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A34703 An answer made by command of Prince Henry to certain propositions of warre and peace delivered to His Highnesse by some of his military servants whereunto is adjoyned The French charity, or, An essay written in French by an English gentleman, upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into England, and translated into English by F.S.J.E. Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631.; Evelyn, John, 1620-1706. French charity. 1655 (1655) Wing C6477; ESTC R32525 69,823 112

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Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men pro pace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right nor jealousie of increasing power could draw Henry the 8. unto the quarrell of France until the Church complained against Lewis the 12. e who neither esteeming of God good fame nor conscience deteined the revenues of the Clergy supported the Cardinall William to aspire to the Papacy aided in the siege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara and the Bentivogli both Traytours to the Papall Sea where he intended to lay the foundation of his Empire to usurp all Italy besought him for the pitty of our Saviour and by the virtue of his famous Ancestours for I use the words of the Popes Briefe a that never forsook the Church of God in distresse and by his filiall obedience the strongest bond to enter into that holy League they having elected him against Lewis Caput foeder is Italici Head of the Italian League Edward the sixth b until urged with the touch of his honour being by his neighbours neglected in the marriage of their Mistresse never attempted any war against them The quarrells of France in the time of his succeeding sister after the marriage with Spain● were neither properly ours nor begun by us although in the end we onely went away with the losse Her Sister of holy memory to effect the peace with France forbore c the demand of Callis for 8. years neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown d And the labours she spent to confirm amity with Spaine by many friendly offices of mediation are apparent to the whole world though in the end of her desires she failed whether happily in prevention of the Spanish Monarchy eternizing her memory or that this work of peace was by divine providence reserved for him that could and hath best effected it I know not Onely I conclude that as the first Monarch in Rome so the first in Britain might justly write Pace Populo Britanno terra marique parta Ianum clausi having setled Britain in peace by land and sea I have shut up the doors of Ianus Temple Forreign armes the ground of trouble at home by the Enemy who to divert will attempt Subjects wearied with Toyl Taxation Feared with the effect of tyranny Inured to wars can never sure after to a quiet life It is evident by our own examples that for the most part the Civil or Forreign Armies that have oppressed this State have been either bred out of our first attempting of others or out of the grievance of the Nobility people either wearied with the toil and charge or feared with the effect of Tyranny which might corrupt the good fortune of their King or else a plague no lesse of war that the better sort inured to command abroad have forgotten to obey at home and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in waking an adversary as that of Edward the third Out of many examples I will select some few beginning with the tenth of his reign at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France but diverted by Philip who mustring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae in the parts of Britany to invade the Kingdome of England a puissant Army enforced Edward the third to fall from his first purpose and insist upon his own guard for which cause to the infinite charge of himself and people he levied 80000. men out of the Shires of this Kingdome To withdraw his forces from France in the thirteenth of his reigne they invaded the Realm and burned the Towns of Plymouth and Southampton places that suffered from the same motive the like calamity In the first of Richard the second after the Battell of Cressy when they feared our too much footing and we too much believed our own fortune for she cito reposcit quod dedit quickly calls for back what she gave us the a Duke of Normandy to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes and forty thousand foot sharing by idle contracts before-hand with his confederates not the spoils only but the Kingdome it self the Honour and some other portion of benefits he reserved as his own meed the possessions of many English Subjects in pure alms he voweth to the Church of Normandy and to the French King an yearly tributary Fee of twenty thousand pound In these termes this Realm stood almost all the time of Edward the third The Coast-dwellers were so frighted from their habitation as in the thirteenth year the king commanded the Earle of Richmond b and other Peers to reside at their border houses and was inforced in the two and twentieth to injoyn by Ordinance that none should remove that dwelt within sex leucas à mari six leagues of the sea It was no whit altered under his successour Richard the second for in his entrance the French burnt the Town of Rye and in the third year after Gravesend And in the tenth year of his reigne to change his intended journey for France in person the French King prepareth an Army to invade this land This quarrel led us almost into an eternal charge at sea and in the Northern limits they and our neighbours there being tyed of old in strict assurance of mutual aid by whose desperate and perpetual incursion for nescit Plebs jejuna timere an half-starved rabble fears nothing the fattest parts of our borders were left wast the men and cattel of England as 16. of Edw. 2. impetus Scotorum fugientes being fled for safety to the Forrests and desert places The like I find in the first of Edward the third they ever thus interrupting us in our expeditions into France as in 20. Ed. 3. in the first and second of Richard the second in the fifth of Henry the fifth and in the fourth of Henry the eighth when he undertook his holy voyage against Lewis the twelfth And either being no lesse ready to nourish the least spark of rebellion in this State as that of the French King to counterpoize King Iohn or work out Henry the third from his Dutchy of Normandy as France did or moving underhand by the Duke of Britain the Earl of Hartford to reach the Crowne of Richard the second and when he had got the garland suborning Owen Glendowr with whom he contracted as Prince of Wales to busie the same King at home that he might divert his intended purpose from France or Scotland WHen Henry the third had devoured in his mind the kingdome of Sicily the Nobility finding the expence of Treasure and fearing the exposing of their own persons grew so unwilling that by the bent and course of the record it ap a
although Boniface the Pope incited him thereunto His Sonne the second Edward anno 20. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him and the people of this State the words are e ut Deus nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret that he might avoid the dangers of war he reaped nothing but bitternesse and detention of his Messengers Son and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne his Rebels injoying all Protection and his Merchants all Inhospitality whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit et Mercatores interfecit took in a hostile sort and slew the Merchants The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. a was especially called to a consult how Peace might be procured In his 17. year b the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France and to sollicite the Pope for mediation The truce from hence effected he would by no meanes violate but in the 20th year moveth peace by all the offers he c can as Contracts Intermarriage and to take up the Crosse with France in succursum Terrae Sanctae for succour of the Holy Land But all he could do could abate no whit of the French fury d who invaded by themselves Aquitain England by the Scots surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit he put to shamefull deaths there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects and rasing his Castles nor would upon a second mediation admit any way of peace War then was left his last refuge e Et pia Arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est War is to that man just and lawfull who hath no hope of help but by war And this his Clergy was in joyned to open in sermons that he might eschew the infamy of Christian bloud-shed In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people f gravia onera et multa mala heavy burthens and many mischiefs as the Record saith and that the fortune of war cum splendet frangitur when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking he passed over into France to seek peace divers times and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer a devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum humble and devout prayers to God to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Country nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum and the advantage of the whole Christian world which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five twentieth year b in Parliament declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope but could not effect it And in the third year after c calleth again the body of the State to devise with him the means to obtain it for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted But d when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken and to avoyd effusionem sanguinis Christiani quantum potuit vel decuit pacem quaesivit the shedding of Christian bloud he sought peace as much as in him lay and as far as was fitting sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession but all in vain he stood upon his own strength By which his confident adversary the year following captive that was afore obdurate justly found that one houre can overthrow simul parta et sperata decora at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for And we may truly conclude of this Kings successe as Livy e of the Romane fortune Propterea bella felicia gessisse quia justa that therefore his wars were prosperous because they were just To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet he was contented to disclaim f the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him And after though often again incited yet never would be drawn to the hazard of war for improbe Neptunum accusat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack the second time untill the French King a contra juramentum formam pacis contrary to his oath and the form of peace had vexillis explicatis with banners displayed invaded his dominions in France and with a Fleet intended to attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subvertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his kingdome entred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune and after many years of war and much losse had in the end an expectation of peace which opened to his Commons and Councel in Parliament b their longing affection was so much inclined thereto that they advised the King though it were in doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he should not let slip that opportunity Untill Charles of France had received c that dangerous Rebell Owen Glendowr by the name of Metu●ndissimi Principis Walliae the most dread Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy against his Master whom he vouchsafed no other title then Henricus de Lancastria by contract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by the Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul entred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again untill Burgundy d that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meant with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in a Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransome those taken at Agin-Court battell so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamus ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered b many large and liberall conditions but received in exchange nothing but scosses he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected c by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Councell by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the losse of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury d a petition of 9. of
the bond of our assurance betook him to the Amity of France and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse first at the Treaty of e Bruges 1442. then at f Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son then ever it increased in the rising of the Father And Edward the fourth who succeeded sensible of this losse woed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to winne again the house of Burgundy g which in an. 7. he did to joyn for the recovery of his right in France h And drew in the yeare following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy In the i 11. yeare he renewed with Charles of Burgundie the bond of mutuall Aide and contracted the next k yeare the like with the King of Portugal And in an. 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Usurpantem for the recovery of the Kingdome of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper a as the Record is entered a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain b And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money though he could not any portion of land Henry the 7. c an. 5. 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King The like in the 8. with the King of Portugall and in the 10. d with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutuall Aide Henry the 8. in an. 4. e reneweth the Amity of Portugal and the next yeare combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with 4000. horse and 6000. foot whereupon he winneth Tournay f Consilio Auxilio favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris with the advice assistance and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian In anno 7. g to weaken the French King he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with h Charles of Spain for Amity and mutuall Aide into which Maximilian the Emperour and Ioane of Spain i were received the yeare following k In an. 12. with the Emperour Charles and l Margaret Regentesse of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae non possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the French territories calleth in aide Brachii Secularis of the Secular power a those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protectour stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio an holy expedition b And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next yeare confirmed and explained Renewing in the years c 21. 35 and 38. the association and bond of mutuall aide with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although d Edward the 6. in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetuall e yet forbore he to aide the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him f And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperiall protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that g of Marriage Aide and Entercourse with the Emperor Spain and Burgundy h and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde i about New-haven and k with Charles the 9. 1564. at l Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen a in 96. And with the States of the Netherlands in the yeares 85. b and 98. divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterprize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the kings of Portugall and Spain the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so farre removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse onely IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these severall Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffique here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousy of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be set a weak State to stand Neutrall according to Aristhenus counsell to the Aetolians c Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side then to be made a prey to the Conquerour Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetuall service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficiall Trade and no lesse in Policy to ingage that City then to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summes of money as the Interest of late exceeded a 25. Millions hee hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party then if it were commanded by a Cittadell so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while State of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent now then ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundie was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France