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A34711 A discourse of foreign war with an account of all the taxations upon this kingdom, from the conquest to the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth : also, a list of the confederates from Henry I to the end of the reign of the said queen ... / formerly written by Sir Robert Cotton, Barronet, and now published by Sir John Cotton, Barronet. Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631. 1690 (1690) Wing C6488; ESTC R9016 65,651 106

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been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the Kings of Portugal and Spain and the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so far removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse only IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these several Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffick here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousie of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutral according to Aristhenus counsel to the Aetolians Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side than to be made a prey to the Conquer our Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetual service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficial Trade and no less in Policy to ingage that City than to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summs of money as the Interest of late exceeded twenty five Millions he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party than if it were commanded by a Cittadel so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while States of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent than ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundy was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France who not only claimed Soveraignty over most but a proprietary interest in part and therefore had reason to give Aid and Arms to such a Confederate as did by a diversive War secure and by particular Immunities inrich that State But now growing into Spain they need no such assurance in the one and we almost undone by their draping of our Wooll which is happily called home not able to return them the benefit of the other cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aid as heretofore Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for two respects First for that he is absolute and that we be equally devoid of demand neither having against the other any Titles Next for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocal between us than France and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood To this may be made a two-fold answer from the change of their Dispositions First for that they never assist any now but to make themselves Master of their State Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugal And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French they combined with her Adversary and divided the Kingdom And after upon the River of Ga● rillon under their Leader Gonsalves taking an advantage they defeated the whole Army of the French holding ever since that entire Kingdom themselves For Spain will admit neither Equality nor Fellowship since upon Union of so many Kingdoms and famous Discoveries they begun to affect a fifth Monarchy The other that the late hostility between them and us hath drawn so much blood as all forms of antient Amity are quite washt away and as Paterculus saith of Carthage to Rome so may we of Spain to England Adeo odium Certaminibu● ortum ultra metam durat ut ne in victis quidem deonitur neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse des●t The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly that the very conquered party cannot forget it and in such a case the very places must cease to be before the hatred and envy towards it can cease BEsides these local considerations there will two other Dangers now fall out from any Contract of mutual aid The one from diversity ●f Intention and the other of Religion In the one when either the Confederate hath safely attained his own secret End whatsoever he pretendeth in the entrance he leaveth the other to work out his own designs Thus was Henry the third served called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March they in the mean time having made their Peace with France Et expertus jam infidem imo perfidiam Pictavensium turpiter recessit festinans non pepercit Calcaribus insomuch that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins he was forced dishonourably to retreat and for haste to spurr away the peril the poor King was left in being so great He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth who having drawn him into the wars of Apulia against Manfred in the end depauperato Regno Angliae undique bonis suis spoliato his Kingdom of England being impoverished and wholly despoiled of its Goods left him to his own shift The King of Navarr calling in the aide of Edward the third against France and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces revolteth to the French after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace Maximilian the Emperour to induce Henry the eighth not only contracteth to aide him in person to recover the Crown of France pro tyrannico Rege repellendo and to remove the tyrannical King they are the words of the League but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem Imperium Romanum the Imperial Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion and estateth the Duchy of Millain after recovery upon his person suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum modo feodorum Imperialium and his heirs male lawfully begotten to hold in Fee of the Empire yet in the close left the King to his own fortune his turn for Millain and Verona served Charles the fifth when by the incursion of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish as he used himself to say for it supplied his Army with great Levies and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy he then ingaged Henry the eighth in the wars of France and bound himself as Bourbon his Confederate that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdom and the other
foot sharing by idle contracts before-●and with his Confederates not the spoils only ●ut the Kingdom it self the Honour and some ●ther portion of benefits he reserved as his own ●eed the possessions of many English Subjects ●n pure alms he voweth to the Church of Normandy and to the French King an yearly tribu●ary Fee of twenty thousand pound In these ●erms this Realm stood almost all the time of Edward the third The Coast-dwellers were so frighted from their habitation as in the thirteenth year the King commanded the Earl of Richmond and other Peers to reside at their border houses and was inforced in the two and twentieth to injoyn by Ordinance that none should remove that dwelt within sex leucas à mari six leagues of th● Sea It was no whit altered under his successour Richard the second for in his entrance the Frenc● burnt the Town of Rye and in the third year after Gravesend And in the tenth year of his reign to change his intended journey for France in person the French King prepareth an Army to invade this Land This quarrel led us almost into an eternal charge at Sea and in the Northern limits they and our Neighbours there being tyed of old in strict assurance of mutual aid by whose desperate and perpetual incursion for nescit Plebs jejuna timere an half-starved rabble fears nothing the fattest parts of our borders were left waste the men and cattle of England as 16. of Edw. 2. impetus Scotorum fugientes being fled for safety to the Forrests and desart places The like I find in the first of Edward the third they ever thus interrupting us in our expeditions into France as in 20 Ed. 3. and in the first and second of Richard the second in the fifth of Henry the fifth and in the fourth of Henry the eighth when he undertook his holy voyage against Lewis the twelfth And either being no less ready to nourish the least spark of Rebellion in this State as that of the French King to counterpoize King John or work out Henry the third from his Dutchy of Normandy as France did or moving underhand by the Duke of Britain the Earl of Hartford to reach the Crown of Richard the second and when he had got the Garland suborning Owen Glendowr with whom he contracted as Prince of Wales to busie the same King at home that he might divert his intended purpose from France or Scotland WHen Henry the third had devoured in his mind the Kingdom of Sicily the Nobility finding the expence of Treasure and fearing the exposing of their own persons grew so unwilling that by the bent and course of the record it appeareth not the least ground of that rebellion which after drew the King and his Son to so foul conditions A judgement there must be between powers and undertakings that though affections may carry a man to great things they make him not attempt ●mpossible for where great minds are not accompanied with great judgements they overthrow ●hemselves As in this Prince who by the Popes ●ncitement simplicitatem Regis circumveniens circumventing the King in his honest meaning they are the words of the Author intend●ng to rifle the fortunes of others was in the end ●nforced to play at dice for his own stake The Earls of Hartford Bohun and Bigot made ●he grounds of their commotions the distaste they ●ook at Edward the first for exacting their Service in the quarrel of Gascoign a forraign Countrey And they might seem to have some colour to refuse but in a more mannerly fashion either attendance ●or charge in recovery or defence of Provinces in France since so many consents in Parliament as the twentieth of Rich. the second the sixth and ninth of Henry the fourth the first and seventh of Henry the fifth affirm the Commons not to be bound pour supporter ses Guerres en la terre de France ou Normandie to support his wars either in France or Normandy declaring no less by publick protestation than they did by undutiful denial For the burden of Charge it was no less distasteful than the former of Service this Kingdom being as it is said of the Roman Provinces occasioned by war made desert and the people desperate by Exactions In the Conquerours time the Bishop of Durham was killed by the tumultuous people opposing an imposition levyed by him There was murmuratio imprecatio Praelatorum in Regem Joannem mutterings and curses from the Prelates against King John for demanding in the eighth of his reign a relief of them and the Laiety for his wars In the sixteenth year Cives Londinenses Joannem odio habuerunt pro injustis Exactionibus quibus Regnum fatigaverat the Londoners detested King John for his tiring out the Kingdom with unjust taxations The sink of his expence in war was so bottomless that as the story saith he was constrained desaevire quotidie cum incremento to grow every day more unreasonable in his carriage towards the Church and Commonwealth eas bonis suis variis modis spoliando by despoiling them several wayes of their goods Hinc secutum est Bellum inter Regem Barones quod cum morte Joannis solum finem habuit This was it which kindled that war betwixt the King and his Barons which nothing could quench but the death of John himself In the twenty sixth of Henry the third ob exactionum frequentiam est Regi cum Baronibus contentio by reason of the continual exactions there arose a contention betwixt the King and his Barons At the Parlee of peace with them being demanded a reason of that their action they answer that since he came to the Crown being not twelve years multoties ei auxilium dederunt they had many times supplyed him and expressing the particulars besides in the same place he had received ●ot Escaetas so many Escheats by the vacancy of rich Bishopricks death of so many Barons and others that held of him that those alone would have made him rich if they had been well imployed That the Itinerant Justices had by amercing the defaults gleaned them so near that per illa amerciamenta alia Auxilia prius data omnes de Regno it a gravarentur depauperarentur ut parum aut nihil habeant in Bonis by those Amercements and the Subsidies they had formerly given him all the Kingdom was so crushed and impoverished that they had little or nothing left them And that was the ground of their resistance Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis alii Praelati resistunt Regi the Archbishop of Canterbury and other Prelates resist the King when in his fifteenth year he demanded Scutag● And although he laid open to the Parliament his great debt causa bellicae expeditionis in partibus transmarinis occasioned by his forraign expeditions was answered by Ranulph Earl of Chester the mouth of the Laiety That in the former Aides
never would be drawn to ●he hazard of war for improbe Neptunum ac●usat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack ●he second time until the French King con●ra juramentum formam pacis contrary to ●is oath and the form of peace had vexillis ex●licatis with banners displayed invaded his do●inions in France and with a Fleet intended ●o attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus sub●ertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his Kingdom ●ntred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune ●nd after many years of war and much loss had ●n the end an expectation of peace which opened ●o his Commons and Council in Parliament their longing affection was so much inclined hereto that they advised the King though it were ●n doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he ●hould not let slip that opportunity Until Charles of France had received that ●angerous Rebel Owen Glendowr by the name ●f Metuendissimi Principis Walliae the most ●read Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy ●gainst his Master whom he vouchsafed no ●ther title than Henricus de Lancastria by ●ontract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by ●he Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul ●ntred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this Land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again until Burgundy that had wrested into his hand the Government of France mean● with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The Uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransom those taken at Agin-Court battel so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamu● ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered many large and liberal conditions but received in exchange nothing but scoffs he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Council by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the loss of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury a petition of 9 Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men propace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right nor jealousie of increasing power could draw Henry 8. unto the quarrel of France until the Church complained against Lewis 12. who neither esteeming ●f God good fame nor conscience detained ●he revenues of the Clergy supported the Cardi●al William to aspire to the Papacy aided in the ●ege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara and the Benivagli both Traytors to the Papal See where ●e intended to lay the foundation of his Empire ●o usurp all Italy and besought him for the pitty ●f our Saviour and by the virtue of his famous Ancestors for I use the words of the Popes Brief that never forsook the Church of God in di●ress and by his filial obedience the strongest ●ond to enter into that holy League they having ●lected him against Lewis Coput foeder is Italici Head of the Italian League Edward the sixth until urged with the touch of his honour being by his neighbours neglected ●n the marriage of their Mistress never attempted ●ny war against them The quarrels of France in the time of his suc●eeding sister after the marriage with Spain were ●either properly ours nor begun by us although ●n the end we only went away with the loss Her Sister of holy memory to effect the peace with France forbore the demand of Callis for ●ight years and neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown And the labours she ●pent to confirm amity with Spain by many ●riendly offices of mediation are apparent to the whole world though in the end of her desires she ●ailed whether happily in prevention of the Spa●ish Monarchy eternizing her memory or that ●his work of peace was by divine providence re●erved for him that could and hath best effected ●t I know not Only I conclude that as the first Monarch in Rome so the first in Britain might justly write Pace Populo Britanno terr● marique parta Janum clausi having setled Britai● in peace by Land and sea I have shut up the door● of Janus Temple Forraign arms the ground of trouble at home by the Enemy who to divert will attempt Subjects wearied with Toyl Taxation Feared with the effect of tyranny Inured to wars can never sute after to a quiet life It is evident by our own examples that for the mo●● part the Civil or Forraign Armies that have oppressed this State have been either bred out of our first attempting of others or out of the grievance of the Nobility and people either wearied with the toil and charge or feared with the effect of Tyranny which might corrupt the good fortune of their King or else a● plague no less of war that the better sort inured to command abroad have forgotten to obey at home and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in making an adversary as that of Edward the third Out of many examples I will select some few beginning with the tenth of his reign at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France but diverted by Philip who mustring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae in the parts of ●ritany to invade the Kingdom of England a ●uissant Army enforced Edward the third to fall ●rom his first purpose and insist upon his own ●uard for which cause to the infinite charge ●f himself and people he levied 80000. men ●ut of the Shires of this Kingdom To withdraw ●is forces from France in the thirteenth of his ●eign they invaded the Realm and burned the ●owns of Plymouth and Southampton places ●hat suffered from the same motive the like ca●amity In the first of Richard the second after the ●attel of Cressy when they feared our too much ●ooting and we too much believed our own for●une for she cito reposcit quod dedit quickly ●alls for back what she gave us the Duke of Normandy to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes and forty ●housand
of Flanders In the sixth year he combineth with the Flemings contra●nimicos communes against the enemies of them both with the Kings of Naples Sicily Navarre and Arragon de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid and with Winceslaus the Emperour Contra Carolum Regem Franciae Robertum Regem Scotiae against Charles King of France and Robert King of Scotland In anno 8. with the Kings of Jerusalem Sicily and Portugal In the tenth with Portugal who at his own charges aided this King with ten Galleys And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid And anno 12. 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of Bavaria And an 20. with the Earl of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae against the King of France And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene anno 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King Henry the fourth entred alliance of mutual aid in two years with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. In the twelfth with Sigismund King of Hungaria And in the thirteenth by siding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans laid the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered strengthened himself anno 4. by a League perpetual with Sigismund the Emperour renewing that of Richard the second with John King of Portugal as his Father had done He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain and with the Queen of Jerusalem and Lewis her Son for the Duchy of Anjou and Mayn and with the King of Portugal and Duke of Bavaria for supply of Men and Munition by them performed And the year before the Battel of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundy and his Retinue for Wages in serviti● suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae in his service in the Kingdom of France or the Duchy of Aquitain esteeming the alliance of that house the readiest means to attain his end Henry the sixth i so long as he held the Amity of Britain for which he contracted and the confederacy of Rurgundy his friend of eldest assurance and best advantage which he did to the sixteenth year of his Government there was no great decline of his Fortune in France But when Burgundy brake the bond of our assurance and betook him to the Amity of France and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse first at the Treaty of Bruges 1442. then at Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son than ever it increased in the rising of the Father And Edward the fourth who succeeded sensible of this loss wooed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to win again the house of Burgundy which in anno 7. he did to joyn for the recovery of his right in France And drew in the year following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy In the eleventh year he renewed with Charles of Burgundy the bond of mutual Aid and contracted the next year the like with the King of Portugal And in an 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Usurpantem for the recovery of the Kingdom of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper as the Record is entred a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money though he could not any portion of land Henry the seventh anno 5. 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King The like in the eighth with the King of Portugal and in the tenth with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutual Aid Henry the eighth in anno 4. reneweth the Amity of Portugal and the next year combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with four thousand horse and six thousand foot whereupon he winneth Tournay Consilio Auxilio favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris with the advice assistance and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian In anno 7. to weaken the French King he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with Charles of Spain for Amity and mutual Aid into which Maximilian the Emperour and Joan of Spain were received the year following In an 12. with the Emperour Charles and Margaret Regentess of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae non possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of his intendment interdicteth the French Territories calleth in aid Brachii Seculdris of the Secular power those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protector and stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio an holy expedition And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next year confirmed and explained Renewing in the years twenty one thirty five and thirty eight the association and bond of mutual aid with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although Edward the sixth in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetual yet forbore he to aid the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperial Protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that of Marriage Aid and Entercourse with the Emperour Spain and Burgundy and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde about New-haven and with Charles the ninth 1564. and at Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen in ninety six And with the States of the Netherlands in the years eighty five and ninety eight divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterpize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have