THE TRVE EFFIGIES OF Sr HENRY WOTTON K T EMBASSADOVR IN ORDINARY TO THE MOST SERENE REPVBLIQVE OF VENICE AND LATE PROVOST OF EATON COLLEDG Anno Aetat is Suae 72 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOM OR A most Exact and Curious Discovery of many Secret Passages and Hidden Mysteries of the Times Written by the Renowned Sr HENRY WOTTON Kt. Ambassadour in Ordinary to the most Serene Republique of VENICE And late Provost of EATON COLLEDG LONDON Printed for HUMPHREY MOSELEY and are to be sold at his Shop at the Prince's Arms in St Paul's Church-yard 1657. To the Judicious Reader THe Author of these Politique and Polite discourses knew the world so well and the world him that not to know Sr Henry Wotton were an ignorance beyond Barbarism in any who have been conversant in the least measure with any transactions of State A Knight he was of choice Intellectuals and noble Extraction who may be said to have King'd it abroad half his age in Embassies by representing the person of his Soveraign Prince in most of the Courts of Christendom amongst the severest and most sagacious sort of Nations for he was thrice sent Ambassadour to the Republique of Venice from the most serene Prince James the first King of Great Britain by whom the Order of Knighthood was conferred upon him Once to the States of the United Provinces Twice to Charls Emanuel Duke of Savoy Once to the United Princes of Upper Germany in the Convention at Heylbrun Lastly He was sent Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Archduke Leopold the Duke of Wittenberg Imperial Cities Strasburgh and Ulm and to the Roman Emperour himself Ferdinand the second And however it may be thought by some that after so many great and noble employments the Provost ship of Eaton was a place not considerable enough for a personage of his merit yet if we consider the sedateness of his temper and spirit he being of a speculative and quiescent disposition it seems to have been rather his own choice then any want of regard in those times to a man so highly deserving of the Commonwealth and consequently it appears that those weighty affairs he manag'd both at home and abroad with so much honour and reputation were rather the effects of his zeal to the service of his King and Country then of any aspiring or ambitious thoughts seeing he forsook the highest places of honour and profit which he merited at the hands of a great King for the more contenting enjoyments of a solitary and studious retirement Had he been never known unto the world until the publishing of his late works called Reliquiae Wottonianae there is in them contained that which may abundantly demonstrate how admirably he was accomplish'd both in the severer and politer Arts. Not to insist upon the many Elogiums deservedly fixt upon his fame by the most learned and judicious persons both Native and Forraign I shall only insert what the most vogu'd Poet of this age hath sung of his skill in Tongues He had so many Languages in store That only Fame can speak of him in more It were but needless therefore to premise any thing concerning these following discourses written by a person of such a known and celebrated worth but only this that by the high quality of his negotiations in soveraign Courts he had the greatest advantage that could be to feel the pulse of Government and make inspections into those Arcana Imperii those mysteries of State which he communicates here to the world in many choice and judicious Observations whereby the discerning Reader may be will acqnainted with the state of Europe and the interest dependencies and power of most Princes together with the occasions and motives of most of the Wars that hapned the last century whereof some came from slight quarrels for he tells you that Charls the Hardy Duke of Burgundy made a war for a Cart-load of Sheep-skins in which he breath'd his last With these Modern observations he intermingles many ancient passages both of Greeks and Romans which may much conduce to rectifie and enrich the understanding of the Reader The Contents of the Several Discourses I. THe Occasion of Sir Henry Wootton 's undertaking this Treatise p. 1. II. His Opinion both in general and particular concerning Princes their means and designs 5 III. That notwithstanding the Invasion of the Turks the Civil Wars among Christian Princes cease not 10 IV. That Princes aiding of Rebels is no new thing but hath been practised in former Ages 13 V. That it was not without just cause that the Flemmings rebelled against the king of Spain 16 VI. The several rebellions of the Frenchmen against their King and the causes thereof 19 VII The practises of Sejanus Pompey Crassus Piso and Curio with a comparison between the Duke of Guise and them and also other great Rebels 23 VIII That the Salique Law of France did not infringe the Title of former Kings of England to that Crown and the Frenchmens Objections concerning the same answered 29 IX That Kings have often dis-inherited their eldest sons and given their Kingdoms either to strangers or to their younger sons 37 X. Reasons why the Kings of England having a right to the Crown of France and having had so good success in former times in demanding of their right do not still continue to presecute their demands and the causes and means of their losing all France 42 45. XI How the Kings of Spain Came to arrive to this height of Power which they enjoy at present from so small a beginning 52 XII That the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been fatal to most Nations of Europe 54 XIII By what means the Spanish King obtained Naples and Navar. 58 XIV The Spanish King 's Title to the Kingdom of Portugal 59 XV. The Authors opinion concerning the claim of the several Competitors to the Crown of Portugal 60 XVI The Spanish King's Title to the Indies 61 XVII The Spanish Kings Title to Milan 62 XVIII The Spanish Kings Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy and how he retaineth all those States which he possesseth 63 XIX VVhat inconveniences Armies have bin subject to going far from home with the causes of Hannibal's ill fortune 69 XX. The manner of the king of Spain's dealing with the Turk 71 XXI The manner of the Spanish King 's proceeding with the French 73 XXII The Spanish King 's proceeding with the Princes of Germany 79 XXIII VV hat account the Spanish king maketh of the Princes Italy 80 XXIV Queen Elizabeth proved to be the most considerable enemy of the Spaniard 82 XXV Divers examples shewing that what God hath decreed cannot be prevented by any foresight of man 87 XXVI Queen Elizabeth justified in her attempts against Spain and Portugal 91 XXVII Several examples in what manner Princes have demeaned themselves toward those that have fled to them for succour 95 XXVIII That Princes have oft broken Leagues with their confederates upon occasion given or upon some
Forces tended to no other purpose then to chuse him But the king of Spains device was not in all respects so cleanly as you shall hear by the sequel But you must first understand how many Competetors there were for this one Crown and what right every one of them had thereunto Emanuel king of Portugal married first Isabel Daughter to Ferdinando king of Castile by whom he had but one male child which died in his infancy Then he took to Wife Mary the second Daughter of the said Ferdinand by whom he had nine children Iohn who had issue Iohn the third and he Sebastian which was lately slain not leaving any issue behind him Lodowick who was lately secretly married and had issue this Don Antonio who now liveth in England The third child was Ferdinando who married a daughter of the Earl of Marialva by whom he had two Sons who dyed before their Father The fourth was Alphonsus who was made Cardinal and departed the world not having any child The fifth was Henry who was likewise a Cardinal and king after Don Sebastian and died also without issue The sixth was Edward who married Theodosia Dutchess of Burgantia by whom he had three children that is to say Mary who married Alexander Prince of Parma Katharine who took to husband the Duke of Burgantia and Edward who died unmarried The seventh was Anthony who died in his infancy The eighth childe was Isabel who was married to Charles the Emperour and had issue by him the present king of Spain The last was Beatrice wife to the Duke of Savoy These were the issue now follow the Competitors they were five Don Antonio lawful son as he proved unto Lodowick the second heir male of Emanuel The Prince of Parma as Tutor unto his son begotten upon the eldest daughter of Edward the sixth heir male The Duke of Bergantia begotten on the body of Katharine the second daughter of the said Edward King Philip begotten of the body of Isabel eldest daughter unto Emanuel And the Duke of Savoy the lawful heir of the youngest daughter of the said Emanuel Now of all these competitors to deliver you first my opinion I take it alwaies salvo meliori judicio that none of them all could lawfully claim the Crown of Portugal For as many as hold the marriage of Henry the eighth king of England with the Lady Katharine unlawful because she was married unto his eldest brother Arthur must needs hold the marriage of Emanuel king of Portugal far more unlawful because both king Henry and he married unlawfully For if two brethren cannot successively marry one woman truly two sisters cannot be married unto one man And the reason which some use to justifie king Henry his marriage cannot serve for the justification of king Emanuel's matrimony for all that was said in the defence of the Lady Katharine was that her husband never knew her carnally which cannot be truly said for king Emanuel because he had a son by his first wife wherefore if all these nine children being begotten in unlawful wedlock cannot possibly be reputed legitimate and therefore are not lawful heirs to their reputed fathers much less can any of they who descend from any of these nine children be esteemed lawful heirs to the Crown of Portugal But grant them to be lawful and then to each of their Titles in order Don Antonio hath sufficiently justified his Title in his Apologie by many reasons which I reduce to these three principally First he proveth his Fathers marriage though it were with his far inferiour to be lawful notwithstanding the disparagement in regard of which it was concealed Then he fortifieth his Title by the custome of the people of Portugal who by ancient priviledge challenge a right in case of controversie for the Crown to make choice of such an one of the competitors as they shall have a special liking and love unto Lastly he either sheweth or might shew that Bastards have succeeded in the Kingdom of Portugal and that therefore although Bastardy had been fully proved against him yet being chosen by the common consent of the people it was no sufficient bar or lawful exception to say that he was a Bastard especially being made by such an one as came from a Bastard himself and holdeth his own Kingdom by right derived from a Bastard as doth the present king of Spain For the Chronicles of Spain report that Henry bastard brother unto Peter king of Spain taking advantage of the evil opinion which was conceived of his brother by reason of his loose and dissolute life by the help of the French King notwithstanding that Edward the third aided the said Peter and once restored him to his Crown drave him the second time from the same and having slain him in the Field usurped his Royal dignity and transferred it unto his heirs of which king Philip is lineally descended For there was a time when as Iohn Prince of Castile and son to Henry of Castile challenged the Kingdom of Portugal because he had married Beatrice the only daughter and heir of Ferdinando late king of Portugal but the people would not accept him for their king because they naturally hated the Castilians and therefore they chose a bastard for their king named Denis saying That it was as lawful for them to chuse the said bastard for their king as it was for the Castilians to admit Henry the bastard for their king who had as is above said deprived most unlawfully and unnaturally the lawful king of his life and Scepter Now from Don Antonio unto the rest in general who because they all claim by right of their mothers are all excluded by an inviolable law of Portugal alledged against the aforesaid Iohn Prince of Castile in the behalf of the aforementioned bastard Denis whereby it is provided That no woman shall enjoy the Crown of Portugal For whereas there is a Law that no woman shall succeed the same Law as it appeareth by the Law Salique alledged against us in the time of King Edward the third excludeth also the males descending from the woman And so these four Competitors claim is utterly void and of none effect And in case where women may succeed the Females descending from an heir male are to be preferred before such as come only and directly from the female And so the Prince of Parma and the Duke of Bergantia descending from the daughters of Prince Edw. and they in law succeeding their Father as the same person and his undoubted heirs are not only to be preferred before the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy who came of the daughters of the before-named Emanuel but also before their Aunts the said King Philips and Duke of Savoy's mothers because in matter of Succession the elder brothers children are always preferred before the Uncles or Aunts Those Titles and the means how the Kings of Spain prevailed before the rest of his Competitors are largely set
examples and by the remembrance of his own mishaps and evil success he might fight against the French King with far better advantage then he did at Marselles he exhorteth him to shut up the French King's passage as much as in him shall lie by the way of Turin he admonisheth him to take heed lest that at any time the Frenchmen give him some overthrow in Italy he assureth him that if at any time they should haply obtain any victory there against him his best and most assured friends in Italy would not run the same and the like danger and fortune with him but presently joyn and associate themselves with his Adversaries briefly he warneth him above all other things to look and foresee that there be no league of amity and alliance concluded betwixt the French King and the Venetians or any other Prince of Italy he addeth to those counsels divers other wise and considerable advertisements as to inform himself throughly of the contentions and strifes that are or may be betwixt the principal Houses and Officers of France he counselleth him if there be any to nourish them if none to procure and set some forward he considering that the Country of Piedmont is easie to be subdued by the French and of great profit and commodity unto them either by Wars or by marriage to keep them from the possession of all or of any part thereof assuring him that it will not be so beneficial for him to take from the French King a third part of his whole Realm towards Flanders as it will be to shut him out of Piedmont because barring him by that means of an easie access into Italy he shall live in good assurance of his Estates there which are the chiefest parts of his strength and the most especial pillars of his greatness This counsel hath been as wisely followed and executed by the Son as it was warily given by the Father for it is better then thirty years ago since he by his instruments I mean the Princes of the House of Guise hath maintained and nourished civil dissention in France whereby the Kings thereof in all this time have never been able to make wars upon him in Italy It is likewise many years agone since he favoured the late Duke of Savoy who by the French King was driven out of his Estate with men and money for the present recovery of the same and not many years since for the better assurance of the Savoyans friendship he hath given his second daughter a match fit for a better man then he in marriage unto the Duke of Savoy and hath holpen him as much as he could possibly in all his wars against the late French King by whom if God had spared him longer life he had long before this time been driven out of his Country I shall not need to tell you in what terms he standeth with the present King of France you and all the world know that he only maintaineth his Rebels not for any love towards them but for his own private gain and security And therefore from the French King I will now come unto other Princes of whom the Spaniard maketh any reckoning or account And first unto the Princes of Germany of whom I shall not need to say much for I shall have occasion to speak of the Emperour in another place and the other Princes either depend on him or if they be absolute of themselves set their whole care upon preserving their own Estates and care not to augment and increase the same Hence it cometh that they live in continual peace although they differ in Religion and that one of them encroacheth not upon another albeit they have their Estates and Territories very neer adjoyning together Hence it cometh that they live securely and are not ready to enter into Wars for light occasions or to succour their Allies and Confederates with such celerity willingness and expedition as is required and thought meet and convenient Hence again it cometh that they opposed not themselves against the greatness of the Spaniard and are not so forward as they in reason and policy should be to yeild aid both of men and money unto those whom he molesteth Briefly hence it cometh that there are so many free Towns and Cities in Germany which had framed unto themselves such Governours and such Rulers as it hath best pleased them and that these Towns and Cities being of great wealth are not made subject unto the next adjoyning Princes for if that the Princes of Germany had been so desirous and ready to increase their Estates as the Pope the Venetians the Dukes and other Potentates of Italy have been who by main force and the advantage and benefit of times have usurped the possession of divers Cities whereunto they had no manner of Right Germany should have fewer free cities and far mightier Princes then it hath The Spaniard therefore knowing that these Princes are peaceable men and not easily let to enter into wars and yet because their country is populous both able and willing to spare many of their Subjects to be imployed in forraign Wars entertaineth as many of them as he can possible for his friends and hath lately sought to draw the Switzers who are part of Germany from the service of the French King wherein he laboureth so earnestly by his Embassadours that what by promising to pay the French Kings debts what by assuring them to increase their monthly pay he had undoubtedly won them had not the ancient friends of the Crown of France and the eldest captains and Senators stuck hardly unto the late French King who was compelled for fear of losing their aid and assistance to borrow as much money as he could possibly to pay them some part of his dâ—bts and to assure unto himself those Captains and Senatours without which help his ancient friends forsaking him had entred into league and service with the Spaniards Thus much or rather this little briefly of the Princes of Germany Now to the Princes of Italy which are the Pope the Dukes of Florence Ferrara Mantua and Savoy and the Venetians all which have some Town or other neer unto the Kingdom of Naples or Dukedom of Mlian He maketh special account of the Pope not because he is the mightiest for the Venetians are undoubtedly of far greater strength and power then he but because where he inclineth there the rest most commonly bend their favour and lend their furtherance unto him therefore he carrieth great respect feeeth his chief Counsellors respecteth his colledg of Cardinals giveth rewards and yearly pensions unto many of them and unto those Courtiers who are in special favour with him promiseth and protesteth that he will be always ready to defend and protect them and their just causes and quarâ—els against all princes whatsoever He careth not by what means he procureth his friends to make a Pope whether it be lawful or unlawful whether he be worthy or unworthy of
And when you see this then you may boldly say that things are at the worst that violent courses cannot long endure that a time of a change and alteration is not far off and lastly since those things which Philosophers and wise men have noted to be the Forerunners of the Subversion of States are hapned and fallen upon our State that it will quickly change and perish All things therefore being well considered and that especially remembred which was said when I handled the first oversight of the Spanish King I may boldly inferr that Conquests are chargeable before they bee gotten easie to be lost after they be attained and wholly depending upon the Government of such Officers as are placed over them who if they be good Servants many times make themselves Masters and if they be bad put in great hazard all that is committed to their charge And since there are not many that endeavor to be such as they should bee there can be no great good looked for at their hands so long as they continue such as they appeare to be Besides the great ingratitude of Iustinian the Emperor to Marcelles of Ferdinando of Spain to Gonsalvo breedeth a Jealousy and feare in the hearts and heads of as many as are imployed in the like services that their Kings and Princes will reward them with the like recompences And this Jealousie maketh them to seek meanes how to be able to match or rather overcharge their Soveraigne in Power and Authority Was not this Jealousie the sole and onely cause that Tiberius had like to have been deprived of his State by Sejanus Commodus by Pervicius Theodosius the second by Eutropius Iustinian by Bellizarie Xerxes by Artaban and the Merovingians and Carolovingians by the great Masters of their Pallaces Is not the feare of the like danger the cause that Princes change their Liuetenants and Deputies often least that growing in too great Credit and love with the people their Credit may breed in them Ambition their Ambition a disloyalty and their disloyalty a plain Rebellion and their Rebellion a lamentable overthrow of their Kingdomes Is not this yearly or continuall changing of Officers the cause that they knowing that their Authority is of no long continuance study more to enrich themselves then to benefit the people to oppress and overcharge the Subjects then to comfort and relieve them And is not their study the cause that the people are discontented and ofâ—entimes enforced to Rebell Moreover how can it be but all or most part of those Inconveniencies of which I have spoken must needs fall upon the King of Spain whether he live long or die shortly since many motives and causes of Rebellion in Subjects and discontentment in Noblemen concur together in him For hee is old and will leave a very young Infant or no old Prince to succeed him in all his States who perhaps will Governe by Deputies and Liuetenants as his Father did before him in those Dominions which are far distant from Spain and will participate some small portion of Government with his Sister that hath been a long time nourished and nousled up in the sweetness of commanding Of his Governors some will be ambitious and desire to rule Others of baser minds but yet greedy of Recompencâ—es and Rewards for services done to him and his Father He will be jealous of some and give too much credit unto otheâ—s His Courtiers will engage and indebt themselves in setting themselves foâ—th in Triumphs and pâ—stiumes that they will devise to shew him His Captains will â—rave to be always imployed in wars and to levy those Soldiers in those Countries which will not be well conâ—ented with those Leâ—ies Bâ—iefly then will some Potentates and Frinces considering the years and weakness of this young Prince lay claim unto some of his States and every man will snatch what so ever shall be fittâ—â—t for his purpose nighest to his State and most open to his Invasion The Soldiers of Rome rebelled against Othâ— because hâ— was old Certain Cities of France against the Romans because they were greatly in debt The People of Thraciâ— against Rome because there were Soldiers lâ—vied in their Country against their wills Orgatorix Prince of the Switzers because he was desirous to be a King Morgovias and Cavedagins against Cordiâ—a their Aunt because she was a woman The Englisâ—man against Edward the Fourth because he dishonored the Earle of Warwick against Henry the Third because he would have made new Laws The Duke of Buckingham against Richard the Thâ—rd because he brake promise with him for the Earldom of Hertford the Scots against Iames the Third because he gave greater credit unto some of the Courtieers then they deserved and the Spaniards against Charls the Fifth because he lived more in Flanders then in Spain and governed Spain by Flemings Lastly when as Alexander the Great died Seleucus seised upon the Kingdome of Syria Ptolomy usuâ—ped upon Egypt Antigonus made himself King of Asia and Cassander reigned in Greece and Macedonia So whensoever the King of Spaine shall die his Son will enjoy most of his Dominions the Duke of Savoy will look for part of them His other Daughters Husband will look for a proportionable share and the Princes of Italy will perhaps lay in for their part and for their portion For every Kingdom hath a certain Period an end and declination And it is seldome seen that any State flourisheth many hundred years And as those bodies die soonest that are subject to most diseases so those Kingdomes perish soonest whose Princes are most inclined to many vices Saul reigned but Forty years and he and his posterity perished for his Infidelity David ruled other Forty and his Kingdom was divided for his Adultery Achan was King no longer time and his Kingdome was destroyed for his Idolatry And Cyrus enjoyed his Crown and Scepter not many years and his race failed in his Son Cambyses for his Cruelty And how can the Spanish Kings declining glory last long since many probable and very learned Authors do greatly belye him if he be not infected with all or most part of those vices which possessed incredulous and unbelieving Saul adulterous and leacherous David Idolatrous and Superstitious Achan Cruel and incestuous Cambyses I favor and reverence his Person because he is a King hate and detest his vices because they become not a Prince have declared and discovered his indiscretion because he may be no more thought so wise as common Fame reportâ—th him to be And now because of a dissembling friend he is become our professed Enemy I may not conceale the means how his courage may be cooled his Pride abated his purposes prevented his courses crossed his Ambition restrained his hopes frustrated his strength weakned his Alliances dissolved and Briefly all or part of his Kingdom rent and dismembred To know how all this may be done you shall need but to look back upon the means that he useth to conserve his
considerable advantage 98 XXIX That there was just occasion given for the intercepting the Spanish money sent into Flanders 105 XXX That the Spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is 110 XXXI The nature and condition of the Spanish people 115 XXXII The false commendations given by divers Authors unto Spain 117 XXXIII That the King of Spain 's wars with the Low-Countries have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished 123 XXXIV That it was no point of Policy in the Spanish King not to grant liberty of Conscience to his subjects in Flanders 128 XXXV That it redounded not so much to the Spanish Kings honour as he imagined to enter into a League with the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise against the Lutheran Princes 136 XXXVI That many Princes have been less to blame for entring into a League with the Turk then the King of Spain for his League with the Guisards 139 XXXVII That Princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths however their vertues may 142 XXXVIII The likelyhood of the downfal of the Duke of Guise his faction 145 XXXIX That it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of Rebels 148 XL. The French King vindicated from divers things laid to his charge 151 XLI The King of France his killing of the Duke of Guise justified 160 XLII How the Kings of France have from time to time raised the revenues of that Crown 166 XLIII The commendations of Henry the third of France from divers eminent Authors XLIV To what a vast power and authority the Popes of Rome are advanced from a small beginning with their deceits and cruelties 172 XLV VVhat losses and injuries Princes have sustained by submitting to the Pope's authority 179 XLVI Queen Elizabeth unjustly accused by the English fugitives to the King of Spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes 183 XLVII The Spanish King blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the English fugitives 189 XLVIII Certain objections against the Queen of Englands putting the Scottish Queen to death answered 191 XLIX VVhether it be allowable for Subjects to take up Arms against or put their Princes to death 202 L Of the proceedings of divers Princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour 208 LI. That Embassadors violating the Laws of Nations or of Arms have oft-times been rigorously dealt with 210 LII That neither the death of the Scottish Queen nor any other occasion could warrant the King of Spain's invading of England 215 LIII That it is no easie matter for the King of Spain to conquer England 218 LIV. The Popes and Emperours machinations against the Lutherans make them so much the stronger 224 LV. The cruelty of Princes to their subjects proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves 229 LVI Many motives of Rebellion and Discontent among the K. of Spain 's subjects threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon Princes in former ages 238 LVII That many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake 241 LVIII That the K. of Spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him or at least to stand Neutral 243 LIX Several Emperours of the House of Austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions 249 LX. That there is as just cause to fear France if that Kingdom grow too powerful as Spain it self 257 LXI That the Low-Countries joyned together under one Form of Government would grow very formidable 258 LXII How powerful the Switzers are grown since they have Incanton'd themselves 260 LXIII How expedient a Confederacy with the Low-Countries is in reference to a falling out either with France or Spain 261 In the Supplement I. IOhn de Soto Secretary to Don John de Austria removed and John de Escovedo put into his room p. 2 II. Antonio Perez commanded by the K. of Spain to poison Escovedo 3 III. Several questions discussed concerning Escovedo 's murther and first whether the K. commanding Escovedo to be murthered may not worthily be accounted a murtherer 4 IV. The second question whether Antonio Perez obeying the Kings command be not guilty of Escovedo 's death as well as the King 10 V. The third question whether the King being found a murtherer deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated better then the K. of France deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the Duke of Guise 13 VI. The fourth question whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other Prince 14 VII VVhether wilful perjury and breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a Prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince 17 VIII That the Nobility of Aragon have from the beginning bound their Kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges 22 IX That Subjects may seek remedies against such Princes as will not do them Right and Iustice. 26 X. The K. of Spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the K. of France hath been charged with 27 The Table A ADrianus the Emperour's vast Armies and strength in war p. 74 Albertin Coraza made lord of Padua p. 53 Alexander the Great the pattern of a valiant Prince p. 5 Not superiour to divers of-the Roman Captains p. 232 233 Alexander King of Epirus his opinion concerning Alexander the Great 's victories p. 74 Pope Alexander the third's prastises against Frederick Barbarossa p. 177 Alonzo King of Aragon adopted by Joan Queen of Naples p. 55 Alphinus King of the Scots and Picts openly beheaded p. 214 other examples of the like nature p. 215 Cardinal Allen compared with Richard Shaw and John Petit p. 189 The ambition of the Earl of Anjou 's wife set him on to get the Kingdom of Naples p. 258 Amulius his cruelty to his Brother Numitor and his children p. 89 Anjou quitted by the King of England p. 45 Don Antonio justifieth his Title to Portugal by several arguments p. 60 Anthony Montefeltro made Duke of Urbin by the Emperour Lewis 53 Appius his severity hurtful to the Commonwealth 233 The Arch-bishop of Toledo rebelleth against the King of Aragon p. 16 and is aided by Alonzo K. of Portugal ib. Aristides the pattern of a just Magistrate 5 Armies going far from home meet with many occasions of destruction p. 70 71 Artevild Agricola and Besconius the chief Ring-leaders of the Gantois Rebels 230 231 Astyages seeketh the destruction of his Grand-child Cyrus 87 88 89 Attila the Scourge of God 5 Augustus the pattern of a fortunate King 5 The Duke of Aumale chosen head of the faction of the Guises 159 The House of Austria their Original from Hapsburgh p. 17 Their Greatness Tyrannie and Oppression p. 17 18 The continuance of their Greatness 50 The Author a voluntary Exile in the time of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 His Credit with Great men
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
and good Fathers 7 The Soveraignty of the Kings of England over Scotland proved by Records p. 195 The Scots objections answered 197 Spain 's large Dominions abroad how it became united with the House of Austria 54 The Spaniard 's policy commended and admired p. 2 The Spaniard censured p. 3 The Spaniards and French compared with the Romans and Carthaginians p. 76 The designs of the Spaniard against the person and state of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 By what means his power may be diministed p. 240 241 Oftner conquered then any Nation of Europe p. 219 The twelve Kingdoms of Spain united in Ferdinand and Isabel 54 The Spanish King's Title to the Indies p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Milan p. 62 His Title to the Dukedom of Burgundy p. 63 By what means he preserveth his Dominions p. 63 His proceedings with the Turk p. 71 With the French King p. 73 With the Princes of Germany p. 79 With the Pope p. 80 With the Venetians and the rest of the Princes of Italy p. 81. With the Queen of England p. 82 Supposed more strong and wealthy then he really is p. 111 His Errours in Governing the Low-Countries p. 125 His League with the Guisards condemned p. 136 137 140 141 His intention to invade England proved vain and indiscreet p. 171 172 c. His light credit to the false reports of English Fugitives p. 171 183 The Tyranny and Cruelty of his Government 237 The Count of Saint Paul proclaimed Traytor by Lewis the eleventh 165 Subjects frame their lives and manners to the example of their Princes 8 Subsidies and Taxes levied by former King of England 184 185 186 Succour refus'd to divers Princes out of politique interests 96 Suchin made Vicount of Milan by Pope Benedict the twelfth 52 The Earl of Surry 's resolute answer to the Iudges 184 Switzers defrauded of a debt due from France p. 42 To what height they are grown from a low beginning 260 T TEacha Queen of Slavonia causeth a Roman Ambassadour to be slain 209 Temporal Princes to intermeddle in spiritual affairs 182 Theodorick the first of France deposed by the States of the Realm 41 Theseus his policy to augment the City of Athens 65 Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury slain by four Assassinates 179 180 Titus the delight and love of the people 5 Towns not well inhabited a main cause of penury among the Inhabitants 6 Trajan the pattern of a good Emperour 5 The Treason of the Duke of Bourbon renders him odious to a Spanish Grandee p. 139 He is proclaimed Traytor by Francis the first 165 Turain quitted by the King of England 45 The Turks aid implored by divers Christian Princes 139 The Turkish Monarchy strengthned by the divisions between France and Spain p. 2 And by the sloth and amâ—bition of Princes and States in several ages 11 12 V VAsoeus his immoderate commendations of Spain refuted 118 119 The Venetians break their League with the Spaniards upon the not delivering of Brescia 100 J. Viennensis his faâ—se relation of Scotland to Charls the sixth King of France 189 190 The Violent proceedings of the Catholique Princes against the Protestants p. 226 227 Makes their party so much the stronger 227 228 The Virgin of Orleans her proceeding in France 49 50 Pope Urban gives the Kingdom of Sicily and Dukedoms of Pulia and Calabria unto Charls Earl of Argiers and Provence p. 53 Afterwards to Lewis K. of Hungary 55 The Duke of Urbin and Andrea Doria take part with Charls upon hopes of preserment 242 243 W WArs waged upon very slight occasions p. 147 148 Upon Injuries offered to prevent greater mischiefs 148 The Earl of Warwick 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 William K. of Sicily plucketh out the eyes of Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour 209 William Gonzaga made Lord of Mantua and Rezzo by the Pope 53 Womens Rule and Government rare 〈◊〉 Cardinal Wolfey 's power with Henry the eight the French King and the Emperour p. 43 His policy in entertaining Henry the eight with all delights 189 Z THe Zeal of the French king to the Roman Catholique Religion 151 160 Table to the Supplement ANtonio Peres forsaketh Spain to live in England p. 1 He writeth a Book called The Fragment of History ibid. He imparteth the transactions between John de Austria and the Pope and Duke of Guise unto the K. of Spain p. 3 He poysoneth Escovedo ibid. Aragonian kings subject to the constitutions of the Country 21 22 c. THe Duke of Britany commandeth Bavilion to murther the Constable of France 10 C CArdinal de Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 Clisson high Constable of France preserved by Bavilion 10 Craesus spared by Cambyses his servants who were commanded to kill him 11 The Prince of Conde an enemy to the Duke of Guise 's party p. 28 He turneth Protestant and freeth Charls the ninth out of prison D THe Danish King not to make war without consent of the States 21 The Pope's Delegate in some cases above the Popes Legate 11 Diego de Meneses unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 E THe Emperor may be convented by his own subjects before the Pope 25 Escovedo made Secretary to Don John de Austria in the room of John de Soto p. 2 The Duke returning from Spain leaves Escovedo 〈◊〉 him where he is poisoned p. 3 Several questions cleared concerning this fact 4 5 F THe French King deserved to lose his Crown for the murther of the Guises 13 G GHilmesa freeth Antonio Peres out of prison 4 The Duke of Guise his death compared with Escovedo 's 13 H HArpagus saveth Cyrus notwithstanding Astyages his command 11 Hector Pinto a Fryar poysoned by the Souldiers of Castile 27 Henry Perera unlawfully executed by the Spanish King 27 I IAmes de Moronack beaten to death with Souldiers 27 Indignities offered by subjects to their Princes no unusual thing 22 The Inquisition used against all sorts of offenders as well as heretiques 23 John de Soto Secretary to John de Austria p. 2 John de Escovedo put in his room 2 Don John de Austria concludeth a great League of friendship with the Duke of Guise 3 L LAws to be observed by Princes as well as Subjects 21 22 M MOntmorency and Chastilian take part with Vendosm and Conde against the Guises p. 28 Montmorency made Constable of France ibid. N THe Names of several plotters against the life of Q. Elizabeth 23 De la Nuca executed by Alonzo de Vargas at the command of the King Of Spain 16 O OAths not grounded upon a just cause bind not 24 P PEdro Escovedo accuseth Antonio Perez of his fathers death 3 4 Perjury excludeth a man from all preferment 18 The Polish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 The Pope plotteth to make Don John of Austria King of England p. 2 Next to make him King of Tunis ib. Princes deposed or excommunicated for Murther p. 14 15
they did the late Duke of Guise Now where there is a Subject of such credit with the King of such authority in Court of such power in every Province of such Alliance in the whole Realm of such favour with forrain Princes of such liking of all sorts of Subjects of such experience in Martial Affairs of knowledge in matters of State briefly of such continuance in the love in the hearts in the good liking of all men Can it possibly be hard or difficult for him to work his pleasure in any thing that he shall imagine or indeavour Or can it be that such a man should not be most dangerous unto his Country and unto his Prince Especially in France where there are many Provinces ruled by their particular Governours many Citadels possessed by several Deputies many Holds and Towns or strength committed to the custody of certain Lievtenants many Bands of men at Arms and of other Souldiers under the charge of choise Captains And all or the most part of these Governours Deputies Lievtenants and Captains chosen or appointed out of his Parentage Kindred Affinity Alliance Family or Followers Look upon men in other States and Kingdoms under other Princes and Kings of like mind and of such Ambition as possessed the Duke and consider what dangers they have brought both unto their Countries and unto their Sovereigns Look upon the means and policies which they have used to bâ—ing their purposes to pass And see whether this Duke did not imitate or rather go beyond them all in the course which he took to aspire unto Authority and Greatness Elâ—us Sejanus ruled all things under Tiberius the Emperor whom he had so cunningly blinded and besotted with love and affection towards him that although he was wary enough of all others and could keep his least secrets from them yet he could not beware of him nor conceal the greatest secrets he had from him This Sejanus had many qualities fit and proper for his aspiring mind and purpose He could endure all kind of labour he durst adventure to do any thing whatsoever he was very secret he used to reprehend and backbite others boldly he could flatter cunningly behave himself when occasion served proudly again when he saw cause his carriage was very modest outwardly albeit inwardly he boiled with a desire of Rule and Government For the better attaining whereof he used now and then liberality but more often labour and industry points as dangerous when they tend to the purchasing of a Kingdom as Ambition and Prodigalâ—ty This Sejan had such interest in the Emperor such power in Rome such sway and authority in all the Affairs of the Empire that after he had perswaded Tiberius either for his health or for recreation or to live free from the cares and troubles of Estate to retire himself unto a little Island he presumed to call himself Emperor and Tiberius a poor Islander or Prince of one Island This Sejan had two Obstacles to hinder his purpose Drusus and Nero both Heirs unto Tiberius both of divers natures and conditions and both so desirous to be Emperors that the one could have been content to supplant the other This Sejan to take away these impediments used these means he poluted Livia Drusus his Wife with Adultery won her to promise him Marriage promised to make her Partner and Fellow in the Empire perswaded her to consent to the death of her Husband To put her out of all doubt and jealousie he banished his own Wife Apicata from his house and company and when his secret purposes were bewrayed thinking it time to hasten Drusus his death and to work the same so cunningly that it might not be known or perceived he cast a kind of poison which should so kill him that it might seem he dyed of some sudden disease After this he assaulted Nero in another way he caused his friends and followers to animate him to affect the Empire to tell him that the people of Rome were desirous to make him Emperor that the Souldiers were of the same mind and that Sejan although he Ruled all things yet he neither durst nor would withstand him Nero gave ear to these perswasions and could not so dissemble his inward thoughts and cogitations but that now and then he uttered some words that bewrayed the secrets of his mind which by such Keepers as were set to observe him his words and doings were brought to Sejans hearing and by such Accusers as he suborned carried to Tiberius his ears who vouchsafing Nero no indifferent hearing afforded him no good countenance but suspected him the more if he spake any thing in his own defence and condemned him if he held his peace And Sejan had so provided that his watching his steps his sights and his secrets were told by his wife unto her Mother Livia and by Livia unto him who had likewise induced his Brother Drusus to seek this ruine and subversion of Nero by telling him that when his Brother Nero was dead he was next heir unto the Empire which perswasion easily prevailed with Drusus because he had an aspiring mind and secretly hated his Brother Nero for that their Sister Agrippina loved him better then she did Drusus And yet Sejan did not so favour Drusus but that he likewise purposed his death and destruction which he thought he might easily compass because he knew him to be stout and over-bold and easie to be overtaken by his slights and subtilties You have heard of the Treasons of Sejan his policies and his purposes you may guess of his success and read of his end Now you shall hear of Iulius Caesar who was more subtile and cunning then he and had the wit to get more then he but not the grace to keep it long Caesar before he bare any Office in Rome was in his youth so prodigal and such a Spend-thrift that he had indebted himself above 700000. Crowns and although the greatness of his debts might justly have made him fear to be cast in Prison and never to hope or look for such preferment as he afterwards attained yet he neither feared his creditors nor doubted of his future advancement For the better attaining whereunto he accommodated his nature to all mens humours and vouchsafed to flatter and make much not only of Free-men but also of such Slaves and Bond-men as he knew well able to do any thing with their Masters He thought it no disgrace or discredit to humble himself in the beginning so that he might live in assured hope to command all men in process of time Besides other subtile devices which he used for the better accomplishment of his desires he observed most diligently who were in greatest favour with the common people who were best able to further or hinder his purposes who were easily to be won to favour him in his attempts and intentions and what means he might use and practise to be assured of their Friendship There
which they bear unto him might hinder his designs and purposes he sent an express Messenger unto the Pope to declare unto him the true sense and meaning of their Oath and to intreat his Holiness to make such an Interpretation thereof as might serve his turn the effect of which Interpretation was That since the promise which the French-men made unto their King was conditional and reciprocal and that their King was likewise sworn unto them they being his Subjects were not bound any longer to their Oath since he being their King had broken his because he was neither religious valiant just or in any respect answerable to those conditions which were inserted and included in his promise to them In hope of performance of which conditions they had sworn unto him all manner of duty service succour faith and obedience This was Pipin's policy to supplant Childerick and to set the Crown of France upon his own head Now let me compare the Duke of Guise his practices with these mens devices his wit with their wisdom and his aspiring mind with their ambition Sejan and Caesar were lowly and humble when they saw occasion and what was the Duke of Guise when he went bate-headed unto Porters and Crochelers Caesar drave Pompey out of Italy and Sejan Tiberius out of Rome into an Island and what did the Duke of Guise when he forced the late French King not to leave but to fly from Paris Caesar suppresseth Pompey and Crassus and Sejan indeavoured to destroy Drusus and Nero and what did the Duke of Guise when he caused the Admiral of France to be massacred and the Duke of Espernon to be banished the Court Sejan and Caesar spared no money to win men to their service and devotion What did the Duke of Guise when he spent all his own Patrimony and his Wives Inheritance and the King of Spains yearly Pension and infinite Pistolets to purchase himself Friends and Favourers Casar and Sejan subverted their enemies by their own friends And what did the Duke of Guise when he sowed sedition betwixt the King and his brother Caesar and Sejan used the Marriage of Livia Drusus his Wife of his own Daughter and of Pycos Sister for the furtherance of their purpose And what did the Duke of Guise when he caused the Massacre of Paris to be performed at the Marriage of the present King of France with the late Kings Sister Caesar and Sejan could be proud when occasion was offered And what was the Duke of Guise when he equalled his power and strength with the Kings Caesar could brook no equal And what could the Duke of Guise when he contended with the Kings Brother for Superiority and Precedency Sejan set variance betwixt Drusus and Nero to the end the one should take occasion to destroy the other And what did the Duke of Guise when he perswaded the French King to send his only Brother into Flanders where he devised divers means to endanger his life Caesar assumed by cunning and pollicy all the Power and Authority unto himself which was sometimes equally divided betwixt him Pompey and Crassus And what did the Duke of Guise when he suffered no man to be in credit at the Court but himself Sejan offered the Empire unto Drusus not for favour which he bore him but to incense and incourage him to seek the ruine of Nero And what did the Duke of Guise when he profered the Kingdom in the late Kings days unto the King of Navar now King of France but seek means to breed such a distrust and jealousie betwixt the King and him that the one might let no occasion slip that might procure the destruction or overthrow of the other Caesar observed diligently the natures and dispositions of such men as were in special credit with the common people and to purchase their favour furthered their purposes when they tended not to his own hinderance And what did the Duke of Guise when he fawned upon those whom the King loved and labored to prefer his Secretaries to higher places to the end that both they and their Successors might be always willing and ready to pleasure him Pipin shewed himself wise in using the Kings weakness and his own credit for a Ladder to climb to the Kingdom And the Duke of Guise came not much behind him in wisdom when he weakned the late Kings forces and strengthned himself and his complices with intention to set the Crown of France upon his own Head Hugh Capet pretended right to the Crown because he was in some sort alley'd to Lewes the fifth by his Mothers side And the Duke of Guise fortified his Right by pretending Alliance unto the Duke of Larrain whom Hugh Capet deprived of the Crown Pipin hired men to comâ—end himself and dispraise Childerick And the Duke of Guise wanted not his writers and his flatterers who in Books and common Table-talk did daily set forth his praise and took hold of every small occasion to enveigh bitterly against the King Pipin again used Religion and Zeal for a means to win the Popes favour and to procure him to make a friendly Interpretation of the French Subjects Oath to their King And the Duke of Guise with a shew of suppressing the Protestants of France drew divers Popes to join with him in alliance and to draw other Princes with the same line into the same League and left not until the Pope had Excommunicated the late King Hugh Capit disabled Childerick as a man not sufficient to Rule and therefore caused him to be shut up in a Monastery And the Duke of Guise was so bold as to bring forrain power into France and to tell the King that he had procured their help to suppress the Protestants because his Majesty had neither men nor money enough wherewith to overthrow them and common fame greatly wrongeth him if he intended not in time to have shut the King up in some religious house and to have put a Friers Weed upon him Briefly Pipin Iulius Caesar and Hugh Capet attained their desires by their cunning practises and their subtile devises And the Duke of Guise by his slights and Stratagems had not failed of his purpose if the King had not by doing him suddenly to death prevented his intended Usurpation By this that hath been said you may plainly perceive that the Frenchmen rebelled against their Soveraigns long before this time And that they are in a manifest Error who commend their Loyalty so much as in their Writings to call them The most Loyal Loving and Dutiful Subjects of Europe For to omit other Rebellions of the children against their own Fathers in France whereof their Histories are full and plentiful It cannot be denyed that both Pipin and Hugh Capet were Usurpers and that as many as favoured and furthered them against the lawful Heirs of the Crown were notable and traitorous Rebels and in no respect inferiour to those who in these days combine themselves against the
of his life in a house of Religion And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King deprived him of his right and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance for the horrible murther committed as it hath been said on the person of the Duke of Burgundy a Prince of the blood royall a Peer of France and a Counsellour unto the King his Father and for the great manifest and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency Lewis for his Pusillanimity and Charles for his youth So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them There was a time and so it is still when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir who dyed in their debt It was answered that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs as well private men a Princes yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs but as Successors by custom are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents and their Heirs only By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims Titles and Rights sometimes by the Law Salique which was as I have said no Law of France and sometimes by such exceptions devices and subtleties as I have lately specified The fourth point whereat they wonder is why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword do not still prosecute their demand and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years This point consisteth of two several points the one why we forbear to challenge our right the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered especially Henry the fifth who subdued the greatest part of France and although he dyed very young yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth being an Infant of few years so mighty at home so be-friended abroad so accompanied with good Souldiers so well assisted with good Counsellours so followed by cunning and expert captains and so directed by wise and discreet Generals that when he was but ten years of Age he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France This first point is easily answered because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France those Princes of ours who were Martial men and inclined to Wars demanded their Right by open Wars as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie But it pleased God sometimes to send us as he doth unto other Kingdomes such Princes as were rather given to pleasure and unto peace rather then unto Wars and Martial exploits in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures and when our Kings and Subjects following as Subjects commonly do the humours and qualities of their Princes gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes the French followed the Wars and either by open Invasions or by subtile devices recoverd part of their losses Besides it hath sometimes fortuned that when we had valiant Princes and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right our Realm hath either been divided within it self and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs then to make Wars abroad Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York sometimes the one part and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship and alliance of the Kings of France and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes by their aid furtherance and sufferance thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity yea and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions lest that having them for their Enemies they should either invade their Realms or assist their Competitors who most commonly fled unto them for help relief and succour For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries have been either entertained or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland the Dukes of Burgundy or the Princes of Henault as were Edward the fourth Henry the second the sixth and the seventh Besides some of the kings of France as namely Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars corrupted our Kings Council with bribes and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets but also diverted their purposes and if at any time they were purposed to molest France or to joyn with the Enemies of France they changed the Kings minds and perswaded them not only not to hinder but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises and against all their Enemies And they were not only contented to â—ee our cheif Counsellors as Francis the first â—id Cardinal Wolsey who bare such sway with Henry the eighth changed his determination so often made him friend and enemy to whom he would and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth and sometimes the French king his common Adversary in such manner that it was commonly said that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King the King of England and the Emperour but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him he received them so honourably entertained them so friendly rewarded them so liberally and dispatched them with so fair words although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him that they departed alwayes very well contented And albeit that some
only true and faithful unto him but also so discreet and wise that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching not only over the Subjects committed to their charge in holding them low and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence but also over the Princes which confine with the Governments in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people upon which officers the fault is layed if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him if no excuse can pacifie the complainants mitigateth the rigour of the exactions or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy who if he shall see no other way to content them or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience yeildeth somwhat to their petition and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time or the extremity of his expences or the severity of their officers dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him and sendeth the Petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spaniard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace in quietness and in dutiful obedience It is written that his Father Charls the fifth fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon might in time find some friends to help him or his issue if he should so marry that he might have any to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon married him unto Germana widow unto the said Ferdinando but barren and past children reaping of this marriage two benefits and both of great weight and consequence For whereas the said Duke by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King had made the Emperour somwhat beholden unto him he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue The Spaniard not by mariage but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour kept him alwaies so busied that he could never attend to the conquest of Portugal which of right belonged unto his Son rather then unto the King of Spain And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando by giving him a barren wife of all possibility to have any lawful issue and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right Again it is written of Richard the third and also of Edward the fourth Kings of England that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany by whom he was only sustained and succoured might in process of time find some Friends at home or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad to help him to recover the Crown of England whereunto he always laid claim did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke but they could never prevail and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate And Richard the third according as he doubted was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl In like manner the Spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country and acknowledging him for King live under his obedience but he could never prevail and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life He is not now so low so poor so bare so destitute of all friends so void of all hope but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him It is an infallible rule in policy that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his Estate as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him or unto any of his by Don Antonio or by his children For as the loss of the Battel at Canna deferred the Victories that Hannibal might have had against the Romans and his abode at Capua where his Souldiers learned to be effâ—minate and forgot to be right Souldiers took away all hope to subdue the Romans so the overthrow received by Dâ—n Antonio within his own Kingdom when he was possessed thereof made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same And the late repulse taken at Lisbona when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men that not with much great strength then he had then from hence it would be an easie enterprise to recover that Kingdom which opinion I list not to controll for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers especially in matters concerning martial affairs And yet I fear me that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal with an English Army of greater strength of better provision of sounder bodâ—es and of more convenient furniture then the last was the Commanders of such an Army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army so long the like success as hapned unto the first will follow the latter You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home that hath not been subject unto
afflicted is a point of great Inhumanity so to comfort the comfortless is a work of singular Justice and Lenity The commendation due to this kind of courtesie hath wrought so strange effects in the hearts of many Princes that some have received their professed Enemies others have fallen out with their dearest friends rather then they would restore a poor Prince being fled unto them for succour when he was demanded at their hands some have refused great rewards which have been offered them for the restitution of such as lived in exile and banishment within their Territories others have entertained them with large yearly Pensions and presently aided them for the recovery of their Kingdomes some have given them whole Cities to dwell in others have been so forward in releiving such as implored their help that they have lost their own Kingdoms for defending them It is written in the Histories of France that Charles the seventh having upon just occasion of offence and displeasure conceived against the Dolphin of France who was his eldest son banished him out of his Realm and commanded that none of his Subjects or Friends should receive him The Duke of Burgundy who was then Vassal unto the French King and mortal Enemy unto the Dolphin did not only receive him but also gave him leave to chuse what Castle Hold or City of his soever he would to dwell in and sent presently Embassadours to his Father to make his excuse for receiving him Piero Mexias in his Book of the lives of the Roman Emperours reporteth That the Emperour Henry the third when as Peter King of Hungary was driven out of his Kingdom by his own Subjects who for his evil Government had rebelled against him did not only harbour and entertain him but also restored him unto his Kingdom although the same Peter not long before had favoured the Duke of Bohemia who rebelled against the said Emperour The King of Cochin being required by the King of Calicut not to harbour his enemies which were fled unto him for succour Answered that he could not expel them out of his Cities having received them upon his word with which Answer the King of Calicut being highly displeased wrot him a Letter full of great threats whereat the King of Cochin laughed and willed the Messenger to tell him that he would not do that for fear of all his threats which he vouchsafed not to do at his request whereupon the King of Calicut suddenly prepared a great Army invaded the King of Cochins Realm drave him out of his Kingdom and enforced him to fly unto a certain Island of his own which was then in the hands of certain Portugals by whom he not long after was again restored unto his Kingdom Our Chronicles report That both Edward the fourth and Richard the third offered great Rewards unto the Duke of Brittan to restore unto them Henry Earl of Richmond who lived as a poor banished man within the Dukedom but no money could win him to yeild unto their desire The same Chronicles testifie that the poor King of Scots received Henry the sixth flying from the persecution of Edward the fourth and entertained him with a yearly Pension and aided him for the recovery of his Kingdom David distrusting the protection of God slyeth unto Achich King of Goth who giveth him Siglag to dwell in And Ierobâ—am flying unto Shishack King of AEgypt was honourably received of him and maintained there like a Prince until Rehoboam was deprived for his cruelty and he sent for out of Egypt and made King of Israel Frederick King of Naples being oppressed by his Uncle the King of Spain used unto the French King unto whom he made grievous complaints of the Catholique King because without any regard of the kindred and consanguinity that was betwixt them he had endeavoured by all means possible to deprive him of the Moity of his Kingdom Lewis the French King received him with great honour and courtesie made him Duke of Anjou and gave him 30000. Ducates of yearly Revenue Our Chronicles and other Histories are full of a number of the like Examples confirming the equity and commending the clemency and gentleness of such Princes as have yeilded competent relief to their neighbours to their enemies to their Allies and to meer strangers being enforced to crave their aid and assistance But hoping that these will suffice to satisfie and resolve you I will forbear to enlarge this discourse with the supersluous and needless recital of others It is commonly said that troubles come in post and depart by leisure And who so seeketh unquietness shall easily find it and therefore considering the displeasure that is done to the adversary of him that is received into another Kings Realm and protection the danger which the Receiver may incure and the manifest wrongs which are sometimes done unto the Receiver by the received together with their most unkind and unnaturall Ingratitude this kinde of charitie is sometimes termed crueltie this pity peril this favour extream folly and this compassion a passion not agreeable to reason and Princely policy Some Princes therefore weighting the perils that may follow the receiving of such Guests or the aiding of Princes who were expelled or banished from their own Dominions would neither receive them nor succour them unless they were well rewarded for their labour to the end that such a reward might recompence the costs and charges which do necessarily depend upon the harbour and relief which is given unto them Alexis sometimes Emperour of Greece being deprived of his Empire could not obtain any manner of aid from the Venetians the Marquess of Montferrat and the King of France until he had faithfully promised to pay the Venetians debts to recompence with so much ready money the harms which the Frenchmen had sustained by the Emperour Emanuel and to bestow the Earldom of Candia upon the forenamed Marquess Macrinus having slain the Emperour Bassianus enjoyed the Empire and his Son Antoninus Heliogabalus lived a long time in exile until his Mother Messa by great gifts and extraordinary liberality won the Soulders of Macrinus and his best Captains and Colonels to acknowledg him for the true and indubitate Heir of the Empire and in regard thereof and of the duty of the young child whom for his Fathers sake they quickly affected to deprive Macrinus of his usurped Diadem and Imperial Authority Other Princes perhaps terrified with the perils that accompany and attend upon the harbouring of such distressed Princes when they have once received them either restore them to their enemies or detain them as lawful Prisoners or cause them to be secretly murthered So did Alarick King of the Goths send King Siagrius who fled unto him for succour back again unto Clovis King of France his mortal enemy So did Toleny cause Pompey to be murthered who fled unto him as unto his ancient and faithful friend from the wrath and indignation of
Iulius Caesar. So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus whom he had many ways and times grievously offended fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England detain Iames afterward King of Scotland prisoner many years who flying from the unnatural persecution of his Uncle who had deposed his Father and usurped the Crown was driven by tempest into England These Examples varying much from the former And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed maketh this question very doubtful Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty if it be true that the Poet saith Turpius ejicitur quam non admittitur Hospes If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of humanity towards them Briefly if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them this doubt is easily dissolved and this difficulty quickly removed Now that humanity which is incident unto men is to be preferred before cruelty which is proper unto bruit beasts is a thing so apparent to common sense that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof and what is he who blameth him not for incivility who having received his friend into his house and being very well able to relieve him excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him Or who is so ignorant that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings then it is to succour as many as have need of their help And our Chronicles do testifie that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland and the French Histories do declare that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer King of France because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy whom he had received into his safe custody and protection And to be short the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies are commended beyond all measure by the Writers who mention them whereas their folly is reprehended and their cruelty blamed who rejected those of whom I lately made mention and all histories shall sooner perish then their infamy be forgotten But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples and to clear the difficulty of this question I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition for so the controversie will soon be determined Suppose therefore for example sake that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra from this variance they fall to wars of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for refuge May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra and the kind of Alliance betwixt France and Spain be well and sufficiently known for the nature and quality of the one and the other may make the receipt and entertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois because he was wronged by him or by some of his and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies but that the one should hold him for his foe which was or is adversary to the other Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance whereby the same was broken and violated the Spaniard could not lawfully receive the Navarrois But contrarywise if the aforenamed Wars were unjust and the League not so streight as Alliance which are both offensive and defensive are then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League for as Bonds and Obligations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions so Leagues betwixt Princes do not prohibite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues Besides as the world is now adayes Leagues are of no longer continuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker they are not so religiously observed as they have been in times past but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Ferdinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples and also what occasion was taken to break the same as soon as Gonsalvo surnamed the great Captain had the French General at an advantage But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was used to excuse the breach thereof the which because it now cometh fitly to the purpose I purpose to declare unto you Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain being accused by the French King that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all enemies whatsoever that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples being equally divided as you have heard betwixt the two Crowns alledged for their excuse that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome and that therefore the Pope having required them as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples they could do no less but yeilded unto his request and with this Cautele contrary to their former promise made unto the French King the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France with the Pope with the Venetians and with the Duke of Milan and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League but cunningly and with an Italian devise and subtilty he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant
had rather have the French King a profess'd enemy then a dissembling friend And not satisfied with the indignity of this disdainful Answer he sent presently after him another Embassadour into France to tell the King thereof That the Spaniards were not so foolish and so unwise as not to see and perceive that whatsoever the Duke of Alencon did was done by permission counsel consent and furtherance of the King his Brother Out of this Answer and this Embassage I gather thus much That it is better for a Prince to have an open enemy then a deceitful friend And to prove the Spaniard to have been always such a friend unto the State of England I use these Demonâ—trations First It is not unknown as I have said before all the Treasons and Conspiracies which have been attempted intended and practised against her Majesty ever since her first coming to the Crown have had their beginning or their comfort their counsel or their furtherance their countenance or their invention from Spain Witness to omit others of lesser moment and yet of most dangerous consequence the Treasons of the late Duke of Norfolk since whose death it is better then twenty years and more then forty since he first began to be a Traytor Is it not more then twenty one years ago that Robert Rudolphy a Florentine Merchant who had lived many years in England departed out of England for fear that the Duke being committed to prison should reveal the practises and means which he had used by the solicitation of the King of Spain and of the Pope to draw the Duke unto those Treasons which he afterwards intended and had executed had he not been happily discovered did not the same Redolphy go from hence to Rome and there communicated with the Pope how the Duke was apprehended and thereby their Plot and device broken and prevented Was he not sent from Rome into Spain there to make the same relation and to consult with the Spanish king what means might be used for the liberty of the said Duke and if that might not be happily wrought and effected for some other kind of of annoyance to be done to England Was it not publiquly noised and certainly beleeved that the Duke of Alva should have joined with the said Duke and have done us more wo then I may boldly speak of and my heart can even without extream grief to relate or remember Witness again the most unnatural practises of the late Queen of Scots unnatural because she was a Queen as her Majesty was because she was her neer kinswoman and her Vassal beholding unto her Highness for her life and for the life of her own only child which unto good and loving Parents is always more dear then their own life Lived not this unthankful ungracious and unfortunate Queen more then twenty years prisoner in England and which of all those years lived her Majesty free from some Treason or other But hereof in another place Now let it suffice that it is apparent to all the world that she had secret Messengers secret help and counsel from Spain as well before as after her Imprisonment to animate encourage and set her forward in all her mischievous endeavours and purposes against our gracious Sovereign and her Realms Is not then the Spaniard a deceitful friend unto England Is he not then by his own confession more to be feared and more to be disliked then an open enemy Or are not we so wise as the Spaniard to see and perceive such deceitful proceedings and seeing them shall it not not be lawful for us to think of him as he thought of the king of France and to deal so with Spain as he dealt and dealeth with France such justice as a Magistrate useth unto others such must he expect himself saith the Emperour Iustinian He that seeketh dayly to increase his own power purchaseth to himself envy and batred So Said Sabellicus The Prince that desireth Cities that are far off cannot but covet those which are near at hand So said Leo Aretinus and it is hard and difficult to beware of such friends which secretly play the part of enemies So said Dionifius Hallicarnesus If therefore the king of Spain hath nourished civil dissention in France if he hath been so ready to maintain the Rebels thereof against their King that rather then the Realm should be without troubles he hath relieved and succoured the very Protestants of France and the heads of their Faction against their Sovereign and other their professed enemies And if he hath done all this to the end the French king might not be able to encroach upon him in Italy Flanders or any other of his Dominions Why may not our Queen who as a woman is fearful and timerous and as a Prince ought to be careful and provident for the safety of her Realm and of her Subjects relieve the States of the United Provinces being her ancient friends and Allies to the end that he Spaniard being busied in those parts may have no time leisure or commodity to work any manner of open or secret prejudice unto her Realm and her Subjects Dinothus a true Historiographer of the civil Wars in Flanders reporteth That when the King of Spains Embassador said unto the late French King that it was neither seemly nor convenient for his Majesty to receive the States who were Rebels unto his Master The French king Answered him that he neither received nor harboured them as Rebels unto his Master but as men wrongfully oppressed and that Christian Princes have always used to grant and give help and succour unto the oppressed And further that the States had assured him that they had oftentimes sent many supplications unto their King therein submiting themselves unto his mercy and humbly beseeching his Majesty to remit their offences and to receive them into his favour yea and when they might have any commodity they delivered themselves such supplication unto the Kings own hands but could never have any reasonable Answer from him And that therefore it was lawful for them to appeal from him that denyed them justice and to seek aid against him where they might hope to find the same If then the king of France a Prince of contrary Religion unto the States a Prince of as neer Alliance and of later Affinity unto the Spanish king then our Queen is a Prince that in his own Realm could never endure Protestants because he thought it very dangerous to suffer two Religions in one Kingdom held it the part of a Christian Prince to succour the oppressed and to be their Protector unto whom justice was openly denyed Why should it be a fault imputed unto our Queen that she releeveth her oppressed neighbours since she doth it not in malice towards the Spaniards but in mercy towards the afflicted not so much to offend him as to defend them not to enlarge her Dominions but to preserve her Realms and Subjects for how can she
him for a man of great wealth and of great care to maintain his credit been of greater worth upon the Bourse then the Kings their necessities had not been supplyed and therefore in the end of his Letter he beseecheth his Majesty to have an especial care of the payment of those small sums which were then taken up lest that Escovedo his credit failing for want of due payment they might fail of their purpose when they should have the like occasion to borrow at another time Besides his Father by reason of the great Charges which his continual Wars put him unto when he dyed left him greatly in debt and he himself ever since his Fathers death hath been at exceeding great charges either by building Castles and Citadels or by making houses of pleasure and Monastries or by maintaining continual Wars or by keeping many Garrisons or by buying and building Ships to withstand our Navy or by paying part of his Fathers debts or by entertaining our Fugitives or by upholding the Rebels of France Now as private men being left in debt by their Parents and living always at great charges cannot not possibly be rich and wealthy So Princes being not only charged with their Fathers debts but also overcharged with ordinary and extraordinary Expenses cannot have great store of wealth in their Treasure-houses And Alphonsus Duke of Ferrara as Paulus Iovius reporteth in his life held opinion that the Prince was not worthy the name of a Prince and was always likely to be contemned and wronged who had not in his Treasure great store of ready money laid up against he should have need thereof But to the end that all which I have said touching this last Point may carry the more likelyhood of truth and probability I take it not to be amiss to let you understand the proportion of some Princes expences in their Wars in their Buildings and in other occasions by which you may conjecture what the Spanish King hath expended of late years voluntarily and necessarily beyond his usual and ordinary charges The Bishop and Town of Colen in their Wars against Charls Duke of Burgundy spent every Month an hundred thousand Crowns as Philip de Comines avoucheth The Florentines in their Wars against the King of France undertaken by the Commandment of Pope Leo the tenth spent eight hundred thousand Ducates in the taking of the Dukedom of Urbin In their Wars against Caesar six hundred thousand and in other occasions depending upon the Wars against France after the said Pope Leo his death three hundred thousand Ducates And the same Pope spent in the said Wars against the Duke of Urbin eight hundred thousand Ducates as Guiccidine reporteth Clement the seventh spent in the Wars against Tuscany for the restoring of his Family ten hundred thousands Crowns as Paul Iovius reporteth Paulus tertius consumed in fifteen years in needless Wars above twenty Millions of gold as Illescas in his life affirmeth The Duke of Alva for the building of the Castle of Antwerp exacted of the Citizens thereof four hundred thousand Florins as Dinothus testifieth Cosmus de Medicis being first a private man and then Duke of Florence spent in private and publique buildings better then forty Millions of Crowns and ten Millions in Gifts and Rewards as Paulus Iovius averreth Edward the Third King of England spent in an idle Journey into France nine hundred thousand pounds as Thomas of Walsingham reporteth The Frenchmen in the time of Richard the second King of England spent a thousand Marks every day from Easter until Michlemas in maintaining but thirty seven Gallies and eight other Ships as the same Authour affirmeth Henry the third spent in a Journey which his Brother Richard made into Germany when he was chosen Emperour above seven hundred thousand pounds as Mathew Paris saith in his Chronicles But to come more neer to our purpose The King of Spain offered unto Don Iohn Duke of Austria three hundred thousand Crowns every Moneth to maintain his Wars in the Low Countties as Dinothus setteth down in his History The same King above sixteen years ago had spent better then fifty Millions of Crowns in his Wars of Flanders as Marco Antonio Arrayo testifieth And the States of the said Countries gave unto the Duke of Alencon yearly four and twenty Tuns of Gold to maintain their Wars both by Land and Sea against the King of Spain as David Chaytraeus reporteth Now if mean States in small and short Wars if petty Princes in private and publique buildings if the French king in the maintenance of a few Ships but for a few Moneths if our Kings in idle Journeys if the duke of Alva in building one Castle if the State of the Low Countries in their Wars and if the king of Spain himself so many years ago spent so much as is before mentioned What have his Citadels his Castles his Monasteries his Journeys his provisions by Sea his Ships and his Wars not in one place but in many not against one Prince but against divers not for short time but of long continuance cost him And as these wonderful Expences are Arguments that he had much so they be witnesses that he now wanteth And as his long and continual Wars in Flanders do shew that he is malicious prone to revenge and desireous to recover his own so they prove that his might his puissance and his power is not so great as it is taken to be For he that withal his strength cannot master one poor Nation that in many years cannot recover his own Patrimony shall any man take him to be able to bring to pass all that he attempteth Shall we deem him sufficient to subdue others Countries common sence and reason teacheth us that he which is not able to do little things is far unable to bring to pass matters of great weight Titus Livius divideth men into three sorts Some are so wise that they counsel themselves and others Others be not wise enough to advise themselves and yet to conceive and follow such advice as is given them And the third sort can neither take nor give good counsel So some Princes are able to help themselves and others Others can defend themselves but not assist their friends And there is a third kind that can neither defend their own States nor others I know not in which of these three sorts to place the king of Spain The last sort too base for him the second not high enough and the first in truth scant fit for him for he that cannot help himself how may we judg him sufficient to succour others and yet we see that there are no Wars where he hath not somewhat to do where he sendeth not some helps either of men or money or of both which argueth that he loveth to be always doing although he do nothing worthy his labour always troublesome although his troubles avail him little
had in his life time many wars with divers Princes but none more notable famous and worthy of perpetual memory thâ—n his wars in France Italy and Germany For the wars which he had against the Turk are not properly to be termed his because his Forces alone were not imployed therein but the aid and help of the best and most part of Christendom His Forces in Germany were not above 9000 Horsemen and 50000 Footmen as Lewis Guicciardine testifieth in his Commentaries And although he used in these wars all his wit and policy to increase his own power and to weaken and diminish the strength of the Protestants performing the one by drawing into League with himself and unto his aid the Pope and other Princes of his own Religion And effecting the other as Sleidan writeth by great cunning and policy used in distracting many Princes concurring in opinion touching matters of Religion with the Protestants from their side and Faction yet the Protestants Army consisting of 10000 Horsemen and 90000 Footmen was far greater then his in number and had undoubtedly gotten the day against him when they joyned battel together had not divers of their Confederates left and abandoned them before the battel was fought Or had not the Duke of Saxony committed a gross error in joyning battel with him His Armies brought into France were many but none greater then at Laundresy and Marcelles In the first he was aided by our King And in the second by most of the Princes of Italy and other his confederates Insomuch that the King of France who had been first overthrown by him in Italy was constrained to implore the help of the Turk against him For when he came to Marselles he had as Dr. Illescas reporteth in the life of Paulus tertius in his Army about 25000 Almains 8000 Spaniards and ten or twelve thousand Italians the Almains gaâ—hered within the Dominion of the Empire the Spaniards within his own Realm of Spain and the Italians not onely in the Kingdom of Naples and the Dukedom of Milan but also in the Dutchy of Savoy and in other parts of Italy At Laundresey reckoning therein the Forces which he had out of England his whole Army came not to above 50000 as the said Guicciardine affirmeth These were the greatest Strengths that ever he gathered together and these are not so great but that our Queen without the help of any other Allie or Confederate hath oftentimes brought far greater Forces into the Field as both our Histories and the French and Scotish Chronicles do witness And Mr. de la Noüe his opinion before mentioned sheweth that the French King of himself is very well able to raise a far greater Army then any of these were against any of his Enemies I shall not therefore need as I might conveniently do in this place confer the Forces of England or of France with the strength of this Emperor who had never gotten the happy victory which he obtained against Franciâ— the first King of France had not the Italian Captains whom the French King put in trust deceived him by taking pay for many more Souldiers then they had in their bands a fault too much used in our Modern Wars had not the Switzers when there was most need of them departed to their own homes had not the French King given himself too carelesly to pleasures which caused his Forces to decrease and diminish daily or had not the said King very unadvisedly attempted in the cold Winter to besiege Pavia For the Marquess of Pescara understanding that the King of France being counselled thereunto by Captain Bonnevet was gone to besiege Pavia said unto his Souldiers We that were no better then men already conquered are now become Conquerors for our Enemy being therein ill advised leaveth us in Lody and goeth to fight with the Almains at Pavia where the French-men will not onely lose that Fury with which many times they work wonders but also will spend their chiefest Forces in a long and tedious siege of a Town not easie to be taken and in fighting with a very valiant and most obstinate Nation and in the mean while we shall receive fresh supplies out of Germany and without all doubt if the War continue long as it is likely to do we cannot but hope for a most happy and victorious end thereof Now if this Emperor in these Wars the worst of which was far more just then the best which the King of Spain hath lately undertaken could with the help and furtherance of all his Allies and Confederates make no greater Forces then are before mentioned nor with his Forces should ever have had so good success as he had if his Adversaries had been so wise and wary as they might have been Why shall his son King Philip be thought able to bring more men into the Field then were in those Armies or worthy of so good fortune as his Father had since his strength is in no respect comparable unto his and his Actions and his Enterprises have not the like colour and shew of Wisdom or of Justice as the Emperor had That the Father excelled the Son in strength all men will confess saving those wich carry a partial and prejudicate opinion of the present greatness of Spain for albeit the son hath lately added the kingdom of Portugal unto those Realms and Dominions which his Father possessed and left unto him although the Empire hath continued for these many years and is likely to â—emain still in the House of Austria and his very neer kinsmen in regard of whose Affinity and kindred he may boldly rest in as great hope and assured confidence of the Aid and Assistance of the Empire as he might if himself were Emperor Yet having so governed in Flanders that by reason of the long and continual Civil Wars those Countries cannot yeeld him such Aid of Men and â—oney as they did unto his Father who in all hâ—s Wars as Lewis Guicciardinâ— in the second Book of his Commentaries affirmeth had greater help both of Men and money from them alone thâ—n from all the rest of his Dominions he hath greatly impaired his strength and made it far inferiour unto his Fathers or unto that same which he himself was like to make before or at the first beginning of his Civil Wars For to omit that he can now hardly make such strength as the Duke of Alva or Don Iohn de Austria have had in their Armies in Flanders whereof the first had at one time 6000 horse and 30000 foot and the other as many footmen and 4000 horsemen more The decrease and diminution of his strength doth manifestly appear in this that the Low-Countries are now reduced unto that poverty and to such a penury of men that he cannot possibly fetch any reasonable great number thence to imploy them in forreign services but he is fain to bring in Strangers to defend his Towns against the united Provinces Iacobus Meyerus in the
maketh any such vow or promise first it had been very good that he had never made it and next it were very convenient never to put the same in execution bâ—cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many This promise therefore if it were never made but suggested requireth no performance and if it were once made it likewise ought not to be performed because it is impossible and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood without hurt unto many and prejudice unto a whole estate From this promise therefore unto tâ—e fourth Reason a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus not for any affection that he baâ—e unto them but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects Theodosius sirnamed the Great who was always a most moâ—tal enemy unto their opinion did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject And Valens and Valentian whereof the one wâ—s an Arrian and the other a Catholick suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania which are Provinces of Bohemia to change their Religion And not long after him Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants Besides the Pope himself the Dukes of Mantua Ferrara Florence and Baviera together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome In the Kingdom of Poland the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whiâ—e professed And now there are many Lutherans Catholiques Anabaptists and Calvinists Lastly it cannot be denied and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which professâ— Luâ—herasme being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Peâ—ce of Aubspurge Considering therefore that al these Popes Emperors Kings Dukes Princes and Barons having no less regard then the King of Spain of their Soules health hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell namely the Jewes to live nay to be born and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes Dominions and Principalities What Shame Dâ—shonor or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Goâ— which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire I know not what should be the cause that he who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 Examples and Counsells doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration which will be acceptable unto his Subjects answerable â—nto their desires agrâ—eâ—ble unto Gods word and very proâ—itable for the Advâ—ncement of his own reputation It is to come unto the fift Reason because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in theâ—r several kingdoms Alaâ— neither the example of the one nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England They are free and he is bound They are tied to no conditions and he is fastened unto many and especially unto these not to break their ancient Priviledges nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconvâ—nience unto him then unto her by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects For his are so many that require the same that above 30000 departed at â—ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request and the number of Traditioners in England is so little that all that were of any note and name amongst them were heretofore and are at this present reduced into one little Island nay into no great house of a little Island But the late King of France who was esteemed one of the wisâ—st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom but because he would plant one onely there he made wars a great while against his own subjects destroying their houses wasting their Fields ruinating their Cities and Massacring their persons But who gave him Counsel so to do Was it not the King of Spain or his Pensioners And what advantage got he therefore Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country And what end had he of his war before he died Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars And what continuance had these wars Certainly they lasted above thirty years and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were And what issue is come of these French troubles Undoubtedly the issue was such that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions a little before the Kings death there were three and of those three the last was most unjust pernitious and execrable For in the same one Papist killed another the son bore Arms against the father the brother against the seed of his mothers womb and the subjects being in their opinion of a good Religion against their King whose Religion was as good or better then theirs It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him It beseemeth not his Catholâ—ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects This is the last and in effect the best of his Reasons For it is usual amongst Princes and therefore no shame to crave counsel advice and direction one of another in matters of great weight and moment and happy haâ—h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as hâ—s faithfull Friends abroad gave him Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another that they crave conference one with another that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously or meant truly that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor the Queen of England and other Princes of late years to Cullen should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects
any oversight hath made himself odious and contemptible cannot possibly avoid shame and Infamle And for so much as it becometh not any Prince to debauch and estrange the Subjects of another Prince from their obediâ—nce unto their King the Spanish King shall in his life time or after his death be reprehended for that he hath perswaded and induced the French men to rebell against their Prince and Country the which Frenchmen were wont as I shewed you long sithence to be counted and reputed the most true and loyall Subjâ—cts of the world Is it likely think you that any man will spare him when he is dead since during his life we reade in some histories that his own Sonne his French wife the Prince of Orange the Counts of Edmond and of Hâ—rne the late Duke of Alencon the Admiral of France the Prince of Condy the Queen of Navarre and the last King of France with many other Princes and Poâ—entates have been unnaturally Murthered cruelly Poysoned wrongfully done to Death and horribly Massacred by his consent and Counsell Commandement or Approbation It is common in every mans mouth that he maketh no Conscience to rid his hands of his enemies by any manner of Wickedness be it never so execrable and impious His laâ—e inâ—ent to poyson our gracious Soveraign whose life God long preserve testifieth thus much and as many as shall hear of his purpose of Dr. Lopes and his Complices cannot but esteem his worthy of everlasting Ignominy But now to declare unto you that this League cannot be of any long continuance I will use these few demonstrations First as many as have read either Ancient or Modern Histories shall easilie perceive by them that Fortune or rather the Eternal never gave unto Rebels any long Continuance of their prosperitie Next the Common People which easilie forsake the heads and chief of their Rebellion depart from them so soon as they perceive that their strength decayeth then feare jealousie suspition distrust and diffidence alwaies attend upon Rebels to dismay daunt and terrifie them And lastly these great and Archtraytors are beset with so many dâ—fficulties that it is impossible for them to attain unto their puâ—pose For if there be many that are equall in Authoritie credit and reputation the one alwais distrusteth the other And if there be but one upon whom the rest do depend he must of necessitie please him that cometh nighest unto him in Authoritie least that he make the way hard and difficult for him to worke his desire and pleasure He must content the common People satiâ—fie the Gentlemen and accommodate himself to the Nature Covetousnes and Avarice of the common Soldiers mattâ—rs of grâ—at difficultie hardness and impossibilitie because the desires of the Nobilitie People and Soldiers are most commonly contrary and tend to diverse purposes the first seeking for advancement the second for Peace and Tranquillitie and the third Coveting nothing more then the continuance of War Moreover whereas the wisest amongst them begin to consider that they have violated the Lawes offended their Kings Majestie born Armes against their Prince and Country against their neer kinsmen and their own â—amilies and that instead of one King which perhaps fleeced them they are now subject unto many Princes who fleece them more instead of ordinary charges they are now charged with new expences and unsupportable Subsidies instead of Clâ—mency Justice and Mercie they are now exposed unto Iâ—justice Crueltie and Briberie they lose by little and little thâ—ir Indignâ—tion and Fury and seek by all meanes possible to reenter into the good grace and favor of their Leige Lord and Soveraign The chiefe conspâ—â—atâ—rs therefore fearing to be forsaken and abandoned by their companions and â—ellowes in Armes in the end are constrained to submit themselves unto their Princes discretion And the common People which at their instigation was too pronâ— and readie to rebell against their Soveraign do sometimes after due consideration of the indignitie of their unnaturall disobedience become so desirous to recover the Kings favor and good likeing that to the end the way to attain thereunto may be made the more easie they kill the fiâ—st Authors of their Rebellion or els deliver them into the hands of their Prince And if ever Rebells have been left and forsaken by their partakâ—rs these Traytors of France may justly stâ—nd in great feaâ—e thereof because the nature of Frenchmen is such thaâ— if a man do not take present advantage of their unnatural heat and fury but suffer the same to wax cold and to relent it is very difficult and almost impossible to revive the same with the best art or counsell that may be used If therefore they shall begin to want money of which they cannoâ— chuse but stand in great need quickly because they are poor and cannot at all times and on all occasions have present supplies from their Allies or if the Parisians whose custom it hath been always to be quickly discontented and â—asily to repent themselves of their Folly depart suddenly from their League and Amitie if the King of Spain who shâ—ll have so much to do on every side that he shall hardly be able to defend his own Countries do not continually send them fresh relief of men and money If the King of France chance to be Superior to his Adversaries in number of Soldiers and of all things necessarie for the mâ—intenance of his Wars lastly if the Princes of the blood shall begin joyntly to put their helâ—ing hands to the suppressing of those Rebels I cannot see how they can possibly hold out long And although fortune should show herself so favorable unto these Traytors as that they might in process of time effect and accomplish their desires yet considering that the murderers of Princes are most commonly murdered that those who have ascended unto the royall dignity of Kings by Treason or Rebellion are thrown down againe the samâ— way which served them for a Ladder to mount and clime up thereunto that when the Vsurper shall divide the prey and spoile betwixt them â—hat have aided and assisted him they fall presently unto contentious brawlings and quarrels and briefly that of such Controversies oftentimes followeth thâ— ruin and destruction of him that held himself well assured of his new gotten kingdom It is much more to be doubted then to be hoped that whosoever shall be declared King amongst them cannot continue long in his place which is purchased by force and violence and must needs not only be subject unto the inconstancy and varietie of fortune but also unto the diversite of humors of men that are inconstant light and very ready to change and alter their opinions I could alleage infinite examples to prove all that I have said but I forbeare for brevities sake to trouble you with a superfluous and needless enumeration of such examples and let you understand that these Rebels had long since been suppressed and overthrown had not the late King
committed divers oversights after his resolute murder of the Duke of Guise For had he not killed the Cardinal of Guise the Clergie had not been so highly offended wiâ—h him had he not presently called the now King to help and succour him made him his Generall and declared him his immediate Successor he had not so much displeased the contrary Faction as he did and yet he received no great benefit by his coming unto him for he brought not above two thousand men with him and the Nobility which within a few daies after came unto him with their people were about thirty thousand againe the delay and surcease of Arms for fifteen daies together after the victory had against the Count of Egmont gave time and space unto the Parisians to make sufficient provision of all such things as they wanted Secondly the King hindred himself greatly by staying to recreate and solace himself a while at Corbeit making a sure reckoning that he had gotten a final and happie end of his wars because he had won that Town which is as it were the Key of all Victuals that pass by that River to Paris Thirty had he been so provident in executing all other Peers and Noblemen of the Duke of Guise his mind with the same Duke as they were which committed the Massacre of Paris he had quickly been ridd of his Enemies Fourthly had he presently after the same murder shewed himself in the field with those Companies that came unto him and had he not done all things by haifs as he did â—e had undoubtedly dismayed and terrified all the Towns adhering unto the Lâ—agueâ—s which were greatly discomfiâ—ed and amazed with the sudden accident of the Duke of Guise his death but after that he saw his Enemy dead he thought that he had no more Enemies in the World this confidence made him so careless that he suffered Orleancâ— to be lost which might have been saved by shewing himself only within convenient time in the Field and he gave the Duke of Maine leave to returne and fortifie himself and made small account to do any of those things which within a month after hee would gladly have done The Leaguers likewise committed their oversights of which if the King had taken advantage he might easily have subdued them For after that the Duke of Guise had driven the King from Paris many prognosticated that either the Duke would destroy the King or that the King would murther the Duke For there was no hope and less likelyhood that so foule an Indignitie offered unto a King both of great might and notable valor would bee put up at the Dukes hands without a revenge And after that day all that the Duke did was begun without providence continued without justice and in end had a bad â—nd For when he had mounted almost up to the top of his desiâ—es by force and violence he a thinking that the Nobilitie of France would be highly displeased with his audacious Insolency and insolent Attempt seeketh meanes to pacifie the King and to reenter into his good grace and favor This poor Prince blinded with ambition and bâ—soâ—ted with the love of a kingdom thought that a Prince being so injuriously dealt with all as the King was would by the goodness of his nature be reconcileâ— and he believed that he might easily find the meanes to perswade the Kâ—ng to resign his Crown or to induce the People to inforce him thereunto But the King was fully resolved to have his revenge hee assembled therâ—â—ore the Estates of France thinking to find sufficient credit and â—uâ—horitie in that Assembly to bring the Duke to his death by Sentence and Judgment And the Duke on the contrary side supposed that in that Assembly he should find friends enough to deprive the King of his Scepter But the King failed of his purpose and the Duke missed his marke and yet the King within a small while after effected his desire but committed other errors besides the above mentioned of which the Leaguâ—rs took present hold and advantage they thought that the Kings negligence and the hatred of the People conceâ—ved against him for the Dukes death gave them fit opportunity to deprive hâ—m of tâ—e Crown But withall they considered not how unwortâ—y thâ— best of them was to weare the same and how unable to keep it when it was upon his head Again when they saw that the Dukes death had rather fortified then weakened their partie they supposed that all was gotten that nothing remained to be conquered that they needed to take no more paines but to give themselves unto delights and to make partition amongst themselves of the kingdoms and when they came to deliberate who should be their King they could not agree amongst themselves upon any certain person whereas if they had presently resolved to make the Duke De Mayne it migh easily have been effecteâ— but the competitors were many and there began a debate and emulation betwixt the Duke and the Marquis Du pont his cosen the Duke of Aumale woâ—ld not give his head for the washing and the Dutchesses of Montpensieur and of Nemurs put in for their best friends the later for her Son of Nemurs which began to win credit amongst the people and the first for her brother who began to lose his reputation and the Duke De Mayne foolishly gave over the name and hope of being a King and accepâ—ed the Title of Lieutenant of the Crown besides whilst this contention was rife amongst the Nobles and whilest they busied themselves in framing a Process against the late King which Process endured some eight or nine Monthes the people perceiving how pleasant a thing it was to be subject unto no man and the chief cities being glad that they had cast off the yoak of a Monarchie would not endure any speaking of a new King but to free and emancipate themselves as well from the Authoritie of a Prince as of an high Couâ—t of Parliament by the imitation of Paris they establâ—shed in every City a Council of certain persons of mean and base qualitie into whose hands they puâ— all kind of Authority and they presumed to limit the Duke of Maynes Authoritie and to set certain controllers over them Tâ—is breedeth a dislike betwixt the Nobilitie and the Peopâ—e and especially the Officers of the Crown as the Officers of the Privie Seale of the Parliament of the Exchequers the Judges the Treasurers and all the Serviturâ—es of the Monarchie were highly displeased therewith and would not give place to nor go after the Magistrates that were câ—eâ—ted by the People Lastly the King of Spain their chief Patron and upholder dealeth but faintly with them and is not so readie to help them as they supposed he would be So they are enforced to threaten him that they would yeild to the King before they could obtain such help as they expected from him For although he sent the Duke of Parma and others to relieve
the siege to Rochel Insomuch that Mr. of Valence who was his Ambassador unto the Electors was faâ—n to publish a Book wherein he more cunningly then truly derived the fault and crime of that Mâ—ssacre from him unto the Duke of Guise who took the same in so evil part that after the king was estâ—blished in Poland the said Duke published an other book wherein he cleared himself and layed the chief blame upon the late French king Lastly whenas he had ruled a while in Poland and saw the diversities of Religions there he loathed the Country detested their opinions and could hardly be brought to take the Oath which bound him to permit and tolerate a plurality of Religions in that kingdom But it may be thought that as many Princes have shewed themselves honest vertuous and religious before they were kings to the end they might the better attain unto a kingdom so he being assured by his Mother and by a vain prophesie that she should live to see all her sons kings and knowing that he should hardly come to the kingdom unless he gave some manifest signes of his zeal in Religion during the time that he lived as a Subject under his Brother repressed his nature dissembled his manners and disguised his Religion that Heresie might not be a bar unto him for the kingdom In the refuting of this Objection I shall have occasion to confound many of his Actions together which will serve to confute some other crimes layed to his charge When his bother Charles the ninth died he was in Poland where hearing he news of his death he took such a course for his departure from thence as highly commendeth his wisdom and manifestly declareth his great and natural love and affection unto his native Country with which course it shall be very requisite and expedient to acquaint you throughly because his Adversaries draw from hence their principal Arguments to prove his Infidelity and the beginning of his evil Government for where as he was say they bound by faithfull promise and oath to contnue in Poland and to have an especial care of the Wealth and welfare of that Country he left and abandoned them when they had most need of him as may appear by the Letter that was sent unto him after his departure by the principle Peers Nobles and Senators of that Realm It is not unknown unto any that know the State of France and are conversant in the writers of the later Accidents thereof that he was very unwilling to go into Poland because that he saw that his brother was not likely to live long and that he dying in his absence the kingdom which was alwayes to be preferred before the Crown of Poland might be wrongfully tranferred unto his Brother or unto some other whom his Brothers young years or his absence might encourage to affect the same This consideration moved him not to give his consent unto that journey before that his Mother faithfully promised to revoke him with all possible diligence if his Brother should chance to die And some write that at his departure his mother whether it were to make him the more willing to goe or that she was resolved to take such order that Charles the ninth should not live long said unto him Take not his departure my son grievously for it shall not be long before thou shalt returne Let it be spoken either to comfort and encourage him or with her foreknowledg and prejudicate opinion he was scant setled in Poland when a Messenger came unto him to signifie his brothers death This Message being delivered he wisely and providently called together the Nobilitie of Poland imparted unto them his Brothers death required their Counsel in a case of such difficulty as greatly perplexed his Wits and not lightly troubled the wisest amongst them The first thing that was decreed was that the Nobles should mourne for him in the same manner and with the same solemnities that they usually observe in mourning for their own Kings whereby they signified their great love which they bore him The next matter that was resolved was to dispatch a present Messenger into France with Letters of Credit unto the Queen his mother requiring her for him to take upon her the Regency of France untill his returne And the third Conclusion of their consultation was to call a general Assembly of the States and therein to deliberate and consult what might be best for the King to do whether to returne into France or to continue and remaine in Poland In this interim he calling to minde the trubulent Estate of France the young years of his Brother and the Ambitious and aspiring minds of divers of the French Nobility And liâ—â—wise understanding that the Peers of Poland fearing his suddain departure were about to take some order for preventing the same determined with himself to depart thence before his going should be known aswell because he would not have the same hindred and crossed by the Nobilitie as for that he knew it would be very dangerous for him to pass homeward through the Countries of divers Princes that bore him no great good will if he should depart thence as that they might have any foreknowledg and intelligence of the time of his departure and of the way which he went in returning into France This resolution thus taken he writeth a letter with his owne hands unto those in whome he reposed greatest confidence and signified unto them that since the time of their last conference he had received such Intelligence out of France as gave him just occasion to hasten thither in Poste and not to attend the general Assembly of the States of Poland he promiseth to returne so soon as he could conveniently prayeth them to excuse his suddain departure unto the rest of the Nobilitie And for such matters as his leisure would not permitt him to committ unto his Letter he desireth them to give credit unto a faithfull Counsellor of his whom he left behinde him with further instructions for them The Nobilitie understanding by his owne Letter and these mens reports marke the love they bore him and the care which they have of him sent presently a Nobleman in Poste after him to beseech him to returne and wrote their Letter unâ—o the Emperor to certifie his Majestie that his hastie returne into France proceeded not of any offence given unto the King by them nor of any evil opinion conceived by the King against them but of some urgent occasion requiring his presence in France They rested not here but when they saw that he returned not in such time as they looked for him they wrote a large Letter unto him wherein they declared how lovingly they consented to choose him before a number of other Pâ—â—nces that were competitors with him how honorably they sent for him into France how royally they received him how dutifully they carried themselves towards him how carefully they provided for the safety of both
his short abode in Poland Thus I have freed him from suspition either of Heresie or of any favor shewed unto Hâ—reticks whilst he was abroad Now lâ—t me examine his liâ—e at home and see whether untill his dying day he might be justly â—axed or touched with the crime of Heresie He came to Lyons about the 9 of September in the year 1574 where the Queâ—n his Mother the Duke of Alencon his Brother the King of Navarre Charles Cardinal of Guise and others met with him The 10 of September a short space of recrâ—aâ—ion and solace after so long a Journey he falleth to consult with all those before namâ—d what meanes were best to be used to renew Waâ—rs against those whom they termed Hugonetts he beseigâ—th Pusania upon the Roane and taketh the same the 5 of October assaulteth Mombrim laieth seige to Lioron and never left in the dead of Winter to Warr against the Protestants untill he took a little Truce during the solemnitie of his Coronâ—tion Not long after his Coronation there came Ambâ—ssadors unto him from the Switzers to intreat libertie of Conscience for the Protestants of France They are heard with small favor and their Petition rejected with so great indignation that the Queeâ— Mother was fain to pacâ—fie her son in hâ—s great rage and fury The Protestants require ayde out of Germany Duke Casimer cometh into France The Prince of Conde groweth strong the king of Navarre flieth from the French Court unto him the Catholicks want money the Pâ—pe sendeth them 400000 Florins The Duke of Guise is sent to meet with Casimir either to repell him with force or to deceive him with policy and becauâ—e they feared the king of Navarre diverse waies and meanes are practised â—o make him suspected unto the Prince of Conde immediatly after the Duke of Guise followeth Mounsieur the kings Brother with greater troupâ—s but both he and the Duke finding themselves not able to encounter with the Pâ—ince of Conde and the Duke of Casimir Mounsieur receiveth the Duke with great Friâ—ndship in Burgony and talketh very familiarly with him To be short the king and Queen and Casimir meete a Peace is concluded all offences are forgiven and liberty of conscience is granted to be used in all places saving Paris The Duke Casimir depâ—rteth and hee is no sooner gone but the Catholicks cry out against this peace the Citizens of Paris tread the Articles thereof under their feet A generall Assembly is called at Blâ—ys The king of Navarre the Prince of Conde and the Mashal Damule come not to this Assembly The Articles of the beforenamed Peace are abrogated and a full resolution is taken to subvert the Protâ—stants or to enfoâ—ce them to receive the Counsell of Trent The Decrees of this Assembly are sent to the Prince of Conde and they are required to subscribe unto them which they refuse to do The king is discoâ—tented and sweareth not to leave untill he hath uâ—terly overthrown the Protestants Hee writeth unto Duke Casimir and unto the Lansgrave of Hesse requiring them not to give any more succour unto the Prince of Conde The one answereth the king gently and prayeth him to keep the late concluded Peace and the other threateneth that if the same be not observed to return into France with far greater strength then he brought thither the year before New troubles begin but are quickly ended by reason of Mounsiâ—urs going into Flanders and taking upon him the defence and Patronage of that Country This is the kings behaviour and carriage before the holy League the which beginneth in the year 1585. Of this League three especial causes are pretended The Troubles of France the kings sterility and the right of succession which belongeth unto the king of Navarr By the confederates in this League these things are required That the Catholick Religion and the Nobility that professed the same may be restored unto their ancient dignity That a Parliament might be called that Tributes may be gathered for the king and the kingdom that extraordinary exactions may be mitigated that evâ—ry third year a Parliament may be held And lastly that an Army of 16000. footmen and 3000 horse may be gathered and maintained with the kings treasure against the Hugonets and the same Army to be lead by the kings own person or by the Duke of Guise as his Lieutenant General They set foâ—th an Apology containing their Griefs and these Petitions and end the same with a promise to lay down their weapons if the king will be content to subscribe to these Articles and to overthrow the Protestants The king of Navarr finding himself to be the mark whereat these Leaguers shot published his Apology proveth himself to be no Heretick Apostate Persecutor or Rebel sheweth that the Duke of Guise is the onely Perturber of the peace and quiet of France and that he cannot feel the wound thereof because he is a stranger and lastly for the ending of all troubles without more effusion of blood challengeth the combat The late King published likewise his Answer to every Article and promiseth that all these things shall be done answerable to Gods Word and the prescript rule of Justice praying the Leaguers that since both he and the Queen are yet young enough to have children and that children are the Gift of God they will not rashly think him to be without all hope of children Here I might trouble you with the rehearsal of many examples of many Rebels like unto these who when their demands have been so reasonably answered as these were desisted from wars or had but an evil issue But I must restrain my self and labour to be short otherwise I shall be both too long and tedious What could a king nay the most absolute king of the world the mightiest king of Europe do more then this king did Or what would they require more at this kings hands then he performed He entered not into this League would not be one of their confederates Hinc nostri fundi Calamitas But he seemeth to allow the proscription and disinheritance of Navarr he banisheth all Protestants out of the Realm he answereth the king of Denmark who becometh a sutor for them that he neither can nor will have Peace with them he writeth to the Prince of Germany who likewise intreated his favour for the Protestants That he knoweth well enough what to do without their counsel and marvelleth that they have so great leisure as to meddle with other mens matters and especially with such things wherewith they have nothing to do This is not enough He provideth an Army against the Protestants he sendeth to encounter with the Forces of Germany that were coming into France to succour them The Duke of Guise overthroweth them and the kings Brother-in-Law the Duke of Ioyesa is overthrown by the king of Navarr with the loss of his own life and of 12000. of his Souldiers The Duke of Guise made proud and insolent with this victory
and having gotten above 120000 Crowns by the spoiles of the Enemies returneth to Paris boasteth of his conquest preferreth himself before his idle loytering king as he termeth him discovereth his secret intentions more openly then he did before and seeketh how he either might make away the king or thrust him to a Monastery And when he heard that his secret practices were revealed unto the king by the Duke of Espernon he is sore troubled and laboureth to free himself from all manner of suspition What way taketh he to bring this to pass Submitteth he himself unto the king Cleareth he himself of the Accusations laid to his charge Craveth he pardon of his insolency He doth But how Forsooth in such manner that even a man with one eye might easily see that he dissembleth He cometh to Paris with a small Troop but so disposeth his Army that his intention to carry away the king by force could not be hidden He craveth conference with the king is admitted to his presence They spend three whole dayes together in conference he so playeth his part that the king leaveth to suspect him removeth the Duke of Espernon from the Court and his company who had revealed his secrets and is angry with the said Duke for accusing him wrongfully What followeth God who knoweth the inward thoughts of all men and hath an especial care of Princes â—afety by a sudden and unexpected accident layeth open his dissimulation and bewrayeth the Dukes Treachery The king seeing that armed men came into Paris in great Troopes by night and day setteth his Switzers to watch and ward in every street of Paris It â—ortuned that a Switzer by chance was striken by a Parisian with whom he had some private quarrel hereof followeth a great slaughter The Duke of Guise committeth the Switzers to prison besetteth the Lover with a Garison of Souldiers The king beginneth to be afraid he fleeth from Paris secretly taketh his mother thence with him commendeâ—h the Duke of Espernon his Faith and Loyalty and escapeth the danger of the Lion that lay in wait for his life for that time but is to die the death within a short time after not by the sharp and merciless sword of the proud and ambitious Duke which had been more Princelike but by a short and poysoned knife of a Jacobin Fryer which was too base a death for the greatest Monarch of the World But again to the Duke who hearing that the king began to sound the depth of his Treasons and to suspect all his proceedings to remove his many doubts and to recover his good opinion sendeth certain Ambassadors unto him if they may be termed Ambassadors that go from a Rebel unto a king of his own and of diverse Cities and Provinces which he had drawn to his own Faction and had alwayes ready at hand By the mouth of these Ministers sufficiently instructed what to say he protested that nothing was further from his thoughts then to seize upon the kings person For if he had had any such minde any such intention he might have wrought his pleasure upon him when he had him in Paris First therefore he desireth that the Duke of Espernons malice and untrue Accusations might carry no credit at the least-wise not breed any disgrace and discredit Next that whatsoever hath been heretofore done or said might be buried in oblivion Thirdly that the Duke of Espernon and his brother Mr. de Valetta might be banished the Court disturbers of the Common Peace Fourthly that the Government of Normandy might be given unto the holy League Fifthly that his Brother the Duke of Mayne might be created great Master of the kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Bourbon made Governor of all France Sixthly that two Armies might belevied and maintained at the kings charges against the Hugonets and one of them to be sent into Picardy under the kings or the Duke of Guise his conduct and the other into Dolphine of which the Duke of Mayne must be General Lastly that the king of Navarr with all his Adherents and all other Hereticks might be thrust out of the Court and utteâ—ly destroyed and a Parliament presently called wherein they might consult of matters of greater weight and consequence The king perceived by these unreasonable demands that their pleasure and purpose was to make him a king of Poland in France that is such a king as should carry the bare 〈◊〉 and Name of a king and others should rule thinking it high time to call his wits together to be in no longer subjection and to begin to dissemble with them who go about to deceive and subvert him by cunning and dissimulation he therefore yeeldeth to all that was demanded commandeth an Assembly of the three Estates to be held the next September at Bloys exhortethall his Subjects unto a general Peace and deviseâ—h all means possible to supplant the Duke of Guise To this Parliament came the most and best Peers of the Realm The Duke of Guise absenteth himself either for fear because his guilty conscience accuseth him or of set purpose and cunning because he seeketh to be intreated In his absence they began to consult of great matters in all which the king ruleâ—h not but is â—uled he signifieth unto the Nobility thâ—re assembled that he taketh himself greatly bound unto them for their good and wholesome counsel professeth himself to be unable to Govern so turbulenâ— a kingdom any longer desireth to be eased of sâ— great a charge and thinketh it expedient both for the Common-wealth and for himself to imitate the example of Charles the fifth and to shut himself up as a Penitentiary in some Monastery and therefore he prayeâ—h them to consider to whom he might best surrender his Crown But if his judgement might be of any foâ—ce and weight with them no man should contend for it For no man was equal much less to be preferred before the Duke of Guise He is valiant in Arms wise in Counsel zealous in Religion faithfull to hâ—s Country and wanteth nothing requisite in a king but the name of a king He is heard with great attention beleeved wiâ—hout any contradiction and the Duke is sent for with all speed possible It is no need to bid him come he flyeth he seemeth to be in Heaven but falleth as suddenly as Lucifer did down to hell The king calleth him into his private Chamber pretending to have some great occasion to confer with him before the rest of the Nobility he giveth him into his hands certain Letters of his own hand-writing sâ—nt unto the king of Spain but intercepted by which he is convinced to have â—ought the kings untimely death and the unlawfull possession of his Crown He â—alleth down upon his knees humbly besâ—echeth the kings pardon And whiles with frivolous Protestations and false Oaths he laboureth to clear himself he is not so cruelly as justly murthered in the king presence The Arch-Traytor being thus executed the Queen Mother allowed
taken an oath to keep the Statutes of his Country without breaking the same or without departing from the true sense and literal meaning of them may violate them if the iniquity of the time will not give him leave and leasure to confer with his superiour or to ask his opinion or if there be manifest dangers like to follow of the delay which he shall use Besides if a Judge be commanded yea sworn not to do any thing against the Lâ—wes of God or nature or of his Country yet if he be urged by some great occâ—sion or if necessitie enforce him thereunto or if some notable danger scandall or inconvenience is like to follow of the strict observance of those Laweâ— he may lawfully violate them And shall a Judge have Authority to break Lawes and shal not an absolute Prince have the like liberty A Provost Marshal taking a Theif in the fact of committing a robberie may hang him up presently with out any forme of Judgement and shall not a King cause a notorious Traytor to be murthered without a solemn Sentence The Governor of a City taking an Homicide an Adulterer a ravâ—shâ—r of Women upon the Fact may chastise and punish them according to the Rigor of the Law wâ—thout any forme of Law and a King taking a Traytor beâ—ng abouâ— to deprive him of his life of his Crown apd Scepter shall he not do him to death without asking the opinion of his Judges without imploring the helpe of his Magistrates and without imparting his Treason unto his Counsellors or unto the Friends and Allies of the Traytors especially when as he may escape whilst these things shall be doing when bee is so strong so backed with friends so guarded with Souldiers that if he be not executed upon a suddain the respiâ—e and leisure which shall be given him shall gâ—ve him time and meanes not only to escape the punishment which he hath deserved but also to put in great hazard the life of his Prince and the weale of his Country to be short when either the Prince or the Traytor must die presently It is written of Iehu the Judge and King of Israell that he fearing the great multitude of Baals Priests and doubting that if he should put them to death by the way of Justice there would follow some great Inconvenience or scandal to himself he feigned that hee himself wouâ—d do sacrifice unto God Baal and by that pretence and colour he caused them all to come together and when they were all assembled hee willed them all to be murthered Who hath heard the Historie of Ladislaus king of Bohemia commendeth him not for his wisdome and discretion in dissembling the grief which he took to see the Earle of Cilia his faithfull and assured Friend and Vncle killed almost in his presence so â—uningly that he not only seemed not to be grieved with his death but also to think that he was lawfully killed because hee presumed to come Armed into the Court where all others were unarmed The Bohemians seeing how lovingly hee entertained Ladislaus Humiades the Author of this Murther how kindly he used his Mother how wisely hee suffered Ladislaus and his Brother Matthias to bring him into Beuda and how resolutely when he had him where hee was stronger then hee he commanded him to be done to death for the murther committed on his Vncles person took it for a manifest Argument that he would prove as indâ—ed hee did a very wise just and valiant Prince siâ—ce in his youth he was so subtile and so resolute and gave them so notable an Example and President of his Justice Who hath read the policy which Darius king of Persia used in revenging the injury of Oretes who was grown to be so mightie so proud and so well backed with friends that hee neither could nor durst do him to death by the ordinary Course of Justice and prayseth him not for inventing a way to induce 30 of his Gentlemen to undertake his death And who commendeth not the Magâ—animitie and resolution of Bageus who when it fell out to his lott to be the first of the 30 that had vowed to hazaâ—d their live foe their king went no less hastily then cuningly about his enterprise and within a very short while murthered Oretes who had beaâ—ded and braved his King many years Briefly who readeth and alloweth not the History of David who when a man câ—me to him from Saul his Camp and told him that he had kilâ—ed Saul commanded his Sâ—rvant to kill him presently and said unto him Thy blood bee upon thine owâ— head for thine own mouth hath spoken against thee And yet every man knoweth that Saul killed himself and that this poor simple man thought to have had a reward of David for bringing him the first news of Sauls death These premissâ—s therefore being duly considered it must follow that the late king had great reason aâ—d just cause to command the Duke of Guise to be killed But his friends say nay They have caused it to be imprinted that he was one of the Peers of France one of the greatest of that Realme one of the best beloved Subjects of Europe and one that was allied unto great Kings and Princes And that therefore the King causing him to be murthered as he was migâ—t well think and justly feare that in doing him to death he should highly offend his best friends and give just occasion unto as many as suffered any loss or detriment by his death to revenge the same As therefore Iulius Caesar winked at the Treason committed by Dunorix and called him not into question for the same for feare to offend his Brother Divitiacus who was an assured and faithful Friend unto the people of Rome and a man of great credit and Authority in his Country even so the King should have spared the Duke of Guise and not have used such câ—ueltie towards him as he did for feare to displease and discontent his dearest and best friends and as Henry the 4 King of England deprived the Dukes of Anmarle of Exceter and Surrey of the Lands and possessions which Richard the second gave them and yet spared their lives so the king had done well if he had taken away the lands and livings and not the life of the Duke of Guise Truly if hâ—s kingdom should have received no greater loss or dammage by the Duke of Guise his life then the commonwealth of Rome received by Dunorix the king should not have greatly done amiss to have suffered him to live But since that the Duke did alwaies aspire unto the Crown and since he desired sought and laboured by all meanes possible to usurpe the same the King played as his Mother said the right part of a King whâ—â—â— as he resolved and exâ—cuted his death with all convenient speed For the same Caesar which had pitâ—y and compassion on Dunorix because his life could not greatly hinder or cross his dâ—signes and purposes first banished
and afterwards secretly caused his near kinsman Lucius Caesar to be murthered because he had both the mind and the meanes to withstand and prevent his intentions and Henry the 4 should have had good occasion to repent him of the clemency and mercy which he shewed unto the before named Dukes if the Eâ—rle of Rutland had not been constrained by his own folly to reveale unto the King their Treason and Conspiracy against him for which afterwards they were worthily executed Pitty therefore is commendable and best beseeming the Majesty of a Prince when as the same may be used without any danger unto his person or his State or his kingdom but when as he seeth manifestly that never a Province never a City never an house of his kingdom can or will long continue in good estate in dutifull obedience in naturall affection towards him and his Crown unles he do somâ—â—imes use to play the King to revenge wrongs and to punish Treasons hee must needs change his naâ—ure make a verâ—ue oâ— necesâ—iâ—ie and accommodate himself unto their manners and their merits with whom he hath occasion to deale France nâ—vâ—r had any King that was more gentle kinde and curteous then that Lewis who for his Curtesie and Clemency was â—irnamed The Meek And yet the same Lewis as you have already heard forgot that name and the qualities and conditions incident thereunto when it was in question whether he or his Nephew Bernard should rule and Reigne For then knowing that a Prince cannot live in any good assurance of his Estate and kingdom so long as another pretendeth Right and Title thereunto and having wrongfully been kept from the possession thereof he pluckt out his Eyes kept him in perpetuall prison and in thâ— end caused his head to be cut from his shoulders Who can then blame the late Kâ—ng of France if he chose rather to rule then to be ruled to kill then to be killed to murder the Duke of Guise then to endanger his whole Estate and Kingdom The Prince that 〈◊〉 not an Iniury that is done unto his Commonaltie or to a private person is in danger somtimes to lose his life or his kingdom â—as were the Romans and Philip King of Macedania he because he punished not Aâ—tilas at the request of Pau sanias and they because they sent not the French men those which in the battaile betwixt them and the Citizens of Chynsie forgeting the dutie of Ambassadors were found in the foremâ—st ranke of their Enemies fighting against the French men And is it necessary that a King shall punish or revenge a wrong done unto his Country or unto â— private man and shall it not be lawfull for him to take vengeance of the wrongs and Indignities which are done unto himself May he command a Juâ—g to proceed Defacto without taking full knowledg of the cause and every circumstance of the Subjects cause and shall it not be lawfull for him to use the like power and authoritie in his owne case The least and meanest Judg may he not sometimes give judgment hearing no other proof but very violent presumptions and shâ—ll it not be lawfull for the King from whom he same Judg receiveth such power and authoritie to do the like We say and confess that Theâ—e is manifest when the Theif is taken in the Fact and shall it not be lawfull for a Prince to take that Treason for notorious which the Traytâ—r hath Committed If a man finde a stolle â— thing about a Theef he is in danger of death and if a man finde a Traytor armed and all things else in a readiness to performe and execute his treacherous Attempts shall he not be reputed a Traytor The Law sayeth that whatsoever a King doth it seemeth to be done with great reason If he commeâ—deth any thing every one is bound to beleeve that he hath good occasion to commend the same His Actions are manifest but his thoughts are hidden and secret it is our dutie to tolerate the one and not to murmur against the other nor to enquire or demand the Causes Motives and Reasons of his Commandements his pleasure must be unto us as a Law and his Will hath the full force and strength of reason and when the cause of that punishment which it pleaseth him to inflict is notorious and manifest his Commandment although it be done in hast and without great advisement yet it carryeth no less force and moment then doth a sentence that was dulie examined wisely perused diligently considered and solemnly pronounced Why then shall the death of the Duke of Guise be thought unlawfull since the King commanded the same not for hatred to the Duke but for securitie of himself for love of the weal publique not without 〈◊〉 Justice but according to Law and Equitie because a Princes pleasure is held for Law not without example but with approbation and imitation of many who having had the like occasion have used the like punishment briefly not to revenge his particular quarrels and Jnjuryes but to preserve his Right and his Crowne upon which the wealth the life and the wellfare of all his good and loyall Subjâ—cts do depend He was Allied unto many great Princes which are displeased with his death and will not leave it unrevenged But if these Princes were the Kings friends before the Dukes death they will not take the same in evill part and if they were his Enemies he needs not to care for them or to feare their displeasure more then the universal ruine and destruction of his Subjects He was one of the Peers of France But honor may not be a Priviledg unâ—o any man to emboldeâ— him to offend the Laws but the more honor a Subject receiveth from his King the more he is bound to love and fâ—are him But grant that the King did evill in causing him to be murtherâ—d shall the Subjects be grieved therewith shall they seek Revenge thereof shall they bear Arms therefore against their Prince and their Country May the son arme himself to kill and murther his Mother And is he not held for an ungracious and wicked child which will be revenged of his Father although he have done him great wroâ—g And is not a King the Father of his Subjects and is not every Country the Mother of the naturall Inhabitants thereof Or may they war against their Prince wihout seeking the lamentable overthrow Ruine and destruction of their Country Are all alterations dangerous in every well governed State and can that alteration be without danger which transferreth the Crowne from the right heire unto an Usurper from the lawfull King to an ambitious Subjâ—ct But it is onely said and no way proved that the Duke of Guise had any such intâ—nâ—ion as to deprive his Sovereigne and to crown himself it may be suspected but it is not notorious This must appeare more manifestly then it doth or else all that is said will be to no purpose To manifest this therefore
I will briefly examine that which hath been already said and by his own Acts and Demands convince and prove his intention It is said that the foot shall not presume to rule the head no more should a Subject take upon him to controll the King or to prescribe unto him what hee shall do And yet the Duke of Guise not once but many times rebuketh his Kings proceedings against she Protestants blameth him of Negligence and telleth him more boldly then wisely that hee must not spare them but subvert them And what was that but to spoile his kingdom The Counsellor is commended which rather refuseth as Office and charge with modesty that is laid upon him then affecteth the same before he be thought worthy thereof and yet the Duke of Guise staieth not untill he was moved by the King but nâ—med himself for his Lieutenant And what was that but to appoint the Kings Officers Wee read of Saul that it grieved him greatly when it was said that David had killed Twenty thousand Enemies and Saul but ten Thousand and yet the Duke of Guise after that he had overthrown the Germans is termed an other Gideon and he termeth his King a loiterer and what was that but to disgrace his Soveraign It is commonly said that where there is no offence committed there needeth no pardon and yet the Duke of Guise would seem not to have offended although hee desireth to have all that was said or done to bee pardoned and buried in Oblivion And what was that buâ— to betraâ— a guilry conscience and an unwilling minde to acknowledge and confess his offence The Subject that armeth multitudes without his kings commandment when there is no fear of a Forreign Enemy or any other in arms within a Realm giveth many presumptions and arguments of a Rebellious minde And yet the Duke of Guise doth not onely arm Multitudes but also proteâ—teth that he and they will lay down his and their arms until the king yeeldeth unto his demands and what was that but to threaten and menace his king The Count of St. Paul High Constable of France was held a Traytor by Lewis the eleventh and so executed because he betrayed his counsel and kept certain Holds and Towns of strength from the king and yet the Duke of Guise must be no Traytor who revealed the kings secrets and withheld many Towns and Cities from him and drave him out of the principal City of his Realm Francis the first proclaimed the Duke of Bourbon to be a Rebel and a Traytor because he fled to Charles the fifth and bore arms in his quarrel against him and yet the Duke of Guise is no Traytor who favoureth the Spanish king more then his own Prince and bringeth Spaniards into France to murther and massacre the kings loving Subjects He saw that his conspiracies and secrets were discovered by the Duke of Espernon and therefore he must be banished the Court He saw that the king of Spain prevailed not against England because he had no Towns in France to harbour his wearied and Sea-beaten Souldiers and therefore at his next coming he must have Normandy at his devotion for that was his purpose when he demanded that Normandy should be given to the holy League What meant he when he required that his brother should be made great Master of the Kings Pallace and the Cardinal of Lorrain Governour of all France Why demanded he no office for himself Forsooâ—h because it was not yet time for him to say he must be king France could not brook two kings The late king must be first deposed and was it not his meaning to procure him to be depoâ—ed and deprived of his Crown at the Parliament which he required to be presently called and assembled That was the matter of great wait the cause of such consequence whereof they must consult an to bring the matter to pass there must be two great Armies in readiness the one in Picardy and the other in Dolphine to bridle those who were most likely to withstand hâ—s Coronation and not to admit and receive him for their king The Hugonets also must be all subverted They were the Oratoâ—s that preserved Athens they were the Geâ—se that saved the Roman Capitol they therefore must be taken away or else he must fail of his purpose That Nation whose king hath the honour to be called the most Châ—istian king may not brook an Heretick for their king and therefore the king of Navarr must be taken away he must not live any longer the Prince of Conde next heir to the Crown after him was already dispatched by poyson and his young infant was not fit to rule But if the king of Navarr's death might have contented him if his overthrow might have set France at Liberty and utterly have subverted the Protestants why was not this king of Navarr's offer accepted Why refused he the combat whereunto he was challenged Such a Champion as the Duke was should not have refused such a challenge such a Gideon that flew so many Germans should not have been afraid to encounter with one Man especially with such a man as forgat the name and state of a King to fight with a Rebel as debased himself to contend with a Traitor as if he won the battle could not but lose some of his honour because he had encountered with an infamous person and if he lost the field lost both his life and Scepter Such a Father and Protector of his Country should not have denied to hazard his life in such a quarrel as might have saved the lives of many of his best friends who have been killed since the time of that challenge But he thought it best to sleep in a whole skin and he knew how to be king without such a hazard he had preferred many and therefore they would and should prefer him But of him enough And from him to the rest wherewith the late king was more vainly then truly charged It followeth in the Accusation that he prodigally wasted the Revenues of the Crown and gave himself to all kinde of vice and wickedness This wastfull spending of the Revenues of the Crown is a fault that exceedeth all other faults a fault that offendeth a kings Subjects much more then any other vice because when Princes Treasures are wasted they flie to their subjects Coffers and empty their Chests to fill their own Exchequers Subjects therefore for their ease require that their king should be a good husband It was a commendation that Tully gave to king Demetriâ—s It is a quality that is required in a good Steward it is a property by so much more requisite in a Prince by how much his charge is greater then other mens but a though they desire that their Prince should be thrifty yet they would not have them covetous and as they can be contented that they should be liberal so they like not that they shall be prodigal Thrift maketh them able to live with their
and penetrate even to the hearts of his best friends and his most assured Allyes But he is a faint friend that will be won with a word and he not worthy the name of an Ally whom the dash of a pen may make forsake and abandon his Confederate How then what other general way is to be practised Where a pen cannot prevail let a purse be walking Quis nisi mentis snops oblatum respuit aurum Let greater advancement be proffered to the Spanish Governors greater preferment to his best friends notable rewards unto those that will leave him Iulius coesar to win the hearts and affections of Scipios Souldiers promised them peaceable and quiet possession of their own goods and to reward them with the self same Honor Offices and Dignities which he vouchsafed upon his own own followers and by this means he won from Scipio many of his dearst friends Francis Forza a Captain of great worth and of better credit served the Venetians and the Florentines together many years against Philip Maria Duke of Millan and they to retain him to their onely service made him great offers promised him great preferment but the Duke hearing hearing thereof with a faithful promise to give him his onely Daughter in marriage and to make him his sole and onely Heir made him forsake his old friends and to become his vowed friend and servant But Francis Forza was a mean Captain and a man of no great Linage and therefore easie to be changed with an assured hope of better advancement whereas men of good account of honorable Parentage and of fufficient Lands and possessions such as the Spaniards cheifest Governors commonly are will not falsifie their faith or forsake their King for any reward whatsoever Truly men of great honour prefer their credit before their gain and yet honorable men are men as others be and suffer themselves to be won as others are There was a time when the Marquess of Mantoua whose Successors are now Dukes and equal to great Princes and he not inferior unto any of his Predecessors having vouchsafed to serve the Venetians as their General against Lewis Duke of Millan stood not so much upon his honor but that the said Lewis with greater offers and a larger Pention then he had of the Venetians was able to withdraw him from their service and devotion There was a time when the mighty Emperor Charls the Fift being desirous to alienate the affection of Pope Leo the Tenth from Francis the First King of France obtained his request and purpose by promising the Cardinal Iulio de Medicis a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats to be paid him out of the Arch-Bishoprick of Toledo and by giving to Alexander de Medicis a Pension of the like value in the Kingdom of Naples There was a time when the said Emperor Charls being jealous of the great friendship that was betwixt Pope Clement the Seventh and the Duke of Urbin and likewise desirous to distract Andrew Dorea from the service of the said Pope who then was in League with the French King prevailed with the one by giving him the City of Lova in the Kingdom of Naples and gained the assured friendship of the other by making him Duke of Malfie and by encreasing the pay and Pension which the Pope gave him To be short there was time when as Philip sirnamed the Fair King of France did not onely entreat Adolph the Emperorâ— by the onely means of great Rewards to forsake the Amity and Alliance of Edward King of England and of Guido Earle of Flanders but also procured Albert Duke of Austria by warring upon the Emperor at home to detain him in Germany so that he could not as he had promised trouble and molest France But some men will say These men had no regard of their honour whereunto a man carrying any reasonable respect will hardly be intreated to commit any thing that may never so little blemish or prejudice his reputation It cannot be denied that vertuous men had rather have their names eternized by their vertuous action then their Families enriched by unlawful corruption Yet it is written and written by an Author worthy to be remembred amongst the best Authors of our time That the Marquess of Pescara a Prince whose Vertues Fame Reputation Credit and Honor were nothing inferior unto the most honorable and vertuous Princes that ever lived on earth had been won by his friend Ieremy Morony to forsake the Emperor Charls the Fift if the Cardinal Acoltera and the Marquess of Angelâ— together with those learned Civilians which were sent by the Pope and the Venetians to perswade him that the Emperor was not lawful King of Naples and that the Pope had power to dispose thereof unto whom it pleased him had used pregnant and sufficient Reasons to enforce their perswasions and to assure him of the Kingdomâ— And undoubtedly the brotherly love of Don Iohn de Austria and the loyal affection of the late Duke of Parma might easily have been shaken by a more sweet then tempestuous wind of the like nature For since Marquesses Dukes Emperors and Popes have been content to be caught with a golden hook let no man be afraid to try and sound or despair to win and change the affections of meaner personages especially such as are either greedy or needy of rewards and against such Princes as have given many occasions of discontentment unto such Personages But now to descend from the general means unto those particular ways which I promised to declare unto you let me I pray you with good leave and patience run over the short Catalogue of his best friends and shew you how even they may be entreated or councelled either to forsake him utterly or to stand as Neutrals and idle lookers on whilst others shall annoy him And because of late years and since his late dishonour received in England he hath used all means possible to induce the Princes of Italy to aid him in a second Enterpâ—ise which he intendeth against England I will as briefly as I can set down divers Reasons which may be used to disswade them from yeelding him any manner of assistance It may therefore be said unto the Italians in general thâ—t they live now in peace and quietness under the wings and protection of divers Princes but who knoweth whether the Spaniard desireth this aid of them to disturb their quiet and to disquiet their general peace who knoweth whether he that now favoureth them will hereafter take occasion to hate them who knoweth since it is the custom of Princes to seek help of others not for any great need they have thereof but either to weaken them or to bring them into the haâ—red of others whether the King of Spain desireth their succour and furtherance to diminish their strength or the number of their friends Briefly who knoweth when their friends are diminished and their forces impared whether he will not suddenly denounce open Wars against them Great
and during the minority of his son he had caused Ferdinando his brother to be elected King of the Romans yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to perswade him to relinquish and resign that Title unto his Son Philip now and then King of Spain and also he sent for Maximilian his Son in Law and Nephew King of Bohemia to pray him to be content to condescend and yeeld unto his Fathers resignation and the Queen of Hâ—ngary and Gravilla the Emperors Chancellor made many Voyages into Hungary to intreat Ferdinando to yeeld unto this motion unto which neither the King of Hungary nor Maximilian his Son would vouchsafe their consents These three points being thus cleared it resteth to speak somewhat of Charls the Fifths Successors as Ferdinando Maximilion and Rodolph but their actions are fresh in memory And if the Law of the Emperors Creation called the Golden Bull which expresly forbiddeth to chuse above four in one house to succeed one after another in the Empire were as it should be in full force and strength none of them should be accounted or held lawful Emperors Now if the breach of this sacred and inviolable decree I mean the golden Bull which hath been infringed by making not four but seven or eight at the least of the House of Austria Emperors together shall nothing at all incense and instigate the Princes of Christendom against this ambitious and aspiring generation It shall be needful to revive the loathsom memory of many great and grievous indignities and ingratitudes unkindly and unjustly shewn by the late Emperors of the house of Austria unto divers great and mighty Princes of Germany and unto the Empire it self It must therefore be shewed unto them that Rodolph the first Emperor of this Race to assure unto himself and his Heirs the Dukedom of Austria and the States of Stiria and Suevia which were united unto the Empire for fault of Heirs Males resigned the Exerchat of Italy unto the Pope and freed as many Cities of Italy from the homage and obedience which they owed unto the Emperors as would buy their freedom and liberty of him for ready money Albeit his Son when he was Emperor fought many Battels and got many Towns with the Forces and Expences of the Empire but reserved all the profit arising by those Battels to his proper use and to have better and more easie entrance into Bilencia he usurped the State of the Marquess of Menia And Albert the Second enriched himself greatly although he ruled not long by troubles and divisions Is it not the House of Austria that hath wrongfully deprived many Princes and divers Electors of the Empire of their States and Dignities Is it not this house that hath unjustly compelled the greatest Princes of Germany to flie for succour and to seek the protection of the French King Is it not this House that hath unlawfully confiscated the States and Digninities of Iohn Fredrick Duke of Sexony Is it not this House that hath most cruelly razed the Walls and destroyed the Forts of the most noble and vertuous Prince the Lantsgrave of Hess Is it not this House that hath violently sacked destroyed and utterly overthrown the great and goodly Dukedom of Wittenberge Is it not this House that contrary to all humanity hath confiscated the greatest part of the Duke of Cleur his goods and made him too deer for a Wise that brought him Dowry Is it not this House that to make the Princes of Germany their Servants and Slaves have contrary to the Laws of the Empire erected a new Councel in the City of Spires Briefly Is it not this House that useth them most unkindly of whom they have received most Curtesie Have they ever had greater aid greater helps of any Princes of the Empire then of the Duke of Saxony Who sought for Frederick Duke of Austria against Lewis Duke of Bavaria more willingly and valiantly then Rodolph Duke of Saxony Ernest Duke of Saxony was the only cause and means that Maximilian was chosâ—n Emperor And Iohn Duke of Saxony went unto the Assault of Aba in Hungary and never departed thence until he made Maximilian Lord and Master of the whole Countâ—y Frederick of Saxony refused the Empire when it was offered unto him and procured it to be given unto Charles the Fift And yet the same Charls omitted no Art no cuning no way nor means that he could possibly devise to â—subvert and â—vinate the House of Saxony He set up Maurice and Agust his Brother against Iohn Frederick And Maximiliam stirred up the Sons of Iohn Frederick one against another Rodolph Count Palatine bore armes in the behalf of Frederick of Austria against his own brother Lewis Duke of Bamera and Frederick Count Palatine who was Recompenced for this pleasure by Frederick the Third who procured all the States and Princes of the Empire to be his mortall Enemies Briefly who favoured and furthered the Election of the last Maximilian so much as Frederick Count Palatine And yet not long after he gave so hard a sentence against him at Auspurghe that all the Princes of the Empire reversed the same in his Presence Now to speak of the Spanish Kings abuses towards the Princes of Germany and others were infinite labour and either that which I have already said is sufficient to cause him to be generally hated or the late Apologies of the Prince of Aurange of the State of the Low Countries of the now King of France of Don Antonio and of others will supply whatsoever I either for modestie or for brâ—vitiesake forbear to discover Then to conclude this point If France might be moved to set on Foot for the Kingdome of Navarre the Dukedom of Burgondy and all or part of the Lowcountries If the Pope might be intreaâ—ed to bestow the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily upon som Prince of worth and estimation If the Venetians and other Princes of Italy would be content to divide and share the Dukedom of Milan betwixt them If the States and Princes of the Empire would be pleased to reconcile the Kingdomes of Bohemia and Hungary with the Dukedom of Austria unto the Empire If the Duke of Parma or Don Antonio might be seated in Portugall And lastly England Holland and other States and Pâ—inâ—es that are mighty upon the Seas would either stop the Spaniards passage into the Indies or intercept his Treasure when it cometh from thence the proud and insolent House of Austria should quickly be reduced unto their old and pristine Estate and the Princes of Christendome when they should have no Adversary to fear but the common Enemy of Christians should undoubtedly live in great security peace and Amity For then are Kingdomes most safe when their Neighbours Forces and their own strength are not greatly unequall And then should our English Island be the strongest and happiest Kingdom in Christendom But in taking this course it behooveth to be somwhat Circumspect least that the overthrow and downfall of
of Naples or of Portugal For so shall his Sons power be weakened his Daughter further off from us and from France and her ambition better satisfied with a kingdom then with a Title of Dutchess too base a name for so proud a woman and such an one as hath lived a long time in equall credit with a Queen And we finde that the desire of that Charâ—es his wife who of a Duke of Anioâ— was made and crowned King of Naples to be a Queen was the chiefe and special cause her Husband entered into that quarrel for his wife who was descended of a King and still lived among Queens would never suffer him to be at quiet until he had made her Queen There is no doubt but that the Princes of Italy could be very well content that the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily were in some such poor Princes possession rather under the subjection of the sole heir of Spain because he being a young Prince and King of so many Dominions will not perhaps be keep within his bounds as his old Father is and they would easily finde means to hold such a Prince long enough and to keep him from all kinde of ability to hurt and damnifie them For experience hath taught them that when Naples and Sicily were governed by a proper King and he alwayes Resident amongst them they lived not then in such danger or in such fear as they have been since the French or the Spaniards were Masters of those Kingdoms Duke Ernestus being placed thus far from us the question would be what Government would best content us in Flanders whether it were best to have a Prince there and if a Prince what he should be or else such a Government as is now amongst the United Provinces and if such a Government whether it were best to unite the rest of Flanders unto them that are already united The questions are full of difficulty and a man of far greater experience and wisdom then my self can hardly resolve them And yet because this is my last task I will as I have done in the rest adventure to commit my follies to your secrecy The pleasant and sweet Government under the States of the United Provinces The consideration of their Subjects quiet and welâ—are The regard of their wealth The credit whereunto they are grown The accompt that their Neighbours make of them The free Traffique which they have with Forreign nations The recourse of Strangers unto them The beauty and increase of their Cities lately enlarged and beautified and their strength being as I have once said already almost comparable unto the power of mighty Princes might easily induce them to consent to make one Common-wealth of all the seventeen Provinces But if they should all joyn in one Form of Government it were greatly to be doubted that they would grow so mighty in time that their might would make them ambitious and their ambition desirous to encroach upon their Neighbours who with the same and good of their great ease and prosperity would happily be content to shake off their Kings and live under their wings and protection Was it not the common report of the Romans good Government that made Forreign Nations desirous to be subject unto them Was it not the incorporating of those Nations into their own Cities and their permitting of them to enjoy the like Priviledges and Liberties as the Romans enjoyed that drew other people to follow the example of those Nations Was it not then seen and may it not be seen again thâ—â— the less Cities iimitated the greater and whether the first inclined thither the last repaired Is it not generally said that two eyes see more then one And do not many Councellors consult and resolve upon any thing better then a few and is it not true that it is not the Clymate or the Region that onely maketh men wise The Spaniard is wiser then the French-man the Florentines of a quicker wit and judgment then the Venetian and yet when the light-headed French-man beginneth once to be staid he is nothing inferior to the wise Spaniard and the Venetians when they consult upon matters of weight resolve them not so soon but better then the Floâ—entines The reason whereof is given by Bodin because the first trusting too much to the dexterity of their wits dwell obstinate in their first conceived opinions and sometimes will not yeeld unto the soundest judgments because they proceed from them who are either their enemies or in their opinions not worthy to be reputed wiser then they whereas the later distrusting every man his own judgement and examining soundly and with great deliberation all the reasons that may be alleaged pro con in any matter whatsoever after long conâ—erence and consultation conclude upon the best and wisest resolution Is it not this proved in the States of the United Provinces especially in the Hollanders who until of late years were commonly called by the Flemings The Blockish and hard-headed Hollanders and now they are grown equal to the wisest Flemings Italians French or Spaniards Court they not Princes that were wont onely to live by the transporting of commodities of their Island into England and other places Have they not their Agents in Princes Courts who in many years would not presume to look upon a Court and knew not how to behave themselves when they came thither Have they not learned the means and ways to insinuate themselves into Princes favours and continue themselves therein who not long ago cared for no Princes favour but â—or one Kings good will and countenance Sent they not their Ambassadors unto the Christening of the Scottish Prince Gave they not their Present as well as others and within it a yearly Pension unto the young Prince to be paid unto him yearly out of the rents of one of their Towns Have they not discovered a shorter way to the Indies and will they not take and make a benefit by the discovery Do they not daily encrease their Revenews Do not their Subjects that were wont to guide a Boat and govern an Oar now manage a Lance and handle a weapon as well as other Nations Do not the better sort amongst them who heretofore never medled with matters of State match the wisest Politicians in Counsel and the best Statesmen of the world in their writings And to be brief is it not likely that if they proceed as they have begun they will in time grow too strong and exceed the Seigniory of Venice the which if it be not assisted by other Princes of Christendom standeth in great danger to become a prey unto the Turk I have once already said it and cannot say it too often God grant that all the Princes of Christendom yea the Child that is unborn have not just occasion one day to curse the King of Spain for enforcing the States to know and use their strength Let us remember the weakness of the Switzers and call to minde upon
Earl of Flanders whose Nobility and Subjects were often reconciled unto them and yet returned to their former disobedience and discontentment And France in my simple opinion although the King that now raignneth and his discontented Subjects were never so well reconciled would quickly return again into Civil Dissentions For the King being most honest frank open-hearted free-minded sometimes somewhat hasty so earnest of that which is laid before him that he hath less regard of that which is passed and also unto that which he must follow and lastly so much presuming upon his good hap and fortune that he can neither conceive nor careth to prevent far fetched practises these his conditions will easily renew some occasions of discontentment even perhaps in his best and his most loving Subjects Every man that hath deserved little will demand much when his Kingdom is frank and free And will it not be impossible to content all that shall and will beg of him An open-hearted man cannot dissemble his grief nor conceal an injury and is it not likely that he shall have many griefs many injuries offered him An hasty man never wanteth wo and doubtless he shall have many occasions to shew himself hasty And then if he shall either neglect that which he ought to follow or not be carefull to prevent such practises as may be devised against him he that hath but one Eye may see that he cannot long continue in Peace and Amity with such Subjects as shall be still encouraged by other Forraign Potentates to rebel against him And that which hath been said already maketh it most manifest that his Subjects shall not want this encouragement Thus have I satisfied your Request in every point that it pleased you to give me in Charge In some things I have been somewhat briefer then I would and in other perhaps longer then I should The length may be excused because all things being done for your pleasure I hope you will give me leave to please my self in some things wherein I was carried away with the great delight that I took in handling the same And the brevity is excusable because when I saw that my Treatise was grown to be somewhat long I thought it convenient to hasten to an end Excuse both and tender my credit and accuse me of unkindness if I be not ready to yeeld you better contentment in the like Task hereafter when years shall have encreased my slâ—nder Experience and Experience shall have perfected my simple Knowledge FINIS To the Reader A Libel whose substance cannot be changed after it is once given into a Civil or Ecclesiastical Court may in some sort be declared or amended before a replication be made thereunto A witness which after Publication is once granted cannot justly be received may be lawfully examined upon new Articles depending upon the former and a Iudge after the Deposition of Witnesses are communicated to both parties may by vertue of his office and to inform his own Conscience re-examine a witness If Additions and Declarations may be allowed in matters of Iudgement and Iudicial Courts and especially in the examinations of witnesses which may easily be corrupted I hope it shall not be offensible in me to make a Declaration of some things not sufficiently declared and expressed in any precedent Treatise especially since this addition serveth rather to illustrate then any way to enlarge my Discourse and all or the most part of that which I have thought good to add in this place came to my mind or my knowledge since my task was finished Farewel and judge so of my labours that you discourage me not to labour for you again in any thing wherein my pen and my pain may yeild you pleasure and contentment A SVPPLEMENT TO THE HISTORY OF THE State of Christendom AFter that I had thorowly as I thought finished my task and had discoursed upon every point thereof in such manner as you see of some briefly and of divers more at large I hapned upon a Book called Podaces de Historia that is to say The Fragments of an History The which was lately Imprinted and Written as it is supposed by Antonio Peres somtimes Secretary unto the King of Spain and now residing in London not as a rebellious Fugitive as many of our Countrymen live in Spain but as a Gentleman that thought it better to forsake his lands and livings then to live under the tyrannie and injustice of a cruel and ungrateful King This Book containing much matter fit to clear and declare some points lightly handled in my Treatise in regard whereof and for that divers men both speak and think diversly as well of the maker as of the matter thereof I have thought it meet and convenient with the substance of this book May it therefore please you to understand that whereas Don Iohn was sent by the Spanish King to Govern the Low-Countries he had a Secretary appointed him by the King called Iohn de Soto a man that endeavoured himself by all means possible as wise and worldly servants most commonly do first to know and then to feed his Masters humour and by feeding thereof to seek his own profit and preferment In which his endeavours he proceeded so far that the Spaniard fearing lest that his Brothers ambitious nature receiving both nourishment and encouragement from his wise and politique Secretary might in time adventure to attempt somthing to the prejudice of his Kingdoms and Dominions thought it convenient not to suffer so dangerous a servant to attend any longer upon so ambitious a master But because he doubted that if Iohn de Soto were removed from Don Austria's service and not preferred to some place better then the Secretaryship was it would not only discontent the servant but also displease the Master for the better contentment and satisfaction of both he advanced him to an office of greater countenance and commodity and with advice of his Council placed in his room Iohn Escovedo a man of a milder nature and in the Kings opinion not so fit at that time as the other was to favour and further his brothers aspiring and audacious enterprises This man advertised the King his master of all Don Iohn de Austria his doings and sought rather to please the King then the young Duke his Master But at length he followed the footsteps of his Predecessor and yeilded nothing unto him in feeding his Masters humours he found quickly that his Master loathed the name of Duke and longed to be a King that the Pope and Princes of Italy were as desirous as he to make him King that the best way to induce the Spanish King to yeild his consent thereunto was to entreat the Pope to write unto his Brother in his behalf and that England was a Kingdom for his purpose and worthy the conquering A plot is laid how to invade England and conquer it and the Pope is entreated to recommend the enterprize to the Spanish King and Don
Iohn for the execution before and the possession after the conquest The Pope writeth unto the King in the behalf of his Brother he fearing that when his brother had obtained England he would not rest satisfied therewith but coveted greater matters and that he should find many Christian Princes ready to assist him in his endeavours thanketh the Pope for his loving and kindly care of his Brothers advancement and denieth not his suit for fear he should offend his Brother but requireth time to consult and deliberate of the matter for the enterprize said he is honourable but hard and difficult and my Brother a fit man to be employed therein but his credit must be regarded and his aiders and abettors cannot chuse but participate of his dishonour if the enterprize should not succeed according to his and their desires This answer runneth for currant until the plot laid for England was prevented and broken by the wisdom and policy of the Queen and Council of England Then Don Iohn and his Secretary together with the Pope and other Italian Princes think upon another Kingdom for him and altogether practise how to make him King of Tunis a place that required a man of his worth as well to keep it as to contain the Turk within his limits The Pope therefore writeth again unto the Spanish King praying him to bestow the Kingdom upon his Brother He entertaineth both the Pope and his Brother as he did for England alwaies forbearing to make Don Iohn greater and mightâ—er then he was himself All these practises with the Pope were done secretly and Escovedo was the man that was still employed in them The King was never made privie unto them until that the Popes Nuntio talking by chance with Antonio Peres revealed all their secret intelligences with the Pope and he presently made report thereof unto the King The Spanish Ambassador also advised the said Peres that Don Iohn de Austria by means of Escovedo had great recourse unto the King with whom his Messenger had several privie conferences and never acquainted him with any and after they had been with the King they went unto the Duke of Guise who concluded a great league of amity and friendship between Don Iohn and the said Duke upon pretence that the defence of both Kingdoms France and Spain was the cause of this League Antonio Peres imparteth the news unto the King who dissembleth his knowledge thereof and entertaineth both his Brother and his Brothers Secretary with all outward shews of kindness and brotherly affection Don Iohn wearied with continual crosses and untoward proceedings in Flanders resorted on the sudden into Spain without giving the King any notice of his coming The King giveth him outwardly a very kind entertainment confer together about his preferment and dispatcheth him in all haste for Flanders pretending the troubles there to be such as his long absence from thence might greatly endanger his State Don Iohn departing leaves Escovedo behind him to solicite and follow his business in his absence Here endeth Escovedo's prosperity and beginneth Antonio Peres his downfal from that favour and good fortune which followed him before that time For when the Duke Don Iohn was gone the King consulteth with him how to proceed against Escovedo Then they call to mind all their former intelligences they think it dangerous to send him back again into Flanders because he would still nourish him in his ambitious humour Then they hold it likewise to be a matter of no small danger to proceed against him by Order of Law because that was to call his Brother in question and so to offend his Brother thereby to give him an occasion to fall from him unto his most mortal enemies Then they resolve that the best and safest course was to give Escovedo a Baccado that is a morsel to shorten his days because that being done secretly his Brother would haply think that some of his enemies had secretly poysoned him This resolution being thus taken Antonio Peres is commanded by the King to put the same in execution and he performeth the charge so cunningly that no man but he and the King knew by whom Escovedo was poysoned He being dead his son Pedrâ— Escovedo useth all means possible to come to the knowledge of them that murthered him and seeking findeth some light occasion of slender presumption against Antonio Peres which is nourished by Peres his enemies Escovedo counselled by Peres adversaries and his Fathers best friends presenteth an humble supplication to the King wherein he accuseth Antonio Peres of his Fathers death and beseecheth his Majesty to vouchsafe him the benefit of Law and Justice against the Murtherer His Petition is received and read by the King that he shall have Justice with all favour and expedition Peres is committed as a prisoner unto his house and order is given for his examination The King wavereth betwixt hope and fear as men usually do whose consciences are charged and burthened with guilt somtimes he hopeth well because no man to his knowledge knowing the matter but he and Peres he thinketh that the accuser shall never be able to make sufficient proof of the matter and somtimes he doubteth that Peres may in hope of pardon from him by whom he was set on work confess the murther and the cause thereof These perplexities thus troubling the King Peres is likewise perplexed with the same passions somtimes he liveth in hope because the King comforteth him and his accuser proceedeth faintly in his accusation within a while after he beginneth to fear because he is committed to harder durance commanded to confess the fact and conceal the cause willed to compound with his accuser and so eagerly prosecuted that he flyeth to Aragon The people there being grieved with the manner of proceeding against him and with the manifest breach of their ancient priviledge rise up in Arms make Ghilmesa their Head and by main force deliver him out of prison he being at liberty flyeth into France and thence cometh into England Thus you have briefly heard the fact now it remaineth to clear such questions as may arise from this fact The Questions are these 1. First Whether the King commanding Escovedo to be murthered in this manner may not worthily be accompted and called a Murtherer 2. Next Whether Antonio Peres obeying this Commandment hath not committed as great an offence as the King 3. Then Whether the King being found a Murtherer deserveth not to be Deposed or Excommunicated for this Murther better then the King of France did deserve to be deprived of his Life and Crown for murthering the Duke of Guise 4. Lastly Whether this Excommunication and Deposition may be warranted by the example of other Princes who having committed the like offences have endured and undergone the like punishment To clear the first question it shall be needful to know whether the King had just occasion offered him by Escovedo to cause him to be murthered For though Princes have life
and death over their subjects yet he is to be accompted a Tyrant that causeth any of his Subjects to be done to death without having deserved to lose his life and this authority given them by Law and common consent of their subjects tendeth to no other purpose nor respecteth any other end then that sin may be punished and malefactors not permitted to live both to the scandal and detriment of well doers If therefore Escovedo committed no offence worthy of death the King had no power no warrant no authority to take away his life his offence therefore must be known the nature quality and circumstances thereof well examined and duly considered and according as his crime shall fall out and prove to be great or small pardonable or capital so shall the Kings actions seem punishable or excusable All that Antonio Peres his Book chargeth him withal is that he had secret intelligence with the Pope the King of France and the Duke of Guise wherein he was set on by his master Don Iohn de Austria who was the King's Lieutenant General and by vertue of this office represented the Kings own person and was armed with his authority if not in all things yet in as much as concerned the execution of his charge and commission The question then must be whether the Secretary unto such a Lieutenant performing that which is commanded by his master may be taken and condemned for a Traytor Treason hath many branches and is of divers kinds and it would be tedious and troublesome to make a recital of them all And it shall suffice to declare whether any of the actions specified in this accusation be within the compass of Treason He wrote Letters to whom To the Pope Why He was no enemy but a friend to the King of Spain What was the tenor and contents of this Letter Nothing else but that it might please his Holiness to recommend one Brother unto another Why That was an office of kindness and not of treason And for what purpose desireth he to have him recommended Forsooth for the employment in the service and enterprise that was to be made against England Why that service liked the King and proceeded first from him it tended to his benefit it was to be undertaken in revenge of his supposed wrongs against his enemy and all this is no treason And for whom wrote he For Don Iohn de Austria his Kings Brother the Pope's Darling and Turks scourge the Princes of Italies Favourite the Queen of Englands terror and the whole Worlds wonder But he wrote without the King's privity How shall he know that Had he not good cause to think that all that he did was done with the King's counsel and consent Had he not eyes to see and ears to hear and discretion to consider that whatsoever was done against England should be both grateful and acceptable unto the King I but he might think that the King would not be content to have his Brother made a King Why He was his Lieutenant already and so next to a King He had done him great service and was to do him more and so deserved no small recompence he had the Title of a Duke but no Living fit for a Duke the vertues and valour of a King but no possibility to be a King but by his Brothers favour and furtherance briefly he desired that honour and Escovedo perhaps thought the King meant to prefer him to that honour the rather because the King might be led to advance him to a Kingdom in his life time by his fathers example who prefers his Brother Ferdinando to the Empire before he died himself why then be it that he was either deceived in his cogitation or beguiled with the love of his Master or went further then he had warrant to go why lawful ignorance extenuateth the gravity of and as to annoy a Princes enemy so to pleasure his friend was never punishable or at any time accounted treason But when the enterprise against England failed he solicited the Pope for the Kingdom of Tunis but how Not to have it without the Kings good leave and liking And when made he that motion Even then when the Princes of Italy and the wisest Counsellors of Europe stood in fear of the common enemy doubted that Tunis might be recovered by the Turk and therefore thought it meet to have so valorous and victorious a Prince there as was Don Iohn de Austria who having the Kingdom in his own right would be the more willing and ready to defend it and was this desire an offence Or could this motion be counted treason He might have remembred that Don Iohn de Soto was removed from serving Don Iohn de Austria because he furthered him in the like enterprizes But he saw him preferred to a place of greater honour and commodity which gave him just occasion to think that the King rather liked then disallowed his actions Thus you see there is no desert of death in practising with the Pope Now it remaineth to consider how this dealing in France with the King or the Duke of Guise may be justly esteemed a crime capital It appeareth that the French King was then in League with the Spaniard whose Ambassador was then residing in his Court and Ambassadors are not permitted to remain but where there is a League of Amity betwixt Princes The Guisards affection hath been declared to have been always greater towards Spain then towards France And the enterprize of England might seem unto Don Iohn de Austria very difficult yea impossible without some favour without some help from France if then to favour this enterprize he had some secret intelligence with France is he therefore blame-worthy Or hath it ever been counted a fault in a servant or Lieutenant to seek all lawful and honourable ways to bring to pass his Masters desire and purpose Do Princes prescribe unto their Lieutenants or Ministers all that they can do to compass and effect their designs Do they not rather give them a few short Instructions and leave it to their discretion and wisdom to foresee and use other means to further their intentions Is not this the reason why they make choice of wise and discreet men for such employments Is not this the cause that when they send young Noblemen either to Wars or Ambassadors or to forraign Governments they are ever accompanyed with grave and wise Counsellors Briefly Is it not this that moveth them to command that their young Lieutenants Ambassadors or Governours shall do nothing without their Counsellors I know that it is very dangerous to be employed in Princes affairs Danger in conceiving a message and Danger in delivering the same and danger in reporting an answer thereunto And yet be it that a messenger conceiveth not a business rightly that he delivereth not his will and pleasure as he should do and that he faileth in report of his answer to whom he is sent yet he committeth not a
it was not Religion but private quarrels that caused a division in his Kingdom and this division was as you have heard and shall hear maintained and nourished by the Spaniard For when the troubles began first in France the princes of Vendosme and Conde being displeased with the greatness of the House of Guise drew into their faction and side the Houses of Montmorency and Chastilian that they might be the better able with their help to prevent and withstand the encrease and advancement of the late Duke of Guise his Father and Uncle who had usurped and gotten into their hands all the authority credit and power of the Kingdom during the minority of Francis the second their Nephew afterwards the same Duke of Guise and the Constable fall into variance for no other cause but for that the first was jealour of the other both of them being in great favour and credit with Henry the third Four principal causes encreased and nourished the contention between these two princes The first was the office of great Master of France which the King gave unto the Duke of Guise when he made the Duke of Montmorency Constable of France who was great Master before and had a promise of the King that the office should have been reserved for his son The second occasion of their discontentment was the Earldom of Dampmartin which both of them had bought of sundry persons pretending right thereunto and when they had sued for the same a long time in Law the Constable obtained the suit The third cause of their discontentment was because the one of them seeking by all means possible to discredit and disgrace the other the Constable procured the Duke of Guise to be sent into Italy that he might in his absence possess the King wholly and alone and when he was there he could not do any thing worth his labour or worthy of commendation because the Constable either fore-slowed or hindred his business But the Duke of Guise being returned out of Italy and finding that the Constable was taken prisoner at St Laurence to be revenged of the indignities offered whilst he was in Italy procured that the Constable was held a long time in prison and used all the policies that he could devise to delay and defer his deliverance the which delays occasioned his Nephews of Chastilian to crave aid and assistance of the late King of Navarra and the Prince of Conde his brother who had married his Neece The fourth and last cause of their strife and difference was the competency between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Iamvile for the office and charge of Colonel of the light Horsemen of France This debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time in this manner it hapned that the first Author thereof being dead the Duke of Guise prevailed too much in the French Court the which the Lords of Chastilian perceiving to their great sorrow and discontentment left the Court and in returning from thence were it in earnest or in policy began to favour the Lutherans of France who at that time began to preach in cellars and in houses secretly and became their friends more to defend themselves from the House of Guise then to seek and procure any alteration or change of Religion until that the King himself at the instigation and instance of the Duke of Iamvile took Monsieur de Andeles at Cressy and sent him prisoner to Molin and imprisoned the Videan of Chatres and many others These imprisonments and years of further mischiefs caused the friends and followers of the Constables to prepare with great silence and secrecy a mighty Army in Germany with which he purposed to make an horrible execution of the House of Guise under a colour to free the King from that bondage wherein the late Dukes of Guise and Aumale held him of which followed the great execution of Amboise the rigorous commandment that was given to the King of Navarra and the imprisonment of the Prince of Conde at the assembly of States held at Orleans and many other accidents which had continued with far greater cruelty then was used against the Houses of the Constable and of Chastilian had not the sudden death of the young King prevented the bloody intentions of the House of Guise The unexpected death of the young King perplexed and dejected the House of Guise much and surely they had been reduced unto extream desperation had not the Spanish King revived their hope and put them in great comfort who until he saw them in great extremity stood in doubt which part to favour most and kindled the fire of dissention on both sides to the end it might at the length burn and consume France in such manner as it did of late years It was the Spanish King that when the King of Navarra was made Governour of Charls the ninth and the Constable restored to his ancient Honour and Dignity supported the Duke of Guise and gave him such counsel that he both won the King of Navarra and the Constable to favour him and his enterprises against their own Brothers and Nephews and took the young King and his Mother at Fountain-bleau and carried them to Melind The Queen-mother grieved with this captivity of the King and her self was sain to entreat the Prince of Conde and the Lords of Chastilian to help to set him and her at liberty And then the said Prince and Lords not being able to resist of themselves so mighty enemies as the Guisards were especially being aided with the power and authority Royal became protestants in good earnest and declaring themselves Protectors and Heads of the Huguenots craved their assistance wherewith they seized upon many Cities of France not making any mention of their Religion but pretending to free the King and his Mother from that captivity wherein the House of Guise held them It was the King of Spain who when the Duke of Guise was slain at Orleans by Poltrot practised with the Cardinal his Brother to entertain and maintain the divisions in France not to subvert the Lutherans but to weaken the Kingdom wherein the Cardinal proceeded so cunningly that he drew the Queen-mother from the Prince of Conde and the Chastilians by whom she was set at liberty by perswading that the Prince of Burbone the Constable and the Chastilians sought her utter ruine and subversion and would never leave until they had sent her into Italy unto her friends there for which she conceived so great displeasure and indignation against them that she caused the one brother to be killed at the Battel of Iarvack and the other at the Massacre of Paris it is thought that if the Montmorencies had been there at the same time they had drunk of the same cup. Thus you see that the troubles of France grew not for Religion but for competency and emulation that was betwixt the House of Guise
be a Heretick a Waster of his Revenues a Lover of dishonest women a Murderer of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise and a Prince neither able nor worthy to govern so great and mighty a Kingdom as France I heard the Spaniards attempts and enterprises against England justified because our Queen was excommunicated her people not able nor willing to help and succour her her Subjects overcharged with unaccustomed Subsidies our Forces not sufficient to encounter with his strength and our Realm easie to be subdued by Forraigners I heard again some men condemn the Spaniard of great folly for ruling the Low Countries by strangers for not granting liberty of conscience unto his Subjects in those Countries for taking upon him to enforce them to alter and change their Religion for intending to reduce all Protestants to the ancient profession of Papistry for aiding the Leaguers in France and for attempting to make himself Monarch of the world I heard some think it a thing impossible to subvert him others suppose it to be a very easie matter to overthrow him and many desirous to know the means how to weaken him I heard the tumults of Aragon diversly construed the murder of Escovedo sundry wayes censured and the proceedings against Antonio Perez justified by some and condemned by others To be short I heard many say more then I can well and readily remember and yet not so much as I can be content to hear in praise of my Countrey and in disgrace of Spain in commendation of our Princess and in dispraise of the Spaniard in allowance and approbation of all her actions and in reprehension of all or most part of his Enterprises These things were in substance all that I heard some to my comfort and others to my grief And if in clearing all these things you will vouchsafe me your paines I will warrant your return within a very short while after that you shall have sent me your Treatise Your credit with Cardinal Allen your acquaintance with Morgan your Friendship with Thomas Throgmorton your conversation with Charles Pagett and your long experience in forraign affairs hath undoubtedly enabled you to give me a full satisfaction to all these demands If you run through them lightly you shall rather point at them then please me If you dwell upon them long you may fear to be thought too tedious And yet because you have leisure enough to handle them at large I shall take great delight to see and read them somewhat largely handled Such was his speech and this my short reply In hope of performance of your promise I will undertake your task not because I take my self able to answer your expectation but to shew you that I will hazard my poor credit to recover my dear Countrey and because I trust you will use my labours for your instruction and not to my discredit You may be instructed if you read them advisedly and I discredited if you make them common To be short with assurance of his secrecy I undertook his task if he shall hold his promise I shall think my labours well bestowed if they may procure my return I shall have employed my pains to my contentment And if my pains may pleasure and satisfie the Readers their satisfaction shall double my joyes when I shall attain safe and free access unto the long desired place of my Nativity The singular affection which you bear unto me and the great good opinion which unworthily you have conceived of me have greatly deceived you in making especial choice of me as of one better able then any other of your wise and discreet friends to deliver unto you a sound and sure Judgment of the present Estate of Christendome You see Flanders in trouble France in Arms Scotland in division and the whole remainder of the universal Christian world either as Neutrals idly looking and gazing on their miseâ—ries or as men interessed in the same cause voluntarily ayding and abetting them or their enemies This sight seemeth unto you very strange because that professing one Christ Crucified fighting under one Master and bearing the general name of Christians they give occasion unto the professed enemy of Christianity by taking advantage of their unnatural dissention to to enlarge his already too large Confines and Territories In truth you have some cause to marvel hereat But if it may please you to remember That things in common are commonly neglected that perils which be far off and not presently imminent are little regarded That dangers which are at hand and hang dayly over our heads carry us away with their due confideration from the vigilant care and providence which we ought to have of common Enormities And lastly that this careless negligence or the common Adversary is no new thing but a matter of great Antiquity and long continuance You will leave to wonder thereat and begin to prâ—y unto the Almighty as I do to remove the Causes of our unnatural 〈◊〉 to change the minds of our malicious Christians and to illuminaâ—e the hearâ—s of our lawful Princes that they may with the eyes of Indifferency and 〈…〉 upon the calamity of their loving Subjects Consider the cause 〈…〉 thereof consult upon the ways and means to redress the 〈…〉 deliberation put in present practise those remedies 〈…〉 and singular Wisdom shall seem most meet and convenien◠〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 but silly Ship-Boys in this huge Vessel tossed with the raging Waves of 〈◊〉 unmerciful Seas We may look upon the Masters behold the Pilots â—nd be ready at the Call and Command of the other Officers and this is all that we can do and who so looketh for more at our hands erreth as much in your Opinion as you are deceived in your Choice But the Interest which you have in me and the hopes which I conceive of you make me rather to hazard my poor Credit then to incur your heavy Displeasure You may and I hope you will conceal or excuse my follies but I would not and God forbid I should deserve the least diminution that may be of your accustomed favours towards me In hope therefore of your Secresie I will boldly enter into this Tragical Discourse The chief Actors whereof are The mighty Monarch of Spain The merciful Queen of England The unfortunate Don Antonio of Portugal The valiant King of France The Imperious Prelate of Rome The sleeping and secure States of Germany The Politique and Grave Senate of Venice And the weak but wise Princes of Italy Spain coveteth more then his own Portugal and France would gladly recover their own Rome and England labour and indeavour only to conserve and maintain their own Germany feareth not the peril that is far off Venice temporizeth wisely and the rest of Italy sheweth an outward affection to him that is mightiest but inwardly wisheth his weakness and the good and prosperous success of his Adversaries This is in brief the open and hidden Idea of the present Estate of Christendome wherein the
life and welfare of his Subjects but when the Prince casteth off humanity and the Subjects forget their duty when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed when he breaketh Laws and they desire to live under their ancient Laws when he imposeth new Tributes and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people their ancient Lawes Priviledges and Liberties and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers and Patrons to be done unto themselves and their Posterity Then changeth love into hatred and obedience into contempt then hatred breedeth disdain and disdain ingendereth disloyalty after which follow secret conspiracies unlawful assemblies undutiful consultations open mutinies treacherous practises and manifest rebellions The chief reasons whereof are because the common people are without reason ready to follow evil counsel easie to be displeased prone to conceive dislike not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers forgetful of many good turns if they be but once wronged more desirous to revenge an injury then to remember a benefit quickly weary of a Prince be he never so good if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them commonly affecting time that is past better then the present briefly all liking what the most like all inclining where the greatest part favoureth all furthering what the most attempt and all soon miscarried if the most be once misled This natural disposition of the common people is proved by common experience observed by wise Polititians and confirmed by many examples not of one Realm but of many Nations not of one age but of many seasons not of barbarous people but of civil Realms not of Kingdoms alone but of other manner of Governments briefly not of Subjects living only under Tyrants but also under the best Princes that ever were for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for antiquity or for greatness for strength or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings for absolute government of Rulers or for dutiful obedience of Subjects for good laws or for just and wise Magistrates and yet France that hath this commendation and these benefits hath many other times besides this and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns for proof whereof let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion begun in the late Kings time and continued in this Kings days They that write thereof at large and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred Offices appertaining unto Justice dearly sold Benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated new Impositions dayly invented and levied the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed old Officers unjustly displaced and men of base quality unworthily advanced they saw the late King carried away with vanities governed by a woman entred in League and Amity with their Enemies and fully resolved to follow his pleasure and to leave the administration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Enemies They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion unlikely to have any issue to succeed him not willing to establish any succession of the Crown after him and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion Lastly they saw that as long as he lived the King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed and that as soon as he dyed the said King was likely to be his Successor which hapning they considered the desperate estate of their Religion the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants and of their cause and quarrel the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes And lastly the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves and of their Families Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies and to prevent some of them and to redress and reform others they called a general Assembly of the three Estates implored the help of forreign Princes levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather together propounded means of Reformation to the King and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel they combined themselves against the Protestants his pretended and their open enemies seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength removed such Officers as disliked them and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause imployed men fit for their humours made for their purpose brought up in their Factions practised in their Quarrels affectioned in their Cause and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Favour of strange and mighty Potentates to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Protestants The King of Spain by the greatness of his Ambition and the Duke of Lorrain by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party and further their Attempts and Enterprises The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes beseeching them as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices so they would now that matters were grown to ripeness and secret Conspiracies to open resistance vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power In which Suit he findeth happy success and with promise of assured and sufficient aid is animated to proceed with courage and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly He therefore considering that for the better accomplishment of his designs it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain repaireth thither with all diligence And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them
short time Both ours and the French Histories agree in this Point That either in or immediately after the happy and prosperous Reign of Henry the fifth we flourished and possessed most in France and lost all or most part of all in the time of his Son Henry the sixth The ways how this came to pass were many I have reduced them unto four and twenty the least of every of which was and hath been enough to lose whole Estates and Kingdom not gotten by Conquests which are easily recovered but descending by Inheritance which are hardly lost The first Cause of our loss of whatsoever King Henry the fifth had gotten in France was the death of King Charls the sixth for when he was dead many of the French Nobility which before either for fear of the English puissance or for the love which they bore unto King Charls favoured and furthered our part revolted from us unto the Dolphin his dis-inherited Son and it is usual in Factions the head of one side being dead or suppressed the residue be so weakned or feared that either all or the most part either fly unto their Adversaries or else make their peace with them with as reasonable conditions as they can possibly as was seen by the death of Pompey whose Adherents fled unto Caesar or sought his favour after their principal Ring-leader and Guide was slain The second Cause was the sparkles of sedition and strife which began betwixt us and the Duke of Burgundy our principal Aider and Abettor who was highly discontented with us because that Humphry Duke of Glocester either blinded with ambition or doting with the love of the Lady Iaquet sole Heir unto the County of Holland had married her notwithstanding that her Husband Iohn Duke of Brabant and Brother to the Duke of Burgundy was then living The third Cause was the liberty of Iames King of Scotland who being Ransomed with courtesie and having sworn Loyalty unto the young King Henry the sixth was no sooner in his own Country then he forgot his Oath and allyed himself with the French King The fourth was the Revolt and departure of the Duke of Britany and his Brother from us unto the French King The fifth Cause was the dissention betwixt the Bâ—shop of Winchester and the Duke of Glocester who governed the young King for appeasing whereof the Duke of Bedford Regent of France was called home The sixth the liberty of the Duke of Alancon who being Ransomed in the Regents absence did greatly strengthen the Dolphins power The seventh the death of the Earl of Salisbury and of the worthiest and most fortunate Captain that ever England bred at Orleans After whose decease the English good and prosperous fortune presently began to decline The eighth was the refusal of the Duke of Bedford to suffer Orleans to yeild to the Duke of Burgundy Of which refusal there proceeded two great inconveniencies The one That they of Orleans offering to yeild themselves unto the said Duke because they held it less dishonourable to yeild unto a Frenchman then unto an English Prince although it were to the behalf and use of the King of England and seeing their offer refused grew as many both before and since have done upon the like occasion so wilful obstinate and desperate that we could never get their Town but suffered great losses in laying and continuing our Siege thereat a very long time and indured such shame by departing thence without taking the same that even until this day as I saw of late years my self they yearly celebrate this day as Festival to our great dishonour whereon they compelled us to withdraw thence our overwearied and bootless Forces The other That the Duke of Burgundy thinking by this refusal that we envyed his Honour too much who had rather lose a Town of such strength and importance as Orleans was then to suffer it to yeild unto him although it were as I have said to our own use and advantage began by little and little to remove his affection and unfeigned friendship and furtherance from us The ninth The often conveying of Forces out of England into Holland and in succour of the Duke of Glocester against the Duke of Brabant who as mortal enemies warred one upon the other for the cause above mentioned and also into Bohemia by the Bishop of Winchester for the Pope Martin who intended to make a Conquest of Bohemia The tenth The Dolphins policy who refused divers times to put tryal of his cause to the hazard of a Battel The eleventh The mistrust and jealousie which the Regent had of the Parisians for fear of whose wavering and unconstant minds a fault whereto they have always been greatly subject the said Regent left divers times very good and advantagious occasions to fight with the Dolphin and return to Paris The twelfth The variance and strife betwixt the Duke of Bedford then Regent and the Cardinal of Winchester proceeding of this cause especially for that the Cardinal presumed to command the Regent to leave off that name during the Kings being in France affirming the chief Ruler being present the Authority of the substitute to cease and to be derogate The thirteenth The death of the Dutchess of Bedford Sister unto the Duke of Burgundy with whom dyed the true friendship between the two Dukes The fourteenth The foolish pride of the Duke of Bedford who coming from Paris of purpose to St Omers a Town belonging to the Duke of Burgundy and appointed and chosen a convenient place for them to meet and end all contentions betwixt them both thought that the Duke of Burgundy should have come to his Lodging to have visited him first as Son Brother and Uncle unto Kings And the Duke of Burgundy being Lord of that place would not vouchsafe him that Honour but offered to meet him half way which the Duke of Bedford refusing they departed the Town discontented and without seeing one another and never after saw and conâ—erred together The fifteenth The Duke of Burgundy displeased with this occasioâ— and won partly by the outcries of his own people overwearied with wars and partly by the general councel held at Arras for the according and agreeing of the two Kings joineth with the French King The sixteenth The death of the Duke of Bedfore who being a man throughly acquainted with the humors and wars of France by reason of his long continuance in the one and conversation with the other died the fourteenth year of Henry the 6. his Reigne and presently after many French Noblemen and worthy Souldiers who followed the said Duke with-drew themselves from the English Faction The seventeenth The Duke of York his Successors so long stay in England occasioned by the malice of the Duke of Somerset that before his coming into France Paris and many other good Towns of France had yeilded unto the Dolphin The eighteenth The sending over but of hundreds yea of scores where before thousands were sent to keep
the better knowledge of them and difference between them it was added The King of France holding his Mansion house or Royal Court at Paris at Orleans at Soissons or at Mets. And the Soveraignty of Basemain of these four Kingdoms was due only unto the King of Paris as unto the chief and principal King until in the year 618. all these kingdoms were united and incorporated into one So was England divided into many kingdoms as into the kingdom of Kent of Northumberland c. So the three sons of Brutus as Camber Locrinus and Albanactus divided the whole kingdom betwixt them after their fathers death And this division continued in France in England and in the Empire until their mortal wars or friendly marriages voluntary agreement or forceable violence greedy ambition or fatal destiny reduced them unto one Monarchy The Union of the twelve Kingdoms of Spain fell out in Ferdinando his time who being king of Aragon matched with Isabella Queen of Castile as heir unto her Brother Henry and in her right held himself and after his decease transferred unto his Daughter Ioan begotten upon her body all the Kingdoms of Spain which Daughter married with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begate upon her body Charls the fifth who was Emperour and unto him succeeded Philip which now reigneth And thus he came by the States within his own Country The States without the limits of Spain some of them are Kingdoms as of Naples of Navarra of both Sicilies and of Portugal together with the many Kingdoms of both the East and the West Indies some Earldoms and Dukedoms as of Milan Brabant and Flanders of Burgundy and briefly of the seventeen United Provinces How he came by all these it will be more tedious then wondrous to declare The Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been the butchery of most Nations of Europe For the Popes challenging to be Soveraign Lords thereof and by vertue of that Title to have full power and authority to dispose the same at their pleasure according to the variety of their humours their affections their quarrels and their factions they have somtimes bestowed them upon Frenchmen other times upon Italians somtimes upon Germans other times upon Swetians somtimes upon Spaniards other times upon Hungarians and once upon the Englishmen So that all these Nations either for the conqâ—est or for the deâ—ence thereof have lost their blood hazarded their lives and spent infinite treasure which is shortly proved by these examples following In the year 1381. Pope Clement crowned in Avignion Charls Prince of Tarento King of Sicily who had married the sister of Ioan Queen of Sicily and of Ierusalem the which Ioan for default of heirs adopted for her son and heir Lewis Duke of Anjou and made him king of Naples Sicily and Ierusalem and Duke of Cambria and Earl of Provence This gift and adoption was ratified by the Pope and furthered by the Frenchmen for these respects Clement the pope having a Corrival named Urban who was favoured by the king of Castile and of Hungary thought it convenient and necessary for him to procure the help and assistance of the Frenchmen for the better maintenance of his cause as divers of his Predecessors had done before him and therefore with his gift and donation so wrought and won unto him the said Lewis who was then Regent of France that although the Kings above-mentioned had sent their Ambassadors unto the French king to entreat his favour and furtherance for Pope Urban they could not prevail with him because the said Lewis who governed the king and all the Realm was wholly for Clement insomuch that through his favour Clement's Cardinals had all the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical promotions of France without any respect being had to their lives to their learning to their qualities or to their Religion The Frenchmen aided the said Lewis in this quarrel and in his Wars for the obtaining of these Kingdoms most willingly because they were desirous to send him far from home who wearied them at home daylie with new Taxes and unaccustomed grievances Pope Urbane on the contrary side to gratifie his friends and to be assured of their help gave these Kingdoms unto Charls Nephew of the King of Hungary who willingly accepted the same as well for the benefit thereby likely to arise as for to revenge the death of his Brother cruelly and unjustly murthered by the said Ioan his Wife Wherein he had so good success as that he took the said Ioan Prisoner and caused her to be put to death Here you see Frenchmen and Hungarians at mortal Wars for this Kingdom And before these later Contentions you shall understand that the above mentioned Ioan being weary of her Husband Lewis and having divers ways so wronged him that he lived many years indurance Adopted for her Heir Alonso King of Aragon who drave Lewis out of his Kingdom Here you see Frenchmen and Spaniards at deadly feud for these Kingdoms Conradin Duke of Suavia and Son to Conrade the Emperour being disposed and purposed to retire himself after the death of his Father into his Kingdom of Naples obtained great help of divers German Princes and especially of Frederick Duke of Austria his very neer and dear Kinsman but being encountred by Charls brother of the King of France and betrayed unto him by Pope Clement the fourth both he and the aforesaid Frederick were taken Prisoners and by the advice of the Pope not long after beheaded So came the Kingdom of Naples from the Suavian unto the Frenchman and the Dukedom of Suavia ended and was utterly extinct by the Treason and wickedness of Pope Clement What Contentions have been betwixt divers Families of Italy and divers Houses of Naples it self for those Kingdoms the Chronicles of Italy report And I hasten from this Nation to our own Country because it may seem somewhat strange we had ever to do so far from home and what quarrel presence or title we could lay to a Kingdom so remote and far distant from England By that which hath been said you may easily perceive that the Popes have used these Kingdoms and their pretensive right unto them for the only means and instruments to furnish themselves with friends in time of need and necessity And when they began to be weary upon any occasion of the present King of Naples they incontinently set upon another displaced their enemy and called such a Prince as best pleased them or the time or the opportunity made fittest to hearken to their perswasions and to persecute their Adversaries into Italy and there continued and cherished him for a time until they likewise grew weary of him or he could no longer stand them in stead This is verified by many Armies that have been especially brought out of France and by sundry Kings and Princes of that Country who spent their time travel and treasure in those Wars But there is not one Example that
down in Don Antonio's Apologie unto which I refer you Although there be at the least twenty points therein of no small moment which in my opinion are not sufficiently cleared nor substantially handled yet therein you shall easily perceive how king Philip in getting the same kingdom imitated as I said before his father I must likewise refer you to the history of Hernan Logeres touching the discovery and conquest of the Indies for it were too long for me to tell you what small forces went thither out of Spain first and how the Leaders of those slender Armies taking advantage of the divisions which they found betwixt the kings of those Countries did easily overthrow some with the help of the other There you shall see how a number of naked men fly like sheep before a few armed souldiers there you shall read that even amongst those barbarous people and princes there wanted neither deceit nor policy there you shall find that the Spaniards being far from their Country and not many amongst an infinite number of mortal enemies strived and contended amongst themselves for superiority which argueth an unsatiable desire of rule and government and their natural proneness to mutiny although they challenge an especial praise above all other Nations for their obedience to their Superiours there you shall see the fruits of division the effects of tyrannie the force of terror and fear and the vertue of good and expert souldiers fighting against rude and ignorant multitudes there you shall observe in some of these unchristian Princes more loyalty friendship constancy and perseverance in their honest and lawful enterprises then hath lately been found in many Christian Princes there briefly you shall find enough to satisfie you how the Spaniards came to the possession of the Indies if withal it may please you to understand that Pope Alexander the sixth being a Spaniard and chosen Arbitrator betwixt the Kings of Spain and Portugal at what time they were at variance for and touching the division of the Indies the said Pope shewed himself too too partial unto the Spaniard and gave him much more then the Portugal thought that in reason and conscience should have been allotted unto him Now from the Indies and the aforementioned Kingdoms unto the Earldoms and Dukedoms And first to the Dutchy of Millan a State which hath suffered many alterations of which I may not speak without digressing too much from my purpose and because I hasten unto many other points whereof I intend by Gods grace to discourse at large I may not be over-long in this point The Dutchy of Milan was anciently a member of the Empire and none was held lawful Lord or Duke thereof which had not received his investure and approbation from the Emperour It would be both long and tedious to relate unto you the many competencies for this Dukedom the sundry Pretendants thereunto and the mighty Partakers of these competitors whereof leaving ancient quarrels aside and not troubling you with the Titles of the Viscounts with the pretentions of the Sforzas nor with the claims of the Predecessors of Francis the first king of France and of Charles the fifth Emperour I will only tell you that the former challenged the same Dukedom in right of the Lady Valentine wife unto the Duke of Orleance and the later pretend right thereunto because the contract of Marriage betwixt Valentine and the said Duke was not confirmed by the Authority of the Emperour because the Emperour had never granted unto the before-named Duke the Investure of the said Dukedom These reasons indeed are sufficient in Law to deprive a Vassal of his Seigniory if by voluntary negligence or wilful obstinacy he refuse to do homage or to demand the Investure of his hold and Tenure of the Lord and Sovereign But there are many occasions which may excuse this demand upon which I shall not need to stand because they are not pertinent to this purpose which is only to shew you whether the Spanish King came rightly or unrightly unto the Dukedom of Millan The which difficulty may be cleared in this manner Let the Spaniard shew that his Fathers Allegation was lawful then shall it follow that his War for the same with the French King was also most lawful And so consequently his getting the same by force of Arms likewise lawful Let him shew that it was gotten with the Forces and Expences of the Empire then it shall follow that it belonged unto the Empire Let him shew that his Father having purchased his Dukedom in right of the Empire and at the costs and with the help of the Souldiers and Captains thereof had full Authority to alienate the same and to bestow it upon him his lawful Son and that he so did then shall it follow that he is true owner thereof But I fear me it will be very hard and difficult for him to shew all these particulars and therefore I dare not deliver it for any sound opinion that he hath right thereunto unless he shall plead the Renunciation and Resignation made thereof by the said Francis at what time the Treaty of Peace was concluded betwixt his Father and he the said Francis at Cambray At which time the said Francis for himself and his heirs renounced demised released and resigned into the hands and possessiâ—n of the sâ—id Charloâ— and of his Heirs all Rights Titles and Interests which he or they had or might have unto the Dukedom of Millan From which Dukedom I will now come to the Dutchy of Burgundy and to all the Earldoms and other members implicatively contained therein and lawfully invested in the Duke thereof For Charls last Duke of Burgâ—ndy who was unfortunately slain by the Switzers was Earl of Flanders and of Holland Duke of Brabant and Lord of all the united Provinces by reason whereof and of those laudible qualities which he possessed he thought himself inferiour to no Prince living in his time and never had been overthrown as he was had he not dwelt too much in his opinion had he not presumed too much of his own strength had he not thought too basely of his enemies and had he not made so slâ—ght account as he did of the French Kings subtle and secret practises against him which indeed were so politique so wise and so secret that a French Historiographer writeth That the French King still sitting in his Chair at home and suffering the Duke to follow his own humours and suborning and procuring him daily new Adversaries did him far more much harm then they who did openly and directly bear Arms against him This Duke being slain as is above-said in an unfortunate time for the house of Burgundy and for a very small occasion for the Wars wherein he was slain were but for a Cart loaden with sheep-skins left issue but one Daughter whom Maximilian the Emperour married and had by her issue Philip Arch-Duke of Austria who begat Charls the Emperour and
useth his wit imployeth his strength bendeth his power armeth his people directeth his Council and dedicateth all that he possesseth to the lawful or unlawful inlarging of his Territories It is he that taketh of his Father to be Ambitious that hath learned of his Ancestors to be troublesome that thinketh it a work beseeming a Prince and becoming a King to vex and molest all Kings It is he that dreameth by night studieth by day practiseth at all times how to let no time pass without a line as it was anciently said without a Stratagem a late invented policy an unknown practise and a rare and marvelous enterprise It is he that increaseth in ambition as well as in years in covetousness as well as in pride in rigour as well as in morosity Briefly it is he and I would to God that it were not he that troubleth the peaceable estate of Christendom that only vexeth the Realm of France that disquieteth Flanders and setteth friends at jarrs allies at variance and confederates at dissention insomuch that it may well be said of him Phi malus lippus totus malus ergo Philippus Now if a woman hath presumed to encounter with this man if a Queen of one Island hath undertaken to bridle a Prince of so many Nations if her sole Forces have tamed his invincible power her only counsel prevented his subtile practises her good will withstood his ill-will his mischievous practises and his ambitious desires if she alone hath hindred him to be Lord of France Ruler of Italy and Commander of all the rest of the world shall he not err that compareth Hercules with her Or can any man deem him wise that taketh her in any respect inferiour to Iulius Caesar mighty Pompey or Alexander the Great For two of these with the invincible power of the invincible Romans conquered some part of the rude and unwarlike people of the world and the third and fourth are famous not in true Histories but in old Fables for doing such exploits as are more pleasant then credible more praised then possible and much more admired then allowed for true and not miraculous But if any man shall deny her to be wise her peaceable Government giveth him the lie if her might and power shall be called in question her actions in Flanders and France testifie the fulness of her strength if her justice be not worthily commended her motherly care over the present King of Scotland while he was an infant her pitiful charity extended to as many as have had need of her help and her upright and just proceedings in as many matters forraign and domestical as have been referred to her discretion shall convince him of falshood or of malice that shall derogate ought from her innumerable multitudes of her everlasting praises I wonder when I hear the Romans boast of their Pompey the Grecians brag of their Constantine the French report wonders of their Charlemaigne and the Syrians set forth the praises of their Antiochus whom every one of these Nations baptized with the sirname of Great because their actions were somwhat extraordinary exceeding the common success of other Princes and the usual fortune of many and divers Kings for if a woman hath gone far beyond them all and that without the aid of any Allies without the help of Forrain powers and without the strength of such as should have employed their whole strength to the furtherance of her endeavours are not their praises eclipsed their honours blemished and their renown obscured They lived in an age of ignorance in a time of simplicity in a season of cowardly pusillanimity she ruleth in a world full of Machiavelists pestered with deceitful Hanibals plentiful of warlike Captains and rather over-burthened then not throughly furnished with sufficient Counsellors and yet neither the policy of the wisest nor the deceit of the craftiest not the labour of most warlike nor the wisdom of the best and most sufficient Counsellors hath ever drawn her into any small inconvenience but hitherto either wisely or happily providently or fortunately warily or worthily she hath not only prevented but escaped foreseen but overgone forecast but overcome the most secret the most subtile the most divelish and the most unnatural and inevitable practises devises attempts treasons and trecheries of her adversaries For many men and women learned and unlearned spiritual and temporal noble and ignoble courtiers and counsellors have sought her death and committed treasons against her Witness the late Queen of Scots Mrs Arding and her daughter witness Dr Storey Dr. Parrey and Dr Saunders Witness Campion Sherwin and their complices Witness the Earls of Northumberland Westmerland and Arundel Witness Babington Throgmorton Tilney and their confederates Witness the late Duke of Norfolk and Perrott both Privie Counsellors of great account wealth credit and honour both greatly loved trusted and honoured by her Majesty both bound unto her Highness for many favours dignities and advancements both briefly counselled animated encouraged and directed in their treasons by the wise Counsellors of the mightiest Prince and the greatest enemy that her Grace had in the world Their treason was plotted abroad and intended at home invented in Spain and should have been executed in England there it received a beginning here an approbation here were executioners and there counsellors here practisers and there patrons here the traytors were blinded with ambition there the abettors were transported with envie here reigned pride and there revenge briefly here the treasons ended but their malice continueth and sendeth forth daylie new Conspirators new devises and new practises Since therefore her Majesties death hath been so often intended the subversion of her State so many times purposed and the performance of both so desperately undertaken her Highness for her self and we for her Highness are greatly bound to pray to the Almighty who hath so many ways so many times and so miraculously preserved her Iulius Caesar was so fortunate that being in great danger of drowning and presuming that it was not his Creators pleasure that he should perish in the Sea when the Pilot durst not adventure to carry him for fear of the apparent and great danger which threatned his present death he boldly said to the Master of the ship Go thy ways thou carriest Caesar and Caesars Fortune and yet notwithstanding it was his fortune to be killed with Bodkins and that by his dearest friends yea in the Senate House where he thought himself as safe as in his own Palace as sure as in a Castle and as free from danger as a Prince invironed with a strong Guard Pompeius had many commendable qualities great store of friends infinite followers strange fortunes many signs of Gods blessings sundry tokens of more then ordinary and humane felicity and yet he was poysoned or done to death by his professed friends Alexander who for his Prowess was surnamed the Great for his fortune was one of the Wonders of the world and for his rare
that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile what have they gotten worthy of their painâ—s and charges They have added somewhat to their former Reputation They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown They have as it becometh good Husbands augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them And what is all this but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold a shew of Reputation that is no true Glory and a Representation of great profit than can have no long continuance For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome what sorrowes what inconveniences what troubles dangers and vexations will follow thereof His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken and the â—onquered will not long like of his Government The former will find Fault with his Deputies and the later will desire his room rather then his presence The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs So he becometh a stranger unto his own and being daily amongst his own his own will not know him And that which is most greivous if his own chance to rebell as many have done in their Soveraignes absence he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them And if his Strangeâ—e happen to revolt he muâ—t either make a Butchery of his own to subdue them or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof I have cleared that by many examples in the beginning of this discourse And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior but rather greater then the fiâ—st It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed and their natural Affections enforced to return But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy nor careful as it should seem to maintain and keep his own having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud Officers is so far from pacifying their Wrath as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requâ—st which not they alone by their Ambassadors but also other Princes for them make unto him For after that the Low Coâ—ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland Swedland Denmark France Scotland and England together with the Common-wealth Dukedoms Principalities Counties Palatinates and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland Savoy Wittenberge and other Provinces of Germany fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience and without danger of a Spanish inquâ—siâ—ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die But the King thinking it not convenient or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition were it never so humble or reasonable of his Subjects refuseth to satisfie this request For which his refusing as many asâ—favor him or his cause alleage these reasons First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate Secondly that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries Thirdly that he had faithfully promised the Popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions Fouâ—thly that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects cannot be warâ—anted by the example of any Kâ—ngs or Princes of later or former times Fifthly that the King of France and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Petitions And lastly that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons I will briefly confute every one of them in order True it is that there is no streighter tie no surer stay no stronger hold to coâ—joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together then is the conformitie and unitie of religion and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms to resist the first beginniâ—g of any heresie whatsoever and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same For variety of opinions easily ingendred findeth meanes to increase without great difficultiâ— and having once penetrated into the interior cogitations of mens hearts so ravisheth their senses blindeth their eyes and obscurâ—th their judgements that they can neither see nor discerne the truth from falshood nor the light from darkness but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings be once grown to be equall or greater then the multiâ—ude of those which agree with him in opinion there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder The one to command as Dagabert King of France did that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth shall by a certain time appointed depart out of his Realme and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome beyond the day prefixed shall be held as Enemies unto the State and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death The other to permit them to continue in their Country and to enjoy liberty of conscience The which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie seemeth unto
Rome that a petty Duke of Ferrara hath presumed to withstand the Popes Ordinances and Commandments that the Florentines warred many years against him that the Venetians make no account of his Forces that the nigher any Prince joyneth unto him the less he esteemeth him and lastly that a very small Army of Charles the fifth sacked not many years ago his Pontâ—fical Seat and put him to such a ransom as best liked the victorious and conquering Emperor But his Excommunications are more feared then his Forces and he hath much more money then might I must needs confess that many Princes have been excommunâ—cated by him but because I shall have occasion to shew what slâ—nder accompt both Kings and meaner Potentates have made of his turbulent and thundering Excommunications I will leave them and come unto his demean unto his treasure For the better determination whereof I think it convenient to declare unto you what kinde of men our Popes are of late dayes some of them are poor Inquisitors of base parentage brought up in beggery advanced by corruption and preferred unto that Dignity by Bribes Rewards aud Simony And they who have been of best birth amongst them have been but the younger brothers of Dukes of Florence of Ferrara of Mantua or of some like mean Prince and all of them have most commonly spent their poor patrimony and the small gains of their former life in the attaining of their Pontifical Dignity Besides when they come unto the height of that Authority either they spend their Revenues prodigally as did Paulus Tertius who in less then fifteen years wasted 25 millions of Gold or spare the same thriftily to buy some estate for their children as did Gregory the 13th so that what with prodigal spending what with extream covetousness tending to the advancement of their posterity the Popes have not much money otherwise to help their Allies and Confederates Moreover who so shal consider that their yearly Revenues are mightily decreased by by reason that Bohemia Hungary Denmark Sweden Scotland Holland England and most of France Flanders and Germany are fallen from their Obedience and vouchsafe not to send them yearly such Tributes Pensions Tenths and other Commodities as they were wont to receive from them must needs understand and confess that there can arise no great profit from their Alliance and Confederacy The terrour of their interdictions of which some Princes more Religious then wise have in times past made some small accompt The regard of their Authority of which when their vertues were more then now they are greater reckoning was made then is at this present the converting of their Crociados which were wont to be imployed in holy Wars into profane uses are the onely means and benefits wherewith they are now able to pleasure their best friends Leaving them therefore to their passions and extreme sorrows conceived for the small hope which they have to recover their losses which is in no respect answerable to the extremity of their desire I will descend unto the â—rinces of Italy as from a mountain unto a Molehill These Princes if they were to give aid and succour unto a King of France unto an Emperor or to any other Prince or Potentate pretending some Right Title or Interest unâ—o some Dukedom of Estate of Italy may perhaps yeeld such help and Assistance as happily may further such a Princes Enterprise But as for such a League and such forces as shall be sufficient to hasten the utter overthrow and subversion of all Protestant Princes or to revenge the great injuries and indignities lately endured by the Spanish king they are far unfit and unable to gather together any such strength and he is greatly deceived that caâ—rieth such an opinion of their might and power The best guard that they have is the reciprocal fear which one of them hath of another the continual and great jealousie which is betwixt them and the small and slender Love which one of them beareth unto another every one of them not onely enveighing but also withstanding by all means possible the advancement of the other be it in wealth or in credit in power or preheminence Their Subjects are not warlike their best Souldiers are as you have heard of no great value or estimation their Courage is soon cooled their Armies are quickly defeated there best Captains by reason of their long Peace are of mean experience and their is scant any Town City or Country that is not a witness of their Cowardise Adversity bondage and servitude you shall hear hereafter what discommodities may arise unto those Princes of Italy which have unadvisedly entered into this League and therefore from them unto the Peers of France These Princes are no other then Traitors Rebels and Conspirators against their Prince and Country And therefore detestable before God odious unto the world and execrable unto their Postâ—rity For although Princes according to the Common saying like such Treason as any wise is beneficial unto them yet all men hate and abhor Traitors especially such as these be who having received great honour pleasure and prefermen of their King did by all meanâ— possible endeavour to deprive him of his Crown Scepter and Life Their taking of many Towns their purpose to seize upon the Kings own person their desire to bring him to Paris as a Prisoner their carriage towards him there and their preparation Army and Hostility against him after his departure from thence do abundantly testifie and declare their Treason now what honour can it be unto the King of Spain to joyn and associate himself with such men as the world detesteth all men abhor and his own Spaniards will not onely hate but also be ashamed to receive them into their Company or to harbour them in their houses For I find in the Histories of France Italy and Spain that whenas the Emperor Charles the fifth intending to honour the Duke of Burbon who had revolted from his King unto his service prayed one of the chief and principal Dukes of Spain to lodge him in his Palace the Duke shewing himself therein a greater Enemy to Traitors then a Friend to Treason answered the Emperor that both he and his house were at his Majesties commandment but if that it pleased him to lodge the Duke therein he would set fire thereon as soon as the Duke should be out of it as on a house infected with the Treason of Burbon But Francis the first King of France used the like help of the Turks and Infidels to be revenged upon his Enemies and Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan to make himself the better able to withstand their violence which went about to deprive him of his Estate brought an Army of Turks into Italy and it is commonly said that the Queen of England was in the League with the Great Turk Why then may not the king of Spain imploâ—e and use the help of his Friends in France of whom because they
are Christians and Catholicks he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and Infidells Truly I have heard the befoâ—e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tuâ—k and his honour and reputation hath been and still is so much blemished thereby that a very wise and grave Author of our time to cover his fault with some honest pretence hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk The causes for which a Christian Prince may as he saith enter into League and Amity with this common Enemy of Christians are either to obtain Peace or Truce or to end a contenâ—ioâ— and quâ—rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade traffick iâ—to his Countries and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies And the same Author addeth that the said Francis being continually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of England within his own Realm and not being able to make his party good against them and other enemâ—es who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great manifest danger to lose his whole estate was counselled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sultan Solimon who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles thâ— 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League without the which he had been in great pâ—rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom For conservation whereof I read in Histories that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter confederâ—ted himself with the King of Bellemarine a Sariziâ— married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering therefore that necessity hath no law that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmenâ— maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Enemy hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries and that a noble and valiant heart detesteâ—h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor No man can can justly condemne Francis the first or the Duke of Milan Now touching the Queen of England her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth as well because she hath nothing to do with him as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwixâ— her and him she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any oâ—her Prince of Europe True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky to their great benefit and advantage her Majestiâ— hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the nâ—me of Ambassador as the Emperors the French Kings the Spanish Kings the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do and yet his Credit is such that either with favours or with presents wâ—ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and hâ—m to the Spanish Kings great hurt detriment But heâ— Majestie had â—ather that the Hâ—stories of our timâ— should mention her vertues then declare her policies and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age commend her Beautiâ— her bountiâ— and her goodness so her after-Commers should have occasion to pâ—aise and exâ—oll her constancy and Religious affection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France I think no good Christian can think bâ—tter of them then of a Turk and I am of opinion that the League and Amâ—ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be esteâ—med then the friendship of these Leaguers more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof and more assured and firmâ— unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Treâ—son and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators there can be no other League or Amitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all Ages and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief by so much his Infamy shame and dishonour is greater who asâ—ociateth himself with a Conspirator be iâ— that he conspireth against his Prince or against his Country or against both Such as a mans Companions are such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man The great and large Priviledges which belong unto Princes appointed by God to rule and governe his people make me forbeare to say so much as I might say in this place and yet I may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad Consciences of those Consciousles Councellors who have perswaded the King of Spain to forget and forgo his honour his Reputation his blood and his Parentage to joyne himself with those who may increase the number but not the Forces of his Allies I have oftentimes heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life that the elder a man is the wiser he should be that the Actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity are subject to the view the sight the censure and judgement of all men that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infamiâ— and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of Princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived I could with therefore that either the vertues of the late French King or the affinitie conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two Crownes or the conformitie of their religion or the remembrance of the greatness and power of France might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie Monarch of Spain from the Amitie of those Traitors and Felons of France to live in peace League and Amitie with his deare and beloved Brother of France But the detestable vice of Ambition which misleadeth the greatest and wisest Princes of the world with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their enterprises hath turned his love into hatred and covered the spots and blemishes of true dishonor with a Cloak of false honor and repuâ—ation And
them in their Necessities yet he stâ—ndeth in doubt that if he should send any great supplies and God should bless them with any extraordinary Fortune that the Duke of Mayne should be chosen King he seeth that they were too strong to yeild unto his motions hee perceiveth that he must keep them low and in continual need of his help and therefore when he hath once succoured them he withdraweth his forces and leaveth them somtimes in such distress that the Duke of Mayne is constrained to forget that he is Lieutenant General of the Crown of France and to his great shame and dishonor is driven to go seek for Aid of the Duke of Parma which carried the â—itle but of a Lieutenant unto his Master in one Province And truly it is reported that the King of Spain took not the loss of his men at the battaile of Iury where he received a great overthrow so grievously but that he was right glad to see his partakers reduced to so great an extremitie as that they were enforced to present him a Blank and to offer to subscribe to any thing that he should demand These faint proceeding of the King of Spain these apparent coutentions betwixt the Leaguâ—res themselves and this general discontentment of the common people might have shortned the Warrs in France if the now King had been of sufficient power to take and make his advantage of them But I shall have occasion to shew why this advantage was omitted and not taken in another place And therefore to proceed according to my purpose If you consider that the Etolians and Arcadians warrâ—d a long time together for a wild Boare that the Carthaginians held long Warrs with the People of Piraca for a Sea-Rovers ship that there were mortall Wâ—rrs betwixt the Scots and Picts for a few Doggs which the one Nation had taken from the other And that the wars betwixt Charles Duke of Burgondy and the Switzers began but for a cart loaden with sheep skins which Mr. de Romont took from a Switzer who passed therewith through his ground you shall easily perceive and see how ready Princes are to take very light occasions to war one against another And this ready desire accompanieth most commonly those Princes who have valiant hearts good occasions and ready means to be revenged on their Enemies It is therefore to be thought that the now king of France who is endowed with all the perfections and vertues which the Almighty of his bounteous liberality useth to bestow upon Princes will not suffer the king of Spain to offer him such wrong as he doth without revenging the same He is valiant and wise and undoubtedly he will follow the Life and Actions of his Predecessors of which Pipin made wars with the Venetians because they favoured the party of Nicephorus Emperor of Greece against Charles the great his Father Philip sirnamed The Fair warred against Adolph the Emperor because he had taken money of the king of England to make wars against France Philip Augustus denounced wars against France unto Iohn king of England because he killed his Nephew Arthur And Clovis the first of that name warred with Alurick king of the Visgots because he harboured and received the Exiles of France and had suborned certain men to come and kill the French king within his own Realm And hath not the king of Spain deserved much more then all these the hatred and hostility of the present king of France since he sendeth aid not to the Enemies but to the Subjects of the king of France since he hath not taken but given money to others to make wars against him since he hath not killed his Nephew but his own Son since he not onely receveth the Exiles of France but counselleth the good Subjects thereof to become bad and the most obedient to rebel against their king and hireth not strangers but his own natural Subjects to come and murther the French king in his own Palace But it may be said that the Spanish king hath taken a good course to keep the Frenchmen out of his kingdom by sending his Forces into theirs and by nourishing and continning the Civâ—l Wars in France To this I answer That the Leaguers begin now to lose their credit that their Forces and Strength declineth that their Towns and Partners leave them and that if they will not vouchsafe to imitate M. Coriolanus they must expect the success and fortune that fell unto the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury in England M. Coriolanus taking in evil part that the Romans had rejected a very reasonable demand which he made unto them joyned with their Enemies and obtained for them many battels and victories against his own Country but being intreated by his Wife and his Mother he returned into his Country and recovered whatsoever he or his Enemies had taken from Rome By whose Example if the Guisards being now so weakned as they are will not learn to submit themselves unto their Princes mercy they must fear and be afraid when they hear that the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury after that they had deprived one king of his Royal Seat and Scepter and placed another in the same were both cruelly murthered in the Field although there was a time whenas the one could have obtained whatsoever he would of the common People and the other by reason of his Offices had all the chief Forces and strength of England as well by Land as by Sea at his disposition and commandment Now if these two Earls had no better end but to be slain in the Field although they were the mightiest and best beloved Rebels that ever were in the world What assurance can the Guâ—sards of France have of their good fortune What hope in the multitude of their partners and their fellows in Arms What confidence in the favour of fortune which never was nor never will be constant in any other thing but inconstancy Their glory therefore cannot continue long their Alliance shall not greatly avail the Spanish king and the remembrance and memory of this their Rebellion will alwayes remain fresh as well in the hearts of our after-comers as in the mindes of our selves and our children because men are more prone and ready to remember the wrongs that others do unâ—o them then the benefits they receive from others How can the Frenchmen then forget the subtilty and cunning which the Spaniards used in taking from them the kingdom of Naples the rigour and cruelty that was shewed unto Francis the first to make him resign the Sovereignity of Flanders the injury and injustice used by Ferdinando king of Castile when he usurped and took into his hands the moyetie of the kingdom of Navarr and the unlawfull violence of the Spanish kings father practised in the usurpation of the Dukedom of Milan And remembring all this can they want good occasion to exercise all kinde of Hostility against the Spaniards as soon as it
shall please God to send an end of these Civil Wars The occasions are great And if you remember what hath been said of the Strength of France you will think that the means which the French king may have to be revenged of these wrongs are far greater and so in this respect the Spanish king hath shewed his indiscretion in entring into League with the Guisards Of whose Friendship I pray you let us now consider what hold and good assurance he may have There are divers kindes of assurances to be taken together some content themselves with the faithfull promise of their Allies others require Hostages many demand to have some Holds and Towns of strength in their custody and there be such as never think themselves safe or well assured unless they unarm their confederates But the strongest and best bond is in the opinion of the wisest a firm conjunction and binding of the Allies together by the way of Wedlock Now of all these sorts of Alliances which hath the king of Spain taken Or which of them can he take without shewing himself very indiscreet May he content himself with the faithfull promise of his Allies Will they hold their promise unto him who have violated their faith unto their Liege Lord and Sovereign Hath he taken Hostages of them Will they carefull of other mens lives who have so small care of their own Will they give him any strong holds With what reason can he detain them since both they that give them have no authority or sufficient power to deliver them up into his hands and he is not strong enough to keep and defend them when the hath them Will he unarm them Take their weapons from them and what good can they do him Will he make them assured to be at his devotion by a fast bond and linck of marriage What honour or rather shame shall it be for him to mingle his Blood his Honour and his House with the Infamy Dishonour and Ignominy of Rebels and Traytors But of Traytors some one of them will become a king O poor and unadvised Prince who shall spend his money to honour him who deserveth no honour and of whose faithfull friendship he can have no fast assurance But how shall he become a King By the Forces of Spain O simple and indiscreet King who thinketh to purchase a great and invincible Kingdom from a Stranger when he is not able to recover a poor Country taken from him by his own Subjects But by what means and by what colour shall he become a King By the Example and imitation of Hugh Capet who as you have heard was made King by shewing unto the Pope and the People of France that in choosing a King the man that is present ought to be preferred before him that is absent he that governeth in Person before him that ruleth by a Deputy he that is both carefull and vertuous before him that is careless and vicious But what manner of imitation is this unless you call it an imitation when as a man doth all things quite contrary to his Actions whom he proposeth to himself to follow and imitate For he that was deposed by Hugh Capet governed by his Lieutenant and the present King of France ruleth by his own person he was hated by reason of his great negligence and this King was beloved for his great pains and diligence He was insufficient to Govern and this King hath given many Experiments of his great wit and sufficiency And to be short This Hugh Capet who is proposed as a man worthy to be imitated by the Arch-Traitor that would make himself king of France used as his most principle reason this Argument to shew that Charles Duke of Lorrain and Uncle unto Lewis the fifth deserved not to be chosen king because that in all controversies that fell out in his time betwixt the Empire and the Kingdom of France the said Charles shewed himself more affectionate and friendly unto the Emperor then unto the French King How blinde then are those Guisards who cannot see that when they shall desire the people to make choice of one amongst them to be their King the greater part will hardly yeeld to their motion they will cry out that their King is yet alive that it is not reason to take the crown from his head and to put it upon a Strangers or upon one of his inferiour Vassals that many can witness that in all contentions betwixt France and Spain they have alwayes shewed themselves more favourable unto Spain then unto their own Country And lastly that the Duke of Lorrain because he was a Prince of the Empire had more Reason to favour the Emperor then the Guisards have to befriend the Spanish king whom they should hate and abhorre because he loveth not their Country You have seen the Spanish kings indiscretion in contracting this League Now give me leave to shew you the Leagueâ—s great solly in subscribing thereunto The Causes which moved them to enter into this League were as you understand already very many But it appears not how true or rather how false their pretentions are This must be discovered and then their folly cannot be concealed They lay to their late kings charge that he was an Heretick a Parricide a wicked and impious despiser of God a Tyrant and Hypocrite a perjured Prince and a man given over to all kinde of vice and wickedness They charge him further that he wasted the Revenues of the Crown and that he committed many other follies long since mentioned To all these that their malice falsehood and folly may appear I will answer briefly A full denial of all that they say might serve for mine answer were it not that I seek by reason and truth to confound them that have neither reason nor truth I must therefore run thorow the kings life and to purge him of the crime of Heresie I think it convenient to declare what he did both before and after he was king against those whom the Leaguers term Hereticks Now to omit other matters testifying his great zeal and affection unto the Roman Catholicks before he was king of France I will prove the same by four principal Arguments First it is apparent unto the world that he was one of the chief Authors of the Massacre of Paris which was general through Erance and practised with a great hope utterly to extirpe all the Protestants in France Next it is certain that no Prince living could shew greater hatred stomach or courage against men of a contrary Religion unto himself then he did at the â—iege of Rochel before which he lay until he was fetcht thence into Poland Thirdly it is notorious unto as many as know any thing of his Election unto the Kingdom of Poland that there was nothing that more estranged the Affections of the Electors from him then his great hatred shewed against the Protestants both in the time of the massacre and also at
quiet Government at home to confer the necessities of her Predecessors with the urgent occasions that her Grace hath had to use much ready money they shall finde that her Ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her Majesty had of late years yea almost for the whole time of her reign For albeit her Majesty hath not had continual open Wars as some of them had yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs For first Wars are now adays as I have said far more chargeable then they were wont to be Then her Grace hath had no other Princes to contribute towards her expences as her Predecessors had Next her Loans to foreign Princes as to the Kings of France of Navar of Scotland to the late Duke of Alencon and to the States of the Low Countries have been very great And lastly her charges both by land and Sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums considering how many times her Highness hath been constrained to send her Navy to the Seas and her Land Souldiers forth of the Realm Besides her Predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary being undertaken to conquer and not to defend their Realms to get other Princes Dominions and not to conserve their own to revenge forein injuries and not to repulse domestical invasions briefly their Wars were for their own profit and hers for her Subjects benefit considering therefore that whatsoever her Grace hath levied not granted unto her by her Parliament without any contradiction without any accusing her of Prodigalâ—ty wâ—thout any such exception taken against her demands as hath been taken against other her Predecessors without any suspition of hâ—r evil Government therefore without any consigning the managing and government of the same unto others then unto them who by her Majesties appointment have the custody thereof it is a manifest argument that her Subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contributions that her Highness in her Princely Wisdom and Discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her Realm And if these malicious Accusers would look upon the governments upon the Exactions upon the extortions of such Princes in whose Realms they either live by Alms or wander up and down as Vagabonds their own consciences if at least they have any would condemn them of malice of untruth or of gross ignorance for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such Subsidies Taxes Impositions and Grievances as are levied in France Italy Spain of which the hundreth parts are unknown much less practised in England and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest since it cannot be denied that in some Dukedoms of Italy the Circuit of which is not comparable unto one Shire of England the yearly Revenues of the Duke far exceed the Revenues and Rents of the Crown of England Moreover if it may please this Viperous generation of Fugitives to call to mind the Interest that Princes have in their Subjects Goods and the great power that is given unto kings in the Old Testament over the Lands and Possessions of as many as live under their Obedience and also to remember that Princes the longer they live the more absolute Imperious and self-conceited they are in the Execution of their Government and the more Experienced in their proof they must rather commend then condemn her Majesty whom neither continuance of time nor fulness of Authority nor presumption upon the good Wills of her people nor confidence upon the Equity of her Cause nor the consideration of her Subjects weal wholly depending upon her welfare nor briefly the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-Government hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the Realm or over-burthensome unto her Subjects This grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled Now leaving the rest of these Fugitives suggestions unto another place wherein I shall have occasion to handle them more fitly I will end this point with condemning the King of Spain for being too light in crediting these Rebels in two principal points For first he ought to have considered that neither the vain Pamphlets disspersed by his lying Ambassador Mendoza nor the malicious book written by Cardinal Allen was able to alter remove or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our English Subjects they were too well acquainted with the Ambassadors old and inveterate malice with his hostile practices and his desperate intents They knew the Cardinal to be a Religious Fugitive to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money to be like unto Richard Shaw that was hired to preach at Pauls-Cross and there publickly to justifie the wrongfull usurpation of Richard the third to resemble the Duke of Buckingham who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the Guildhall London to imitate Iohn Petit a Preacher of France who for a far less bribe then a Cardinalship allowed approved and commended in Pulpit and in writing the most horrible murther committed by the Duke of Burgoigne on the person of the Duke of Orleans And lastly to follow his example who without all example was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of France and therein to deduce many reasons many causes for and by which he maintained that the said King might be lawfully deposed and another set up and established in his place Secondly he might have considered that those Fugitives are for the most part peevish and discontented Schollers fitter to mannage a Pen then a Lance to dispute of Philosophy then to discourse of War to be partial in their own conceits then to be prodigal in their assurance briefly to be ready to say more then they know especially when they are either assured or in good hope by saying much to obtain much he might have remembred that Iohannes Viennensis sent into Scotland by Charles the sixth of France although he was a man of great experience a Captain of long continuance aud one that by his long abode in Scotland knew England and her Forces far better then our Fugitives do deceived his King at his return out of Scotland in reporting unto him the strength of our Nation he had fought with many of our Armies had seen 60000 Footmen 8000 and Horsmen of ours in the Field was of opinion that our Country was easie to be conquered within the Realm howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad And lastly he both knew and signified unto the king that the Duke of Lancaster was absent in Portugal with the Flower and chief Youth of England These reason moved the French king to determine to invade England presently to carry an huge Army to Sluce in Flanders to assemble all the Nobility and Peers of his Realm for that voyage and to proâ—â—se unto himself an assured victory against England But what event had this Journey What effect followed of this perswasion The
the Laws of Humanity or Hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken if such a Prince be severely punished for since he first violateth these Laws himself he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of Law for the shortning of so unthankfull a Guests life especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously But it was never seen say the Scotish Queens friends that a Prince flying from the violence of her Subjects or passing by another Princes Realm as the Scotish Queen did to go into another Country was detained prisoner It is a thing never heard of never practised in any Age or by any Prince were he never so barbarous never so void of Humanity This is a vehement Objection but not so vehement as ridiculous For as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave so Princes may not set their feet on their neighbours Territories without asking them leave and license and the Prince that shall presume to come into another Princes Country without his leave is thought too indiscreet and unwise although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull It is written of Baldwine the Emperor of Constantinople that when he being driven from his Imperial Seat came into England to demand aid of our King the cause of his coming was very just and equitable but when landed at Dover word was sent him by our King that he had done unadvisedly and otherwise then it became a king of his Magnificence and Majesty to adventure to come into our Realm without making them privy before hand to his coming and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave it was held for a manifest sign of great pride and contempt Was there ever Prince that took a more just and necessary and commendable voyage then Richard the first king of England did unto the Holy land Was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage Had ever Prince more just occasion to hope to pass by another Princes Country without danger or detriment then he had And yet as he returned although he was disguised in apparel to the end he might not be known and pass safely he was intercepted by Leopald Duke of Austria and held a long time in prison by him and afterwards dilivered unto the Emperor And albeit that the Pope and other Princes considering that he was unlawfully detained became Mediators and Intercessors for his liberty yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his Ransom Both our Chronicles and the Scotish Histories report that Iames son unto Robert King of Scotland when his Uncle being Governor of the Kingdom had murthered his Elder brother and purposed to have made him away also was sent by his father into France or into England with letters of recomenmdation unto both Kings wherein the poor and distressed Father besought both Kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate and to receive and entertain his Son with all kindeness The young Prince after that he had been but a small while upon the Seas not brooking them very well commanded the Master of the ship to land him in England He is presently brought unto the presence of King Henry the first to whom he shewed his Fathers letters The King having perused them called his Councel together they deliberate what were best to do with the Prince some think it good to send him into France others whose opinion was followed perswade the king to detain him as prisoner I might alledge a number of Examples like unto these two but they may suffice to refute this frivolous Objection And the late Queen of Scots might have learned of either these Princes how to have carried her self in the time of her Captivity King Richard was a valiant a mighty and a notable wise Prince His case was lamented of all the Princes of Christendom His Subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his Detainers to deliver him His journey was undertaken for the benefit of all Christendom and therefore it behoved all Princes to be offended with his imprisonment Briefly neither the Duke nor the Emperor had just occasion to detain him and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison nor practised any treacherous wayes to be revenged of his Detainers The Scotish Prince doubtless was to be pittied The cause of his flight was just and honest and the detaining of him prisoner waâ— rather hatefull then honourable and yet this poor Prince carried himself not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in England but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into France where he might have easily escaped from his keepers or quickly haâ—e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty he continued stâ—ll a faithfull prisoner And was so far at all times from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used and in requital of that courtesie when as Henry the sixth Son unto the same Henry who kept him Prisoner was driven out his kingdom he not onely haâ—boured him but also helped to restore him to his kingdom The good carriages of these two Princes condemneth the Scottish Queen and the general custom of Princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other Princes Dominions but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there confuteth this foolish this fond this ridiculous and childish Objection It is written of a King of Navarre that when he had occasion to come into England in the four and fortieth year of Edward the Third his reign not to conspire against us but to intreat a League with us and to fight for us he not onely demanded leave but also durst not adventure to come before that the King had sent unto his Realm certain Bishops Earls and Barons to remain as Hostages and Sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in England And surely Princes have great reason to require such Assurance since many Kings and Princes have been in great danger to be killed yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of Common Affairs So was Iulius Caesar in danger to have been in conference with Ariovisâ—us so was William Duke of Normandy killed in conference with Arnold Earl of Flanders so was the Duke of Burgundy muâ—thered at a meeting with the Dolphin of France And these examples have made Princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such Enterviews or if they must needs meet they cause places to be made of
slander her unto her Subjects and unto other Princes although he did not beat her Ambassadors as Martinus and Manlius did the Carthaginian Ambassadors yet he did both vilifie and discredit her Ambassadors abroad spared not to speak evil of her best and wisest Councellors at home although he was not an Ambassador of a professed enemy to the Sea of Rome as was the French Ambassador residing in England in Henryâ—he â—he Eighth his time yet he was an Ambassador of a professed enemy unto her Highness because he was his Ambassador who was in league with the Sea of Rome Briefly although he denied not to deliver Traitors unto hâ—r Majesty as the French Ambassador did at Venice yet he not onely received but procured her many Traitors and both counselled and encouraged them to commit sundry Treasons against her Majesty The premises being therefore duly considered why might not her Majesty imitate Charls the Fifth who hardly admitted the French King Lerold to his presence because his Master was his professed Enemy Why might not her Grace command the Spanish Ambassador to depart out of her Realm since he had lived many years in England not as a Mediator but as a Perturber of a peace not as a friend to her Estate but as a debaucher and corrupter of her loyal Subjects not as one that desired her welfare but endeavoured to procure her overthrow Why might not her Highness send him away in peace who as long as he lived in her Realms would continually have interrupted her peace Might the King of France arreign and condemn a Bishop for practising Treason against his person might he commit him to prison and after his deliverance profess open enmity against the Pope his Master against the Pope that had or at lestwise challengeth some authority over him and might not her Majesty do the like unto a Spanish Gentleman a meer Lay-man not so priviledged as a Prelate not so favoured in Law as a Bishop briefly not so worthy of favour or compassion as was a Popes Legate a Legate either equal or as the days were then and are in some places yet not inferior to a Prince It was Mendoza that misled the Scottish Queen it was he that drew Francis Throgmorton into dangerous Treasons it was he that had secret Intelligence with Babington and his Complices it was he that encouraged Morgan and Paget abroad it was he that studied night and day to procure us Enemies at home Briefly it was he that spared no labour no money no expences whereby he might either openly or secretly endanger our State He lived not many months but years in England without bringing so much as a Letter from his Majesty unto her Majesty without performing any Function belonging to an Ambassador And how lived he Not in Court but in the City not in open view of the World but in secret corners not as an Ambassador but as a Spy And when was he dismissed Not so soon as he was found to have committed one action of hostility but after that he was admonished not once but many times to leave off his Treachery not when he was suspected but after that many Traytors had confessed that he was not only privy but principal unto their Treasons Breifly how was he dismissed Not with a crimination and threatning as was the French Herald but with faâ—r words and a kindly farewel not with a Troop of Soldiers to conduct him to Sea side but with a company of Gentlemen to associate him to the place where he took shipping not to pass with danger through the Country that hated him for his Treasons but to be conveyed without danger unto the Country that loved him for his Treachery intended against her Majesty To be short not slightly sent away in disgrace but then commanded to depart when as his Master would not vouchsafe audience unto a wise and discreet Gentleman sent by her Majesty unto him to signifie his demeanor and his carriage Well he is gone out of England and whether Into France And to what place in France To Paris And what to do there To persevere in his malice against England to confer with the English Traytors personally with whom he talked before by Letters to confirm the Guisards in their Treasons to dispose the French Leaguers to favour and further his Majesty against us and our friends Briefly so to behave himself that without him neither whole France nor rebellious and obstinate Paris had held out so long as it did against the late and present French king for the people of Paris are as a Spanish writer reporteth of them proud rich and rebellious which humor this Ambassador nourisheth in them and when they were most hardly besieged there were five things as the same Author writeth that made them hold out First The valour and courage of the Duke of Nemours Governour of the Town Secondly the presence of the Popes Legate Thirdly the Alms and Liberality of this Embassador Fourthly the perswasions of the Preachers Fifthly the news that were daily sent to the Town by the Duke of Mayne and published by Mendoza and other Princes Thus it appeareth that he was a notable Instrument of Rebellion and a fit man to be imployed in factious services For as God hath deprived him of his sight and made him blinde so he intended to deprive others of their senses and to blinde their fight and judgement to the end they might not be abe to see and discern the hidden projects of his conspiracies But of him enough Now again unto the Queen of Scots It appeareth that being culpable she might be arraigned and being found guilty she might be condemned But the manner of her arraignment and of her condemnation seemeth very strange unto as many as hear of it and â—is repugnant unto the Laws and Customs of England observed in the Trial of meaner Subjects It seemeth strange that her Majesty should be a judge in her own cause in a matter of Treason and especially against a Princess And of this strangeness many of the Scotish Queens Favourites take such hold as they hold it for a matter without Example without any former Presidents But if it might please these her Favorers to consider that although it be a certain rule in Law that no man shall be a Judge in his own cause yet the Preheminence Excellency and Prerogative of Kings and Princes is and hath alwayes been such that they may Judge and determine in any causes that concern themselves For Tiberiâ—s Caesar sate Judge in his own cause in dividing certain Inheritances with him was substituted one Parthenius Caesars servant Marcus Antonius the Emperor judged that the goods of Valerius Nepos were lawfully devolved and as it were confiscated unto the Exchequer And Quiltilian testifieth that he pleaded a cause for Queen Berenne whereon she her self sat as principal Judge What Scholar hath not read the Orations of M. Tullius Cicero made in defence of Quintus Ligarius of Deiotarius of Marcus
no great Armies subdued the same and why may not the like fortune happen to the Spainard Truely if it might be inferred as a necessary consequent that the Country that hath been conquered many times and by many Nations should always be very easily conquered This inference might be far better made and used against Spain then against England For Spain was first governed by Tuball the Son of Iapheth the Son of Noe and by his posterity who were deprived of the Possession and Government thereof by the Sidonians and they by the Thracians and they by the Rhodians and they by the Phrygians and they by the Phenicians and they by the Cypriots and they by the Aegyptians and they by the Miletians and they by the Phocentians and they by the Chaldeans and they by the Carthaginians and they by the Romans and they by the Gothes and they by the Vice-Gothes and they lastly by the Spainards whom the Saâ—azens had driven out of their Country had not the Frenchmen holpen them to repel and expel the Sarâ—zens England was undoubtedly subdued by the Romans but not before they had conquered all the rest of the World because they reserved as it may be well supposed the conquest thereof as Conquerors most commonly do in great Enterprises for the last and greatest Exploit which they had to do or for the best reward that they could attain or expect of their long and tedious Wars And it is written that they boasted more of the Conquest thereof then of all the Victories which they had obtained in their dayes because they supposed that England which was divided from the rest of the World by the Sea was no part of the World and therefore they made two Triumphs thereof the one of the main Land and the other of the huge and merciless Sea The Danes and Saxons likewise subdued England but they enjoyed their Conquest but a very few years And how subdued they England Not by main force as Spain was always conquered but by cunning and deceit for Vortiger King of England being continually molested by Pirates and by the Scots was constrained to require Aid of the Saxons who sent him a great Army under the Conduct of two Brethren Engistus and Orsus of which Engistus having cunningly obtained of the King a convenient place for his people to dwell in fortified the same secretly got more thereunto covertly politickly perswaded the King to send for more forces out of Saxony and lastly Married his Daughter unto the King by whose means he brought his Countrymen in great credit with his Majesty made him banish the chief Nobility from the Court caused the King by this means to incur the hatred of his Subjects and when he perceived that our Country-men began to suspect and fear his over-growing Greatness he suddenly entred into league with the Picts the Antient Enemies of England and with their helps made an easie conquest thereof William the Conqueror became Master of England in this manner Edward King of England dying in the year 1065. made by his last Will and Testament William Duke of Normandy his sole and lawful Heir with the consent and counsel of the cheif Peers and Barons of his Realm But afterwards being wone thereunto by the flattery and sweet words of his Wife he changed his maid and adopted Harrold his Brother for his Heir whereupon there grew a great variance and contention betwixt the said VVilliam and Harrold who having some occasion to go into Flanders was by contrary winds driven into Normandy where he was presently intercepted and carried unto the Duke as a Prisoner before whom when he came fearing that he should not be set at liberty in a long time nor without a great Ransom unlesse he used some cunning device for his present delivery He said unto the Duke Other Princes Noble Duke when they have occasion to require Helps or any thing else of their Neighbours or Confederates use to demand the same by their Ambassadors But I contrary to this Custom knowing that there is no better way to end this contention and competency which is betwixt you and me then for me to marry your Daughter am come in person to pray your good Will that I may have her for my Wife The Duke yeeldeth to his desire Harrold with his new Spouse returneth speedily into England commandeth all Normans upon pain of death to depart out off his Realm within three dayes prostituteth his wife unto his meanest servants cutteth of her nose and her ears and sendeth her back unto her Father in a Fisher-mens Boat This Injury and Indignity may seem grievous unto you that hear it No marvel then if it so grieved her poor Father that to be revenged thereof he presently implored the help of his Friends who what for pitty of the distrested Princess what in hope of high rewards what in regard of the love and duty that some bare unto the Duke were so many that the greatest part of the Nobility of France with all the power that they could possibly make accompanied him in his journey But from him unto those kings of England who being driven from their Kingdoms recovered the same with small difficulty And not to be over tedious it shall suffice to mention unto you but two Princes of that kinde namely Edward the fourth and Henry the seventh And first to Edward who being deprived by his own Subjects of his Royal Diadem fled unto the Duke of Bugundy of whom obtaining an Army but of two thousand men onely he returned into England and finding that very few favoured him so long as he demanded the Crown he caused it to be proclaimed and published that he required nothing but the Dukedom of York whereunto every man knowing that he had Right many began to favour him and no man at his first landing in Yorkshire would resist him and yet he was not received into the City of York before that he had sworn faith and obedience unto the King This Oath being solemnly taken he goeth forward towards London Some few of his Friends came unto him upon the way The Earl of Warwick his Brother who was incamped neer about York to intercept him on the way either for fear or through ignorance suffereth him to proceed on his journey and so without so much as one stroke he came to London where he was received by the Citizens with great joy and gladness because divers of the richest sort doubting that they should never have again such sums of money as they had lent him whiles he was their king unless he recovered the Kingdom had purchased him the favour and friendship of the greatest part of the City of which being once Master he increased daily in power and strength and his Brother the Duke of Clarence and others leaving the Earl of Warwick and his Faction made him so strong that he daily subdued the rest of his Enemies Thus prevailed he Now from him unto Henry the seventh who
end and compose all contentions and Controversies that were in Germany for Religion not by force and violence but by fair means and gentleness praying them to have such an opinion of him and not to be moved with the threats and menaces of their Adversaries This Answer was given unto them when the Emperor was leading his Forces unto Marcelles in France against the King thereof with whom as soon as he was reconciled the Catholicks thinking that he had but dissembled with the Protestants but for a time hoping that he would bend his whole Forces against the Lutherans But he deceived them all and went into Spain from whence he sent an Honourable Ambassage into Germany to let the Protestants and all others understand that he would be very glad that all Contentions Debates and Controversies touching Religion should receive a final end and agreement by a General Assembly and Disputation of learned Divines to the end that the right and true Doctrine of Jesus Christ being by that means laid open and discovered he might establish and confirm the same with his Imperial power and authority It happened not long after that the Emperor had an occasion to pass through France into Flanders then the Enemies of the Reformed Religion began to promise to themselves great wonders and to conceive an assâ—red hope of an invincible power to be levied by the Emperor and the King of France against the Protestants for that then the two cheif Protectors of their Catholick Faith were throughly reconciled and were equally bent against Luther and his Followers and their conceits proved to be most vain and of that Journey followed no good success for them For the Emperor either because he would be still mindful of his promise or for that he knew that the Protestants strength increased daily caused a General Diet to be Assembled wherein although he was daily entreated by the Catholicks to declare open Wars against the Protestants yet he would never take that violent course but ordered that shortly after there should be a general Assembly in which the cause of Religion might be freely and lovingly decided by learned Divines who having lightly discussed some Points of Controversie were commanded by his Majesty to come to Ratisâ—one Where when as all Contentions could not be fully ended his Majesty was contented to refer the final Conclusion unto another General Assembly of which the success and event was so well known that I shall not need to acquaint you with the particulars thereof Now considering the Reasons Varieties and Circumstances of all that hath been said what may a man judge thereof but that the Almighty prevented crossed and hindered the determinations purposes and Enterprises of the Emperor and so guided and directed them that it lay not in their power to confoâ—nd the Protestants by force of Arms For if we shall consider the great strength of the Catholick Princes as well in Foot as in Horse the number of their Souldiers the multitude of their Provisions the greatness of their Treasure the vehemency of their hatred the wilfulness of their perseverance therein their courage their animating and provoking the Emperor against the Protestants and how to win him thereunto they spared no kind of policy cunning and deceit that humane wit could invent and that notwithstanding all their utmost endeavors they were then so far from attaining their purpose that in the very last Diet that was held certain points of Doctine were yeelded unto which before that Assemby both the Emperor and his best Divines held to be most erroneous It must needs be confessed that it was Gods pleasure so to dispose and govern the hearts of those Princes for in that Diet many opinions were received and allowed for good and godly for the maintenance whereof many Protestants had lost their goods their Countries and their lives The Catholicks therefore seeing that they prevailed not greatly by force and violence they cast off the Lyons skin and put on the Foxes whom they counterfeited so well that they brought the Protestants into disgrace by sowing false Rumors and Accusations against them And because they had rather lost much then gotten any thing by disputing with them they caused it to be bruited abroad that the Protestants durst no longer dispute with them and they gave liberty unto all sorts of people without any regard of learning or modesty to raile upon Luther and to write malicious and false Invectives against him A strange course and too much used in these dayes but in my simple opinion a course not now like to have better success then that course then had For as Luther when he saw that it was law 〈◊〉 for every man to exercise the bitterness of his pen against him conceived such malice against the Pope that he discovered many of his follies which might have lien hidden unto this day Even so it is greatly to be feared if men having more Zeal then Learning of greater Malice then Judgement shall be suffered to preach and write against the foolish impugners of our Ecclesiastical Discipline that either their Malice or their Ignorance will utterly disgrace the same because preaching by preaching may unhapply be disgraced and a few turbulent and unquâ—et spitâ—ts may with a small Pamphlet or with a simple Sermon do more harm then a number of learned men shall be able to amend or reform with great pains and travel Had not the Pope given too great encouragement to such as wrote against Luther Had not rude and ignorant men been suffered bitterly to inveigh against his Doctrine Had not certain malicious persons laboured to disgrace him with the Pope and the Emperor Had he not been condemned before he was heard Briefly had not his Books been unjustly adjudged to the fire he had never appealed from the Pope unto a General Council he had never laboured so much as he did in searching out and laying open the Popes Errors He had never made so bitter Invectives as he wrote against the Pope and his Bishops He had never impugned the Pope and his General Councils Auâ—hority He had never implored the Duke of Saxony and other Princes help and countenance He had never procured the Popes Canons to be burned Briefly he had never written a Book against the Catholicks Reformation so many things might and should still have remained as it were buried in obscurity which are now brought to light and made known and palpable to very Babes and Infants They therefore in my simple cenceir did not a little hurt and prejudice unto the Papists and their Cause who peâ—swaded the Pope and Emperor to make wars against Luther and his Adherents For since that time many other Nations besides Germany are fallen from their obedience to the Pope and from their good liking of his Religion and so many and divers opinions are now crept into mens hearts that I take it a thing almost impossible to reconcile those diversities For such is the nature of man that
the defence of his quarrel wherein many thousands were slain and many more had been murthered had not the Almighty who alwayes favoureth just causes vouchsafed to give the Emperor Lewis grace to take him prisoner in the Field After which disgrace he and his Family had been for ever been undone had not the good Emperor been so gratious unto him as after three years imprisonment to set him at Liberty and to restore unto him the Dukedom of Austria the which he might have returned with more reason unto the Empire then Rodolph had to distract it from the Empire The fourth Emperor of this Family was Albert the second who married the daughter and heir of the Emperor Sigismond and had with her in Dower the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary This Emperor ruled scant Two years and therefore did not any good or bad exploit worthy of memory The fifth Emperor of this Family was Frederick the third whose Government was such that his own Subjects with the help of his own Brother Albert besieged him a long time in the Castle of Vienna where they had taken him prisoner had not George king of Bohemia delivered him by deceit and cunning rather then by strength and fortitude For although he came to Vienna with an Army of eight thousand good Souldiers yet was not this Force able to succour him but he was fain to play the Umpier betwixt him and his Citizens and so under a colour of conference called him his wife and his son forth of the Town and when he had cunningly set them at Liberty he conveyed them secretly unto a place of security This Emperor to prosecute a Bishop which was deposed by the Pope raised such troubles in Germany that the Princes thereof were not able to succour the Emperor Constantine of Constantinolpe whom the great Turk Mahomet drove from his Imperial City caused him to be slain before the gates thereof set his head upon a Lance and commanded it to be carried about the City his wife daughters and many other Ladies and Gentlewomen were invited to a banquet after which they were all deflowred and then cut into small pieces as flesh to the pot And lastly in despight of Christ and all Christians he caused the Picture of our Saviour to be set up in the Town with this Inscription Behold the Saviour of the Christians that could not save them Immediately after Frederick succeeded Maximilian and after him Charles the fifth his grand-childe of which two I have already said enough and might say much more to make them more hatefull but I should be too long and over-tedious And yet I may not forget three notable Arguments of of Charles the fiâ—hs dissembling and of his turbulent nature and conditions The First sheweth that he pretended to be a zealous Catholick and was indeed no better then a dissembling Hypocrite The second proveth that although he shewed an outward desire of peace yet he cared not what occasions he took to make war The third declareth that albeit he would seem to love Germany as the Nation from whence all his greatness proceeded yet he sought the advancement of Spain more then of Germany or of his own Family or House of Austria The first point is proved because that having obtained of Leo the tenth great sums of money and ten thousand well appointed Souldiers in regard of his faithfull promise to subvert and utterly overthrow the Lutherans of Germany as soon as he had with those men and that money fully revenged himself upon certain Princes of Germany wâ—th whom he was highly offended and whom he had never subdued had he not had the Popes help he gave over his wars and granted both unto them and all others liberty of conscience wherewith not only the Pope had just occasion to be displeased but his own Confessor took it so grievously that the next time he came to Confession he denied him Absolution This zealous Christian when he had troubled Italy with long and tedious wars not meaning as it seemed to end the same wars without doing some notable action worthy of eternal memory took the Pope prisoner at Rome and kept him a long time in the Castle of St. Angelo And although he would not suffer him to be set at Liberty before he had paid a great Ransom yet he dissembled and handled the matter so cunningly that he caused publick Praises and Supplications to be made unto God generally throughout all Spain for the delivery of this Holy Father and protested openly unto the World that his unruly Souldiers full sore against his will and pleasure being in great distress of money and other necessary provision had sacked Rome and imprisoned the Popes Holiness The second point shall need no other proof but his great malice and continual spight notwithstanding that the Princes of France were in some manner the onely and special cause of his greatness For had not Lewis the eleventh with great cunning policy weakned the last Duke of Burgondy had he not most wisely and providently nourished the wars betwixt him and the Switzers had he not covetously and carelesly set him at variance with the Duke of Lorrain and lastly had he not secretly privily won Nicholas Campobasso to leave the said Duke in the midst of the battel which he fought with the Prince of Lorain a practice not to be forgotten against the Spaniard valiant Charles of Burgundy had never been slain in the Field nor the troublesome Maximilian should ever have inherited his Dukedom by matching with his daughter How sought he continually to perturb and disquiet the peace thereof Which side left he unassaulted Which way to enter into France untried And what cause had he to disquiet France especially after that he had taken the king thereof prisoner and made him yeeld unto all unreasonable demands It is written that many times entering into a serious cogitation of the great slaughters that had been committed in France by him and his Souldiers of the great wrong that he had done to the good and vertuous Kings thereof and of the simple and weak causes that moved him thereunto he was often and greatly troubled in his Conscience and sometimes sought peace of himself and yet the wicked spirit overcoming the good inclination that sometimes guided him he returned presently and without any just occasion unto wars The last point is proved by a Diet and a general Assembly of the States of Germany which he held at Auspurge under a colour to reform and order divers abuses in Religion unto which Diet many great Princes of Germany would not vouchsafe to come because they knew certainly that the reformation of Religion was but the pretence and colour of keeping that Diet but the very end and pâ—rpose thereof was to reverse the order of the Election of the Emperors and to tranfer the Empire from Germany unto Spain The which his intention was afterwards so apparent that although in regard of his brotherly love
one terrible and mighty Adversary raise up another who may be in all respects as dangerous and as well to be feared as he For because France lieth neerer unto us then Spaine and Vis unita is alwaies held to be Fortior if France should recover Burgondy and the Low Countries should we not have great and just occasion to fear France For neither may our happy victories against France encourage us not to esteem France since it is no point of wisedom not to fear the least Enemy that may be nor the late benefits pleasures and Offices of kindness shewed by us unto the late Kings thereof can assure as that France will never endammage us I have already shewed the causes of our fortunate success against France and if those causes should once begin to fail us the good fortune which proceeded of them would soon leave to follow us and as well Princes as private men receive favours and courtesies readily look upon their Benefactors unwillingly remember good turns slowly and requite received benefits faintly Then because the fresh memory of new courtesies cannot extinguish the grievous and unpleasant remembrance of ancient quarrâ—ls we must as we have said still have a very careful and watchful eye over France and intreat France to be content to joyn with us in placing and preferring some such Prince unto the quiet and assured pâ—ssession of the Low Countries as may be well able with the help of us and France to retain the same and yet unable to hurt us or France Neither must the cross dealings of the late Duke of Alencon discourage us to attempt any such matter for we saw that they whom he had handled somewhat unkindly might easily have been perswaded to have received him again for their Duke And there may a Prince be found that shall be less suspected and more acceptable unto the Flemings then any French-man can be The Duke Ernestus who was lately sent to be their Governour in my simple opinion seâ—meth to be a fit man for that purpose For whereas the Spanish King of late would have bestowed the Infanta his Daughter upon him it may easily be thought now that that hope faileth him because he knoweth now where to find a fitter Husband for her then to match her with him and to give him the Low Countries for her Dowry But common same reporteth that there is an intent and purpose to marry her unto the French King as well because he is now become a Catholick as for that France and Spain have often matched together and the Pope may easily be entreated to dispeâ—se with the French King to take her for his Wife Truly it were hard to permit him to marry so near a Kinswoman as is his now living wives own Neece But grant that the Popes dispeâ—sation may salve this sore that the French King may forget the wrongs and indignities offered unto him by Spain that this were a good and ready way to reconcile these Princes that have lived too long togeâ—her in contention and variance and that of this reconciliation there is likely to follow a great and general benefit unto all Christendom Yet I can hardly think that the Spanish King would ever yeeld his consent unto such a Match And though he would ever yeeld his consent thereunto yet it behoveth all the Princes of Christendom to hinder such a marriage For if his Son should die whose life is in Gods hands should not all the Kingdoms and Dominions of the Spaniard because there is no Law Salick in Spain descend unto his Daughter And would not the desired addition of all those unto the Kingdom of France make the warlike and mighty Prince thereof not onely to think upon but also to attempt the Conquest of all Europe Should he not grow too mighty Should he not be able to Tyrannize over all the world more then the Spaniard doth now And then doth it not greatly import all Christian Princes to withstand this Marriage Besides grant that his son doth live to have many children were it not a very unwisâ— and indiscrect part of the Spanish King to give hâ—s Daughter in marriage unto such a one as what for his old grudge unto Spain what in regard of the Title and Interest that this wife may give him unto the Crown of Spain will undoubtedly be content to take her for wife were it for no other occasion but to have so good just and colourable a cause as her right would give him to challenge invade and conquer Spain For the Prince of Orange by noting the Spanish Kings son of Bastardy in his Apology and by animating the French King to defend his Neece right whensoever God should call her Father to his mercy hath set open such a gap as will give a very easie entrance into the Kingdom of Spain unto the Spanish Daughters ambitious nature or unto his valiant minde if there be any valour in him who shall have her to wife The surest and safest way then for the Spaniard is either to match her lowly as Austiages did his Daughter with some mean Prince who shall not be able to hurt or prejudice his Son or else to bestow her upon the said Duke Ernestus who although he be her neer kinsman and a Prince of no great living yet because it is a matter very usual in the House of Austria to match in their own blood and for that the Spaniard hath Kingdoms and Dominions enough to bestow upon her in marriage neither the propinquity in blood nor the want of living can be an obstacle unto the match But it may be said what shall it avail if she be married to the Duke Ernestus and Flanders be her Dowry Shall it not be all one Will he not be at the devotion of his Father in-law And will it not be a means to make the Emperor more fast and assured unto Spain and to carry the less love and affection unto us and our Friends But I suppose the Empire shall be transferred unto some other Prince and although it shall remain still in the House of Austria yet I know he that shall be or is Emperor can have no great means to annoy us Besides we may finde many wayes to set a variance and separaâ—ion betwixt the Father and the Son and when God shall have wrought his will and pleasure upon the Father betwixt the Brother and the Sister Were there ever more hot and bloody wars betwixt us and France then when the French Kings Sister was married unto our King Or when our Kings Daughters have matched with France Did not these marriages breed and bring forth the chiefest causes of our most deadly contentions And did not our and their profit and gain make us forget blood affinity and Alliance But if it shall seem dangerous to hazard our safety upon so weak an hope it shall not be amiss to use all policy to procure such a match and to cause her Dowry to be either the Kingdom
Their contracts bind them as much as Laws 19 20 R REmedies of Subjects against unjust Princes 26 S DOn Sebastian of Portugal intendeth to aid Muly Mahomet King of Morocco against his brother 28 Sforza Ursino and the Count de Terras Vedras and Emanuel Serradas unjustly executed by the Spanish King 27 The Spanish liable to be depos'd for breaking the Laws of Aragon p. 17 He entreth into a League with Muly Malucco against his own Nephew Don Sebastian of Portugal 27 The Swedish King not to make war without leave of the States 21 THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOME AFter that I had lived many years in voluntary exile and banishment and saw that the most happy and fortunate success which it pleased the Almighty to send unto my gracious Soveraign against the malicious and hostile Attempts which the Spanish Monarch both openly and covertly practised against her sacred Person and invincible State and Kingdom I began to despair of my long desired return into my native Countrey and to consider with my self with what price I might best redeem my sweet and inestimable liberty Sometimes I wished that her Majesty had as the Italian Princes have many confined and banished men abroad upon whose heads there are great Fines set to invite others to kill them in hope to receive those Fines in recompense of their murther But my wishes vanished as smoak in the wind and as long as I dwelt in those cogitations me-thought I did nothing else but build Castles in the Ayr then I applied my wits to think upon some other means of better hope and more probability and supposed that to murther some notable Traytor or professed enemy to my Prince and Countrey might be a ready way to purchase my desire But the great difficulty to escape unpunished the continual terror that such an offence might breed unto my conscience and the perpetual infamy that followeth the bloody Executioners of trayterous Murderers for I held it trayterous to kill my friend and acquaintance made both my heart and my hand to abhor any such action Martius Coriolanus seemed unto me a most happy man who when in revenge of a few mistaken injuries he had wrought his Countrey great despight and annoyance suffered himself with much difficulty to be intreated by his Wiâ—e his Mother and the Senate of Rome to return home and to become so great a Friend as he had been a Foe unto his country That day should have been more joyful unto me then the day of my birth and nativity wherein I might have seen a Letter from any of my friends with assurance of my pardon to call me home But I find my self so much inferiour to Coriolanus in good fortune as I come behind him in manly valour and other laudible qualities Whilest I lived in this perplexity I hapned by chance to meet with an honest and kind English Gentleman who was lately come out of Italy and meant to sojourn a few moneths in France and then to return into England He knew both me and my friends very well And although his License forbad him to converse with any Fugitives yet hearing by common and credible report that I was not so malicious as the rest of my Countrey-men but lived only for my conscience abroad he adventured now and then to use my company and with me and in my hearing to use greater liberty of speech then with any other of our Nation Whereupon I presumed that as I was trusted so I might trust him again and as he did conceal nothing from me so I might adventure to reveal to him the secret projects of my inward cogitations I therefore acquainted him with my eaâ—nest desire to return and with the great difficulty which I found to procure my return and he perceiving that my words agreed with my wishes and that my tongue uttered nothing but what my heart thought promised me faithfully to effect my desire if I would be content to grant his request I presuming that he would demand nothing but that which should be both honest and lawful gave him my faithful promise to satisfie his demand He accepted my offer and uttered his mind in this manner In my travel I have heard many things which I knew not when I came out of England and no more then I would and yet much more then I can be well able to answer when I come home if you will be as willing as I know you are able to frame me a good and sufficient answer to all that I have heard all the friends which I have in England shall fail me but that I will purchase your return home with credit and countenance And because your promise bindeth you to vouchsafe me this favour I will as briefly as I can possible shew you to what points I shall need and most desire your answer I heard Princes generally reprehend the Flomings perhaps more boldly then justly accused of rebellion the French men I know not how truly burthened with the same crime and our Sovereign in my poor opinion wrongfully blamed for aiding both the French and Flemish Nations I heard some men to maintain this strange opinion that the Turk had long before this day been utterly subverted or sorely weakned had not her Majesty holpen those two Nations which hindred both the French and Spanish Kings from imploying their united forces to the utter subversion of the Turk I heard some men charge us with vain-glory as men that had learned of the vain-glorious Souldier in Terence to brag of our valour and exploits in France where they could hardly believe that we ever obtained the tenth part of that which we boast to have atcheived And others who were better acquainted with our Histories and more affected with our conquests do wonder and marvell greatly howwe could lose in a very few years all that our Predecessors got with much effusion of blood and with great difficulty I heard the Spaniard our mortal and professed Enemy highly commended for that his Predecessors could of a mean Earl make themselves mighty Monarchs and because that he with his wisdom doth maintain and keep all that they got I heard his might magnified his Policy admired his Government extolled his Wisdom commended his Wealth feared and all his Actions justified I heard contrarywise our Portugal Voyage condemned the Cause thereof disliked the Success dispraised the Entertainment given unto Don Antonio disallowed and her Majesty accused to have given the Spaniard many and divers occasions of discontentment The death of the late Queen of Scots The intercepting of certain monies sent into the Low Countries The proceeding against Catholicks the expulsion of the Popes authority out of England the sending away of the Spanish Embassadour in some disgrace and our League and Amity with the United Provinces are the principal causes that displeased the Spaniard I heard it imputed unto her Majesty as a fault that her Grace continued in league with the late French King who was charged to