which refusing did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd part of their inhabitants kill'd and the rest brought into captivity But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King if their continuation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof that they never encroached upon it And indeed what reason can be alledged to prefer any mans State before Gods And what reason is there to endure the profanation of his House who is Lord of Lords for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests Which being so Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God by preferring Religion the only mark of our service
Goncales de Cordoue MOnsieur perceiving the Spring to come on and the time for leading Armies into the Field draw neer resolved to leave Bruxelles and joyn with Dom Gonçcales de Cordoue who expected him at Treves Before his departure he took leave of the Infanta at a publick Audience who after he had been re-conducted by all the great Lords of the Court unto his Lodgings sent him a Present to three Coffers which bespoke her no lesse magnificence then noblenesse of mind The first was of perfumed Leather imbroidred the Lock Key and Arms of Gold enamelled within were two suits very rich the second was of crimson Velvet embroidered fill'd with very fine linnen and the third was full of all sorts of sweet meats She likewise presented him with a Suit of Arms and two handsom Horses fitter for shew then use neither was she unmindful of gratifying the chief Gentlemen of his Retinue some with Rings some with Diamonds and others with Chains of Gold having Meddals of the King of Spain hanging at the ends of them Monsieur being once departed from Bruxels made his usual speed towards Treves whither Dom Gonçales de Cordoue was advanced with design to fall upon the Palatinate as he pretended and there to establish his Masters affairs which the Swedes had much disordered but in truth to invade France with Monsieur which was most probable The King of Spain had dispatched him from Court about the beginning of January with Commission to command the Army in the Palatinate and Order to go into France as an extraordinary Embassadour to indeavour some way of accommodation for the affairs of Germany and from thence to go unto the Arch Dutchess who should give him instructions for his further procedure Accordingly he came to Paris and thence went to Saint Germain en Lare about mid March the King being then there His Majesty treated him with a great deal of splendour and caused his Musquetiers to exercise before him that he might see how dextrous he was to imbattle an Army and to lead them on to fight with more judgement then the ablest Commander in his Kingdom The next thing he did was to visit the Cardinal by whom he was very civilly receiv'd but having never seen him before he thought to surprize him and in his discourses upon the affairs of Germany to make him swallow shadows for real substances But his Eminency let him perceive that the Emperors and his Masters designs were but too well known and that it was but a trick âo perswade the World that the War of Germany was a War of Religion and not of State so that in conclusion he saw his devices were eluded and that there is not any Fetch able to circumvent the prudence oâ that grand Minister Hereupon he made no long stay at Court his design thither being for other ends then to receive bare complements and civilities yet in going off he committed one Act absolutely contrary to the custom of all Embassadours viz. his refusing of a Sword beset with Diamonds which with the Scabbard was worth ten thousand Crowns sent unto him from the King for a Present shewing by this Action that having left Spain to trouble France he would not receive any Present which might oblige him to lessen his ill will Not but that he was soon payed in his own coin and that by the Sieur de Guron who was the presenter of the Sword for Dom Gonçales his Secretary coming to him and offering him some Present from his Master was told that he would not receive any thing from a Minister of Spain who had refused the Liberalities of his Master and that it was hard to surprize him at Paris as at Cazal After he had continued some few days in this Court he departed towards Bruxels and from thence having received Orders from the Infanta went towards Treves in expectation of Monsieur who came to him about the end of May. Dom Gonçales received him with all imaginable honour went to meet him with the Spanish Nobility entertain'd him and his retinue at Supper with a great deal of splendour and in fine left his own lodgings unto him Treves was the Randezvouz for the forces of Dom Gonçales of the Comte de Mârode of the Comte de Embden had he not been diverted Monsieur was in consultation with them hoping he might carry most of their Forces into France but they let him see how the Spaniards have not yet lost their old custom of promising much and performing little to such as expect relief from them The King indeed had by the Cardinals perswasion taken a good course to divert their designs viz. by giving them work enough in Germany and the Low-countries so to keep them off from invading their neighbours For just at that nick of time it was that the Hollanders by his advice went and besieged Maestry with so potent an Army that the whole force of Spain and the Empire could not possibly relieve it Dom Gonçales found himself necessitated to draw thither that one affair being work enough to imploy his utmost force so that Monsieur was necessitated to be satisfied with such few men as could be spared and to dispatch the Sieur de Fargis unto Spain there to negotiate a greater assistance in the interim he advanced towards Nancy hoping to supply this defect by the forces which he expected from the Duke of Lorrain Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Minister of State having once discovered that the designs of a Forraign Prince are to foment and support Revolts in his State to cause an enemy to encounter him that being a most infallible way to break his resolutions for most certain it is every one will sooner bestir himself to quench the fire which burneth his own house then to kindle a fire in his neighbours Prevention and Diversion are too great advantages in War saith Alphonsus de Arragon thus did the Syracusians procure the Lacedemonians to invade the Athenlans whereby they might prevent their sending of succors to Nice in Sicily Thus Hannibal advised Anâiochus to go and Forrage the country of Philip to the end that finding new work for his Forces he might be disabled from sending them to the Romans to fight against him and thus Avitus a Roman Captain invaded the Country of Tentari to hinder them from assisting the Ansibarians with their Forces To provide great Armies for the defence of a State and for the suppressing of an insurrection is not all no there ought to be prudence and discretion in the management of affairs and to make a strong diversion is as necessary as to fight well Besides Prudence is of so much the more advantage in regard by such diversions it weakneth those who revolt reduceth them to exigencies and inability of doing any thing considerable and in fine maketh them easie to be overcome wheras without it it would be a hard matter to secure any thing from their violence The Indictment of the
would give Monsieur any counsel âending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
of Brittain daughter to Guy Count of Ponthieu elder brother to the said Count of Montfort of the other party That as long as there should be Males of the said House of Brittain no Female should inherit the said Dutchy They did not apprehend this Agreement to be firm and good unlesse Charles the Fifth who was Soveraign of the said Dutchy should ratifie and confirm it for that it was contrary to the Custome by vertue of which said Custome the said Jane had obtained the said Dutchy by a solemn Judgement against her said Unckle the Count of Montfort in being preferred before him as being the neerest and daughter to the eldest Brother and that therefore they intreated the Commissaries and Deputies who were the Arch-Bishop of Reiâns and the Marshal of Boucicaâd to ratifie and confirm their Award which they did That upon the score of this Ratification the Males of the House of Montfort had alwaies succeeded in the said Dutchy of Britain by being preferred before the Females That Rainard the second in not having followed this order for the Dutchy of Barr and those other Lands which depended on France had made his said Will and Substitution absolutely void in it self Fourthly the best Historians did moreover alledge That this same Will of Râynard the second was not deemed to be vallid in the House of Lorrain but had been abrogated from time to time As for those Lands which related to France they answered that the said Duke himself had about ten moneths after dis-owned his said Will by a solemn Act whereby he beseeched Lewis the twelfth to grant his consent that his Heirs Males and Females might succeed to inherit those lands in France though the said Claudius was born out of the Kingdome as may appear by the Letters of Naturalizing granted by the said King at Lyons in the year one thousand five hundred and seven in the moneth of May preferring by this Act the Heirs females of Claudius before Anthony his eldest son whom he had created Duke of Lorrain and the sons of the said Anthony That in Prosecution of his said Deed of Abrogation the said preferrency had been granted to the daughter of Claudius in reference to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle as also in the Principallity of Joinville in which it is declared that the said Daughters should be admitted to inherit the said Lordships and Lands excluding the sons of the late Duke at least from all which related to France Sixthly they added that as for what hath dependence from the Empire the Will ought not to be valid neither for that it is directly contrary to the Custome received and used in all Principallities thereunto belonging which are upon that side of the Rhine and particularly against the Custome of Nancy it self By vertue of which the daughters have ever succeeded excluding the Males when ever they were nearer related and that it was not in the power of Raynard to abolish the said Custome without the Emperours consent to that purpose first had and obtained On the other side there were some others who were of opinion that the Will of the said Raynard ought to be good and vallid there being no disposing Power which can exceed a Priviledge that it was true the said substitution was contrary to the Customes but the Soveraign Liege having power at least with his States to make and to constitute such Ordinances and Laws which might regard the good of his people provided alwaies that the Supream Authority from whence he depended were not injured in it he might abrogate such usances and that no one could pretend to oppose it no not the Lord Paramount himself for that he was not at all concerned in it admitting his particular Rights were preserved to him seeing as the Lawyers say That whatsoever is resolved by the States of a Country for the reformation of a Custome ought to be deemed and observed as a Custome of it self Their main reasons were That it was necessary to distinguish between a Soveraign Paramount and a Liege Lord that indeed it was granted a Liege Lord had not power to make any Orders or Laws in prejudice of his Superiour Lord but that it is not the same thing as to what concerneth the Powers which appartains unto him and that he may at least dispose of them with his States not to alienate but certainly to substitute and appoint them That it were indifferent to a Lord Paramount whether they were Males or Females who succeeded in the Government it being not any thing of concern to him provided his rights were preserved to him and that his Homage Service and Obedience were paid him That if at any time they should oppose such Orders and Laws as were made by a Soveraign Liege and his States their opposition however were not of any validity for that no one hath any right to oppose any thing which doth not clash with his own Interests That withall this reason was so much the more considerable in respect of those States which have dependance on the Empire because they are held with much lesse Subjection then those of the Crown of France for that the Duke of Lorrain is not at all obliged to pay Homage to the Emperour but onely to serve him and contribute to the necessities of his State They alledged one very considerable reason as to what concern'd his Majesties interests in relation to those Signiors which depended on his Crown making it apparent that he was so far from being prejudiced by those constitutions made in favour of the heirs Males that rather on the contrary his Majesty would receive a notable advantage by it seeing by this means the States of Lorrain would alwaies remain in the Possession of some small Prince whose weakness alone if he should at any time be minded to fall off from his Fidelity would force him to continue in his duty whereas if the daughter were admitted to a succession before any Males further removed it would of consequence fall out that those Females might fall into the hands of some Potent Prince from whom his Majesty might probably receive more dis-service then service as it happened in the case of Inheritrix of Lorrain who married Raynard it is apparently known to every one of what great concern it is without being beholding to examples for a King to have small Princes to be his neighbours As to that which concerneth the Ordinances of Orleance and Moulines which restrained all substitutions made to the fourth degree besides the first institution that is to say from the Institutor and the instituted who succeedeth the intestate they pretended it did not exclude Francis Count of Vaudmont from the substitution seeing he was the fourth from Anthony who was the first instituted For this Anthony left his State of Lorrain to his son Francis which Francis left them to his son Charls and Charls to the late Duke Henry his son who was father to Nicole which Henry having no sons
Francis Count of Vaudmont his brother ought to be admitted to the succession he being within the fourth degree of the Ordinances and that reducing Liege Princes to the condition of ordinary Vassals that which is permitted to ordinary Vassals ought at least to be granted and allowed unto them They likewise answered in reply to the Treaty at Guerrande that that example could not prejudice the right which Francis Count de Vaudmont had to the succession for that a single example createth no Law as the Lawyers say because particular persons not well informed may be defective in using their own rights in their utmost extension of Power And lastly they said it was easie to answer all those Allegations brought to make void the Will and that Reynards own Act could not nullifie it for that no Testator whatever contradicting any one Article of his Will during his life doth at all hinder the standing good of all the rest Besides that the Ratification made by the States two years after did sufficiently evince that he did not at all pretend to abrogate those Lands which he had left to his son Anthony and that it might safely be said he had onely desired Letters of Naturalization from Lewis the twelfth that he might make the daughters of his Son Claudius capable of succeeding in those Lands which he had left him not that he did pretend by it to prefer them before the far remote Males but because it might happen in time that they alone might remain to enter upon their Fathers Possessions and in that case it would be needfull that their Father were naturalized to bring them into Possession That the same thing might be said in answer to the Dutchies of Guise and Aumalle and the Principallities of Joinville as also of the Treaty made between King Charls the ninth and Charls the second Duke of Lorrain for that there was no colour of reason to beleeve that the Messieurs de Guise who drew on the said Treaty would act against that Will which called them into the Succession of Lorrain by excluding of the daughters seeing it had not as yet been contradicted there not having hitherto been any daughters who could pretend to the Succession of the Dutchies of Barr and Lorrain in exclusion of the Males but onely Madam Nicole and Claudius of Lorrain who were then in competition That as to the form of renunciation made by Anne daughter to Duke Anthony and Christian daughter to Duke Charls they could not null the Will for that both did protest to be maintained in those rights which did really belong to them which thing did not however give them any right at all These answers seemed plausible enough whence it followed that those exceptions made against the Will not being considerable in their Judgements they presently concluded that the Will ought to be in its full force and put in execution and these were the reasons alledged by both Parties but the King could onely judge of them as to what related to his Crown for that he alone is Soveraign judge of all that concerneth his own interests and he hath no power but God above which can Arbitrate concerning it Politique Observation THe substitution of Soveraignties made in favour of men seemeth to be so much the more lawfull in regard it is conformable to the Order of Gods Providence who hath created women onely to obey who knoweth not that Moses the Law-giver of Gods people whose Councels were inspired by the holy Ghost hath not permitted the daughters to accept of the Succession but in default of sons And doth not Plato in the second book of his Laws say that it is reasonable that they should fall to the nearest of kin still observing this Order The Male should be preferred before the Female and that at least the Testator should chuse one of the Males for his next heir Solân one of the wisest Law-givers of Antiquity made a Law to establish this rule in his Commonwealth as Demosthenes testifies in his Oration against Leocrates And the Law of the Athenians gave not any right of succession to the daughters if the sons should present themselves to accept of it as it may be seen in the Book of Theodosian Euripides giveth a good reason of it in his Iphigenia when he saith the Male children are the Pillars of houses that to them it belongeth to take up Arms for the good of the People that the Sacrifices are made in their names that it belongeth to them to transact Publick affairs and the daughters instead of preserving those Families into which they are born do weaken them by dividing the inheritances of them and carrying them into other places And if this priviledge of Males hath been judged heretofore reasonable amongst private families it is incomparably much more in Soveraignties where the daughters have been alwaies esteemed uncapable by the most discreet It is true that Liege Lords being onely to gather the profits of their possessions are bound for the making of these substitutions valuable to procure the consents of their Estates in whom the proptiety remains But an absolute Soveraign ought not to make any difficulty at all of it because it is very advantagious for them especially if it be done in the favour of those whose greatnesse is not to be suspected This will be a means to preserve the Estate that belongs to him in the hands of a small Prince whose power he will never have any reason to fear which is no small advantage to him whereas letting it fall into the hands of daughters who may marry with Potent Princes they may become their Masters and may not onely not render that service which is due by Liege men but on the contrary may bring such troubles to them as may oblige them still to attend them as enemies who may make a War upon him It seemeth likewise to be without any ground that he should pretend a power to hinder them seeing his right extend onely to the investiture to the Homage to the Tribute to the Service of War and fidelity in which he cannot be damaged if they are preserved to him Of what importance is it then whether it be a son or a daughter which payeth him his Homage Tribute and other duties as a token of submission In that case it ought to be indifferent for it hath onely relation to the Liege Prince whence it comes that every one being in a capacity to dispose his rights as shal best please himself especially when no one is prejudiced by it there can be no impediment for the substituting his estate in the favour of the Males Provided he alwaies oblige them to pay that that is due to their chief Lord without great reason no alterations ought to be made in fundamental Customes of Countries and as it seems not to be allowable in France to abrogate the Salique Law which excludeth the daughters from the Crown so it is very doubtfull whether it be in the
because his Majesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities which had brought Germany into so miserable a condition but also for the Interests of this Crown which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Austria oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute by weakning the Princes Electors and ruining the Protestants This was the more considerable in regard his Majesty was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms he was likewise commanded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat together would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace whereas if they should manage their affairs by their Doctors who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria there could be but slender hopes of a good successe His Instructions Charged him to acquaint them that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms both with the Emperour the King of Denmark and themselves and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it provided that they would ingage unto his Majesty by Instruments drawn up in form that they would after the King of Denmark should assent unto it procure the Emperour to do the like and that themselves would do the same on their parts and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet where the Peace should be ratified as also a confirmation of their Alliance with France These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions in which he bestirred himself with such diligence that he prevailed upon the Princes Electors without discovering his Majesties Intentions to defer the Election of the Roman King That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Elector to retier into France That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests by Chains of Gold and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen He himself came thither and represented to them those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany in such effectual language that they became more inclined to Peace then formerly they had been And the year following the Peace was accordingly concluded which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent had not France interposed in the business Politique Observation IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes when the war is not favourable to them It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory seeing it is no small reputation to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns for God himself who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself The God of Peace But besides this consideration those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war are mutually bound to assist him in his occasions he having preserved them from destruction withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them it being a means proper to preserve their Union and an Act necessary for their conservation The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them and that after many frowns of war their ruin cannot be avoided When once they are reduced to extremity it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way to loose the advantages he hath gotten and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms it must be upon hard and shameful termes It is easie to conceive how dangerous it is long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war seeing that Prince who once looses either part of his reputation or forces doth for the most part undergo duly crosses and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune It was not without great reason that Scipio said unto Antiochus The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power to a more indifferent degree as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree unto the lowest ebb of Fortune Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio the African before the last battail which he fought in which he was overcome and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it when offered unto them by the Romans after they had been often worsted by them I might hereunto add that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace for this Allyes doth not a little serve his own Interests for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes as in that of his own subjects There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes that no one of them can receive any considerable losse but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Frontiers to a Kingdome and as an Enemy having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters hath a notable advantage against the Town it self so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him It was for this cause that Thucydides said he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes is carelesse of his own safety and I conceive that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War is equally bound to assist them by mediating a Peace for them least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it least his own house come into the like danger The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany His Majesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes as the Affairs of his own State sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome the suit which he made there for dissolution of the marriage which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her yet was too old to bear Children The King could have answered him by letters but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests who only hoped for his Majesties assistance he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassador thither The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death but