made by the Bearer In the mean time I Conjure you to believe I am and will be always c. This and the other Letters which follow of Cardinal Richelieu 's writ by Monsieur Chere or Monsieur Charpentier his Secretaries were sent without Signing His Eminence being lame of his right Arm. LETTER CCXI. To the Same SIR PUblick Considerations being always to be preferr'd to Private I believe you will think it requisite assoon as you have receiv'd this Letter to make a Progress about your Government and the Frontiers of Guyenne to gather such Recruits both Horse and Foot as you propos'd yourself You will also be so near Perpignan that you may presently be there upon any occasion requiring you The King's Interest Obliges me farther to Conjure you not to omit putting your first Thoughts in speedy Execution and I shall endeavour always to make known your Worth and good Service In the mean time believe me I desire you Sir your most Affectionate Servant c. LETTER CCXII. To the Same SIR I Have receiv'd the Letter you were pleas'd to write me together with the Memoir deliver'd me by this Gentleman the Bearer whereby I understand the present Condition of your Siege of Perpignan the Success whereof we must expect with patience but I hope with God's Assistance it may be such as we have had hitherto reason to believe In the mean time I give you a thousand thanks for your kind invitations to see me before I left this Country and shall always be mindful of a Recompence to my power who am your most Affectionate Friend and Servant c. LETTER CCXIII. To the Mareschals Schomberg and Melleraye GENTLEMEN THese few words are only to tell you that since Mareschal de la Motte is willing you retain still the 2000 Foot which were design'd for him I have nothing more to say but that I approve of the Agreement made between ye As also of your good Conduct from whence I expect speedily to hear of the taking Perpignan and it may be of your routing the Enemy In the mean while I desire you to believe me Gentlemen Your most Affectionate Servant c. LETTER CCXIV. To both the Same GENTLEMEN I Cannot incline to believe that the King can receive any great Advantage by the Militia altho' you propose 'em to enter Catalognia by force And in my Opinion you would but deceive yourself by trusting to 'em who will not care to march any farther when you shall talk of raising Troops for fear they be trapan'd as they were once before Therefore in my Opinion Mareschal Schomberg Monsieur Alby and Monsieur Nismes would do better to chuse out of them between 1200 and 1500 who would go freely to serve in Catalognia providing they might be promis'd to return about the end of October and which ought to be faithfully perform'd Over and above these Troops Tavannes Regiment and the 300 men of Monsieur Villeroy must be sent to Monsieur Motte You may also spare him the Regiments of Effiat Cauvisson and Montausier As to the Cavalry I believe you may easily send him the nine Troops of Guards which continues with you till the end of October Also Boisack's Regiment who may serve himself in the quality of a Field-Mareschal The Regiment of Lerans may also be dispens'd with As for Rousillon I am of Opinion you ought to leave there the Horse-regiments of Anguien and Ballon and that you dispose of the rest of the Foot as you judge convenient either to Rousillon or the Frontiers of Languedoc for if you should leave Rousillon altogether disfurnished of Men you might soon repent it for the Enemy might easily send by Sea to Roses 5 or 600 Horse which might do a great deal of mischief in a short time The King's Will is That you Blockade Salces up so closely that it shall be impossible to relieve it Which makes me think it not too much to leave two Regiments of Horse in Rousillon and two or three of Foot for this purpose as also to secure Lampourdan I have no Orders from the King to allow you to leave Rousillon till you have first laid Provisions into Perpignan to suffice 3000 Men for a Year Two or three days ago I have dispatch'd away 100000 Livres we have borrowed for that purpose In a word be assur'd Money shall never be wanting I say nothing to you of the Garrison of Perpignan because the King has ordered thither the Swiss and Champagne and you would do well to add a Regiment more In the mean time be secure of my Friendship and that I am assuredly c. A PROMISE From Cardinal Richelieu to the Duke of Bouillon MY Lord Cardinal Richelieu not being in a condition to Sign a Promise for Assurance of the Liberty of the Duke of Bouillon pursuant to a Power the King has granted him has desired me to do it for him and to sign it for his Excellency As follows I Promise to the said Sieur the Duke of Bouillon That as soon as the Town Castle and Cittadel of Sedan shall be delivered into his Majesty's Hands all imaginable care shall be taken to conduct the said Duke out of his House of Pierre-encize to go to Roussy Turenne or others of his Houses as he pleases c. LETTER CCXV To Mareschal Schomberg SIR YOu 'll know particularly by Monsieur Besay how well satisfied His Majesty is with the Capitulation of Solces He will also acquaint you how glad I am as well for that as your good Success at Perpignan All that you have now to do in my Opinion is to establish so good Orders in Rousillon that the Country may recover itself and the Troops there be refresh'd If Mareschal de la Motte have any farther need of Assistance of Horse or Foot and shall require 'em of you the King would have you send him the Regiment of Anguien and Contey putting the Italians into Perpignan in the room of those of Anguien as also the Regiment of Horse of the same but this only in case of need or as the King's Service shall require The said Monsieur de la Motte not lying far off you may hear frequently from him and Act pursuant to his Motions So trusting altogether to your Zeal and Conduct I conclude my self Sir your most Affectionate Servant c. A Report made to the King at Grenoble by Cardinal Richelieu in presence of the Mareschals of France and afterwards at Lyons to the Queen-Mother in presence of the Lord-Keeper Marillac upon account of the Negotiation of the Peace in Italy THere are five principal Difficulties found in the Negotiation of a Peace in Italy The First Regards the Emperour's restoring the Duke of Mantua to his Dominions and his security of enjoying 'em for the future The Second Concerning the Liberty that every Soveraign Prince has to put whatever Garrisons he pleases into his Towns The Third About the Right the Duke of Savoy pretends to Montferrat and the Duke of
Guastallo to Mantua The Fourth Upon restoring several Places belonging to the Garrisons with-held by the Emperour as also what His Majesty enjoys in the Territories of his Higness of Savoy The Fifth About repairing several Infringements of the Treaty of Monzon agreed between the Two Crowns of France and Spain concerning the Differences of the Garrisons with those of Valtelina All these Points have been debated several times between the Parties together with the Mediation of the Legate and his Holiness's Nuncio There have been several Contests about the Investiture of the Duke of Mantua The French immediately demanded to have it perform'd pursuant to a Treaty and that with Reason for the Duke of Mantua having claim'd it so long since by his Son sent Envoy methinks the Emperour should not think of deferring it longer the previous Ceremonies being once past On the contrary the Imperialists and Spaniards offered to perform it in three Weeks after the Treaty because they would have time sufficient for him to demand it a new Now although this Formality seem'd to be only for gaining more time yet France has agreed to it As to the Second Point The Spaniards insisted That the French should so absolutely quit Cazal that the Duke of Mantua might never admit any of 'em into it again To which was Answer'd by those that acted for the King That their Proposition was not reasonable because the Duke of Savoy had always equally entertain'd French and Spaniards when he pleas'd that all Soveraign Princes have ever had this Liberty and that if his Highness of Mantua was to be depriv'd of admitting Strangers because he was an Italian Prince in the like manner the Spaniards ought to be excluded Milan Naples and Scicily being no Natives there Also That France did not require the French should remain in Cazal but only that the Duke of Mantua should not be deny'd a Right to make use of what Garrison he pleas'd and which might extend as well to Germany and Spain as to France The Marquess of Spinola would by no means consent to this Article Affirming That tho' he should lose four Battles he would not do it For says he I can never look upon my Master's Territories to be safe as long as the French have any Footing in Italy To obviate the ill Apprehension he had upon this Article It was offer'd That the Number of the French admitted into Montferrat in case the Duke of Mantua would please to accept 'em should be limited to 12 or 1500 Men which might not be capable of giving any reasonable cause of Suspition but nevertheless the Marquess persisted in his Refusal At length the Mediators interpos'd to this Effect That altho' it were said that all the French should go out of the Duke of Mantua's Territories and they should Quit 'em accordingly yet the Duke of Savoy might easily suffer 2 or 300 to pass in small Numbers through his Country without being thought to know that they went to serve his Highness of Mantua To this Overture was Answered That over and above that it was Infamous in itself the Spaniards that should suffer it would pretend we had infring'd the Treaty that was to be made and thereupon tax His Majesty with Breach of Faith the Consideration of both which would be enough to withhold us from any such Practice As to the Third Point Two Difficulties arose First That the Duke of Savoy would have his Division in such Place as he lik'd best in Montferrat altho' that Choice belong'd only to those that Pay The Second He always insisted on the Payment of 15000 Crowns per Annum which were promis'd him the year before with Trinâ— out of the same Revenues which the Duke of Montferrat had when the Right he claims to the said Dominions fell to him Whereby he would have excluded most of the Prerogatives the Duke of Mantua now enjoys altho' they were altogether Hereditary By which means instead of 15000 Crowns a year he would have had above 50000. To this the Duke of Mantua reply'd That those 15000 Crowns were to be paid out of the Revenues he enjoy'd when he promis'd to pay ' em Nevertheless the Duke of Savoy would never quit any of his Claims and did positively aver That if it was given any other way the Duke of Mantua must never expect to live in Amity or Peace with him As to the Fourth Point The Imperialists and Spaniards have demanded That Susa Pignerol and whatever else the King holds in Italy might be restored on the same day they should give up the Passes of the Grisons It has been Answered in favour of France That all that could be expected was That the Restitution of Susa should Ballance the Passes of the Grisons because Susa was taken to get the said Passes in order to march against Spain who then Attack'd the Duke of Mantua and that it was not the same with Pignerol which was taken to avoid an irreconcileable War with Spain However Cardinal Richelieu who Acted for the King when he gave his Consent to the Restitution of Susa at the same time with the Passes did still insist That as he could not consent to the Restoring of Pignerol as having no Orders from the King who at that time knew nothing of its being taken did assure 'em that the greatest Difficulty would not be in the Restitution but the manner of its being Restor'd He said moreover to the Legate That being so far off from the King and in such an Employ as he was he ought neither to advise him to restore or not to restore Pignerol but on the contrary would wait His Majesty's Orders But nevertheless if all other Matters concurr'd to accomplish it he doubted not but that Her Highness the Dutchess might easily obtain the said Restitution by means of the Queen her Mother and that thereupon he should have Permission to acquaint His Holiness from His Majesty of the same The said Sieur Cardinal has divers times represented to those that were to Treat That his Master desir'd Pignerol only to secure the Treaty that was to be made so that the only way to incline him to surrender were to satisfie him about the same For this purpose he has always desir'd on the King's account the Princes of Italy to enter into a League for the defence of the Duke of Mantua in case he should be attack'd again Which has been all along refus'd unless that at last they seem'd a little inclin'd to hear him He has likewise requir'd the Mediation of the Pope and College of Cardinals which was also deny'd unless that in conclusion the Legate told him That if he had insisted only upon that the Peace of Italy had not been so long deferr'd Then Father Valerien a Capuchin Fryer who came from Germany on purpose to facilitate the Peace propos'd That the Emperor would oblige the Catholick League and the Colledge of Electors to the Defence of the D. of Mantua if he should be attack'd But
mischievous Practices You must break up all those fine Negotiations and do it so cunningly that Madam have the advantage which her Enemies pretend to receive to her prejudice The true means to do it is To disperse a Declaration to inform the World That her Highness desires a good and sincere Agreement but that as she has no other design than to attain to so good an end so she will hearken to no Proposal which being void of due respect to the Dignity of her Son and of necessary Precautions for the safety of his Person which being dearer to her than her own Life can produce no other effect than her destruction and the ruine of her States and good Subjects to whose Preservation she will always have a particular regard You must in this Declaration make use of the most advantageous Circumstances of times past to confirm the pernicious Designs of Prince Thomas That being done it is convenient to remove all those fine Negotiations by whose malice or simplicity Madam in the end may be undone Pray be diligent in this Affair and be assur'd that no body has a greater kindness for you than c. P. S. Sir I add this one word more That Satisfaction is given to the Marquess of St. Morice You must take care that this may be brought over to Madam's interest Vpon which account the King will never complain of his Benefits You have so much prudence and address that I do not at all doubt but you will make this Affair succeed according to his Majesty's desire I am c. LETTER CCXXXII To the Dutchess of Savoy MADAM THo' I wrote to you eight or ten days ago about the bad circumstances in which I think your Affairs are in the late Express which I have just now received from your Highness and your Commands to give you my advice about the new Proposals which were made by Moneti and Father Michael-Ange de Aglie give me an opportunity to re-assume my Pen I assure you that the King desires nothing more than to see you well re-establish'd in your States and to have a good understanding with your Brothers-in-law And that his Majesty will be always ready to restore the Places which he possesses in Piedmont into your Highness's hands as soon as the Spaniards will in good earnest do the same with those which they hold so that you may be the real Mistress of them But as the safety of your Person and that of your Son the Duke of Savoy are the principal things which you ought to consider his Majesty will never consent that they fall into the hands of persons whose whole interest consists in their destruction And your Highness is too well advised not to see that all Proposals which are made you without this Precaution let them be never so specious are nothing but a Snare to destroy you I am not amaz'd that Prince Thomas proposes That you go into Piedmont and carry your Son along with you But I cannot think that there is any body nigh you who can advise you to it without adding at the same time that before you think of it you ought to be Mistress of the Citadel as well as of the Town of Turin Upon this Condition I think you may pass the Mountains without taking your Son along with you for whose safety you cannot take too much care to secure him from those difficulties which may happen to him You know Madam better than we the Reports upon the subject of the death of the Commander of Sales because we have them only from your Parts They ought as I think make you fear the destruction of your Son by the same way so much the more as there is a difference betwixt the possession of a soveraign-State and that of a simple Government You must be insensible if you do not fear that those who were not afraid to touch your Honour by several Falshoods and Calumnies may also aim at your Life which is not so dear to you as your Reputation In a word Madam since God has made you Mother of a Prince who is the lawful Successour of the States of his Father the Duke of Savoy you are oblig'd to do your utmost to preserve his Person and his States You will not want Forces because the King offers you his and he commanded me to write to you particularly That provided you will do what you can he will spare nothing that may tend to your preservation and re establishment in that which you have lost But because it is certain that his Forces will be of no use to you if your mind and prudence do not concur with his power to promote your safety It is your part to take care that you be not surpriz'd by bad Counsels and to fortifie your self against the weakness of your Sex which is sometime subject in its Conduct not to add firm Resolutions which are necessary in the managery of great Affairs The Observations which you have sent hither about the Proposals which are made you are so judicious to let you see the Cheat they would put upon you that I praise God that he has inspired you with such knowledge and beseech him that he would confirm you in that desire which you now have to preserve yourself from their malice I think it is very convenient that you let those Princes that cause such ridiculous Proposals to be made and your States know that as you will be always ready to come to a good Agreement by which your Son may remain such an absolute Master of his States that he may not apprehend either himself or them to be in any danger and that you will not hearken to Negotiations which have no other aim but to gain time to your prejudice and to the ruine of the People which God has committed to your charge which they desire to amuse by such hopes When you have made this Declaration I believe it requisite for your service to be deaf to all Proposals that may be made if by the first Article the Duke of Savoy and your Highness are not re-establish'd in the authority that belongs to them and if it be not permitted you to provide for both your safeties by what ways you think it most expedient These two Articles being pre-supposed I repeat it yet once more to your Highness that the King is always of opinion That you treat your Brothers-in-law with all advantages imaginable which they may reasonably desire and which are consistent with your safety to grant In the extent of those terms matters may be so adjusted that those Gentlemen may be fully satisfied without that your ruine is inevitable This is Madam what I thought good to say upon the present occasion Finally I advise you to oblige all those who are about you to declare publickly against those who so publickly seek your ruine that a Man must be either blind or malicious not to confess it I am perswaded that there is none who will
Articles CHarles by the Grace of God Duke of Lorrain Marquis Duke of Calabria Bar Gueldres c. To all whom these Presents shall see Greeting Finding Our Self at present in Our Territories which His Majesty has been pleas'd to restore unto Us according to a Treaty made and concluded at Paris on the 29th of March last past agreed on between His Majesty by the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu having a full Power from him and Us We declare That having all the Reason imaginable to praise His Majesty's Goodness and Generosity towards Us who in the midst of the Prosperity of his Arms and of the good Successes it has pleas'd God to bless him with on all sides has been pleas'd to use Us favourably Our Intention is to make him all the Returns of Gratitude and Acknowledgment We are capable of and in the mean time as soon as We have found Our Self in Our said Territories among Our good Servants and Subjects We have thought fit to Ratisie as by these Presents We do Ratifie Agree unto and Approve the aforesaid Treaty together with the Secret Articles Concluded and Agreed on the same Day between the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu in His Majesty's Name and Us according as We have sign'd and sworn the whole Promising moreover on the Word and Faith of a Prince as We did solemnly do on the 2d of April last to execute keep and inviolably maintain the said Treaty and Secret Articles according to their Form and Tenour without deviating or suffering the same to be deviated from on Our part in any manner whatever In Witness whereof We have sign'd these Presents with Our Hand and have caus'd Our Great Seal to be affix'd to the same at Bar the 21th of April 1641. Thus Sign'd CHARLES And upon the Fold By His Highness's Command John le Molleur And Seal'd with the Great Seal of the said Duke of Red Wax upon a double Label The Act or Form of the Oath taken by the Duke Charles of Lorrain in the City of Bar for the Observation of the Treaty above-written and of the Secret Articles WE Charles by the Grace of God Duke of Lorrain Marquis Duke of Calabria Bar Gueldres c. do Swear and Promise on the Faith and Word of a Prince upon the Holy Evangelisis and Canons of the Church by Us Touch'd in order thereunto that We will Observe and Perform cause to be Observ'd and Perform'd fully really and Bona fide all and singular the Points and Articles granted and set down in the Treaty concluded and agreed on at Paris the 29th of March last past together with the Secret Articles also concluded and agreed on the same Day between the Cardinal of Richelieu Peer of France in the Name of the most High most Excellent and most Puissant Prince Lewis by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre and Us without ever deviating from the same directly or indirectly or suffering the same to be deviated from on Our part in any manner whatever So help Us God In Witness whereof We have sign'd these Presents with Our own Hand and have caus'd Our Seal to be affix'd to the same in the Chapel and Royal House of St. Germain en Laye the 2d of April 1641 The which We have since Ratify'd by these Presents in Our City of Bar the 29th Day of the said Month and Year Sign'd CHARLES of Lorrain And upon the Fold By His Highness's Command John le Molleur And Seal'd with the said Duke's Great Seal of Red Wâ—x upon a double Label Memorial sent in August M. DC XL. to Count Harcourt IT is difficult to give just Measures about the Propositions of Prince Thomas because it is most certain that unless he be reduc'd to the utmost Extremity he will propose nothing but in order to deceive and that in case he be reduc'd so to do he can make none equal to the Advantages that may be deriv'd by taking him Prisoner Prince Thomas cannot be desirous of staying in Turin with the Dutchess of Savoy with any Design but to deceive her and to take under pretence of an Accommodation to the prejudice of his Nephew the same Advantages in his Territories which he did pretend to by force Therefore whatever Treaty supposes the staying of Prince Thomas in the same place with the Dutchess of Savoy is not only to be look'd on as suspicious but is to be absolutely rejected It behoves those who are upon the Spot to keep their Eyes and ears equally open to penetrate as much as can be into the Miseries of the City of Turin and to hearken to the Propositions that the Prince will make to them which as soon as we are acquainted with they will know the King's pleasure If Prince Thomas has a good Intention the Extremity to which he is reduc'd and the Incapacity the Spaniards have been in to assist him discharge him sufficiently both before God and Men without his being oblig'd to use any other pretence to quit their Party His Father and his Brother's Prudence has made them do the same out of reason with less cause And when he seems to require nothing but an apparent reason to retire he only endeavours to conceal his Ill Will which is the more evident in that he is unwilling to believe he has a lawful cause to withdraw from the Spaniards unless he settles his affairs on the ruins of the Dutchess and of her Son as he would do for his own advantage The Spaniards not having been able to succour him he may honourably take the party of France and of his own Nephew the King declaring that he only keeps the Garisons he is in possession of for his said Nephew and for himself in case the Succession thereof should lawfully devolve to him and that he will most certainly deliver them into his said Nephew's hands whenever he shall be of Age and in a condition to preserve them or to the Cardinal his Brother or to himself in case that young Prince should chance to die he has all the reason in the world to be satisfy'd In case His Majesty should likewise think sit to restore his Pensions to him to give one to his Son and one to the Princess of Carignan and to intreat the Dutchess of Savoy to add to the Portion of the said Prince if moreover he should be willing to employ him in some of his Armies things that may be done and that may be promised to him he will not only find with the King all the means that are necessary to quit the Engagement he is in with Honour but also all the useful ones he can reasonably desire In case he should also require an immediate Proposition to be made by the King to the Spaniards for the restitution of all the places they are in possession of in Piedmont since the late War on condition that His Majesty will do the same Answer must be made That the King agrees to this Article and will make his
his Enemies Leisure to multiply in such a manner that they had the Boldness upon His Majesty's Return to dispute his Passage Nevertheless he attains his Ends his Marriage is accomplish'd He passes in view of his Enemies who stood their Ground because that full of Clemency he would not fall upon 'em to the end he might give 'em Time to repent He stops at Poictiers he fights 'em at St. Maixant pursues his Enemies who to avoid the Rigour of his Arms betake themselves for Security to Flight and the Protection of the Night Being quell'd and reduc'd to Extremity he admits 'em to a Treaty with him he buys their Allegiance and besides six Millions which he gave 'em to return to their Duty he gave to the Prince of Conde the City and Castle of Chinon the City and Tower of Bourges the Government of Berry and several Places in that Government and the greatest part of the Demesnes by way of Engagement And thus he puts an End to the War concludes a Peace and restores Rest and Quiet to the People harass'd beyond Measure and eaten to the Bone The good Intentions of these Reformers appear'd in this That instead of discharging the People which serv'd 'em for the pretence of their Discontents their insatiable Appetites oblig'd us to lay heavier Burthens upon 'em that instead of releasing their Pensions which they offer'd to do for the Benefit of the King's Affairs they demanded an Augmentation of 'em and exacted above six Millions more clear Money out of his Coffers The King returns to Paris the Queen advises him to recall Monsieur the Prince to be near his Personâ— and so he in like manner gave Liberty to all that had alâ—…ted themselves to attend His Majesty Monsieur the Prince being arriv'd she shares with him that Authority which she exercis'd with the Permission of the King her Son Nay she does more she despoils her self of it altogether to invest him in it absenting her self from the Councils and leaving to him the entire Administration of the Finances a thing as extraordinary as unheard of But this Obligation was no sooner laid upon Monsieur the Prince but it was forgotten Hardly was a Month expir'd before it was perceiv'd that he was possess'd by those Evil Spirits who always instigated him to the Ruin of France 'T was perceiv'd that he render'd Evil for Good desiring the Government and sowing a Thousand Reports among the People to the Disadvantage of the Queen He goes farther He throws himself into the first Factions cabals all the Societies and endeavours to make sure to himself all the Corporations of Paris To these Ends several Assemblies were held in the Night-time Darkness being proper to cover the Shame which Conspiracies imprint in the Foreheads of their Contrivers The Curates and Preachers were tamper'd with and Publick Faith was violated Peronne was taken by the Arms of the Sieur de Longueville but by the Counsels of Monsieur the Prince and his Adherents This open'd the Eyes of all the World the Aposteme breaks and the Matter appears several discharge their Consciences accuse themselves and testifie their Acknowledgment one Prince deposes a Princess talks two Dukes intervene a Prelate declares what he knows several discover what came to their Knowledge and all unanimously agree to reveal a pernicious Plot against the King his Kingdom and his Government 'T is confirm'd that they assure themselves of Soldiers Lastly Monsieur the Prince speaks believing his Plot discover'd he confesses it to the Queen palliating his Offence as much as he can tells her that the King and she are beholding to him for their Lives and promises never to procure any Meetings and to desist from his factious Beginnings The Queen pardons him resolves to forget all that is past but understanding by undeniable Proofs that the Prince's Acknowledgments were all counterfeited that he had new Meetings that he was resolv'd as before to make himself Master of the King her Son's Person and hers Nature could not permit her to suffer more She shew'd her self to be a Mother she shew'd her self to be a Queen by securing those that sought her Ruin For this Reason she arrested Monsieur the Prince and without doing any Injury to his Person procures the Good of the whole Kingdom by that Means disappointing his pernicious Designs After this Arrest some other Princes and Lords adviâ—…d by their own Fears or by their Consciences withdrew from the Court made a Bustle and a great Noise The Queen without losing her Courage advis'd the King to put himself into a Condition to reduce 'em by Force then to stretch forth his Arms of Mercy and admit 'em to acknowledge their Faults or that if innocent they might justifie themselves if guilty that they might have Recourse to his Compassion To this Effect the King goes to his Parliament and gives 'em an Account of all that had pass'd and imparts to all the World what he need not have done the Reasons which forc'd him to that Resolution promises a strict Performance of the Treaty of Laudâ—n offers Pardon to all those who having render'd themselves guilty by their Actions should deserve it by a quick Return Several Persons interpose complain of these Proceedings find fault with the Arrest though commended by all good Men approv'd by Foreigners as also by Monsieur the Prince though the Person most interested who touch'd in Conscience confesses ingenuously that by securing his Person they secur'd the Person of the King They are offer'd all the Security they could desire they accept of it the King forgets their withdrawing themselves and all that was past Their Majesties receive 'em into their Favour as if they had never given any Cause of Offence All things being now quiet People were astonish'd that M. de Nevers who was never known to have tamper'd with these Factions displeas'd at something that had happen'd between the Governor and him gives himself the Liberty to speak disrespectfully of the Queen and to the disaduantage of His Majesty People wonder'd that he should permit himself to run out into Actions which exceeded the Bounds which no true Subject can transgress in a Sovereign State or ought to exceed in reference to his Prince He provides Arms lists Soldiers takes the Field with some re-inforces his Garisons and fortifies his Towns Intelligence comes from all Parts that they gave out salfe Reports among the People Upon this our Eyes are open'd again the King resolves by the Advioe of all his Council to send Forces to the Places where those Disorders were committed not so much to do any Harm to any Body as to prevent Mischiefs He sends Commissioners into his Mutinous Provinces to inform themselves of such as deviated from their Duties and after an exact Cognizance thereof to apply requisite Remedies This is an exact Recital and as it were a Picture in short of the Government of this Kingdom for these six Years They who have nothing before their Eyes that may hinder
them from discerning Things such as they are nor a Will that carries 'em contrary to their Knowledge find very little to urge against all this but only to what the Misfortune of Times customary to the Weakness of Minorities introduces for which there is no Remedy to be apply'd But some disaffected Persons like those envenom'd Stomachs that convert into Poison the best of Nourishments observe in the Government many Things which being rightly consider'd deserve rather to be applauded then sound fault with The first Action which they censure is the Marriage with Spain which they put in the first place as a Hidra with several Heads since as they reckon from thence proceeds the Division of France the Rupture of ancient Amities and the Scorn of Foreign Alliances with England Italy and Germany The Second is the Waste of the Treasury The Third is the Fortune of some Foreigners The Fourth and Last is the Seizing of the Prince of Conde so clearly justify'd by what we have said that it would be superfluouâ— to say any more of it here By these Heads artificially disguiz'd and publish'd they decry the Government which however being duly consider'd will appear as worthy as they would render it infamous after we have cut off all the Heads of this monstrous Hydra To make 'em approve the Alliance between France and Spain I shall not insist much upon it that 't is an ordinary thing for those two Kingdoms to unite themselves by Marriages History containing a great Number of Examples Of the most remarkable were the Marriage of Charlemaine with Galiena the Daughter of the King of Toledo Of Lâ—wis VII with Constance the Daughter of Alphonso King of Spain and Galicia Of Lewis VIII with Blanch the Daughter of the King of Castille to which Marriage we are beholding to the Birth of St. Lewis and all the Happiness we enjoy by the Regency of his Mother Of Philip the Bald with Isabel the Daughter of the King of Arragon Of Francis I. with Elenor Sister to the Emperor Charles V. Of Charles IX with Elizabeth of Austria Daughter of the Emperor Maximilian and Grand-daughter to Ferdinand King of Spain I will not urge that because the Enmities between great Personages are frequently pacify'd by Marriages that therefore this Match was useful to establish a Peace between the two Crowns I will not insist that there was nothing remaining for this Monarchy to do being assur'd of all her Neighbours but to secure her self by an Alliance with this Crown to the end that being in no danger from without she might be the more at liberty to reduce those that endeavour'd to trouble the Kingdom within I will not set forth that we have already gain'd this Advantage by Marriages that they have at least depriv'd those who have gone about to trouble the Repose of France the way to make a Benefit of Spain which was formerly wont to foment our Divisions and sow 'em also among us 'T is sufficient to stop the Mouths of those that condemn 'em to justifie 'em and cause 'em to be approv'd by all the World to declare that they were design'd and desir'd by the deceased King that they were agreed to by the Princes Lords and Officers of the Crown transacted by the Duke of Maine commended and desir'd by the Three Orders of the Kingdom imparted to the King of England by the Duke of Bouillon and to other Princes Republicks and Confederates of this Crown by the Ambassadors residing near their Persons and lastly happily accomplish'd And that instead of a bloody War of which as it was given out they were to be the Fore-runners they have been attended with a general Peace over all France which Their Majesties being desirous always to preserve among their People as they have sufficiently made it appear there is no Occasion to fear that contrary to their Words and the Edicts of the deceased Henry the Great they will attempt any thing that may infringe it 'T is to no purpose to urge the daring Humour of the Spaniard seeing that without diving into their Intentions and Designs we should do our selves an Injury to believe that we cannot keep our own and preserve our selves from those who justly ought to fear us Then again 't is an idle Terrour to fear that the Alliance of the two Crowns should occasion the Division of France For no Man will readily believe that a Man will burn his own House to do his Neighbour a Kindness Or that a Man will hate and ruin himself for the Love of another Different Beliefs do not render us different Kingdoms We are all united under one in whose Service no Catholick is so blind as to think a Spaniard better then a French Huguenot There will be found a real Division not in this World but in the other not occasion'd by the Matches between France and Spain but by the Diversity of our Religions If this Match contain'd any Article contrary to the Edicts of Pacification there might be some Reason to fear But there being no such thing quite the contrary seeing the Articles are sign'd and decreed since it is done and consummated seeing the Edicts have been renew'd no less then four times upon the Death of the late King upon the King's Majority at Bourdeaux and at Laudun though those of the Religion had greatly offendeâ— the King in joining with the Rebels what Reason is there to fear that he will give any Interruption to what the deceased King Henry the Great has establish'd for the Union and Tranquility of his Subjects What Reason have they of the pretended Reformed Religion to complain seeing their Edicts have been renew'd under this Reign and confirm'd several times their Pensions augmented and paid notwithstanding all the Exigencies of State Themselves also assisted against the most zealous and furious Catholicks as the Difference between the Rochellers and M. d' Espernon can justifie and lastly favour'd to that degree that we may say that many Enterprizes have been unpunish'd for their sakes You must not forget to insinuate how that we sent back the Spaniards that waited upon the Queen which clearly justifies our Design to make our selves Spaniards in France Moreover You must take an Occasion to signifie to 'em to our Advantage that we desire not the Advancement of Spain We offer 'em tho' discreetly to assist 'em against the Attempts of the King of Spain to set the Crowns of Hungary Bohemia the King of the Romans and the Empire upon the Head of a Child of Spain And to give 'em Proofs of our Affection and to let 'em see that we have no Designs but the Good of the Empire 't were well that you should let 'em know that we pretend to no other thing but only to concurr with 'em to set the said Crowns upon the Head of that Person whom they shall deem most acceptable to His Imperial Majesty and most useful to Christendom Seeing then this Match can create no Jealousie by
any Condition inserted in those Articles 't is past all Doubt that if they have any Cause to except against it 't is by reason that the Alliance with Spain is of it self odious and prejudicial to Christendom In which Case England deserves more justly to be blam'd then we since she has so passionately sought the same Alliance that we have accepted This Match ought also to give as little Jealousie to the Foreign Protestants as to the French since the Interests of State that bind Princes are different from the Interests of the Salvation of Souls which obliging us to live and die in the Church wherein we were born bind us only in respect of others to desire 'em by fair Means not to hall 'em by Force and Constraint Several Christians have been so united with Mis-believers that their Arms have never been separated in Conquests of this World though in those which they pretend to Heaven they have been divided Since Errour insinuated it self into Europe into England and among our selves these Crowns have been united together by the same Bonds Philip King of Spain having married Elizabeth the Daughter of Henry II. these two Kings being greatly puissant Henry naturally Warlike and an Enemy to the Huguenots the Crown of England enjoy'd by a Woman the Catholicks potent in her Country Scotland was Leagu'd to France by the Marriage of Francis the Dauphin to Mary Steuart The Huguenots were every where weak they had not any Province in Flanders not one in France Liberty of Conscience was forbid nevertheless these two Crowns were so far from making any Advantage of their Union against the Queen of England and other neighbouring Countries that on the other side the Huguenots in France rebell'd against their King in Flanders against their Prince and in Scotland against their Queen All that we desire is to preserve our selves in such a manner that they may make no Attempts upon us In that Case we shall shew that no People surpass us in desiring to maintain our ancient Alliances for which we have a high Value Does not our desire to renew our Union with England appear by the Tye which binds us to Spain It appears by the Conditions which we have coveted to that end that we wholly desire that Alliance and by the proceeding of the English who have relax'd in their pursuit of it in prosecution of new Alliances with Spain that there is Cunning if not Malice in what they do to render us odious in order to make themselves acceptable Can it be call'd a Contempt of our ancient Alliances with Spain that we keep in Pay four thousand Foot for the preservation of the Protestants in that Kingdom whereas we were not bound by the Treaty to pay 'em above two years Is it not sufficient for us that we know it was one of the last marks of the deceased King's Good-will to bestow upon 'em Seventeen millions all at once Is it a Contempt of our ancient Alliances to take care of the continuance of the Treaties between them and the Arch-Duke of Austria To give the Republic of Genâ—a a Pension of 24000 Crowns which was paid in the midst of our Necessities and for the maintenance of the Garrison necessary for their defence Is it a Contempt of our ancient Alliances with Germany to set an Army on foot in order to compose the Differences that happened about the affair of Cleves and Juliers Does the Treaty of Kempen at the Instance and by the Authority of France does that I say testifie our Scorn of ' em If it be not perform'd where lies the fault but among those who possessing the thing in Contest as it were in deposito will not let go their hold for the turning of their Titular Possession into succession of Time Have they not themselves forg'd Difficulties to bring about their ends Has not France offer'd to become Guarantee of the Treaty with England Has she not often renew'd her importunity as now she does Is it a Contempt of our ancient Alliances in Italy to take Arms to hinder the Duke of Savoy from oppressing the Duke of Mantua and afterwards to interpose on purpose to prevent Spain who comes in for her Stakes from ruining the Duke of Savoy The Conclusion of the Treaty of Ast does it not shew our great Care of our Neighbors If the Treaty have not taken effect are the mediators the cause of it If the Parties are not so free to perform as to promise the Conditious shall they who have taken their Words be accountedâ— guilty If afterwards they slip in some obscure Article into their Treaties to the end that by putting their own Interpretation upon them they may take from thence a plausible Pretence to disclaim em when they please as it has fallen out in that particular where lies the Fault The Spaniard obliges himself to remove from the Duke of Savoy the Jealousie of his Arms the Duke interprets this Article to be an absolute laying down of Arms The Spaniard averrs That his meaning was never to oblige himself to stand to that Condition are we to be responsible for these Shifts and Artifices Is it not sufficient that His Majesty interposes afresh to reconcile this Dispute Does he not satisfie by so doing what he may be thought to owe the Duke of Savoy out of Civility by permitting his Subjects freely to assist him That his whole Army consists of Twenty thousand men Is this a feeble Succour to a Prince What have we done that it might not be thought we have broken the Laws of our alliance with that Prince We permitted a passage to the Duke of Nemours but how With such assurance that he should have no Benefit by the Permission when the Embassadors of Savoy agreed to it judging before us that in so doing we should oblige Spain without opening her Purse since his Master could receive no Prejudice People are too apt to observe what with most probability be said against us but not what really justifies us They raise Causes of Complaint but pass over in silence that for which they ought in Justice to thank us Then again where is there any Englishman German Hollander or Reiter to be found in the Duke of Savoy's Army Yet these are the Nations who tacitely find fault with us doing in this like him who standing upon the brink of a River assists in words his drowning Friend but blames another who to save him from the danger ventures the drowning himself Is it a Contempt of our ancient Alliances with Spain to grant the Venetians a passage through the Grisons which they cannot have without us and without which the Arch-Duke de Grets would have had great Advantages over ' em Is it a dealing unkindly with that Republic not only to grant 'em a free passage but also to permit 'em to allye themselves with the Grisons to the end that afterwards without our intermediating they might enjoy that passage which they could not have
he must endeavour to overcome those Obstacles by his good Conduct and by getting as much Credit in the Palace as he can to render his Talent the more profitable to the King and to destroy the malicious Reports that have been spread to his Prejudice Cardinal de Sourdis and he will acquaint him on what Terms the Affair between those of the Congregation of St. Lewis and the Fathers of the Oratory stands in order to apply such Remedies and Moderation as will be requisite in the Case jointly with them for His Majesty's Service and Satisfaction who is very well satisfied that those of Savoy and Lorrain have obstructed the Execution thereof The said Commandore is to take care to have the same remedy'd speedily by His Majesty's Authority And not to enter any further into several trivial Affairs which do not deserve being inserted in an Instruction He shall be inform'd there on what Terms they stand and shall behave himself therein according to the Time and Occasions to the best of his power And for as much as the good Fathers Minimes of the Trinity of the Mount have always been recommended to His Majesty's Ambassadors in order to their being preserv'd in the Purity of Life they have chosen and continued with great Praise and that none but those of the French Nation may be receiv'd in the said Monastery into which some Foreigners have slip'd heretofore who were not rightly qualified for the same the said Commandore is to take a particular Care of them He is often to visit the Cardinals of the sacred Colledge in the usual manner and is to be very careful to give each of them assurances of his Majesty's Favour according to the degree of their affection for the King's affairs which he shall be acquainted with by those of Sourdis and of Bentivoglio in order to confirm the Votaries of France in their Devotion and to endeavour by good Offices and Courtesies according to their Dignity to encrease their Number There has been some disorder of late in the Taxes of Benefices which has somewhat burthen'd his Majesty's Subjects the said Commandore is to conferr with those that are intelligent in those affairs about means to redress the same making use of his Majesty's Name and Credit according as he shall think it convenient As this Embassy has ever been look'd upon as the most honourable and most considerable in respect to his Majesty's Reputation and the wellfare of his Affairs as it is the first in Rank so his Majesty is fully persuaded that the said Commandore's Conduct will produce Effects resulting to the Grandeur of his Royal Name the Publick Good and his Holinesses Satisfaction by his deportment which he is to make as acceptable as can be preserving what is due to his Majesty's Dignity that he may have as much cause to commend the said Commandore's Services as the choice he has made of his Person for the knowledge he has of his past Actions and to reward him for the same to his Satisfaction Done at Paris the 18th of March 1622. Sign'd Lewis and Lower Brulart Cant given to the said Ambassador ROME GARDEN The Pope The Rose Cardinal Ludovisio The Carnation Cardinal Borghese The Pensy Cardinal Aldobrandin The Jasmin Cardinal of Savoy The Lawrel Cardinal Montalto The Cypress Cardinal de Sourdis The Peach Tree Cardinal Vincenzo The Quince Tree Cardinal de la Rochefoucaud The Pear Tree Cardinal de Rets The Plum Tree Cardinal de la Valette The Apple Tree Cardinal Bentivoglio The Abricot Tree Cardinal Bevilaqua The Cherry Tree Cardinal Barberini The Griotier or Sowre Cherry Tree Cardinal Ubaldini The Lote or Nettle Tree Cardinal Bandinis The Dazy Cardinal Medicis The May Blossom Cardinal Mellini The Orange Tree Cardinal St. Susanna The Lemon Tree Cardinal Verrallo The Fig Tree Cardinal Ara-caeli The Thym Plant. Cardinal Ursini The Marjorum Plant. Cardinal Campora The Lettuce Plant. Cardinal Esti The Bugloss Plant. Cardinal Savelli The Borage Plant. The Great Duke The Amaranth The Great Dutchess The Vine The Arch Dutchy The Grape The Bishop of Mantua The Wallnut Tree The Seignory of Venice The Almond Tree The Governor of Milan The White Thorn The Republick of Genoa The Linden Tree The Duke of Savoy The Tulip The Prince of Piedmont The Wind Flower The Duke of Mantua The Sauge Plant. The Emperor The Courser The King of Spain The â—arbe The Arch Duke Leopold The Sorrel Horse The Infanta of Flanders The Pad Count Olwarez The Dapple Gray Horse D. Balthazar de Cuniga The Dun Horse Germany The Stable Spain The Manger Flanders The Rack England The Fork The King of Great Britain The Groom The Prince of Wales The Little Nag The Elector Palatin The Curtall or middle siz'd Horse The Duke of Bavaria The War Horse The Duke of Lorrain The Sumpter Horse The Switzers The Stirrops The Grisons The Spurs Valtelina The Saddle Catholicks The Boots Protestants The Reins The Nuncio of France The Bit. The Nuncio of Switzerland The Bridle The Vice Legat of Avignon The Horse Cloth The Bishop of Lusson The Switch The Arch-Bishop of Lyons The Master of the Horse Monsieur de Villiers The Page Monsieur Marini The Manege The King's Ambassadors in Switzerland The Pillars Le Sieur Eschinard The List Le Sieur Rabi The Ring Secretary le Fevre The Launce Seignior Pol Fiesco The Career Seignior Frangipani The Pike Monsieur Ruccellai The Musket France Building The King Pedestal The Queen The Cornish The Queen Mother The Door The Duke of Orleans The Window Madam the King's Sister The Room The Prince of Conde The Hall Count de Soissons The Garret Monsieur de Guise The Yard The Prince of Joynville The Chimney The Duke of Longueville The Table The Duke of Vendosme The Chair The Duke of Nemours The Bench. The Duke d' Elbeuf The Bed Count St. Paul The Side-board Monsieur d' Angoulesme The Cabinet Monsieur d' Espernon The Carpet Monsieur de Montmorency The Chevron or Rafter Monsieur d'Esdiguieres The Beam Monsieur de Crequy The Boarding Monsieur de Schomberg The Window Frame or Cross Work Monsieur de Bassompierre The Small Pinacle The Marquiss de Couvres The Stair case The Commander de Sillery The Tabernacle Pavillon The Chancelor de Sillery The Chaplain Monsieur de Puysieux The Oratory or Private Chappe Madam de Puysieux The Chappe Monsieur de Marais The Priest Monsieur de Bellievre The Clerk Monsieur de Valencay The Choirist or Querister The Bishop of Chartres The Chanter The Chevalier de Valencay The Novice Monsieur de Berny The Deacon Monsieur de Leon. The Accolite or Boy that Ministers at Mass The Lord Keeper The Fire Lock Monsieur de Gesvre The Murrian or head piece Monsi de la Ville-aux-cleres The Sword Monsieur d'Herbault The Pertizan Monsieur de Beaumarchais The Holbard Monsieur Morant The Pistol Pensions of Rome The Balls The Duke Sforza The Powder The Duke de S. Gemini The Carabine Memoire for the
Precedency of Cardinals in the King's Council collected by Cardinal de Richelieu MDCXXII From M. du Puy 's Study M.S. 478. THERE is no account to be given of the Treatment Cardinals receive in all other Kingdoms where Kings give them the Precedency before all others whatever But France having peculiar Laws to which it is reasonable to submit they pretend to no more there than what they have had for the time past and I am persuaded that the World will commend their Modesty if they consider that they freely suffer some diminution of the first rank they have had out of respect to the Blood of their Majestys In the Year 1467. at the Estates of Tours Cardinal Balue was seated on the King's Right Hand and Rene King of Sicilly Prince of the Blood on the left In 1493. du Tillet Reports That the King sitting in his Parliament the Cardinal of Lyons was seated immediately after the Dukes of Orleans and of Burgundy the King's Brothers and after him the Counts d' Angoulesme and de Montpencier Princes of the Blood The Possession of this Rank has been so clear that du Tillet says in express Terms that the Quality of a Cardinal is such that he preceeds all the Princes of the Blood after the second Person The first contest between the Princes of the Blood and the Cardinals happen'd under Charles the 9th not between a lay Prince of the Blood but between the Cardinal of Bourbon and the Cardinal of Lorrain The Cardinal of Lorrain was the most Ancient and was seated in the Council above the other without any Contestation They became Enemies and it was fear'd that the Princes of the House of Lorrain would become too great in the State Therefore in order to Temper and Humble the said House the precedence was given to the Cardinal of Bourbon after his having declar'd that he only pretended that Rank in the Council upon the account of the interest those of the Blood have in the State above others Since that time there have been disputes sometimes between the Princes of the Blood and the Cardinals in the Council But without the least Contradiction the Cardinals have always preceeded all others And it would be without the least ground or reason should any Constable or Chancelor pretend to dispute the said Rank with a Cardinal since they have ever been preceeded by Persons who do not dispute it with the Cardinals Du Tillet reports pag. 439. in a Sessions of Parliament That the Constable was seated after the Dukes of Guise d' Aumalle and Vaudemont In another Sessions under Henry the 2d after the Duke of Guise In another Sessions under the said Henry after the Dukes of Guise and Aumalle And yet in another after the Dukes of Guâ—se and of Nivernois He also says elsewhere in express words That the Prelates are after the Constables or Chancellors unless they are Princes or Cardinals Under Henry the 2d the Constable Anne de Montmorency was Favourite He did not love the Cardinal of Lorrain and yet he never thought of disputing his Rank Since the Cardinal of Lenoncourt has always been seated in the King's Council above the Lord Keeper officiating the place of Chancelor At the Declaration of the Queen's Regency in the Parliament held in the Monastery of the Augustin Fryars the Constable of Montmorency seated himself after the Cardinals of Joyeuse Sourdis and du Perron And no Constable or Chancellor ever had that thought except Monsieur de Sillery who imparting his Ambition to the Constable induc'd him to aspire to it All the Ancients of the Council remember to have seen Monsieur de Guise seated above Monsieur de Sillery and on the same side with him The Queen remembers to have seen the Cardinal of Joyeuse seated there and formerly the Cardinal of Sourdis She also remembers he complain'd to her one day that the Chancellor endeavudr'd to break up the Council to incroach that place The Expedient propos'd by the said Chancellor was That there should be one Side of the Dignities on which the Children of France the Princes of the Blood and other Princes Dukes and Peers should be seated consecutively And another Side of the Officers on which the Constable Chancellor Mareschals of France and other Officers should be plac'd And foreseeing that this would be look'd upon as a great Absurdity since by this Means he would be seated sometimes above the Children of France Princes of the Blood or Cardinals he propos'd the making a Declaration which setling the two Sides of Dignities and of Offices should at the same time express that the Second Place on the Side of the Dignities should be Nobler than the First Place on the Side of the Officers This Proposition destroys it self evidently seeing that not only Kings but even God himself cannot make the Vale of a Hill to be the Top thereof nor the Feet of a Man to be higher than his Head So that in reality whatever Subtlity was us'd the Chancellor had a mind to precede those who in Reason have always preceded him since the Second Person of the Right Side would not have been so nobly seated as the First on the Left This Design was openly to settle a perpetual Precedency in the King's Council by the Chancellor like unto that of the First President of the Parliament who has a certain fix'd Seat which he does not so much as yield to the Princes of the Blood This would be of very ill Consequence in the Council for several Reasons easily thought on No body can be ignorant of the End of this Pretension if they consider that the Jealousie of keeping this regulated Place has often induced the Chancellor His Majesty being absent from the Council to give the King 's own Place to qualify'd Persons which was never done before rather than quit his own Therefore the King has wisely condemn'd the said Pretension as being very prejudicial and given the First Place of his Council in which the Prince of Conde sits when he is there to the Cardinal de la Roch-foucaulâ— declaring that the said Prince coming the said Cardinal should remove to the other Side which is the Second Place And thus the Chancellor was absolutely depriv'd of the Advantage he expected by this Proposition which is the same that is continu'd at present contrary to the Judgment the King was pleas'd to give at that time Should any thing be alter'd about this Pretension at present it would be as unjust whatever Retrenchments were made as it was in the whole since it is evident by the Examples above-mention'd that the Cardinals have never yielded to any but the Princes of the Blood for the Reasons abovesaid which can only be of force in relation to them and consequently that next to them they ought to possess the first Places and of Course theirs in their Absence That the noblest Places have always been look'd upon to be those that are the first on the two Sides opposite to
Declaration of it after the Treaty desiring nothing more than to find the means to secure all the Garisons to the Duke of Savoy in such a manner as no Inconveniencies may arise thereby But that whereas Prince Thomas says he had rather die than make a Treaty by which his Honour might be wounded so likewise the King can no wise consent to have that Article put into the Treaty of the Surrender of Turin since it would look as if the said City were rather yielded to him on that Consideration than by the Force of his Arms. The Declaration the King will make on that Account is a sufficient Security to satisfie the Princes without being oblig'd to have Recourse to the Interposition of the Pope and of the Venetians Nevertheless the King may do an equivalent thing writing to His Holiness and to the Venetians that he engages for the Restauration of the said places on the Conditions above specify'd The King moreover condescends that the Pope and the Venetians should interpose in the said Treaty after its being made if they will engage to take Arms for the King in case the Princes of Savoy or one of them breaking their Word should return to the Spanish side Besides If they should require Nice to be put into the Cardinal's Hands for the space of six Months during which the said Interposition may be manag'd it shall be granted provided as soon as ever the Treaty is made they put Coni into the hands of the Dutchess of Savoy again and that Prince Thomas engages himself into the Party of France and comes actually to serve there upon the Account of the good Treatment that is offer'd to him and of all the Securities in writing he can desire from the King for the Performance thereof In case the said Prince says That before his coming into France he must contrive to get his Wife and Children out of Spain by Cunning it is another Blind to conceal his desire of remaining in the Interest of Spain In a word If the lawful Causes he has to quit the Spaniards cannot oblige him to do it openly one must be blind not to see that he persists in the Resolution to ruin his Nephew and that his Animosities against France because it is the only Power that can maintain him is unspeakable And if it be in his Nature to suffer his Nephew's Reign he has but too much cause to forsake the party of those that seek his ruin for the ill Treatments he has receiv'd from them and more than enough to side with France that will save him for the advantages they offer him This is all that can be said at this time to Count Harcourt Whereupon he is to take his Measures according to his Instruction of the 28th of May and this present Dispatch Giving a speedy Account of all Transactions he will receive an immediate Answer Instruction or Power to the Sieur de Ville May the 12th 1639. SUpposing the Repentance and the Satisfactions Duke Charles is willing to give the King and that he will sincerely join himself to his Interest and to that of France with all the Forces he can get as he has often given His Majesty Assurances that he would do by the said Sieur de Ville as well as by several others with all the freedom imaginable His Majesty through his innate Goodness may be inclin'd to one of the following Propositions Either to be contented with the Country of Barr and the Towns of La Motte and Marsal the County and Town of Clermont of Stenay and Jamets for ever in propriety with the Liberties of the said places and Nancy as a Pledge for Ten Years after the Peace after which time the said City is to be return'd to the said Duke all the Fortifications being first demolish'd Or if the said Duke had rather leave Nancy in propriety to the King for ever His Majesty will give him back the Country of Bar with the remainder of his Territories the Towns and places above-mention'd excepted And whereas notwithstanding the King 's putting the said Duke in possession of his Country again the same Differences they had together before the War and which Monsieur le Bret was employ'd about at that time are still to be decided with France His Majesty promises to adjust them so reasonably within six Months after the Agreement that the said Duke shall have reason to be satisfy'd In the next place Monsieur de Ville is to represent two things to the Duke of Lorrain as being most certain The First is That by a general Agreement the King will never yield to any Conditions so advantageous for the said Duke as those that are contain'd in the present Memorial the which he may the more easily conceive by reason that His Majesty will follow the same Method with all his Allies who are desirous to keep what they have conquer'd The Second That by 〈◊〉 particular Treaty His Majesty will never yield more to the said Duke Charles than what is above specify'd This requires a speedy Answer attended at the same time with Performances Safe-Conduct for the Duke Charles THE King being inform'd by the Sieur de la Grange-aux-Ormes of the great desire the Duke Charles of Lorrain has to put himself into His Majesty's Favour again he is willing to receive him into the same after having adjusted several Points that are to be agreed upon before-hand on that Subject To which end if the said Duke is willing to repair to some place about Langres to confer with such Persons as His Majesty shall think fit to appoint there he promises by the Faith and Word of a King that the said Duke may come thither tarry there and go back again with all manner of Safety whether any thing be concluded there with him or no together with all those he shall bring along with him In order whereunto His Majesty enjoins the Lieutenants-General of his Armies and Provinces Mareschals de Camp Colonels Chiefs and Leaders of his Soldiers whether French or Foreigners to let the said Duke and all those that shall come along with him going towards the said Town of Langres freely pass and repass going back again without the least Trouble Hindrance or Molestation Given at St. Menehoud the 14th of August 1693 Memorial to the Sieur de la Grange-aux-Ormes THE said la Grange having acquainted the King with the fresh Trouble the Duke Charles of Lorrain is in for being out of His Majesty's Favour and his Desire of being restor'd to the same again His Majesty is willing to permit the said Sieur de la Grange to go back to the said Duke Charles of Lorrain to assure him that if he be in the Condition and Disposition he has sent him word he will freely forget his Behaviour for the time past and receive him into his Favour again giving him all manner of Security from this very Moment to confer with the Lord Cardinal of Richelieu near Langres Done at
is sent to him most religiously without making any Alterations because this Prince is captious and that it is certainly known that he has not the Intentions he ought to have It is moreover known that he has given an Account of the Overtures of the Treaty he is about to the Cardinal Infant saying That he is courted to it against his Will and that far greater Offers are made him than the Conditions the King is willing to grant him The said Duke has also communicated this Treaty to all the Princes of Germany and particularly to those of Bavaria and Cologne with the same Suppositions he has sent into Flanders It will be proper to let him know that we are acquainted with all his Artifices and Levities and that such a manner of proceeding does almost break off all manner of Treaty since he has nothing on his side to give the King but his Fidelity which he does not approve Nevertheless in order to give Monsieur du Hallier means to conclude a Treaty if there be any hopes to make a good one the King has been pleas'd once more to answer the three new Demands made by Videl in the Duke Charles's Name and to give the said du Hallier means to satisfie the said Duke if he be capable of acknowledging a Courtesie which he grants him beyond what he could expect in Reason The said Duke demands the Title of Sovereign in the Treaty That a Garison may be given him immediately in Lorrain And that those Garisons the King is to keep in the places that are to remain in his possession may not be paid out of the Revenues of Lorrain It is thought that by the first of these three Demands Duke Charles intends to oblige the King to decide the Salique Law pretended in Lorrain in favour of him which His Majesty cannot do without enquiring farther into the matter especially with a Person who is not as yet reconciled with him But to shew the King's Goodness he is willing that in the Third Article of the Project of the Treaty which Monsieur du Hallier has in his hands instead of these words Thus the Duke shall be restor'd to the Possession of the Dutâ—…y of Lorrain these may be inserted That he shall be restor'd to the Possession of the Soverignty of the Dutchy of Lorrain As to the Garison he desires were the King persuaded that he had a mind to treat sincerely he would condescend to it but it is impossible to resolve on it without that Assurance 'T is the said Duke's part to give us such an one I am of opinion that such an one might be had by incerting a Clause in the Treaty by which the Duke may shew that he is willing to deprive himself of the Means of failing The said Clause ought to be as followeth As to the City of La Motte His Majesty being mov'd by the earnest Intreaty the said Duke has made to him to have the said City deliver'd into his hands in order to his being the better able to execute what he promises by the present Treaty since it will put him in a Condition not to fear those whose Ill Will he will incur by making this Engagement His said Majesty has been pleas'd to grant it the said Duke consenting freely that in case he should make an ill Use of this Advantage by violating the present Treaty which he will be the better able to execute having a safe Retreat His Majesty should make him resent the Effects of his Indignation attacking his Territories anew and preserving to Perpetuity whatever he shall take there by Force of Arms. Though this Clause seems to give some Assurance the Experience of what is past which has shewn that nothing can hinder the said Duke Charles from following his Passions when-ever he is mov'd by them makes us sensible that this Pre-caution is not sufficient to venture to put a strong Place into the hands of a Prince who may chance to do a great deal of Mischief with it during the War Nevertheless If after having seen the said Duke Monsieur du Hallier thinks that there is more Sincerity in his proceeding than before His Majesty will run that hazard to promote a Peace As to the Payment of the Garisons the King restoring the said Duke to the Possession of his Territories out of his extraordinary Goodness His Majesty has no Thoughts of reserving any thing to himself there besides the places mention'd in the said Treaty with the Liberties thereof insomuch that in case the said Duke immediately passes the Treaty coming between this and the Month of January to pay his Respects to the King he shall begin to enjoy his Territories on the very beginning of the next Year It will be Monsieur du Hallier's part to decide the Liberties of the said Towns very advantageously for the King There will be no need of mentioning the Liberties of Clermont since the County is to remain in the King's Hands as well as the Town The King desires the said du Hallier to cause a Map to be made of all the Country round about the said Places in which the Liberties of the same are to be particularly noted according as he shall think they ought to be and so send the same to His Majesty who will acquaint him with his Pleasure therein Thus Monsieur du Hallier may acquaint the Duke of Lorrain That in treating with him he will treat as with a Sovereign and that he does not doubt in case the said Duke behaves himself towards His Majesty as he ought to do that he will pay the Garisons of the Towns that are to remain in his hands In a word That he is persuaded that when he sees him if he knows how to deserve His Majesty's Favour he will be able to give him Satisfaction But that he cannot explain himself farther without having seen the Disposition he is in and known the Security he is willing to give His Majesty of his Fidelity Moreover Whenever the said du Hallier sees the Duke it will suit with his Prudence to behave himself in such a manner that in case the said Duke be not in a Condition to perform his Duty freely towards the King he may not be able to say That he has been willing to restore La Motte to him immediately Monsieur du Hallier is to let him make the Proposition about it saying that he has no Order to grant it and that he does not believe the King will do it but that he will propose it to His Majesty And if he finds all things agreed on excepting that Point he is to promise to give him an Answer in seven or eight Days time and to dispatch a Courier to St. Germain where the King will be Memorial of Cardinal de Richelieu to Monsieur du Hallier From Paris this 20 th of November THE divers Circumstances of Duke Charles's proceeding who sends to Monsieur du Hallier upon a slight Pretence being join'd
of his Majesty as it was favourable to the Spaniards and recall'd him when that Court gave publick Signs that his Person was disagreeable to them and apprehended that he dealt for a Peace against their Intention Now if it should so fall out that your Holiness shou'd persist to oppose the Employ of the Mareschal d'Estreés in whose Person are to be found abundance of Qualities contrary to what the Enemies of this Crown may desire there is no Person but wou'd believe altho' erroneously that Spain by her Artifices had insensibly carry'd your Holiness to what she most of all desir'd As for my self this Thought never found any room in my Breast but it concerns your Holiness in the highest degree to prevent it from taking any footing in the Minds of other People who perhaps will conclude there is something in it if you shou'd continue to treat the King upon this occasion otherwise than you do other Princes that have Ambassadors at your Court I hope your Holiness will be pleased to make a difference between those that honour you with a cordial and everlasting Reverence and those that only give you a few exteriour Marks of it when their Affairs require such a Conduct The known Piety of the King naturally leads your Holiness to this Procedure his Person demands it of you the present Juncture seems to oblige your Beatitude to it since nothing can prove so directly contrary to a Peace as to show a disrespect to him who of all other Kings most earnestly desires a strict Union with you As it is an easie matter so it will likewise be a glorious one to your Holiness to preserve that absolute Power which you have in the Affection of this great Prince and I dare engage to you that the Mareschal d'Estrées for his part will endeavour nothing more zealously than to serve you and advance the Interests of your whole Family that by doing so he may render himself serviceable to his Master If it happens otherwise I freely consent that your Holiness shou'd lay all the blame upon my self who shou'd take it for a new Obligation if you wou'd condescend to think upon this most humble Supplication of mine and not barely consider it as such but as it concurs with his Majesty's Prayers which have no other End but what may be of most advantage to your Holiness and all your Family This I most humbly conjure your Holiness to believe as likewise that I shall always be Your Holiness's most c. July 25 1636. LETTER LVI To the Cardinal de la Valette My Lord YOU will particularly know by the Dispatch of Monsieur de Noyers what condition we are in at present and what the Enemy has been doing ever since they have approach'd towards the Frontier of Picardy The King daily strengthens himself with new Forces as much as he can that he may be in a capacity to beat them back into their own Territory His Majesty makes account so soon as Dole is taken which News we expect every hour with the greatest impatience to order two thousand Horse of Monsieur the Prince's Army to march and joyn that of Picardy where there are not above five thousand leaving the rest of the above-mention'd Army either to tarry still in the Franche-Comté and make Head against the Enemy if they offer to come there or else to march into Lorrain according as he shall find it most expedient for his Affairs As for what relates to your self My Lord the King leaves you wholly at your own liberty to act as you shall judge most advantageous to his Designs and does not prescribe you any Method to follow but trusts intirely to your Prudence and your Conduct to manage your self as the Motion of the Enemy and any emergent Occasions make it proper for you In the mean time I beseech you to believe that I can have no opportunity of serving you presented to me which I shall not embrace with the greatest eagerness that I may convince you every day more and more of the esteem I have for your Person and of the Affection wherewith I am and ever shall be My Lord Your c. Challiot Aug. 4 1636. LETTER LVII To the same My Lord YOU will soon imagine that the War goes but ill on our side in these parts since I have resolv'd at at last to go thither in Person with all the Pains and Illnesses to which you know me so subject The Cowardice of three Raskals that made no defence for the Garrisons they were intrusted with has so perplex'd our Affairs for the present that I am necessitated to make this Journey You never heard of such perfidious Villains soon after away they sled like Traytors as they were We have drawn them asunder between four Horses in Effigie with all the reproachful Marks of Ignominy that con'd possibly be thought of and their Persons will be treated after the same manner where-ever we happen to find them We shall have by the Sixth of the next Month above ten thousand Horse and twenty five thousand Foot With these Forces we shall march streight towards the Enemy On one side we have Monsieur of Lorrain to sear who designs to make a Descent upon us by the way of Burgundy with his own Troops and those that were quarter'd in the Franche-Comté and as I imagine Galasse who might very well have pass'd the Rhine to re-pass it at Brisac and so marched to joyn him This My Lord is the Province which we leave to be manag'd by your self and the Duke of Weymar in conjunction We have left a thousand Horse and three thousand Foot with Monsieur the Prince Besides these he may still raise three thousand Men and five hundred Horse with which he will be able to oppose the Enemy on one side while you will powerfully make Head against him on the other For this effect it will be wholly necessary for you to direct your Course towards Espagnol or Mircourt that you may afterwards take such a way as the marching of the Enemy will oblige you to observe As soon as you draw near to the Prince's Army care shall be taken to prevent all manner of Competition by sending down an Order to him to go to some other place and to leave his Troops with you I know very well that 't is impossible to propose a more mortifying Condition to you than to send you to the place where the obove-mention'd Person has any power But it cannot be avoided the necessity of our Affairs obliging us to follow this Conduct You are the only Man that together with the Duke of Weymar are able to regulate Matters in those Parts Although our Affairs on this side are in a very scurvy condition yet I hope we shall be able to retrieve them so soon as our Troops are got together Although the Spaniards quitted all other Designs to make their utmost Efforts in Picardy yet if they had not met with such treacherous Villains I
the Sieur Cardinal desir'd him to know from Coalta and Spinola if they had any such Orders After which Answer the said Father freely confess'd That this Proposition was only his thoughts without any relation to the Emperor or his Ministers The said Capuchin made another Overture which was That seeing we desir'd Pignerol only for Security of the Peace if we had no other design we might easily consent to restore it at the end of two years during which the Emperor should keep the Passes of the Grisons The Sieur Cardinal told him he believ'd the King would consent to this Proposition with which he would acquaint his Majesty assoon as they were agreed about it Whereupon the Capuchin immediately went to 'em but soon return'd and reported That they would not consent to it by any means As to the Fifth Point The Marquess Spinola said he had no Authority to make good any Infringements of the Treaty of Monzon To which was represented That it would neither be just nor reasonable to have two Differences at a time with Spain in Italy and to have sent a puissant Army thither yet to return without deciding either Notwithstanding which he positively reply'd he would have nothing to do to repair a Treaty that bad been made by Count Olivarez To which was answered That the Question at present was not about Repairing the Treaty but. Performing it Whereupon he promis'd in General to Perform the said Treaty of Monzon but to specifie the Infringements he would never do it To which was Answered That we would be contented without specifying 'em providing he would speedily make 'em good To which he reply'd That he could only Promise in general that the Treaty of Monzon should be perform'd and leave deciding the Infringements to another time But it was reply'd That would look like an Abuse since the Infringements were plain by the Tenour of the Treaty and to promise to perform it without repairing them would be to little or no purpose The Question is at present Not if Peace should be made because 't is preferable to War for a thousand reasons but if we should be contented with the bare Investing the Duke of Mantua without farther Security than the Emperor's and the King of Spain's Word that he should not be molested for the future Also If we should consent that the Duke of Savoy should be paid the 15000 Crowns Rent as he demands Also If it be reasonable the Duke of Mantua should be excluded a Liberty of putting what Garisons he pleases into his Towns Also If we can or ought to end the Duke of Mantua's Controversy without concluding likewise that of Valtelina and the Treaty of Monzon And if there be Security enough left tho' we should restore Pignerol as also If the King's Reputation be not concern'd in only terminating the Difference of the Duke of Mantua and leaving that of Valtelina and the Grisons to the Spaniards Faith COUNSEL From Cardinal Richelieu after that of the Queen-Mother and the Lord-Keeper ALL the Reasons mention'd before by the Lord-Keeper make it plainly appear that a Peace is to be greatly desired For my part I have always wish'd it upon the same Considerations and have omitted nothing in my power to procure it Your Majesty and His Lordship the Keeper knows That after the taking Pignerol I immediately dispatch'd an Express to make known the Inconveniencies depended upon continuing the War as also the Reasons which might be brought for a Peace by restoring Pignerol But you both know also that I had no other Answer but that His Majesty enclin'd to the noblest side and was coming to attack Savoy Nevertheless not to be against the Negotiations for Peace returning home I writ a Letter to the Princess of Piedmont on purpose that it might be communicated to the Duke of Savoy and the Prince by which I desir'd her to further this Negotiation hoping thereby to content both Princes This Letter I left with the Vicar-General of Pignerol who took upon him to carry it himself that he might have an Opportunity to encline these Princes to a good and lasting Peace Hereupon he sent twice to Turin but could not be admitted therefore Mareschal Schomberg who was acquainted with this design sent me my Letter again The Lord-Keeper's reasons also make it appear That a War cannot be undertaken without great Inconveniencies being a Scourge which God ordains to punish bad Men. But nevertheless hence it does not follow that we should purchase a Peace on dishonourable and base Conditions but that we should rather bear with the greatest Afflictions a War can produce The Aversion the People have to War is not a sufficient Motive to accept such a Peace because they are uneasie and complain as well of a necessary Evil as of one that ought to be avoided As also ignorant to know what is convenient as ready to murmur at Grievances are absolutely necessary to prevent greater He that makes Peace on dishonourable Terms would never be able to maintain it long As also would lose his Reputation for ever and expose his Country for the future to endless Wars It being certain that no body would fear to Attack that had observed the Volubility of our Tempers on this Occasion and the Advantages we had lost which were not easie to be regain'd Our Neighbours also would slight our Alliance as trifling because of our Fickleness and would rather chuse to bear with the Tyrannies of Spain than hope to be reliev'd by Us. But to return to our Particular Case In my Opinion we cannot agree to a Peace upon Three of the Conditions abovenamed viz. First That the Duke of Savoy shall have such Division of Montserrat as he desires Secondly To exclude the French out of Cazal And Thirdly To Quit the Treaty of Monzon without having the Infringements made good I say that to consent to these Conditions would be to render France the Contempt and Scorn of all Christendom and to engage us in new Wars which would have all the Grievances of this and none of the Advantages Therefore there 's nothing more to be done but to continue the War for which all necessary Preparations are now read and in the mean time to think of all imaginable means to Negotiate a more Honourable Peace than has been hitherto Propos'd So we may make War to occasion Peace and time to come prove a more favourable Instrument of effecting it than times past An Account how Cardinal Richelieu behav'd himself upon the first Discontents of the Queen-Mother At Lyons on his Return from Italy in September AS soon as ever his Eminence had knowledge of the Queen-Mother's Resolutions to discard him from her Service he omitted nothing in his Power to prevent it He humbly entreated her to consider that not one Minute of his Life but he would have sacrific'd a thousand Lives for her That he had always serv'd her not only with Fidelity but also such Success as every thing fell out
not venture his life and blood to defend so good a Cause and will do it generously provided he be assured that you take those Resolutions which are necessary for your safety which I in particular do passionately desire as being c. LETTER CCXXXIII To the Dutchess of Savoy MADAM I Have received those Letters which it pleased your Highness to honour me with which imparted both the joy you testifie for the happy Success of Cazal and the Accomodations of matters with your Brothers-in-law Whereupon I say that tho' I have explain'd my self sufficiently to your Ambassadour who I am certain has not omitted to send to you what I told him yet I cannot forbear to add That Prince Thomas's Conduct towards your Highness both by the rigour which he used toward those which he suspected to be well affected to your Service and by what he contributed toward the loss of Cazal and by the Artifices which he always used in the Negotiation which he manages with your Highness ought to make you break off entirely and prevent the Advantages which he hopes will accrue thereby and to make use of those which the Victory of Cazal gives you I cannot conceive how they who have the honour to be nigh your Highness if they are well affected to your Service can suggest any other counsel seeing if you listen to such a Negotiation you afford a notable opportunity to your Enemies to prejudice your Affairs If they will perswade you that by this Accommodation you secure the Tuition of your Son and that you will receive some advantage by the change which the Princes agree to make of the Governors of the Places which they hold I am amaz'd that common sence doth not dictate that in dividing your Authority with your Brothers-in-law it will by so much the more be diminish'd as the fear which the Subjects and Magistrates shall have of them will induce them rather to be on their side than yours As to what they declare to you that this Agreement may put an end to the Civil War in Piedmont one must be void of judgment not to foresee that your Highness being allied to France and the Princess to Spain the cause of the Division and consequently the War still remains Further it would be very prejudicial to the King 's and your Highness's Service if His Majesty should attack Turin while you are agreed with your Brothers-in-law Because in this case every one would say That it was not your Son's interest which put you upon this design but his Majesty's to possess himself of this place And since he writes particularly to his Ambassadour upon this subject to let you know his mind I shall not say any thing about it in this Letter But yet I will add before I conclude That those who advise you to continue the Negotiation with those Princes and to conclude it without an Union at the same time with France for your Interest testify too publickly that the fear of them prevails more than the affection which they owe to your Highness upon which account give me leave to add That it would Madam have been very serviceable to you that after so much contempt which Prince Thomas has shewn of your Highness if you had neither admitted him into your Presence nor given Audience to his Envoy and the rather because he has raised some difficulties about some matters relating to your Son 's and your Interest for if you had done thus you had oblig'd him to have recourse to more humble measures to regain your Highness's Friendship seeing that the happy success of his Majesty's Arms at Cazel may in time reduce him to great extremities To conclude I beseech your Highness to consider that all your Welfare next to God depends upon the King's Protection and to follow the advice he gives you who have no other end but to defend you from your Enemies and to re-establish your Son and yourself in such a Condition as he desires which as to my particular I wish with all the Zeal imaginable both for the Glory of his Majesty and your Son's and Highness's Welfare c. P. S. The Affair of Querasque let 's you see that beside the Premises Prince Thomas has no other Design but to reduce your States by amusing you with fine Words LETTER CCXXXV To the Dutchess of Savoy MADAM I Cannot tell who it is that advises you at present to go into Piedmont while your Affairs are in those circumstances since such a Journey may be so far from making them better that it may be dangerous to your Person When Turin is taken you may go into Piedmont with reputation and deporting yourself with discretion which you generally do your Presence will be useful to your Son's and your own interest If something must be denied Prince Thomas it is better that your Ministers should do it than your Highness And it is more convenient that you be at some distance from Turin than nigh it till it is taken As to the Composition of Turin which you are pleased to mention the King will give the Count de Harcourt Orders what he shall do both for your Advantage and his Service As his Majesty is always disposed to receive Prince Thomas when he has a mind to unite himself to France it is convenient to use to your advantage the present opportunity which God is pleased to give you and so to behave yourself as not not to lose the Fruit by too much precipitation The Letters which were taken in the Baggage of the Marquess de Leganez give you such a manifest proof of the Infidelity with which Prince Thomas seemed to treat with your Highness that you must either be blind or your own Enemy if you do not believe that all his Treaties with you will be of the same nature unless he come over for the King and wholly deceive the Spaniards The best and the only thing that you can do for the advancement of your Affairs is to send all the Troops you can to the Count Harcourt without losing a moment and use all diligence to promote that business He on his part labours with so much Care and Expence that he deserves to be seconded by your Highness in such an important Juncture As for me Madam nothing shall be wanting on my part to testifie that I am c. I am glad that your Highness has given Orders for the Security of Montmeillian in expelling Monod he was a very dangerous Man in a place of that consequence LETTER CCXXXVI To Monsieur de la Cour. SIR I Am very glad to learn by your Express the Passages of the Place where you are and Madam's present Inclination to unite herself intirely to the King's Interest and to follow the Advice which his Majesty and his Servants shall give her for her Welfare But she has hitherto been so insensible that I fear it is only a seeming Change in her Mind and that she has no mind to be
bad impression upon his mind I confess Madam That those who will be glad to advantage themselves by blemishing your Virtue strive to colour their Calumnies with so many circumstances that they have no foundation yet they have some false appearance in their malice and I should not be your Highness's Servant to that degree that I pretend to be if by my Obedience to what you are pleas'd to command to write to you what I think proper for your Service I did not tell you that the first and principal thing you ought to do in my Opinion is so to deport yourself that your Enemies may not be able to misinterpret any of your Actions It will be Madam a very easie thing and by that means you will prevent that at any time none do you any bad Office with the Duke of Savoy and this Proceeding will be no small help to the King in the Design which he has always had to assist you upon all Occasions This being done Madam as I do not at all doubt of it because it wholly depends upon you your Highness need be afraid of nothing let the Endeavours of your Enemies against you be never so powerful I am of your Highness's mind That the Designs of those who would blemish your Virtues by their railings have a further tendancy than at first sight they seem to have but I hope God will preserve your Husband longer than those Men and I can assure you that if ever Spain by any ones Instigation howsoever undertake any thing against him your Highness and the Children that it has pleas'd God to give you both that the King will protect you so powerfully that she shall receive nothing but shame by her Enterprize It is in this Madam that I am Oblig'd to serve you as I am in Duty bound assuring you that I should think it a great Honour to pass the Mountains once more to give you a Testimony of the Passion I always had for yours and the Duke of Savoy's Service who I am certain will be unmindful of nothing which may be expected from his good Conduct to invite his Majesty to give him his Protection and the other Effects of his Benevolence I will not conceal from your Highness that many have thought that the Retreat of Prince Thomas into the King of Spain's Dominions was concerted with him but I can assure you that the King never believ'd it neither did it enter into any of their thoughts who have the Honour to Serve him I do not at all doubt but that there will be a better Understanding betwixt his Majesty and your Highness's than ever It is that which I desire with all my heart and the means to make it appear that I am and ever will be c. LETTER CCLXV. To the Duke of Savoy SIR I Have receiv'd the Letter which your Highness was pleas'd to Write by Count Lumiane upon a Subject of which I have nothing to say but that I contributed something to Monsieur's return into this Kingdom as you esteem him I have done nothing in this but according to the King's Inclinations who is so well dispos'd to those who concern him that it is impossible to express it I give a thousand thanks to your Highness for the Testimonial you were pleas'd to give me upon this Subject beseeching you to believe that you shall be sensible by my Affection and Service upon all Occasions that I am c. LETTER CCLXVI. To the Same SIR IT would be a Crime in me to defer any longer to testifie my extraordinary satisfaction at the Glory which you have acquired by the Victory with which it pleas'd God to bless your Arms in those Parts I do not represent to you the King's sence of it because you may better discover it by a Letter which his Majesty has writ upon that Subject than I can express it in these Lines I will satisfie myself only to tell you that he promises himself that your Highness will so advantageously manage all Opportunities which you shall esteem Profitable for the common Cause that you will advance your Affairs to the highest Degree that may be expected from your Valour and Prudence together this Sir as to my particular I passionately desire both for his Majesty's and your own Reputation I am c. LETTER CCLXVII To the Dutchess of Savoy MADAM THE King making no distinction betwixt your Highness's and his own Servants commanded me to send to your Highness two Briefs of Marechax de Camp in his Army and two others of Pensions for the Count de Verrue and the Marquess de Ville that they may receive them by your hands I also send you by his Majesty's Order two blank Briefs for Pensions which you may fill up with their Names whom you judge most worthy and whom you know to be best affected to his Majesty and your Highness In this as in all other things you may see the esteem that the King has for your Person and the desire I have according to his Intentions to manifest to you what Zeal I have for what concerns the Advantage of your Highness to whom I am c. LETTER CCLXVIII To the Duke of Savoy SIR IT is needless to represent to your Highness the concerns I have for the mascarriage of the Siege of Valence and that which followed because you may easily conceive it both by my Passion for the welfare of the King 's and your Highness's Affairs and by the desire I always had to see his Majesty's Arms profiâ—er under your Conduct I will only tell you that the King is so well satisfy'd with your Proceedings in this Juncture and has such an entire Confidence in your Affection and Sincerity that nothing can be more His Majesty sends express Orders to Mareschal Crequi not only to have a deference for your Sentiments but entirely to follow your Intentions and Resolutions so I do not doubt but that things for the future being thus manag'd you will re-establish the Affairs of Italy as well as ever and by consequence your Prudence and Courage will produce Effects very advantageous for the common good I earnestly desire it Sir not only for the King's Service but for the particular Glory of your Highness I am c. LETTER CCLXIX To the Dutchess of Savoy MADAM IT is not necessary that I represent to your Highness my extream Satisfaction at the Advantage which the Arms commanded by the Duke of Savoy in Italy have gained over the Enemies in the last Battle which happened at the Post of Thesim because it will be easie for you to conceive it by the Passion I have and always will have for the King 's and your Highness's Service Neither do I take Pen in hand for this purpose but only to let you know the ineffable Joy his Majesty received thereby which proceeds not so much from the Reputation which this Action gives to his Affairs as from the Honour and the Glory which his Highness has
to believe that I ever will be c. LETTER CCLXXX To the Same MADAM I Do not doubt but your Highness in what concerns me has taken that part which you were pleased to testifie both by the Letters with which you have honoured me and by your Embassadour for which Reason I give you all the Thanks which your Goodness requires I do not send to you for what Reasons the King secured the Person of Monsieur Bouillon because you will particularly have them some other way I will only tell you that it being confidently reported to us that he thought to prevail with your Highness to favour his mischievous Designs I should think myself extreamly obliged to you if you would do me the Favour to impart the Discourse he had with you upon that Subject and how far you could penetrate into his Intentions While I expect News from your Highness I will tell you that tho' there is much Fault to be found with the Treaty of Accommodation made with your Brothers-in-law yet the Desire the King has always had to procure the Tranquility of your Son's States by teaching those Princes their Duty is the Reason that his Majesty in my Opinion will pass by that Consideration to testifie more and more that there is nothing that he will not do for your Sake As to my particular Madam I beseech your Highness to believe that I will always contribute to your Advantage all that you can expect from a Man that honours you and is with the greatest Passion c. LETTER CCLXXXI To Monsieur d' Hemery SIR I Was so surpriz'd and afflicted with the Duke of Savoy's sickness that I cannot declare it to you both by reason of the exigency of Affairs and for her Highness's sake whom I love and honour much I hope God will preserve him for Madam and the greatest evil that will happen to us upon her account will be the apprehension of bad Success If this misfortune should happen nothing is to be done but what you propose to wit to make Madam Guardian of her Children to make those who are in place trusty and faithful to her and absolutely to hinder the Cardinal of Savoy from returning to have a care of his and Prince Thomas's Cabals and to take care that Madam have a good wise and couragious Council well affected to her Interest and consequently to France from whence all her Peace must be deriv'd here you have in a few words the Plan according to which you must act I take you to be so wise and discreet that I do not doubt but that if you have judged that the Duke of Savoy's sickness will not end well you have already made some Application that way as far as in prudence you might that his Highness in his Will may appoint Madam Guardian of her Children and give an express Commandment to his Officers and Servants to acknowledge her in that Quality LETTER CCLXXXII To Monsieur d' Hemery upon the death of the Duke of Savoy SIR I Am so afflicted at the Duke of Savoy's death that it is impossible for me to express it This accident has so much the more affected me because it has surpris'd us when we thought least of it I have nothing to add to that which I wrote two days ago upon the subject of his Highness's sickness only that as I believe that Madam ought to make it her principal Aim to hinder her Brothers-in-law from entring into her States I think also she ought to relux that great and just Rigour which the Duke of Savoy had in depriving them of their Possessions Upon this ground I think she may let the Cardinal of Savoy know that she will suffer him to enjoy what belongs to him and mildly dispose him to live at Rome without pretending to return into Piedmont It is thought that Madam may restore him Masserati whom the Duke of Savoy has put in Prison and that this Man carrying him this news to Rome may dispose him of his own accord to do what Madam desires Whether it be by this way or any other it is altogether necessary to stand upon these Terms We find ourselves much troubled to nominate the Persons Madam ought to make use of you know Father Monod it is hard to pass him by in the conditions he is in it is also difficult to have any confidence in him The Marquess of St. Morice is a very good Man he is altogether joyn'd to Father Monod he was as you know Master of the Horse to Prince Thomas I fear that Father Monod endeavours to make Count Philippes perswade Madam that it signifies nothing to her whether or no the Cardinal of Savoy return into her States I do not tell you this without reason having seen some Men who have already perceiv'd that the Sentiments of some of that State tend that way and the desire of such Men can be no other but to strengthen and fortifie themselves against Madam upon all occasions when she doth not Act according to their desires and by this means to weaken her Authority You must above all things have a care of such Council by which neither Madam's nor her Childrens life will be secure Whatever Council her Highness is pleas'd to take it is reasonable she should impart it to the King and so that those who are chosen may know it was by his Majesty's Approbation We will send you by the first after what manner Henry the Second govern'd himself upon the like Occasion upon the death of the Duke of Savoy's Grand-father LETTER CCLXXXIII To Monsieur d' Hemery SIR THE Duke of Savoy having shewn the strength of his Judgment even to his death in making Madam Guardian of his Children she is oblig'd by Honour and Conscience to do her utmost to demonstrate to her State and all Christendom That she knows how to make use of that Power which his deceased Highness has bequeath'd her When she has taken the Oath of Fidelity from all the Chief Officers of her State and has well considered that there is no suspicious Person in place she can think of nothing more useful and necessary than to choose a good Council whose Reputation may add Credit to her Government And in order thereunto I think that she ought to make it her principal aim to hinder her Brothers-in-law from returning into her State or cabaling in her absence I think that in their Correction she must use Mildness and relax that just Rigour the Duke of Savoy used for their Good Upon this ground she may let them know her Resolution to suffer them to enjoy their Possessions and let them be desired at the same time not to pretend to enjoy them in any place but where they are It is thought that if Madam set at liberty the Cardinal of Savoy's Domestic which his late Highness had Imprisoned and send him to carry this News it will be a double Obligation to make him comply with Madam's desires It is a
be pleas'd to favour His Majesty's good Intentions there is great Reason to hope that he may obtain those Ends which he has always propos'd to himself for the common Good My Assurance that you will leave nothing omitted that depends upon your Prudence and Care to persuade him to obliges me to say no more but that I am c. A Memoir sent to M. de Berhune after the taking of the Cittadel of Pignerol MOnsieur Bethune will see by the Answers of Monsieurs Spinola and Colalto to the Proposals contain'd in the Rough Draught of the Peace which Monsieur the Cardinal has sent to M. Pancirollo how unreasonable the said Answer is and the little Likelihood that we can be satisfied with it in order to the procuring a solid Peace to the end that after he has consider'd it he may take his time to inform the Pope of it Which done he shall beseech His Holiness to let the Spanish Ambassador know his Sentiments upon it which according to Equity cannot be otherwise then conformable to His Majesty's to the end that the Spaniards being out of hopes of concealing any longer their Artifices from His Holiness may be constrain'd to agree in things that are just and which may as well for the present as for the future remove all Occasions of any farther Troubles The said Sieur de Bethune shall represent to His Holiness That one of the principal Reasons why the King sent his Forces into Italy having been the often re-iterated Instances of His Holiness it would be an extream Grief to him should His Holiness testifie any Coldness to favour a Design to which he was induc'd with so much the more Zeal because His Holiness approv'd the Justice of it and rightly apprehended how much the Success of it would conduce to the Liberty of Italy to establish the Dignity of the Holy See and to the Security of the Pope's Person which were the most forcible Arguments that could move His Majesty That although His Holiness is desirous to preserve the Name and Effect of Common Father that ought not to hinder him but oblige him rather to make use of his Authority to chastise those who trouble the Family and reduce 'em to their Duty instead of assisting 'em in the Execution of their wicked Intentions And this was apparently done by His Holiness's Ministers in the State of Ferrara where they reliev'd the Germans with Corn when all Italy knows that without that Relief they could not have subsisted though they made use of it only to commit with more Leisure and Convevenience the greatest Prophanations of holy Things and the most horrid Cruelties upon all sorts of Persons that are not to be imagin'd Moreover the said Corn was set at so high a Rate that we have Reason to think it was done on purpose to scare the Venetians from buying it which the Germans were willing to do considering the Extremity they were in and not wanting Money after they had plunder'd the State of Mantua and all the neighbouring Princes for which they may thank the Pope's Officers M. de Bethune is also to complain of His Holiness's granting Passage several times to the Troops in their March from Naples into Milanols and so desire him to let the French have the same Privilege when they shall have an Occasion to march through his Fortresses to aid the Venetians and the Duke of Mantua The said Sieur de Bethune shall tell him The King cannot believe though he be well assur'd of it that His Holiness or his Nephew the Legate have within this little while been very importunate with the Duke of Mantua to agree these Differences without giving any notice of it to the King As also to beg the Emperor's Pardon which would suppose that he and his Confederates had been too blame in upholding a Cause so just and of which His Holiness all along declar'd his Approbation M. de Bethune must have receiv'd a Letter which the Cardinal wrote him about Fifteen Days ago wherein he sends him word that the King would be extreamly pleas'd if His Holiness would but lay his Commands upon Bagni to reside in his Army in Italy that so he might be a Testimony of His Majesty's good Intentions and his just proceeding upon this Occasion And that he would do well to be very importunate with His Holiness in the very Terms of the Letter But if the Letter be not come to his hands and he finds the Pope is not inclin'd to what is desir'd M. de Bethune shall renew his Instances in that Particular and use such Arguments as he shall think most proper to persuade His Holiness to condescend to His Majesty's Desire considering that he knows the Prudence the Probity and Affection of the said Cardinal to His Holiness and the common Good Nevertheless avoiding to give the Pope any Occasion to believe that this proceeds from any Distrust of those whom he employs or that the King seeks after a Peace but only because the said Cardinal Bagni having been a long time vers'd in this Affair can be no Prejudice to His Holiness's Design for the publick Repose more especially seeing the Decease of Don Carlo his Brother may render the Presence of the said Cardinal most useful in those Quarters LETTER LXXXVI From Card. Richlieu to the said Sieur de Bethune I Send you the Memoir annex'd which I desire you carefully to peruse and then to acquaint His Holiness with it I promise my self that you will omit nothing that depends upon your Care and Prudence to make the Pope clearly sensible that all the Proposals of these Gentlemen tend to no other End then to compleat the Ruin of the Duke of Mantua and to deprive Italy of that little Liberty she has left her by the Words of a Peace under which they hatch the Seeds of a perpetual War if the Authority of His Holiness and the Princes of Italy who are principally concern'd therein being assisted by His Majesty's good Intentions and Puissance do not apply a speedy Remedy This is all I have to say to yee in this Letter expecting to hear from yee LETTER LXXXVII To Cardinal Lodovisio after the Taking of Pignerol I am here at the Gate of Italy with a Design to do what lies in my power under the King's Commands and Authority to settle a safe and solid Peace I have so good an Opinion of your Judgment that I make no question but that you clearly see into His Majesty's good Intentions who following the Example of his Predecessors has propos'd to himself as the principal End of his Actions to support the Honour and settle the Security of the Holy See and establish the Repose of Christendom I presume to hope from the Goodness of God who is a Witness of this Truth that he will vouchsafe his Blessing upon the Care His Majesty takes in the Defence of so just a Cause LETTER LXXXVIII To M. de Bethune I was very glad to find by the
Letter which your Son M. Bouthillier deliver'd me from your self that the Pope speaks so well of the King that His Holiness approves His Majesty's Actions and all that has been done for some Months since at his Court The Queen at Compeigne So that you may assure your self that as there is no Prince in Christendom who more sincerely honours and respects His Holiness then His Majesty so there is not any one who more passionately desires the continuance of his Favours then he does For my part 't is impossible for me to express to yee in Words my real Acknowledgment of the Testimonies which His Beatitude vouchsafes to give of my Conduct I beseech yee when Occasion offers to let him know and assure him that as I am infinitely beholding to him so there is no Person living more affectionate to him then I am who will omit nothing that lies in my power to give him certain Proofs of this Truth upon all Opportunities that present themselves And be assur'd also that I will never lose any one to let you see that I am c. LETTER LXXXIX The Draught of the King's Letter to the Provinces upon M. Schomberg 's Entring Savoy with his Army MY Cousin the Cardinal of Richlieu coming to attend me at Grenoble according to my Order has given a particular Account of what fell out in his Journey for Piedmont where he has omitted nothing that I could expect from his Fidelity Courage and Prudence as well in the Conduct of my Arms as in the Negotiations of a Peace upon several Proposals made by His Holiness by my Cousin the Cardinal Antonio his Legate and the Nuncio's employ'd to that End as also by other Persons who have propounded several Conditions so remote from Reason and with so little Security for my Cousin the Duke of Mantua's Territories or those of the rest of the Italian Princes that I could not give my Consent to 'em without greatly prejudicing my Dignity and Reputation They would prescribe the Duke of Mantua Laws altogether new and deprive him of the Liberty of making use of such Persons or Nations as he shall judge convenient for the ordinary Guard of his Strong Holds and yet they will not so much as assure him neither of the Investiture of his Dutchies but only as a thing which he may hope for after he has sent to demand it of the Emperor which he has done formerly several times by his Son which would be to expose the Success of an unjust thing to the Inconveniencies of delay'd Resolutions which are frequently subject to remarkable Changes They would also oblige me to deliver up Suza and Pignerol and other Places which I hold in Piedmont only restoring the Passes of the Grisons and yet not oblige 'em to surrender the Valtolinâ— according to the Treaties and Agreements formerly made between us the Performance of which we reserv'd to our selves with Power to cause the Breaches thereof to be made good by the Parties Besides which Conditions the Duke of Savoy demands that the Annual Rent of Fifteen Thousand Crowns in Gold which I caus'd the Duke of Mantua to grant him the Payment of for his Pretensions in Montferrat should be paid him in old Rents and Duties which he made to amount to three time more then I promis'd him to the end he might swallow up the best part of Montferrat by his excessive Dâ—mands Therefore seeing things so far remote from Reason and Peace on the part of the Authors of this War who affect Scruples and Niceties to justifie themselves in their unjust Usurpations and Enterprizes 〈◊〉 the Answers which my Cousin of Richlieu return'd 'em 〈…〉 Command having sufficiently made known to 'em 〈…〉 of my Intentions and my Desire of the publick Peace and Tranquility and that the Duke of 〈◊〉 who by a â—reaty made between him and me the last Year was oblig'd to join his Arms with mine and allow 'em a safe and free Passage through his Dominions and furnish 'em with necessary Ammunition and Provisions in their March into 〈◊〉 for the Defence of the said Duke of Mâ—nâ—un never minded the Performance of the said Obligation as he was several times requested by my said Cousin I have therefore been constrain'd to make use of the Means that God has put into my hands and to enter by Force of Arms into the Countries and Territories of Savoy in order to open a Passage into Italy for the Succour of the Duke of Mantua and to maintain the rest of the Princes my Confederates in their ancient Liberty And in regard my principal Aim is to procure 'em an assured Peace and Repose and not to usurp upon my Neighbours I shall not neglect any Means to obtain it whether by Force of Arms or by a Treaty of Peace provided it may de made as I desire upon sure and reasonable Conditions for the Repose and Liberty of Italy correspondent to the Dignity of my Crown and the Authority of my Mediation c. LETTER XC From Cardinal Richlieu to M. d'Avaux JUdging it to be altogether requisite that the Republick of Venice should satisfie the Pope in reference to his Nomination of Cardinal Cornaro to be Bishop of Padua as well for the Respect they owe His Holiness as in Consideration of the present Conjuncture of Affairs I write you these Lines to desire yee that you would contribute all your good Offices with the Lords of the Senate and to let 'em understand that the King 's pressing Importunity proceeds from his Affection for 'em and his Consideration of their Advantage I promise my self that you will leave nothing omitted that may be expected from you to surmount the Difficulties you may meet with in this Affair and accomplish it to the Satisfaction of His Holiness and His Majesty considering how great a Shater he is in what concerns His Holiness For which Reason I shall forbear to urge you any farther but conclude with affuring yee that I am c. LETTER XCI To M. de Brassac I Write you these Lines to acquaint you that it has pleas'd the King to nominate Monsieur the President Coigneux to the Dignity of a Cardinal as a Person whom he deems worthy of that Honour and to conjure yee that you will contribute what lies in you towards the Accomplishment of this Affair as well in Consideration that it is His Majesty's Desire as for the Satisfaction it will be to Monsieur provided it may be effected as soon as possble And although I know that these are Motives so prevalent in your Mind that all other Persuasives would be needless I cannot but recommend this Affair to your Sedulity with much more Affection then if it were for my self who shall be ready to testifie my Acknowledgment upon all Opportunities that shall present themselves to let you see that I am c. LETTER XCII To the same Person THough I have already written to yee in behalf of Monsieur the President Coigneilx concerning the
the Counsells of Cardinal Antonio because he had no great kindness for M. de Novailies He is gone with Orders to comport himself with all respect to the Pope and to serve the whole Family of the Barberini particularly your Patron It would shew a great peice of Levity and make it appear to themselves whom we are desirous to favour in sending him that we are as little capable of Constancy as we are esteemed Vain and Fickle by all the World Both our Friends and Enemies would never believe we could withstand any vigorous Resolution that should be taken against our designs I must confess I do not believe 't was either for yours or our benefit to change in such a manner from White to Black it being certain that whatever favour you might obtain by his being recall'd it could never be so much to your Advantage as the Discovery which people would thereby make that it being in your power to remove him you must have also the same share in his being sent which it behoves yee always to deny would be to your prejudice 'T is your Business to govern your self in such a manner that Cardinal Barberini may not think that you have ever undertaken any thing contrary to his Desires Marshal d' Estrees will demean himself with so much Modesty that the Pope and his Nephews shall have no other cause but to speak well of him assuring my self that they will not take any occasion to complain of him for being zealous in maintaining the Interests of France To this purpose 't is impossible for me but I must tell yee that his Holinesses Usage of Monsieur of Parma is unsufferable and that it is altogether contrary to the ends of a good Peace Had the Pope thunder'd out his Excommunications against the Spaniards that are in Arms within his Territories as he has done against the Duke of Parmaâ— in case he does not lay down his Armes within such a time he had taken from us in the judgment of men who are not partial to either side all occasion of complaint but to pour the Extremity of his Rigour upon Monsieur of Parma and to say nothing to the Spaniards to speak freely and ingeniously is to encourage the Spaniards to invade his Country and give the World an occasion to believe that his Holiness is agreed with 'em to share the Spoils of that poor Prince which will render the Intercession of a Legate altogether suspected at the Treaty of Peace to all those who are not favourers of the House of Austria This affair so nearly concerns his Majesty that if the Pope does not take such Resolutions as may hinder the Spaniards from ruining that Prince under pretence of his Allowance many will believe that France having no more to hope from his Holiness has as little to fear on that side I defire yee to take some pains in this Affair as being of great importance to his Holinesses Reputation and all his Family and the advancement of the Peace I must confess that only the Italians and particularly the Giulii know how to do business as they should do In time of Peace they scatter about their sweet Powders and throw about their Thunders in time of War All that I can say more upon this subject is that I shall always make use of the latter against the Enemies of the Church and his Holiness when there shall be any occasion for it LETTER CXCII To the same Monsieur the Count of Fiesque being sent by the Duke of Parma tells us that he is extreamly alarum'd at two things The one is That His Holiness after he had been sick was no sooner recover'd but he decreed an Excommunication against the said Duke The Second is That the said Duke has receiv'd a Dispatch from the King which gives him three sorts of Advice which are very harsh and ruinous He says That the Purport of the Dispatch is that he should humble himself to the Pope which he is willing to do That he should not make any Scruple of going to Rome which he believes to be very pernicious to his Person And That he should not be afraid of laying down his Arms which he holds to be the Ruin of his Territories I told him that the King had advis'd him plainly and uprightly to humble himself to His Holiness That he had also sent him word that the Agreement being made he was not to make any Scruple either of going to Rome or of laying down Arms before the Pope when His Holiness should have engag'd his Word to His Majesty and other Princes of Christendom for the Performance of his Promise The said Count told me that the Dispatch speaks nothing of these Circumstances which render the King's Counsels very reasonable but only that it speaks cursorily However I know that the Siâ—ur de Lionne's Dispatch which was not arriv'd till the said Count was gone sets down all the Circumstances at large calling to mind that we did it both together But to tell yee the Truth I never saw the rest The said Duke's Affairs are in a bad Condition as far as I can understand by the Count and I see he is greatly afraid of being strip'd of his Territories I must confess 't is a very strange thing that they are so harsh at Rome to a Prince who is guilty of no more then a piece of inconsiderate Conduct which it were to be wish'd had never happen'd For my own part I see to my Sorrow the Spiritual Power of the Church employ'd to render the Temporal Power of the Popes more potent and more effectual to decide certain Differences to their Advantage which are much more prejudiciaâ— then advantageous to the Safety of Souls I am apt to believe that the Sieur de Lionne's â—ourney will take effect both at Parma from whence Mareschal d'Estrees is not yet departed and at Rome where His Holiness will better consider the King 's importunate Desires when he shall find himself press'd by a new Envoy Monsieur of Parma has Fifteen Hunder'd Horse and between Four and Five Thousand Foot Things are now reduc'd to that Point that he will not separate from an Alliance with the Barberini which I would have continue between you and I. LETTER CXCIII To the King of Poland I Assure my self that when Your Majesty knows the particular Circumstances upon which Prince Casimir was seiz'd in France you will not think it strange seeing he was going about to League himself with Spain between which Kingdom and France there has been open Wars for some Years as Your Majesty knows and that instead of going by Sea as he might have safely done he would needs go by Land on purpose to take a View of the Fortresses and Ports upon the Coast of Provence upon which Spain has already divers times had several Designs Now in regard that the Security of Kingdoms does not permit that upon such Occasions any Respect should be shewn to the Quality of Persons it
was impossible for those who were in the Province to do other wise then they did without particular Orders At this time therefore Prudence will not allow his Releasment but under such infallible Assurances that he shall not act either directly or indirectly against France as are no way to be evaded He is and shall be treated with all the Respect that is due to a Person of his Quality and who is in that Station that he is And I shall deem it a great Honour to see him in a better Condition that I might be able to manifest to Your Majesty by my Respect to his Person the Reverence I shall always have for Your Name as being c. LETTER CXCIV To the Duke of Neubourg IF I thought you were capable of believing what you write to me I would make it my Business to convince yee of that Opinion nor would my Trouble be very great But I take you for too penetrating a Prince to believe that France is the Cause of all the Miseries which you foresee will be fall Italy or that I have refus'd any just Conditions of an Accommodation Monsiour the Legate knows that I made the Way as easie to it as it was possible for me to do But to consent to such a Peace as had only the Name of a Peace and which in three Months would inforce us to buckle on our Arms again I must confess I am not capable of being persuaded to it I have a greater Longing for a sound Peace in Christendom the Repose of Italy and the Satisfaction of the Holy See then they who most pretend to desire ' em I serve a Master whose Aim it is not to enlarge his Dominions with the Spoils of his Neighbours and who never display'd his Banners in Foreign Countries but to deliver from Oppression such Princes and States as are unjustly assail'd So soon as they shall really and not in Words alone surcease from doing Mischief on that side they shall find the King inclin'd to whatever can be expected from a most just Prince and though of a Warlike Disposition yet most desirous of Peace As to the Miseries wherewith you threaten France His Majesty's Arms are so long that though he has one stretch'd out into Italy he will with the other sufficiently defend his remotest Frontiers and if they think to force him to a Defensive War on that side they will force him to act contrary to what he designs and to what he thinks of least of all I am c. LETTER CXCV. From Father Joseph to Father Valerian a Confident of Marquis Spindola 's during the Siege of Pignerol Reverend Father I Have receiv'd the Writing sent me by a Trumpeter from the Duke of Savoy It would be needless to answer many things which your Reverence I am confident well knows to be a little too tart and which I am therefore willing to believe are not conformable to your Sentiments In the mean time I must tell yee that they who blame Artifice and Wily Craft upon such Occasions as these have great Reason for what they say since nothing has hinder'd the past Treaties about the Affairs now in dispute but those Tricks and Shifts which have been put in practise contrary to our Desire and Expectation 'T is easie to know the Designs of those who have always talk'd as loudly as they have acted openly on this side but impossible to make 'em talk things that are not in their power The Prudence of those who have meddl'd in this Affair is too much esteem'd for having design'd to delay the Preparations which they are desirous to make for the War If they are thought of on this side the Proverb Sivis pacem para beâ—…m is the Cause of it In a Word Neither the Thoughts nor Designs on this side are such as the Writing which you have sent me represents ' em Peace is sincerely desir'd but a safe and honourable Peace And when we shall see in reality the Securities which your Reverence has propos'd the Declaration of the Treaty of Monson which you speak of and the effectual Reparation of the Breaches of the said Treaty as your Writing declares that the Marquis Spinola is willing to do then we shall believe those Gentlemen have some Inclination to Peace and it will be clearly seen whether they have Reason to say that France has no mind to it You say that on our part we want Effects and that on your part you propound nothing but your Thoughts upon which you know there is no Foundation to be laid Mon Seignicur the Cardinal has always talk'd distinctly according to the Power wherewith he is intrusted in an Affair upon which he could not as yet have time to know the King's Pleasure He has no other End no other Aim then the Welfare and Repose of Christendom And when he understands His Majesty's Intentions he will speak 'em as freely as he has hitherto done his own particular Sentiments I pray to God to bring all things to a good Conclusion which I know we both of us ought and do desire LETTER CXCVI. From the King to the Duke of Lorrain I Am much troubl'd that the Sieur de Ville has brought me no Satisfaction on your part to my just Complaints of your Demeanour I beseech yee to consider well whether it can be a thing to your advantage to do quite contrary to what all your Predecessors have done in contemning that Union which they have always religiously observ'd with this Crown and persisting in the Breach of those Treaties which you have made with me I expect a speedy Answer and such Deeds as I may reasonably desire upon this Subject if you desire that I should afford yee those Marks of my Good Will which I shall be al ways ready to conferr upon yee if you do not force me to the contrary LETTER CXCVII From Cardinal Richlieu to the same YOU are too clear-sighted in your Affairs to have need of Counsel and living with the King as you do you ought to be too jealous of me to take my Advice But for all that I most earnestly beseech yee to consider well whether it be for your Advantage to lie under His Majesty's Displeasure And in case you do not think it for your Good a thing which in my Opinion Your Highness can never believe I as earnestly intreat yee to seek out all the Ways which you shall deem most proper to satisfie him for what has pass'd since the Treaty of Peace I beseech yee so much the more willingly because it is for the Good of your Service for which I shall always have a sincere Affection when you shall give the King what he ought to expect in pursuance of your Promises and Treaties Be pleas'd to believe what I say and moreover that I am c. LETTER CXCVIII. To the Duke of Parma YOU will understand from Monsieur the Count of Scoti how that the Succour which the King promis'd
moreover offer'd him the Marshal d' Ancre's Daughter for his said Son which Monsieur d'Espernon refused and the said Lady died soon after At this very time Mons de Bullion came for shelter to Mons d'Espernon not thinking himself safe in his own Houses The Chancellor de Sillery and Puisieux his Son also beg'd shelter of him in Mets which was granted them but matters altering at Court before they had executed that design they also alter'd their minds After his return from Aurix and some stay at Xaintes he went from thence to Bourdeaux much about the tâ—me the War was resolv'd upon against the Princes At the beginning of the Siege of Soissons Mons de Bullion who had all-along kept a secret correspondence with the Duke de Bouillon laid the first Foundation of a third Party and made a Proposal to the Duke d'Espernon to joyn with the Marshal d'Esdiguieres Bellegrade and other Lords to prevent the ruin of the Princes which seeur'd inevitable under pretence of desiring a Peace But the Treaty went on so slowly and the Siege of Soissons was prosecuted with so much vigor that I am of opinion there was not time enough to bring it to perfection And tho the Duke d'Espernon seem'd inclinable to Bullion's Propositions and was in hopes to prevail with the Marshal de Rocquelaure the first President of Bourdeaux and and part of the Nobility and of the Parliament of Gayenne yet there was no great likelihood of bringing matters to a conclusion Bullion knows more Particulars of that affair than I do The Duke d'Espernon was informed at that time that something was treating with the King about the Mareschal d'Ancre without knowing positively what it was But the matter was soon clear'd by the news of his death the detention of the Queen-mother in the Louvre and her Journey to Blois whither she was sent two days after it Hereupon Mons d'Espernon dispatched du Plessis to the King to congratulate his Majesty upon what he had done against the Mareschal d'Ancre and at the same time charg'd the said du Plessis to wait on the Queen-mother at Blois and to make a Compliment to her upon her misfortune He also dispatched Mons de la Valette to Court with a resolution to follow him as he did within a few months and being come to Loches he sent some Soldiers to the said Sieur de la Valette to be distributed in the first Company of the Guards But Mons de Luynes having notice of it being very suspicious as fearing the Duke's having a design against his Person he represented it so hainously to the King that Mons de la Valette was oblig'd to remove the said Soldiers and send them to Mets. This was the first Proof Mons d'Espernon had of Mons de Luynes ill-will towards him and I believe it would have stopt his Journey to Court had he not received this News so near Paris that he could not possibly go back without a manifest Breach Soon after his arrival at Court he discover'd on two occasions that Mons de Luyne was not pleas'd with his presence The first was in the promotion of the Archbishop of Paris to the Cardinalship who was preser'd to the Archbishop of Tholouse notwithstanding his Nomination was Ten years after his The other was in the Dispute of the Dukes with the Lord Keeper du Vair in which tho the Cause was common and that the Duke de Montmorency was Speaker yet the fault was only laid at Mons d'Espernons Door And it is certain that the King was so exasperated against him that he gave him to understand that his presence at Court was displeasing to him so that he immediately took leave of his Majesty and left Paris within a few days During his abode at Paris several persons spoke to him from the Queen mother and others to the Archbishop of Thoulouse The Marquis de Mosni was the first who carried a Letter from Chanteloube to the said Archbishop and prest him to go to him in the Country but the Duke d'Espernon disapproved it and answer'd That he would answer to nothing till he were come to Mets. This did not hinder Madamoiselle du Tillet from coming to him nor from delivering a Letter to him from the Queen-mother together with a Diamond-Watch her Majesty sent him She prevailed with him to read the Letter and keep the Watch but he would engage to nothing while he was at Paris When he went from thence he design'd to spend some days at Fontenay to order his affairs but Guron having given him notice from the Chancellor if I am not mistaken that he was not safe there he left it immediately Soon after his arrival at Mets the Queen-mother sent Vincens to him formerly Secretary to the Mareschal d'Ancre who was ordered to make his application to the Archbishop of Thoulouse as he did He had a Letter of Credence from the Queen-mother to Mons d'Espernon full of Civility and assurances of Good-will The said Archbishop having acquainted the Duke that this man was come to him and that he was commanded to speak to him he appointed to meet him the next day at the said Archbishops house Vincens Credentials were That her Majesty not thinking her self safe at Blois where the ill treatment she received gave her just cause to fear worse according to the Intelligences she daily received about it had cast her Eyes upon Mons d'Espernon to desire Resuge in some of his Towns and that she was of opinion that Loches being the nearest to Blois iâ— would also be most proper to receive her He was about to urge several Reasons to perswade the said Duke to do the Queen this Service but he found him so well dispos'd to what her majesty desired that it was needless to say any more to him Not but afterwards he was sometimes in doubt as to the time of the execution of his Promise and put off his Journey from Mets near five months together but still he persever'd in the resolution of doing the Queen this Service to which he was the more induced by du Plessis perswasion and by his difidence of Monsiâ—ur de Luynes The Answer he made to Vincens after some slight Complaints of the Queen-mother was That he would serve her according to his desire but that in order to execute that design it was necessary for him to remove from Mets and that he could not leave that place in safety unless the Queen would allow him Fifty thousand Crowns for the payment of the Garrison He also told him that he could not hearken to that Treaty in case the Sieur de Ruccellai were acquainted with it because he looked upon him as his Enemy on the account of the Marquis de Rouillac Vincens answer'd to this That Ruccellai neither had nor should have the least knowledge of this Treaty that the Marquis de Mosni and Chanteloube were the only persons to whom the thing had been or should be
Blois in the Night through one of the Windows of the Castle by a Ladder which Count de Breyne or la Mazure had prepared for her She took but one of her Women along with her whose Name was Catherine Count de Breyne and four of her Guards stood waiting at the foot of the Ladder with du Plesses who was to order all things She was constrained to crawl along the Ditch and to walk on foot to the other end of the Bridge of Blois where her Coach waited for her She stept into it with one of her Women her Jewels and a Lantern because she could not tarry in her Coach without a light and came in this Equipage to Montrichard where she shifted her Coach and Horses and was met by Ruccellai and the Archbishop of Thoulouse From thence she went with speed to Loches where Monsieur d'Espernon arrived the night before and went out a league to meet her She tarried there but one day for her Attendance and her Women and the next Chanteloube came to her Instructions for the Commandore de Sillery going Ambassador to Rome to his Holiness in the Year 1622. From M. du Puy 's Study MS. 687. THe King who together with the general Good of Christendom respects the Advantage and Reputation of his Affairs abroad as he is industrious to settle them at home with his Authority by all possible means of Vigilance and Care where-ever it is required has thought fit to fill up the Vacancy of the Roman Embassy by a Person fitly qualified to serve him and to please our holy Father the Pope to watch and observe all publick Occurrences and to promote the Honour and Service of his Majesty in all things To this end he has chosen the Bailiff de Sillery Councellor in his Council of State a Person very well known to his Majesty by several Imployments and Commissions he has discharged to his satisfaction and commands him forthwith to repair with all speed towards Rome about several affairs relating as much to the Peace of Christendom equally respected by his Holiness and by his Majesty the Tranquility and Liberty of Italy as to the Welfare and Safety of the Friends and Allies of France and has ordered this memorial to be drawn to be the Rule and Guide of his Conduct saving such Orders and Commands as shall be sent to him by his Majesty in a more precise manner by the usual way according as the new Accidents that may arise shall require it It is his Majesty's Pleasure he should go through Turin tho it were only besides that it is in his way to visit his Majesty's Sister in his Name his Highness of Savoy and the Princes and Princesses his Children as also to acquaint the said Duke in particular with his Majesty's Sentiments upon the present Occurrences and to assure him of his said Majesty's sincere Friendship which he is very desirous to make him sensible of by Effects to his advantage and satisfaction His Majesty knows the Esteem the late King his most honour'd Lord and Father ever had for his Person and has made his late Majesty's maxim his rule in the conduct of the General as he was a wise Prince endued with a long experience in Publick Affairs He designs to live with the said Duke in that strict bond of Affection for their Common Interest lately strengthen'd by the dear Pledge his Majesty has given the Prince of Piedmont of his dear-beloved Sister declaring again that as it has pleased God to let him take the management of his Affairs into his own hands and to direct them with a Will full of Equity and Honour so the said Duke and his being so nearly related to him shall freely share that Happiness from which his Majesty expects to see effects arise one day useful to the Publick favourable to his Friends and acceptable to his Holiness His Majesty is sensible that the said Duke is desirous as well as himself that every one should be maintained in his Right to oppose all Usurpations and that Neighbors and Confederates living in a friendly manner may keep so good a Correspondence that such as would attempt any thing to the prejudice of so just a Resolution may feel the effects of their ambition and rashness if so daring as to attempt it or be kept within bounds out of fear of the Force and Councils of the said Associates for the common Cause The present state of affairs in Valtelina requires this to be urged to the said Duke who is likewise concerned for the Safety of Italy The King has already acquainted him with the perpetual Endeavours used about it from the very beginning that his Majesty prevents the Inconveniences of such a precipitated Usurpation to remonstrate the Consequences thereof and to promote its restitution at Rome in Spain and elsewhere being desirous at first by mild means to endeavour the obtaining of an amicable Treaty before he would proceed to those of Rigor meerly out of respect to the Publick Peace so justly valued and desired as also because the Infringers thereof are so nearly united to his Majesty by Alliances that he had reason to expect from their very Promises that they would at last yield to his just Remonstrances to execute the Agreement made at Madrid for the restitution of the said Countries as soon as might be according to the Articles thereof This has been prest without intermission thereby discovers his entire Affection for the Welfare of his Affairs so he may assure himself that he shall have a good Share in the Success thereof which he hopes to promote and to settle by Power only He also thinks it very necessary once more to advise the said Duke to facilitate as much as in him lies the reconciliation between himself and the Duke of Mantua diverted hitherto by those who envied his Majesty the satisfaction of being the Promoter thereof and would improve their dissention to their own advantage But both of them would do wisely considering the ends of their Neighbours to yield something in respect to the Publick Good and their Interest rather than to hearken to the artificial Suggestions of those who have and do still endeavour to keep up their Division The said Commandore is to enquire of the Sieur Marini who is in those parts and will assist him in all things on what Terms the said Duke stands in that respect and if his Majesty's Name and Authority can be any wise serviceable therein he is freely to employ himself in it in his passage as he likewise is to do at Rome where this Affair was formerly refer'd when any occasion shall offer it self He is to do the same Office towards the Duke of Mantua without going thither himself by sending one of his Gentlemen to assure him of his Majesty's Good-will of his being order'd to favour his Interest at Rome and to use his utmost endeavours to facilitate their reconciliation to which he shall be desired to show himself the
more disposed seeing that the publick occasions seem to invite them all to a speedy and strict reconciliation He is also to complement him upon the late Marriage of the Princess his Sister with the Emperor wishing him and all his Family all manner of Prosperity and Content therein The King doubts not but the Duke of Savoy and the Cardinal his Son will put him upon the Subject of the Comprotection which he has been too much mov'd and offended at since his Majesty considering his quality the nearness of his relation to him and the place he has in his Affection never had or could have the least intention of doing any thing to his disadvantage When he honoured Cardinal Bentivoglio with the Title of Comprotector it was not to equal him with the said Cardinal of Savoy being very sensible of the difference of their Birth for he was expresly enjoyn'd to yield to him in all things and to meddle with nothing in his presence but what remain as they are at present than to make any Innovations since none can be made without prejudice to his Majesty's Affairs at Rome Therefore if it were possible to divert the said Cardinal of Savoy from this thought the said Commander would do his Majesty a signal piece of Service the management of which is left to his Judgment and Discretion according as he will discover the Temper and Disposition of the said Cardinal upon the Place as well as by Marini's Informations He is still to confirm his Majesty's Journey to Lyons as well to please and comfort the Allies in the affair of the Grisons as because their Highnesses have a great desire to see and wait on his Majesty which when they mention he is to assure them will be very acceptable to him The said Commander is also to assure the Princess his Sister of his Majesty's cordial Love and fraternal Affection and that whenever any occasion shall offer it self to give proofs thereof he will embrace it with great satisfaction that he rejoyces at the good and honourable Treatment she receives and will allways be ready to do her all manner of good offices towards the said Duke and the Prince his Son he is likewise to acquaint her with the charge and command he has re-iterated to the aforesaid Marini to let him hear often from her and what confidence his Majesty reposes in his devotion to his service He is also to visit the other Princes and Infanta's whom he is to complement and to assure them of his Majesty's Friendship and Good-will And without making any longer stay there he is to continue his Journey to Rome through Florence as it is usual where his Majesty is persuaded that he will be kindly receiv'd by the Great Duke the Great Dutchess Dowager and the Widow Arch-Dutchess At the delivery of his Majesty's Letters he is to renew the Declarations of his Good-Will which they have lately receiv'd from Father Arbinot Confessor to the Great Dutchess and after having perform'd the usual Duties Assurances of Friendship and of savouring their Affairs where he is going to reside He is not to forget before his departure from thence to reiterate the Instances that have often been made concerning his Majesty's Money carry'd thither by the late Concini which is justly due to him by reason that the sums drawn from Rome are but slight and inconsiderable in proportion thereunto and to acquaint them that a longer detention of the said Money might create misunderstandings as it has already been declar'd and fully prov'd to Father Arbinot in order to make their Highnesses sinsible thereof that according to their Equity and the good Correspondence they desire to hold with his Majesty they may have a due regard to his right and to the desire they ought to have to cultivate and maintain the same carefully The particulars hereof shall be explain'd by word of Mouth to the said Commander that he may be the better able to argue about it and he is to inquire and receive a more particular information in his Journey from the Archbishop of Lyons of what he has done and Negociated heretofore in the like case at Rome He is also to take care to let them know the perfect Union and good Intelligence that is between his Majesty and the Queen Mother in which that House of Medicis is highly concern'd which has always been one of his Majesty's most earnest desires as a duty to which he is oblig'd both by God and Nature as well as by the reciprocal affection he receives from the said Queen his Mother who is heartily sorry that the artificial Impressions and passionate Councils of Persons who endeavour'd to improve their Division to their own advantage have lasted so long But that having through the Grace of God discover'd the Truth and the Malice of the Authors and Contrivers of a course so prejudicial she has resum'd her former Confidence in his Majesty's mild and truly Royal Temper whose Soul rejoices thereat and will ever study by all the means and duties of filial Respect to confirm her said confidence to her satisfaction And in order to give the World a very evident proof thereof the King has lately admitted the said Queen again into his Council and most secret affairs to be assisted with her good advice upon all occasions He is to observe in what manner this representation will be receiv'd at Florence and the Judgment they will make of his Majesty's behaviour towards the said Queen to give his Majesty notice thereof that he may the better and more securely regulate his Conduct upon that knowledge for the future For really he has not had much reason to be satisfy'd with their Highnesses of late and particularly about the restitution of the Money of the said Concini their manner of proceeding therein which the Arch-bishop of Lyons is very well acquainted with being as unseemly as displeasing to his Majesty which was acknowledg'd by Arbinot himself If any of the Ministers should put him upon this subject he may inform them that the matter is very well known and that it cannot long remain in those terms which may be remedy'd by a speedy payment of the said Money Before his Arrival at Rome he is to inform Cardinal de Sourdis of his coming if he be still there to confer with him before his entry into the said City about the form thereof or else with Cardinal Bentivoglio who is Comprotector there He is to make it as Honourable and Solemn as can be according to the usual Custom to get informations from them about the general state of Affairs and of his Majesty 's in particular what he is do to at this beginning and to learn from them as persons better inform'd with the use of the Country how he is to behave himself to be admitted the very first Night of his Arrival to kiss his Holinesses Feet to whom presenting the King's Letters written with his own hand he is to confirm the assurances
we desire than to have none at all That by the Means of the half French Garison in Brisac Matters being well order'd the King will always be Master of it according to his Pleasure and that in case of Necessity it were better to venture the Loss of the Army to gain it I had rather being able to defend my self with good Reasons run the hazard of being disown'd and of losing my Life than to survive the Reproach which the King His Eminence and all France might upbraid me with in case the Forces of the late Duke of Weymar and the Town of Brisac the most important in all Europe should pass into any Hands besides the King 's Founded upon these Reasons my Opinion is That if those we are to treat with will not submit to our Terms we must agree to theirs send our French Garison into Brisac with some chosen Officers and march with the Army Count Guebriant is of the same Opinion but Baron d'Oysonville's Sentiments are different from ours perhaps they are better While the aforesaid Colonel's Answer was expected the said Count and Baron thought fit to send me to Colmar to give the Duke of Longuoville an Account of all those Transactions and to receive his Orders which I found to be very different from Monsieur Guebriant's Opinion and mine Nevertheless having made him sensible of the Importance of the Preservation of that Army and that it would infallibly perish if we should tarry for new Orders from the Court he told me that he would agree and that instead of marching with the Forces towards the County of Burgundy as it had been propos'd he would make no difficulty of joining immediately with the German Body and go up the Rhine again towards Landaw Guerinsen and Spire to make himself Master of them and to be in a Condition to pass the Rhine to take Winter-Quarters in the Lower Pulatinate as soon as the Oath was agreed on The Duke of Longueville added moreover that by his Advice we might agree in all things except the Oath That it would be necessary before our joining to send half the French Gaiâ—son into Brisac and in order to facilitate all things rather to grant them part of their Quarter of May or the whole if it could not be done otherwise I did yield to this Expedient as being very good if it can succeed We will propose it and in case it be not agreed unto I still persist in my Opinion to pass the Oath on the Conditions propos'd by the Directors and the Officers of the Army rather than run the hazard of some unexpected Accident The rather too because the last Clause of the said Oath by which the Governors promise never to deliver up the Place to any whatever without the King's Leave seems to secure all And that His Majesty having his Choice to take what Governor he shall think sit out of the German Body it will be very easie to secure those he will put into the said Garisons before he gives them their Commissions The Treaty between the King and the Directors and Officers of the Army of the late Duke of Weymar THE King being acquainted with the Death of the Duke of Weymar and still continuing to have the same Sentiments he has always express'd for the Restauration of the Liberty of Germany His Majesty has deputed Count Guebriant the Sieur de Cholsy and the Baron d'Oysonville in order to agree with the Directors and Officers of the Army Commanded by the late Duke of Weymar about the most effectual Means for the Preservation of the said Army the Good and Promotion of the common Cause In Performance whereof the said Deputies Directors and Officers have agreed that the Treaties made between His Majesty and the late Duke of Weymar as to what concerns the said Army the Confederate Princes Towns and Sâ—ates shall be executed according to their Form and Tenour with the Reserve and Augmentation of the following Articles First His Majesty grants and expects that the Forces commanded by the late Duke of Weymar shall remain in one Body as he seem'd to desire it by his last Will and Testament and that under the Direction of the Officers that have been nominated That the Artillery shall still be Commanded by the same Officers who had the Command of it under the late Duke of Weymar and commonly join'd to the German Body and that the French Mareschals de Camp and the Directors of the German Forces shall have the Power to give them such Orders as shall be necessary That in case which God forbid the said Army or part thereof should chance to be ruin'd by some ill Encounter of War or other inevitable Accident the King promises to grant the Officers extraordinary Means to recruit the said Forces and put themselves in a Condition to continue their Services His Majesty also promises forthwith to pay the Quarter of May in ready Money amounting to 200000 Crowns to be employ'd for the Payment of a Muster for the whole Army As also to furnish in good valuable Assignations 600000 Livres more for the Third Quarter of this present Year due on the last Day of September last Out of which 600000 Livres of the Third Quarter the Directors and Officers of the said Army are to employ 300000 Livres to re-mount their Cavalry and to put their Forces in a good Condition Moreover His Majesty promises to allow all the Forces both Horse and Foot of which the said Body shall be compos'd three Quarters and an half yearly according to the Capitulation they had made with the late Duke of Weymar of which they shall be oblig'd immediately to give a Copy to His Majesty's Deputies The said Half Muster to be employ'd by the Officers for Recruits and for the Re-establishment of their Forces and the three Musters for the Payment of the Officers and Soldiers according to the Reviews that shall be made of them by the Commissaries and Comptrollers deputed by His Majesty for that effect The first of which Musters is to begin from this present Day to be paid on the last Day of December of the present Year the two others Quarterly and the Half Muster on the last of September 1640. and thus consecutively The whole shall be paid in weighty Pistoles at the Rate of four Rix-Dollers per Pistole and no more or in equivalent Money His Majesty is also to pay to the General-Officers and to those of the Artillery eight Musters yearly in the like Species as aforesaid As for the Officers of the Carriages since there are Difficulties in the Maintenance of Horses Agreements shall be made with them suitable to the Times and Reason and that according to the Sallaries allow'd them by the late Duke of Weymar A Copy of the Capitulations or State of which is also to be immediately deliver'd to the said Deputies Moreover His Majesty is also to furnish the Warlike Ammunitions that are necessary and to allow all the extraordinary Charges
same In the mean time the said Duke is to allow her by way of Pension 120000 Livres in French Money yearly And in order to make the said Payment effective it is agreed that the said Sum of 120000 Livres shall be taken Quarterly out of the Receipt of Bar and in case that should not suffise out of the Salt-Pits of Roziers and the Demesne of Nuncy And the said Summ is to be deposited into the hands of such a Person as shall be nominated by His Majesty to be deliver'd to the said Dutchess Nicolla of Lorrain The Contents above-written have been agreed upon between the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu for the King and the said Duke who promises to perform whatever is contain'd in the said Treaty with so much Fidelity and Steadiness that he consents besides what he leaves His Majesty by the same in order to remain inseparably united to the Crown that all the Remainder of his Territories which His Majesty does restore and is to restore after the Peace may devolve to the said Crown in case he does any wise deviate from the Tenour of this present Treaty Done at Paris March 9. 1641. Sign'd The Cardinal of Richlieu and Charles of Lorrain And Lower John le Molleur And Sign'd with the Small Seal of the Arms of the said Duke Charks of Lorrain Secret Articles pass'd between the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu and the Duke Charles of Lorrain to be of equal Force with the Treaty pass'd the same Day between them ALthough it be not said by the Treaty pass'd this Day between the Cardinal Duke of Richelleu for the King and the Duke of Lorrain that the Fortifications of the Cities of Nancy are to be ras'd before the said Cities are restor'd into the said Duke's Hands after the Peace nevertheless this present Article has been pass'd to justifie that His Majesty does not design to restore the said Cities to the said Duke until the Fortifications thereof are demolish'd and that notwithstanding the said Duke has made humble Supplication to His Majesty not to do it however he submits the Matter wholly to His Majesty to do therein as he shall think fit And whereas nothing but Time can absolutely restore the Confidence His Majesty did repose in the said Duke and which his Deportments towards him have made him lose it has been farther agreed That whenever the said Duke shall be absent from His Majesty or out of his Armies by his Order he is not to live at Luneville because it is too near Nancy and that whatever part of his Territories he shall make his Abode in he is to behave himself in such a manner that those who shall Command in the Places that are to remain in Propriety or as Pledges into His Majesty's Hands may have no Cause to conceive the least leasousies thereof It has also been agreed That the said Duke shall yearly furnish out of his Forests such Quantities of Wood as are necessary for the Fires of all the Corps du Guard of Nancy for His Majesty The Premises have been concluded between the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu for the King and the said Duke who promises to perform them with so much Fidelity that he consents besides what he yields by the Treaty pass'd this Day with His Majesty to remain for ever insepatably annex'd to the Crown that all the Remainder of his State which His Majesty does restore and is to restore unto him after the Peace shall devolve to the Crown in case he shall any wise swerve from the Tenour of these present Secret Articles Done at Paris March 29. 1641. Thus Signed The Cardinal Richelieu and Charles of Lorrain And Lower John le Molleur And Sign'd with the Small Seal of the Arms of the said Duke Charles of Lorrain The Act or Form of the Oath taken by the Duke Charles of Lorrain for the Observation of the abovesaid Treaty in His Majesty's Presence in the Chapel of the Castle of St. Germain en Laye THis present Tuesday being the 10th of April 1641. in the Presence of the most High most Excellent and most Puissant Prince Lewis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre being in the Chapel of his Castle and Royal House of St. Germain en Laye after the solemn Performance of His Majesty's Vespers We Charles by the Grace of God Duke of Lorrain Marquis Duke of Calabria Bar Gueldres c. having Assisted at the said Vespers have Taken the Oath of the Observation of the Treaty concluded between the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu Peer of France in His Majesty's Name and Us the 29th of March last past The Tenour of which Oath is as followeth WE Charles by the Grace of God Duke of Lorrain Marquis Duke of Calabria Bar Gueldre c. do Swear and Promise by the Faith and Word of a Prince upon the holy Gospels of God and the Canons of the Mass by Us Touch'd in order thereunto that We will Observe and Perform cause to be Observ'd and Perform'd fully and really and Bona fide all and every Points and Articles granted and mention'd in the Treaty cencluded and agreed upon the same day between the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu Peer of France in the Name of the most High most Excellent and most Puissant Prince Lewis by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre and Us without ever swerving from the same directly or indirectly or suffering the same to be swerv'd from on Our side in any manner whatever And so help Us God In Witness whereof We have sign'd these Presents with Our own Hand and have caus'd Our Seal to be fix'd to the same in the Chapel of the Castle and Royal House of St. Germain en Laye this 19th of April 1641. WHich said Oath was taken in the Presence of the most High most Excellent and most Potent Princess Anne by the Grace of God Queen of France and Navarre Royal Consort to His said Majesty as also before the Cardinal Duke of Richelieu the Duke of Longueville the Duke of Chevreuse Our Cousin Monsieur Seguier Lord Chancellor of France the Dukes d'Usez and of Vandatour of Monbason and of la Force of Chastillon Mareschal of France of Cinq Mars Master of the Horse Boutillier Super-Intendent of the Finances Phellipeaux de la Vrilliere Boutillier de Chavigny and Sublet de Noyers Secretaries of State the Bishop of Meaux First Almoner to His Majesty holding the Book of the holy Gospels and Canon of the Mass on which We held Our Hands in the Presence of Belmont Sinri Count Ligneville and Berup Colonels of Our Forces In Witness whereof We have sign'd these Presents with Our Hand and have caus'd Our Seal to be affix'd to the same on the Year and Day above-written Thus Sign'd CHARLES And Lower Le Molleur And Seal'd with the Arms of the said Duke The Act of the Ratification made in the City of Bar by the Duke Charles of Lorrain of the Treaty above-written and of the Secret
Obedience without any Conditions but their Fidelity and his Majesty's Goodness And he is so well satisfied with their Service and Assistance at present that he promises to himself by their good Advice and Counsel together with that of those whom the late King had always imployed with Success in his most important Affairs and were removed by the Malice of that pernicious Man to reign by the Grace of the Almighty the inspirer of the Hearts of Kings and their Director to Justice and to his Glory in all Equity and Goodness over his Subjects in Peace and Amity with his Neighbours and in all Reverence towards the Holy See and his Beatitude on all occasions If our Holy Father enquires ' Why then his Majesty did not rather chuse the common Methods of Justice in punishing him for his notorious Crimes that he might serve as an Example to Posterity the said Archbishop is to answer That it was his Majesty's Intention so to do and that it was so ordered But that the Persons commanded to apprehend him perceiving that he was guarded and preparing to defend himself were obliged to have recourse to this Extremity for fear of missing an Opportunity of such consequence for his Majesty's Service who is an Enemy to Blood and to such extraordinary Proceedings tho' just on such occasions This Accident falling out the King took particular care to send an ample account thereof to the Queen his Mother whose Goodness and Favours he had too much abus'd She was soon sensible that His Majesty had been forc'd to it for no other consideration but the welfare of his Affairs for which she has always shew'd her self very affectionate since the Death of the late King her Lord cherish'd and cheerfully embrac'd every Occasion to promote the Good Honour and Advantage of the State to His Majesty's Satisfaction and Glory who was very desirous that according to her affection and experience in the affairs of his State she would have been pleas'd still to continue that Care and to ease and assist him with her assiduity and prudent Councils But she desired to be excused of so great a Burthen have Leave to remove from Court and the hurry of affairs to apply her self with more Freedom to the Service of God and a quiet Life So that the King preferring her Desire and Satisfaction to that of her Presence and the advantage of her assistance yielded tho with great regret to her Entreaties and reiterated Instances to retire causing his Guards to accompany her honourably with her own to the place which she her self had made choice of and desired for her abode and the King endeavours to alleviate the Trouble of her absence by frequent Messages and Visits to enquire after her Health This she answers with the like care and affection which is a Subject of great Joy and Comfort to all those who observe this Royal Correspondence and his Majesty's Filial Respect with that natural and reciprocal affection which the said Queen contributes towards it And this His Majesty is resolved to continue on all occasions more by real effects than by any outward formal appearances to acquit himself of his Duty and Obligations to her for the constant care she has had of his Royal Person and for the Welfare of his Kingdom As to the present Difference between the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy every body knows and particularly his Holiness to whom a particular account has been given from time to time of those Transactions the earnest Endeavours used by His Majesty at the very beginning to prevent the misfortunes and accidents which arise at present to His Majesty's great Sorrow who has not only represented the same to the Emperor King of Spain and the said Duke of Savoy and where-ever else it was necessary but has also sent three Embassies extraordinary at the Desire and Entreaty of the said King of Spain the second of which produced the Treaty of Ast not observed since by the said King and his Ministers employ'd in the Government of the Dutchy of Milan This obliged the Duke of Savoy again to provide for his Defence and Safety and his Majesty to â—enew his good Offices on both sides by the Sieur de Bethane to mediate and resume the said accommodation But the Treaty has been since removed into Spain without consulting the Marquis de Senescey his Majesty's Ambassador in ordinary there any wise about it or ever acquainting his Majesty with the Cause of this sudden removal and alteration notwithstanding he had been so zealous in promoting it at the earnest Entreaty of the said Catholick King without any prospect but that of the Publick Good However the King is not so much concerned at their Endeavours to deprive him of the Honour of the Agreement after his having taken the mediation thereof upon him at their Entreaty as he is to find that the said Negotiation has not succeeded to the satisfaction of the Parties neither does he any wise envy any body the honour and satisfaction thereof provided so good a Work be done no matter by whose means But he has a just cause of Displeasure and to complain that notwithstanding such good Offices and Demonstrations of Friendship made in all Candor and Sincerity for their common satisfaction the said King has all of a sudden unexpectedly and without acquainting his Majesty therewith attack'd the said Duke with open Force even besieging his chief Cities and Fortresses contrary to his often reiterated Promises and Assurances that it was his Desire to compose this Difference amicably and that he would attempt nothing to the disadvantage of the said Duke or of his Dominions This Proceeding has no less surprized his Majesty than enflamed his Courage and obliged him to take Resolutions which he all-along endeavoured to avoid by mildness and treaties his Honour and the Interest of France not permitting him to suffer the Duke of Savor's being opprest especially he not refusing to submit to reasonable Conditions when offered to him which on his part has not been done hitherto in which case he would be the first to blame his Highness and to compel him to condescend by force as he will always be against those that shall molest him or invade his Territories against Justice and Reason This His Majesty has declared to the said King's Ambassador residing at his Court and has caused the same to be represented to the King himself by his Minister in Spain That comparing the just Causes and reasons thereof with the perils and misfortunes that may arise and are to be expected from the sequel of such a resolution he might rather chuse a Treaty to compose all things amicably than to prosecute a Design attended with many Inconveniences very prejudicial to the general Peace and to the particular Repose of Italy that will be made the Theatre on which this bloody Tragedy will be acted to the disadvantage of the Princes and States thereof And besides the sensible Displeasure his
Holiness will receive thereby it will be difficult to avoid its proving fatal to the Church and Carholick Religion by the multitude of Strangers of divers Nations and Religions who are preparing to run to the Duke of Savoy's assistance as to a common Cause both out of Dread and Jealousie of the encreasing Power of Spain and for the Justice of the Cause itself as well as by the example of others The assistance of the States of the Vnited Provinces has already been implor'd who will be the readier to grant it because it is against the King of Spain their ancient Adversary whom they will be pleas'd to see imploy'd and weaken'd in his Territories in Italy The Protestant Princes of Germany seem inclined to favour the same Cause out of the same Considerations and will do it yet more powerfully when they find the War begun in earnest A vast number of Captains and Soldiers this Kingdom swarms with at present upon the disbanding of the Army will freely repair thither for Imployment besides the Forces both of Foot and Horse the King is sending towards the Frontiers to assist the said Duke from thence if it be necessary under Marshal de Lesdiguieres Command a Person whose Name and Reputation is sufficiently known a resolution His Majesty can never desist from without a blemish to his Faith and Honor which are both engag'd to protect and defend the Duke when attack'd he not refusing to submit to reasonable Conditions besides that it is the Interest of his whole Kingdom not to suffer the King of Spain to extend his Dominions so near his Frontiers all which he may prevent with ease at present without fear or danger at home where all his Subjects express their Fidelity and the Nobility invites him to it by their Obedience Nevertheless the World may easily imagin with what Trouble and Grief His Majesty finds himself reduc'd to take this resolution living as he hath hitherto done and is still desirous to live with theâ— his Father-in-law having on both sides such dear Pledges of their mutual and fraternal Affection But the consideration of the Interest of his state joyn'd with the publick and private reasons heretofore alledged oblige his Majesty to prefer them to those Tyes of Friendship not violated by his Majesty but by those who force him to take measures so contrary to his Inclination tho lawful in themselves and worthy of a most Christian King zealous of the publick Peace as well as of the Safety of his real Friends Moreover his Majesty looks upon this means as the most effectual to promote a good understanding between the Parties and to prevent their proceeding any further For his Arms shall never be imployed to disturb the Peace of Christendom but on the contrary to settle it to oppose those that would interrupt it and to maintain every one in his Right protesting before GOD and Man that this is his real Intention and that he only takes Arms by force and constraint and for his Honor to preserve the said peace and to protect his Friends as it appears by the good Offices and Endeavours heretofore used by him and still continued with Vigor in Spain and elsewhere and will be farther evinced by real Effects in this and all other occasions This the Archbishop is to represent to his Holiness and to Cardinal Borghese to make them sensible of the Consequences of such a Resolution and Breach his Majesties sincere Intention in this affair the Endeavours he has used and still continues to prevent it together with the powerful motives and reasons inducing him thereunto to the end that being mov'd by their Affection and usual Prudence in affairs of such weight and consequence either by persons sent on purpose or by other means suitable to the urgency of the danger they may endeavour to prevail with the said King to encline to a Peace which will be more honourable more useful to his affairs and without any comparison far more advantageous for the Public Good than a War the events of which are uncertain long and liable to produce Effects contrary to our expectation and projects That in case the said Duke of Savoy should refuse to submit to Reason and to what shall be thought just by their common Friends his Majesty as he has already declared will not only be against him but will joyn his Arms with the said Rings to compel the said Duke to it by force espousing no Party on this occasion but that of Justice His Majesty being of opinion that the most effectual way to compass the end he proposes was to obtain a suspension of Arms on both sides during which means might be thought on for a reconciliation he propos'd the same to the Spanish Ambassador who answer'd That he had no Power to do it but that he would write to the King his Master about it to whom his Majesty has likewise made the same Proposition by his Ambassador in ordinary residing at his Court and his Holiness would do well to second the said Suspension by his entreaty and recommendation in order to its being the sooner granted by the said King lest matters being once exasperated and one side getting some considerable advantage over the other this Remedy as all others tending to a Negotiation should prove the more difficult and the evil encrease to the prejudice of all and particularly of those who despise the means of an accommodation But it will be needless to compose the Quarrel between the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy unless that between the Republic of Venice and the Archduke Ferdinand be made up at the same time for whereas they are link'd by the Interest and Affection of the Parties the Public would profit but little by the one without the other And therefore his Majesty designs to put an end to both at once to remove all the Evils Italy is threatned with and it behoves his Holiness to be the more active and vigilant therein because some men presume to taâ—k at random about his Holiness's Inclination in this particular as if he were pleased with this occasion to resent some things that have pass'd of late years between his Beatitude and the said Venetians a thing we know to be very opposite to his Holiness's Wisdom and Piety and which nevertheless it imports him to provide against out of his Paternal Care to repel and dissipate such Impostures and Calumnies The said Archbishop is to manage those reasons dexterously to induce him the more to the desir'd effect and not to animate him by too rough a relation of the said reports The said Archbishop is to represent the same thing to the great Duke in his passage through Florence after having saluted and assur'd him of his Majesty's Good will knowing his affection for the Welfare and Friendship of those two Crowns as a person who had a great share in their conjunction in order to his using such means as he shall think most