forme of Law it was indeed committed to the custody of the Earle of Bristoll by him to be delivered to the King of Spaine and Don Charles his Brother or to either of them as soon as the Dispensation should be brought from Rome and this was all the Power which the Eâ—…rle of Bristol had which yet he had no power to execute as it after proved The Loyall hearted English could not distinguish between the Spanish match and Charles his ruine That some of the Loyall hearted English were of that opinion I shall easily grant but they had other Opinions also which did Bias with them especially one opinion that the near Alliancâ—… with that Crown would arme the King with power to suppresse that Fâ—…ction which began then to be dreadfull to him and have since been the ruine of Charles and his whole Posterity But other English hearts there are of no lesse Loyalty and of as great affection to the Royal Family and as great Zealots of the true Protestant Religion here by Law established who think otherwise of it and that the ruine of Prince Charles might by this match have been prevented The Spaniard for the most part found a more steady friend then the wavering French What else there was which might confirme them on the Post-fact in this perswasion I shall reserve unto my selfe But you proceed and tell us after Folio 5. That England ever found the Spaniard a worse Friend then an Enemy For this I thinke you have no reason the amity and correspondence between the Nations having continued firme and most invâ—…olate for many Ages and never broke if not of late but by the English or on their occasions First by the Invasion of Spaiâ—…e by the â—…lack Prince in the time of Don Pedro of Castile and the War carried thither not long after by the Duke of Lancaster nâ—…xt on the breach made with Charles the fift by King Henry the Eighth in pursuance of the injury donâ—… unto him in casting off Queen Katharine that great Emperours Aunt and finally by Queen Elizabeth supporting the revolting Netherlands against Philip the second their naturall and most lawfull Prince If on this last and greatest provocation the Spaniard took up armes against us he had all the reason in the world for his justification Who perâ—…iving upon the whole summe that the slie Spaniard practised to make an after-game of the Palatinate King James was not to be told that now I meane upon the Prince's returne from Spaine there being no such thing as the restoring of the Palatinate to the Prince Elector iâ—… all the Articles of the Treaty which werâ—… sworne between them That was reserveâ—… as an after-game but yet intended to bâ—… played by the Spanish Court to the mosâ—… honour and advantage of the Engliâ—… Nation thereby to gaine the better welcome to the Royall Bride when she camâ—… amongst us For thus I finde it in a Letter from the Earle of Bristol dated thâ—… 28. of October not long after the Prince'â—… coming home For the businesse of the Palatinate as 〈◊〉 will appears by the joynt disppatch which Siâ—… Walter Aston and my selfe wrote of thâ—… 23. of November that we were assured not by the Conde of Olivares onely in this Kings name but severally by all the Councellors that a setled resolution was taken in Councill on the 16. of November that this King should procure his Majesties intire satisfaction and hereof the Cardinall Caâ—…ala and divers other Councellors that profâ—…ssed theâ—…selves particularly affected to the King and Prince's service came to give Sir Walter Aston and my selfe the Pâ—…rabein The Conde of Olivares intreated 〈◊〉 both in this Kings name to assure his Majesty thereof upon our honours and upon our lives if need were And thus much was to have been delivered unto us in writing before we would have passed to the Disposories as will plainly appeare by this above mentioned dispatch of the 23. of November Besides the Princesse had now made this businesse her owne and had therein most earnestly moved the King her Brother written unto the Conde of Olivares and had set her heart upon the making of her selfe gracefull and welcom to the King and Kingdome by overcoâ—…ing this businesse These are the words of Bristol's Letter and these give me no small assurance of the integrity and good meaning of the Court of Spaine as â—…o that particular Which being met and the businesse propounded it was entertained with an unanimous consent and a motion made that an Ambassador should be sent over to negotiate the Treaty I somewhat doubt of your intelligence in this relation the Marriage of the Prince containing such a Branch of the Royall prerogative as King James was not likely to communicate with his Houses of Parliament For when he was Petitioned by both Houses not long before that for the avoiding of some dangers which did seem to threaten the whole Kingdome he would Marry the Prince to a Lady of the Protestant Religion he entertained the motion with no small disdaine and checkt them in his answer for intrenching on his just Prerogative And though King Charles acquainted the two Houses of Parliament with his intent of Marrying the Princesse Mary to the Heire of Orange yet we must look upon him at that time as encumbred with the greatest difficulties that ever any Prince lay under one that had wholly lost himselfe on their Love and Courtesie and therefore was to hold fair with thâ—…m in the greatest matters And yet he did not bend thus low nor communicate the affaire unto them till the Articles of the Marriage were in a manner concluded as appeareth plainly by his Majesties Speech in the House of Lords Fol. 213. But when it was required of him as a Duty not an Act of Grace in the fift of the nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yerke that none of his Children should be Married without their consent though he was then in such a necessitous condition as few Princes ever were reduced to yet would he by no meanes sâ—…sfie their demands therein In the style of the Court he went for Great Britains Solomon It cannot be denied but that he was an Universall Scholar as you tell us afterwards the greatest Scholar without doubt for so great a King that these last Ages of the world have presented to us but that he was Great Britains Solomon that is to say either the wisest Man or the wisest King of the British Nations I am not Courtier enough to defend or say It is true indeed that he much pleased himsâ—…lfe with boasting of his Kings craft as he used to call it but as Imbold a French Captain was wont to say that he could never see where that great wit of the Florentines lay which was so much talked of in the world so I have heard many wise men say that they could never finde what that King-craft was It being no hard matter to prove that in all
there inhumed c. Our Author tells us in the end of his Preface what an espâ—…ciall care he hath of his Temporalities as his owne word is in assigning unto every action it s own proper time and yet he fails us here in the first beginning For neither was the body of that King interr'd on the 4th of May nor the Letters of procuration kept undelivered till the 8th as he after teâ—…ls us nor the Marriage celebrated after the Funerall of the King as is there declared though possibly in the intention of King Charles for the reasons there delivered it had been so resolved on at the first designation of those Royall pomps For upon Sunday May the 1st the Marriage was celebrated at the Church Nastre Dame in Paris on Tuesday May the 3d the news thereof came unto the Court and was welcomed the same night with Bells and Bone-fires in all parts of London on Saturday May the 7th was King James interred and on Sunday morning May the 8th there came an Order from the Lords of the Council to the Preachers appointed for St. Pauls Crosse as I have heard him say more than once or twice requiring him that in his Prayer before the Sermon he should not pray for the Queen by the name of Henrietta Maria but by the name of Queen Mary ouely And yet it is true too which he after telleth us that is to say That the Marriage was celebrated in Paris on the 11th of May. But then he is to understand that this was on the 11th of May in the French Accompt which following the Gregorian Calender anticipates ten daies in every Month that being the 11th day of the Moneth to them in the new Style or stylo novo as they phrase it which is the first day of the Moneth in the old Style and Accompt of England He sent Letters of Prolucution to the Duke of Chevereux If it be asked why the King when he was onely Prince of Wales should look no lower for a Proxy than the King of Spaine and being now the mighty Monarch of Great Britaine should pitch upon so mean a Prince as the Duke of Chevereux it may be answered that the Duke of Chevereux was a Prince of the house of Guise from which his Majesty was extracted Mary of Loraine Daughter to Claud of Loraine the first Duke of Guise being Wife to James the fift of Scotland Grandmother unto James the sixt and consequently great Grandmother to King Charles himself From Canterbury his Majesty took Coach for Whitehall where the third after his arrivall c. If our Author meaneth by this that his Majesty went in Coach but some part of the way onely he should then have said so but if he mean that he went so all the way to Whitehall he is very much out their Majesties passing in Coach no further than Gravesend and from thence in theâ—…r Royall Barge by water unto his Palace at Whitehall accompanied or met by all the Barges Boats and Wherries which could be found upon the Thames the Author of these Observations beholding from Tower-wharfe that magnificent passage For as man is without a female Consort so is a King without his supreme Councell a halfe formed sterill thing Our Author in these words and the rest that follow maintains a Paradox most dangerous to supreme Authority in making Parliaments so necessary to all Acts of State as if that Kings or they that have the Supreme power could doe nothing lawfully but what they doe with their assistance and by their consent which were it so a Parliament must be Co-ordinate to Kings or such as have the power of Kings not subordinate to them Nor need the Members write themselves by the name of His Majesties most loyall and most humble Subjâ—…cts but by the name of Partners and Associates in the Royall power which doctrine of what ill consequence it may be in Monarchical Government I leave Counsellors of State to consider of His speech being ended the King vailed his Crown a thing rare in any of his Predecessouâ—…s Our Chroniclers tell us of King James that at his first coming to the Crown of England he used to go often to the Tower to see the Lyon the reputed King of Beasts baited sometimes by Dogs and sometimes by Horses which I could never reade without some râ—…gret the baiting of the King of Beasts seeming to me an ill presage of those many baitings which he a King of Men sound afterwards at the haâ—…s of his Subjects And Mr. Prin tells us of K. Charles that on the day of his Coronation he was cloathed in white contrary to the custome of his Predecessours who were on that day clad in purple White is we know the colour of the saints who are represented to us in White robes by S. John in the Revelation And Purple is we know the Imperiall and Regall colour so proper hereto sore unto Kings and Emperours that many of the Constantinoplitan Emperours were called Porphirogeniti because at their first comming into the world they were wrapt in purple And this I look upon as an ill presage that the King laying aside his Purple the Robe of Majesty should cloathe himselfe in White the Robe of Innocence as if thereby it were fore-signified that he should devest himselfe of that Regall Majesty which might and would have kept him safe from affront and scorn to relie wholly on the innocence of a vertuous life which did expose him finally to calamitous ruine But as all ill presages none like that which our Authour speaks of I mean the veiling of his Crown to this his first Parliament which I consider of the Introduction to those many veilings of the Crown in all the Parliaments that followed For first he vailed his Crown to this in leaving Mountague in their hands and his Bond uncancelled as you tell us after Fol. 12. notwithstanding that he was his sworn Chaplain and domestick Servant and that too in a businesse of such a nature as former Parliaments used not to take cognizince of he vailed his Crown unto the next when he permitted them as you tell us Fol. 25. to search his Signet Office and to examine the Letters of his Secretaries of State leaving him nothing free from their discovery a thing not formerly practised he vailed his Crown unto the third first in the way of preparation to it releasing all the Gentlemen whom he had imprisoned for their refusall of the Loane many of which being elected Members of the following Parliament brought with them both a power and will to avenge themselves by the restraint of His Prerogative within narrower bounds next in the prosecution of it when hearing that the Parliament had granted him some Subsidies not a man dissenting he could not restraine himselfe from weeping which tendernesse of his was made good use of to his no small dammage adding withall and bidding his Secretarie tell them as our Authour tells us Fol.
ejus nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis that no body ever found her power but either in lessening his deserved punishments or adding some respects to him for his well-deservings Nor seemed the question in the sense of many which was the Traytour but which was the most That is to say whether the Duke of Buckingham or the Earle of Bristol were the greater Traytour though it appeareth not for any thing which our Authour tells us that any treason was proved against either of them For had the Duke proved his Charge of Treason against the Earle he had both power and opportunity enough to have wrought his ruine or had the Earle proved the like Charge against the Duke the Commons needed not have troubled themselves with a new Impeachment containing nothing but Encroachments on the Royall favour and some miscarriages which at another time and in another man would have been connived at Our Author gives us a sull Copie of the Earles Charge against the Duke but of the Dukes Charge against the Earle whether out of Partiality or want of Information he affords us nothing I shall therefore adde so much in the way of supplement as to subjoyn three or four of the principall Articles of the Charge against him leaving them here as they were left in the House of Peers without any further prosecution than the Narrative onely It was then charged upon the Earle 1. That having certified King James by several Letters out of Spain that the Treaty of the Match was in a very good forwardnesse the Prince at his arrivall there found it nothing so there being little done in relation to it 2. That in the time of his negotiation by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise he counselled and perswaded the said Kings Majesty to set at liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion and to grant and allow unto the Papists and Professours of the same a free toleration and silencing the Laws made and studing in force against them 3. That at the Princes coming into Spain the said Earle of Bristol cunningly falsly and traiterously moved and perswaded the Prince being then in the power of a forreign King of the Romish Religion to change his Religion and used many dangerous and subtile insinuations to that effect 4. That in pursuance of the said trayterous designe he used these words unto the Prince That the State of England did never any great thing but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and that it was impossible they should doe anything of note otherwise 5. That a Proposition being made by the King of Spaine touching the Palatinate which was That the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine should marry with the Emperours Daughter but must be bred up in the Emperours Court the said Earle delivered his opinion That he thought it unreasonable And when the danger was presented in regard of the alteration of the young Princes Religion which must needs follow thereupon the said Earle answered That without some great action the peace of Christendome would never be had Comparing these with those that were charged upon the Duke it will appeare that they both concurred in one designe which was to â—…ender each oâ—…her suspected in matter of Loyalty Religion though by so doing they made good sport to all their Enemies and the world to boot Many good men as our Authour calls them being passing jocund at the contest But it was resolved by the Judges that by their Restraint i. e. the Restraint of Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir John Eliot no reason being given to the House for it the whole House was Arrested The Judges were wise men and would not strive against the stream as the saying is for otherwise I can see no reason of their resolute precedents to the contrary there are many in the times foregoing of which I shall instance in two onely and those two in a Parliament held in the 35 year of the so much celebrated Reigne of Queen Elizabeth The first is this Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromely delivered a Petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be Suppliants with them of the Lower House unto Her Majesty for entailing of the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to Her former strait command and charged the Councell to call the parties before them Sir Thomas Henage being then Vice-Chamberlaine and one of the Lords of the Privie Councell sent for them and after speech with them commanded them to foâ—…ar the Parliament and not to go out of their severall lodgings After they were called before the Lord Treasurer the Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Henage Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromely with Master Richard Stevens to whom Sir Henry Bromely had imparted the matter were sent to the Fleet as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcestershire In the same Parliament one Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster who is to be my second instance moved against the hard courses of the Bâ—…shops Ordinaries and other Ecclesiâ—…sticall Judges in their Courts used towards sundry learned and godly Ministers and Preachers and spake against subseription and oathes and offered a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusall of such Oathes which comming to the Queens knowledge and Mr. Coke afterwards Sir Edward Coke then Speaker of the House of Commons being sent for and admonished not to admit of that or any such Bills if they should be offered the said Mr. Morrice as I have been credibly informed was taken out of the House by Sergeant at the Armes but howsoever sure I am that he was committed unto Prison for the said Attempt And when it was moved in the House by one Mr. Wroth that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained To this it was answered by all the Privy Counsellours which were then Members of the House that Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her selfe and to presse Her Highnesse with this suit would but hinder them whose good is sought That the House must not call the Queen to accompt for what shâ—… doth of her Royall Authority That the causes for which they were restrained may be high and dangerous That Her Majesty lâ—…h no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into such mattâ—…rs Whereupon the House desisted from interposing any further in their behaâ—…f And thus we see that no fewer than five Members that is to say Wentworth Welch Bromely Stevens and Mâ—…rrice â—…ut off at one time from the House of Commons without any remedy or any Declâ—…ration of the Judges that any such Arrest as is here pretended was layd upon the House by their Imprisonment So
which followed viz Since with this yeare thy name doth so agree Then shall this yeare to thâ—… most fatall bee And in the upshot were fined as was reported six thousand pounds And this is all the City suffered for Lambs death not that they payed six thousand pounds or â—…t any such Fine was imposed upon them but that they were abused with this false Report But to say truth I hope my Masters of the City will excuse me for it a fine of 60000 li. had been little enough to expiate such a dangerous Riot and so viâ—…e muâ—…r in which both Mayor and Magistrates had contracted a double guilt Fiâ—…t in not taking care to suppresse the Râ—…ot which in a discontented and uâ—…quiet City might have gathered strength and put the whole Kingdom into blood before its time And â—…econdly in not taking order to prevent the murder or bring the Malefactors to the Bâ—…rre of Justice The punâ—…shment of the principall Actors in this barbarous Tragedy mighâ—… possibly have preserved the life of the Duke of Buckingham and had the City smarted for not doing their duty it might in probability have prevented the like Riot at Edinburgh Non ibi consistunt exempla ubi coeperunt saith the Court-Historian Examples seldome â—…nd where they take beginning but eiâ—…her first or last will finde many followers And though Lamb might deserve a farre greater punishment than the fury of an ungovâ—…rned Multitude could 〈◊〉 upon him yet suffering without Form of Law it may very well be said that he suffered unjuftly and that it was no small peece of injustice that there was no more justice done in revâ—…nge thereof Connivance at great crimes adds authority to them and makes a Prince lose more in strength than it gets in love For howsoever maâ—…ers of Grace and Favour may oblige some particular persons yet it is justice impartiall and equall justice that gives satisfaction unto all and is the chief supporter of the Royall Throne God hath not put the sword into the hands of the supreme powers that they should bear the same in vain or use it only for a shew or a signe of soverâ—…ignty for then a scabbard with a pair of hilts would have served the turn In his Will he bequeathed to his Dutchess the fourth part of his Lands for her Joyntâ—… And that was no grâ—…t Joynture for so great a Lady I never heard that the whole estate in lands which the Duke died dâ—…d of of his own purchasing or procuring under two great Princes came to Foure thousand pounds per annum which is a very strong Argument that he was not covetous or did abuse his Masters favours to his own enriching And though hee had Three hundred thousand pounds in Jewels as our Authour tells us yet taking back the sixty thousand pounds which he owed at his death two hundred forty thousand pounds is the whole remainder a pretty Aldâ—…ans Estate and but hardly that Compare this poor pittance of the Dukes with the vast Estate of Cardinall Ricâ—… the favourite and great Minister of the late French King and it will seem no greater than the Widows mitâ—… in respect of the large and cost y Offerings of the Scribes and Phaâ—… The Cardinals Estate being valued at the time of his death at sixty millions of Franks in rents and monies which amount unto six millions of pounds in our English estimate whereas the Dukes amounted not to a full third part of one million onely Such was the end of this great Duke not known to me either in his Fâ—…owns or his Favours nec beneficio nec injuria notus in the words of Tacitus and therefore whatsoever I have written in relation to him will be imputed as I hope to my love to truth not my affections to his person His body was from thence conveyed to Portsmouth and there hung in chains but by some stole and conveyed away Gibbet and all Our Authour is deceived in this for I both saw the whole Gibbet standing and some part of the body hanging on it about three years after the people being so well satisfied with the death of the Duke that though they liked the murder they had no such care of the Wretch that did it That which might possibly 〈◊〉 him was the lâ—…ke injury done by some Puritanicall Zealots to the publick Justice in taking down by stealth the body of Enoch ap Evans that furious Welch-man who killed his Mother and his Brother for kneeling at the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper and for those 〈◊〉 factâ—… was hangâ—…d in chains not farre from Shrewsbury The Narrative whereof was published in print by one Mr. Studly and to him I refâ—… the Reader if he desire any farther satisfaction in it After this Mr. Montague ' s Booke called Appello Caesarem was called in by Proclamation This Proclamation beareth date the 17th day of January In which it was to be observed that the Book is not charged with any false Doctrine but for being the first cause of those disputes and differences which have since much troubled the quiet of the Church His Majesty hoping that the occasion being taken away mâ—… would no longer trouble themselves with such unnecessary disputations Whether His Hiâ—… did well in doing no more if the Book contained any false Doctâ—… in it or in doing so much if it were done only to please the Parliament as our Authour telâ—… us I take not upon me to determine Buâ—… certainly it never falleth out well with Christian Princes when they make Religion bend to Policy and so it hapned to this King the calling in of Montague's Book and the advancing of Dr. Barnaby Potter a thorow-paced Calvinian unto the 〈◊〉 of Carlâ—…sle at the same time also could not get him any love in the hearts of His people who looked upon those Acts no otherwise than as tricks of King craft So true is that of the wise Historian whom I named last inviso sâ—…mel Principe 〈◊〉 bene facta ceu male facta premunt that is to say when Pâ—…inces once are in discredit with their Subjects as well their good actions as their bad are all counted grievances For 〈◊〉 informations were very pregnant that notwithstanding the Resolution of the Archbishop of Canterbury and other reverend Bishops and Divines assembled at 〈◊〉 Anno 1595. c. Our Authour in this Folio gives me work enough by setting out the large spreading of Arminianisme and the great growth of Popery in the Church of England First for Arminianisme hee telleth us that the proofs thereof were very pregnant How so Because the nine Articles made at Lambeth had not of late been so much set by as he and the Committee for Religion did desire they should Why mâ—…n The Articles of Lambeth were never looked on as the Doctrine of the Church of England nor intended to be so looked on by the men that made them though our Authour please to tell us in following words
mâ—…st needs paâ—…se for currant I cannot see by the best light of my poor understanding but that Brabournes Book may be embraced with our best affections and that obscure and ignorant School-Master as our Author calls him must be cryed up for the most Orthodox Divine which this Age hath bred And was after styled Duke of Yorke Our Author here accommodates his style to the present times when the Weekly Pamphlets give that Prince no other Title than the Titulary Duke of Yorke the pretended Duke of Yorke the Duke of Yorke so styled as our Author here It is true indeed the second Son of England is not born to the Dukedome of Yorkâ—… as the first is unto the Titles and Revenues of the Dukedome of Cornewall but receives that Title by Creation and though the King did cause this second Son to be styled onely Duke of Yorke when he was in his cradle yet afterwards He created and made him such by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England in due form of Lâ—… The four Innes of Court presenting both their Majesties at Whitehall with a gallant Masque as a symbole of their joynt affections The Innes of Court used formerly to divide themselves in the like solemnities Lincolns Inne joyning with one of the Temples and Graies Inne with the other bâ—…t now they all united upon this occasion One William Prynne an Utter Barrester of Lincolns Inne had writ a Book somewhat above a year before called Histrio Mastix intended purposely against Stage Playes but intermixed with many bâ—…tter and sharp Invectives against the solemn Musick used in the Cathedrals and Royal Chappels against the magnificence of the Court in Masques and Dancings against the Hospitality of the English Gâ—…ntry in the Weeks of Christmas and indeed what not In which were also many passages scandalous and dishonourable to the King and Queen and such as seemed dangerous also to their sacred Persons For which an Information being brought against him in the Starre-Chamber by Master Noye then Atturney-Generall and the Cause ready to be sentenced it seemed good unto the Gentlemen of the four Innes of Court to present their Majesties with a Masque thereby to let their 〈◊〉 and the People see how little Prynne his infection had took hold upon them A pompous and magnificent shew it seemed as it passed the Streets but made more glorious by a long traine of Christian Captives who having been many yeares inslâ—…ved in the chains of bondage were sent for a present to the King by the Hâ—…riffe or Emperour of Morocko in testimony of the assistance received from him in the taking of Salla and destroying that known nest of Pyrates effected specially by the benefit and advantage of his Majesties Ships An action of so great honour to the English Nation of such security to trade and of such consequence for setlâ—…ng of a free commerce in those parts of Christendom that I wonder why our Author takes no notice of it The Kings Dominion in the Narrow Seas was actually usurped by the Holland Fishers and the right it selfe in good earnest disputed by a late tract of Learned Grotius called Mare Liberum Our Author might have added here that this discourse of Grotius was encountred not long after by a learned Tract of Mr. Seldens which hâ—… entituled Mare Clausum In which he did not onely assert the Soveraignty or Dominion of the British Seas to the Crown of England but cleerly proved by constant and continuall practise that the Kings of England used to levie money from the Subjects without help of Parliament for the providing of ships and other necessaries to maintain that Soveraignty which did of right belong unto them This he brings down unto the time of K. Hen. 2d and might have brought it neerer to his own times had he been so pleased and thereby paved a plain way to the payment of Ship-money but then he must have thwarted the proceedings of the House of Commons in the last Parliament wherein he was so great a stickler voting down under a kinde of Anathema the Kings pretensions of right to all help from the subject either in Tonage or Poundage or any other wayes whatsoever the Parliament not co-operating and contributing toward it For that he might have done thus we shall easily see by that which followeth in our Author viz. Away goes the subtile Engineer and at length frem old Records progs and bolts out an antient Precedent of raising a Tax upon the whole Kingdom for setting forth a Navy in case of danger Our Author speaks this of Mr. Noye the Atturney Generall whom he calls aftâ—…rwards a most indefatigable Plodder and Searcher of old Records and therefore was not now to be put to progging a very poor expression for so brave a man to finde out any thing which mâ—…ght serve to advance this businesse For the truth is that a year or more before the coming out of the Writs for ship-money he shewed the Author of these Observations at his house neer Brentford a great wooden Box wherein were nothing else but Prâ—…ts out of all Records for levying a Navall aide upon the Subjects by the sole authority of the Kiâ—…g whensoever the preservation and safety of the Kingdome did require it of them And I remember well that he shewed me in many of those Papers that in the same years in which the Kings had received subsidies in the way of Parliament they levyed this Naval aide by their own sole power and he gave me this Reason for them both For saith he when the King wanted any money either to support his own expences or for the enlarging of his Dominions in Forreign Conquests or otherwise to advance his honour in the eye of the world good reason he should be beholding for it to the love of his people but when the Kingdome was in danger and that the safety of the Subject was concerned in the businesse he might and then did raise such summes of Money as he thought expedient for the preventing of the danger and providing for the publick safety of himselfe and his And I remember too that â—…se Precedents were written in little bits â—…nd shreads of paper few of them bigger then ones hand many not so big which when he had transcribed in the course of his studies he put into the coffin of a Pye as he pleased to tell me which had been sent him from his Mother and kept them there untill the mouldinesse and corruptiblenesse of that wheaten Coffer had perished many of his papers No need of progging or bolting to a man so furnished But more of this Attorney we shall heare anon In the meane time our Author telleth us that The King presently issued out Writs to all the Counties within the Realm c. enjoyning every County for defence of the Kingdome to provide Ships of so many Tunne c. Our Author is deceived in this as in many things else For in the