deposed him as appears by their Decree St. tom 2. lib. 4. By these indications it is apparent that the Prince of the Netherlands was not Sovereign of these Provinces since they could cognosce upon him and shake off his authority But I shall next make out that Religion was not the ground upon which these Wars were raised The Reformation came unto the Provinces in Charles the V. his time who cruelly persecuted all who received it so that these who were butchered in his time are reckoned not to be under 100000. Gr. Annal. lib. 1. All this Cruelty did neither provoke them to Arms nor quench the Spirit of Reformation whereupon Philip designed to introduce the Inquisition among them as an assured mean of extinguishing that Light But that Court was every where so odious and proceeded so illegally that many of the Nobility among whom divers were Papists entered in a Confederacy against it promising to defend one another if endangered Upon this there were first petitions and after that tumults but it went no further till the Duke of Alva came and proceeded at the rate of the highest Tyranny imaginable both against their Lives and Fortunes particularly against the Counts of Egment and Horn suspect of favoring the former disordâ—â—s But it being needleâ—s to make a vain shew of reading in a thing which every boy may know after the Duke of Alva had so transgressed all Limits the Nobility and Deputies of the Towns of Holland who were the Depositaries of the Laws and Privileges of that State met at Dort anno 1572. Gr. de Ant. Bat. cap. â— and on Iuly 19 decreed a War against the Duke of Alva and made the Prince of Orange their Captain which was done upon his eâ—â—cting the twentieth penny of their Rents and the tenth of their moveables in all their transactions and merchandises Yet all this while the power was in the hands of Papists Gr. Anâ—al lib. 3. Noâ— waâ— the Protestant Religion permitted till the year 1578. that in Amsterâ—â—â— Utrecht and Harlem the Magistrats who were addicted to the Roman Religion were tuâ—neâ— out which gave great offence to some of then Confederates who adhered to Poperv And upon this the Protestants petitioned the Aâ—câ— Duke Matthias whom the States had chosen for their Prince that since it was known that they were the chief object of the Spanish hatred and so might look for the hardest measure it they prevailed it was therefore just they who were in the chief danger might now enjoy some share of the Liberty with the rest wherefore they desired they might have Châ—rchâ—s allowed them and might not be barred from publick trust which after some debate was granted And let this declare whether the War was managed upon the grounds of Religion or not The year after this the States of Holland Geldres Zeland Utrecht and Friesland met at Utrecht and entred in that Union which continues to this day by which it was provided that the Reformed Religion should be received in Holland and Zeland but the rest were at liberty either to chuse it or another or both as they pleased So we see they did not confederate against Spain upon the account of Religion it not being the ground of theiâ—â—eague but in opposition to the Spanish Tyranny and Pride And in their Letters to the Emperor Ian. 8 1578. Str. tom 2. lib. 2. they declared that they never were nor ever should be of another mind but that the Catholick Religion should be still observed in Holland and in the end of the year 1581. they decreed that Philip had forfeited his Title to the Principality of Belgium by his violating their Privileges which he had sworn to observe whereupon they were according to their compact with him at his inauguration free from their obedience to him and therefore they chusâ—â— the Duke of Alenson to be their Prince And now review all this and see if you can stand to your former assertion or believe these Wars to have proceeded upon the grounds of subjects resisting their Sovereign when he persecutes them upon the aâ—count of Religion and you will be made to acknowledge that the States of Holland were not subjects and that their quarrel was not Religion Isot. All this will perhaps be answered in due time but from this let me lead you to France where we find a long Tract of Civil Wars upon the account of Religion and here you cannot pretend the King is a limited Sovereign neither was this War managed by the whole States of France but by the Princes of the Blood with the Nobility of some of the Provinces and these began under Francis the Second then about sixteen years of Age so that he was not under Non-age and tho they were prosecuted under the Minority of Charles the Ninth yet the King of Navarre who was Regent and so bore the King's Authority was resisted and after Charles was of age the Wars continued both during his Reign and much of his Brother's and did again break out in the last King's Reign The Protestants were also owned and assisted in these Wars not only by the Princes of Germany but by the three last Princes who reigned in Britain So here we have an undeniable instance of Subjects defending Religion by Arms. See pag. 454. Poly. I must again put my self and the company to a new penance by this ill understood piece of History which you have alledged and tell you how upon Henry the Second's death Francis his Son was under age by the French Law for which see Thuan. lib. 16. which appointed the Regents power to continue till the King was 22 years of age at least as had been done in the case of Charles the 6. which yet the History of that time saith was a rare privilege granted him because of his Gracefulness and the love was generally born him whereas the year wherein the Kings were judged capable of the Government was 25. But Francis tho under age being every way a Child did for away both the Princes of the Blood the Constable and the Admiral from the Government which he committed to his Mother the Cardinal of Lorrain and the Duke of Guise Upon this the Princes of the Blood met and sent the King of Navarre who was the first Prince of the Blood to the King to complain of their ill usage but tho he was much neglected at Court yet his simplicity was such that he was easily whedled out of his pretensions Upon this the Prince of Conde having a greater spirit and being poor thought upon other Courses and as it is related by Davila lib. 1. gathered a meeting at Ferté where he pâ—â—posed the injury done the Princes of the Blood who in the minority of their King were now excluded the Government which contrary to the Salick law was put in a womans hand and trusted to Strangers wherefore he moved that according to the practices of other Princes of the Blood in the like Cases which
he adduced they might by arms make good their right and assume the Government in the Kings minority But the Admiral considering well the hardiness of the enterprise said that another way must be taken to make it succeed which was that since France was full of the followers of Calvin who through the persecutions they had lain under were now almost desperat and had a particular hatred at the Brethren of Lorrain as their chief enemies therefore it was fit to cherish them and make a party of them by which means assistance might be likewise hoped for from the Princes of Germany and the Queen of England and to this advice all present did yield Upon this saith Thuan lib. 16. many Writings were published proving the Government of the Kingdom in the King's minority to belong to the Princes of the Blood and that by the Laws of France the Regents power was not absolute but to be regulated by the Assembly of the States wherein many instances of the French Law were adduced and whereas it was alledged that the King was major at 15. which was proved from an Edict of Charles the Fifth this was fully refuted and it was shewed that notwithstanding of the Edict of Charles the Fifth his Son was not admitted to the Government till he was full 22 years of age and that in his minority the Kingdom was governed by a Council of the Princes and Nobility which was established by an Assembly of the States I shall not meddle further in the debate which was on both hands about the year of the King's majority or the Power of the Princes of the Blood in his minority but shall refer the Reader to the sixth Book of the voluminous History of France for that time whose Author hath suppressed his Name where a full abstract of all the writings that passed on both sides about these matters is set down but this shews how little your Friends understand the History of that time who take it for granted that Francis the Second was then Major since it was the great matter in controversie But to proceed in my Accounts These grounds being laid down for a war the Pâ—ince of Conde as Thuan relates would not openly own an accession to any design till it should be in a good forwardness but trusted the management of it to one Renaudy who tho a Catholick by his Religion yet drew a great meeting of Protestants to Nantes in the beginning of February anno 1560. where he stirred them up to arm and in his Speech after he had represented all the grievances he added that the greatest scruples that stuck with many was the King's Authority against which whosâ— roseâ—he did rebel and he answered acknowledging the obedience due to Kings notwithstanding their wicked Laws and that it was without doubt that all who resisted the Power constituted by GOD resisted his Ordinance but added their resistance was of these Traitors who having possessed themselves of the young King designed the ruin both of King and Kingdom This then will clear whether they walked on the Principles of Subjects resisting when persecuted by their Sovereign or not Upon this they designed to have seised on the King but as it was to be executed though it had been long carried with a marvellous secrecy it was at length discovered and the King conveyed to Ambâ—iâ—e and as the Protestants were gathering to a Head the Kinâ—'s Forces came upon them and defeated and scattered them But a little after this the King died in good time for the Prince of Conde for his accession to these Commotions being discovered he was sâ—ised on and sentenced to death but the King's death as it â—â—livered him did also put an end to the questions about the King's majority his Brother Charles the Ninth being a child so that the Regency was undoubtedly the King of Navarre his right yet not so entirely but that the other Princes were to share with him and the Assembly of the States to direct him as the Lawyers proved from the French Law The consultation about the Protestants took them long up and a severe Edict passed against them in Iuly 1561. But in the Ianuary of the next year a solemn meeting was called of all the Prinâ—es of the Blood the Privy Counsellors and the eighth Parliament of France in which the Edict of Ianuary was passed giving the Protestants the free exercise of their Religion and all the Magistrats of France were commanded to punish any who interrupted or hindered this liberty which Edict you may see at length Hist. d' Aâ—big lib. 2. c. 32. But after this as Davila lib. 3. relates how the Duke of Guise coming to Paris did disturb a meeting of the Protestants so that it went to the throwing of Stones with one of which the Duke was hurt upon which he designed the breach of that Edict and so was the Author and Contriver of the following Wars After this the Edict was every where violated and the King of Navarre united with the Constable and the Duke of Guise for the ruin of the Protestants upon which the Prince of Conde as the next Prince of the Blood asserted the Edicts so that the â—aw was on his side neither was the Regents power absolute or Sovereign and the Prince of Condé in his Manifesto declared he had armed to free the King from that captivity these stranger Princes kept him in and that his design was only to assert the authority of the late Edict which others were violating Upon this the Wars began and ere the year was ended the King of Navarre was killed after which the Regency did undoubtedly belong to the Prince of Condé And thus you see upon what grounds these Wars began and if they were after that continued during the majority of that same King and his Successors their Case in that was more to be pitied than imitated for it is known that Wars once beginning and Jealousies growing strong and deeply rooted they are not easily setled And to this I shall add what a late Writer of that Church Sieur d'Ormegrigny hath said for them in his reflections on the Third Chapter of the Politicks of France wherein he justifies the Protestants of France from these Imputations What was done that way he doth not justifie but chargeth it on the despair of a lesser Party among them which was disavowed by the greater part And shews how the first Tumults in Francis II. his time were carried mainly on by Renaudy a Papist who had Associates of both Religions He vindicates what followed from the Interest the Princes of the Blood had in the Government in the minority of the Kings And what followed in Henry III. his time he shews was in defence of the King of Navarre the righteous heir of the Crown whom those of the League designed to seclude from his right But after that Henry IV. had setled France he not only granted the Protestants free Exercise of their Religion but gave
Navy to Henry III. of England and got great priviledges from him for their traffick in England There were then 72. Cities in the League who renewed their League every tenth year and consulted whom to receive or whom to exclude from their friendship and choosed a Pâ—oâ—â—â—tor to themselves And one of the Conditions on which any City might be of this League was that they were free Towns and therefore it was that some Towns in the Netherlands being of this League their Princes were by Oath to confirm their freedom otherwise they could not be comprehended within that League the end whereof was to defend one another in any necessity they might fall in Let these things then declare whether Germany be a Monarchy or not and it will never prove the Emperor to be the Sovereign because the Empire is feudal and the Emperor gives the Investitures to the Princes for they are not the Feudatoâ—ies of the Emperor but the Empire and the Emperor by giving the Investiture becomes not their Lord for in the Interregn of the Empire the Electors of Palatine and Saxe are the Vicars of the Empire and give the Investitures who are not clothed with any authority over the rest but only as they are the Vicars of the Empire and not of the Emperor And most of the Princes of Itair receive still their Investiture from the Emperor but are far from concluding themselves his Subjects upon that account And who thinks the King of Naples the Popes Subject tho he receive his Investiture in that Crown from him These things being thus cleared it will be evident that the Wars betwixt Charles V. and the Duke of Saxony will never be a Precedent for Subjects resisting their Sovereign And having said so much it will be to no purpose to examine the rise and progress of the Smalcalâ—â— League and War only thus much is clear that the leaguing of the Princes and Cities together among themselves or with other Princes was not held contrary to the Laws of the Empire for after the Smalcaldic League both the Emperor and other Kings as France and England treated with them and sent Embassadors to them Yea the Pope sent a Nuncio to the Elector of Saxe and Landgrave of Hessen at Smalcald and yet never were they accused by the Emperor for entring into that League of mutual defence which shews it was not judged contrary to the duty of these Princes to associate among themselves or with others And the City of Strasburg and after them the Landgrave of Hessen made a League with the Switzer Cantons that received the Reformation for mutual defence against any Invasion upon the account of Religion At Ausburg the Emperor did on the 11. of November 1530. declare that since the Protestants did reject the Decree made about Religion he had entred in an agreement with the rest of the Diet not to offend any but to defend themselves if any force were used against these who owned that Religion And in the following December the Protestant Princes met at Smalcald and made an agreement among themselves in the same strain neither were they ever condemned for so doing but continued in a good correspondence with the Emperor many years after that till being invaded by the Duke of Brunswick the War took its rise which is all along proved to have been according to the Laws and Liberties of the Empire And thus this Case doth vary exceedingly from the matter of our Debates Eud. If I may glean after your Harvest I could add that the Divines of Germany were notwithstanding of all the immunity of the Princes and injuries they met with very much against all warlike preparations Many vestigies of this appear through Melanclon's Letters particularly in his 71. Letter to Camerarius an 1528. where he gives account of the inclinations many had to War and with how much diligence he had studied to divert them from it though great injuries had been done them and that it was believed that many of the Princes had signed a conspiracy against them And Scultet Exer. Evang. lib. 2. cap. 5. tells how Grumbachius and Iustus Ionas animated the Elector of Saxe to the War assuring him of the Empire of Germany if he woâ—ld adventure for it which he adds the Elector did and his so doing he compares to his throwing himself over the Pinacle of the Temple but all quickly repented them of the attempt the Elector being defeated taken and kept Prisoner many years and his ill Counsellors were well served for their advice Grumbachius was quartered and Ionas was beheaded Thus you see how that war is censured by one of the best of the late German Divines By this time I think no scruples can dwell with any about the German War and that it agrees with the case of a Prince defending his Religion and Subjects against the unjust invasion of another Prince to whom he owes neither obedience nor subjection and this will easily satisfie all that know either Law or History whether the Author of the Dialogues deserved to be treated as his Answerer doth But it is no new thing to find ignorants full of confidence and cowards full of boastings Isot. But for Sweden you yield it and acknowledge that because their King came against them in an unjust invasion designing to subvert their Religion they not only armed against him and resisted him but deposed him and put his Uncle in his place than which nothing can be more express See p. 441. Poly. The design of the Conformist was to prove that the first Reformers did not teach the doctrine of Subjects their resistance upon the account of Religion but he meant not to make good all that followed after that therefore left the more inconsiderat when they heard of the Sâ—ares of Sweden their deposing of Sigâ—smund might have mistaken that as he knows some have done and confounded it with the Reformation he gave the true account of that Affair as it was and it being seventy years after the Reformation was first brought thither cannot be fastened on the Reformation Besides the whole Tract of the Swedish History proves that the Estates as they elected so also coerced and frequently deposed their Kings and therefore Bodin reckons Sweden among these divided States where the Supreme Power lay betwixt the King and the Nobility and tells how in his own time Henry King of Sweden having killed with his own hand one that presented a petition to him the States forced him to quit the Kingdom to his Brother and that he had been for seventeen years a prisoner when he wrote his Books de Republica It being thus frequent in Sweden upon malversation not only to resist but to depose their Kings it was no wonder if when Sigismund came against them with an army of Polanders whose Sovereign he was not for none are so ignorant to think the King of Poland is a Sovereign they resisted him since that was a subjecting of Sweden to foreign force