their Brethren for the Court-Interest But yet still the Division was not so great as very much to weaken the Princes Party who sometime after the Queen had disowned them having called a Council of Conscience of sixty Ministers to consult whether it were lawful after that to continue the War they came to this Resolution That since those Arms were at first taken up by Order of that Princess whilst free against the Enemies of the King and the State and the Violaters of Edicts they were lawfully taken up and ought not to be laid down by any Counter-Order proceeding from her whilst under the force of hers and their common Enemies This War was very cruel in many places because there were some Commanders on each side that prosecuted it without any Mercy For Des Adrets on the Protestant side was noted for his Cruelties and Monluc on the other would spare no body Nay and Mompensier too signalised himself not a little by his Inhumanities However this difference there was between the Cruelties of the Two Parties That those of the Catholicks were a continuation of what they had exercised for near 40 years past by so many Butcherly Executions and those of the Protestants were but actions of men made desperate by so long and barbarous a persecution Which by the way deserves to be remarked against the Roman Catholick Historians who always excuse as much as they can the Excesses of their own people though never so villainous but represent the Violences of the Princes Forces much horrider than they were And indeed the Protestants found no mercy at all No Faith of Treaties was ever kept with them and not being content to destroy them by Fights and Massacres The Catholicks wherever they had power further employed against them he forms of Justice But nothing more furiously incensed the People against them than their breaking of Images and burning of Relicks in several places That likewise occasioned many bloody Edicts against them and the Parliaments would needs stretch the severity of those Acts of the Council yet to a higher pitch by their Decrees especially those of Paris Roan Dijon and Tholouse And tho the Catholick Armies were guilty of as many outrages as the others yet the Protestants bore the blame of all and were charged with the Sacriledges even of their Enemies A new Massacre of the Protestants which hapned at Sens by the Cardinal of Lorrain's fault who was Archbishop of that Town broke off the Negotiations for a Peace and the War was continued a fresh both by Arms and Writings In which the Catholicks were the first that had recourse to Foreign Aid and the Protestants imitated them by procuring assistance from Queen Elizabeth of England who seised of Havre de Grace for her security But before her Forces could joyn the Princes Army a Battle was fought near Dreux the success of which on both sides was so equal that the Duke of Guise was the only gainer by it The King of Navar died some time before of a wound he received at the Siege of Roan the Marshal de St. Andre was Killed and the Constable taken in this Battle so that the Duke had now neither superiour nor competitour at Court The Prince of Conde was likewise taken Prisoner but that hindred not his party from standing upon such high conditions that no Peace could be agreed upon The Duke afterwards laying Siege to Orleans was there Assassinated by one Poltrot which miserable wretch being taken Accused the Admiral and Beza and several others as his Instigatours to that enterprise and tho he often varied in his answers upon Examinations yet he accused the Admiral with a little more constancy than the rest However he was willingly credited in that point and the young Duke of Guise continuing ever from that time a resentment against that Lord as guilty of the Charge revenged himself nine years after upon several thousands of Innocents whose blood he mingled with the Admirals to expiate the death of his Father The Tragical Death of that great Man dampt the vain thoughts of the Cardinal of Lorrain then at Trent whither the Council had been removed the third time by a Bull of Pius IV. where the French Ambassadours had waited a good while for the coming of the Bishops of their Nation but the Cardinal came thither at last attended with some Prelates with a full Resolution to insist upon thirty four Articles of Reformation which seemed to be much desired by the Queen and especially the Restitution of the Cup and the Marriage of Priests The same accident likewise put the Court upon other Measures and disposed matters to a Peace for which an Edict was agreed upon at Amboise The Prince took advice only of the Nobility of his Party who were weary of the War and would not hearken to the Counsel of threescore and ten Ministers who would have persuaded him to abate nothing of the Edict of January The Admiral was not at all content with this proceeding But however he was forced to seem to approve of what he could not hinder and to accept an Edict much less favourable than the former and where the Distinction of Rights of Exercise by vertue of Fiefs Possession and Bailywicks was introduced The Peace was followed by an Event at which the Court of Rome was highly offended The Cardinal of Chatillon Bishop of Beauvais which is one of the most antient Peerages of the Kingdom turning to the Religion of the Admiral his Brother quitted both the Name and Habit of his Ecclesiastical Dignity and retain'd only that of Count of Beauvais The Pope thereupon cited him and depriv'd him of his Cardinals Hat But that Lord to shew how little he valued the Papal Censure immediately took up again his Cardinals Habit and wore it at all Ceremonies at which he was present and even at the Registring of the Kings Declaration upon the Subject of his Majority nay and to carry his contempt further he Married a Lady and wore his Cardinals Habit on his Wedding day The same year the Cardinal of Lorrain called a Synod at Rheims where the Cardinal of Chatillon appeared not tho he were Suffragan of Rheims as Bishop of Beauvais They who were present at it were content only to agree upon a resolution to give notice to the King that that Prelate was Excommunicated at Rome for a Heretick But that was put off till 1569. when the Parliament Declared him a Rebel and deprived him of all his Dignities turning him over to the Judgment of his Superiour as to what concern'd the Common Crime But they durst not at first explain what they meant by the term Superiour for fear of offending the Pope but in another Decree they plainly owned that by Superiour they meant his Metropolitan the Archbishop of Rheims with the Bishops his Suffragans conformably to the Liberties of the Gallican Church And in fine when this Cardinals Widow moved
learnt by experience that the blame was always laid upon them right or â—…g In â— Months time more than 2000 of them were Massacred in several places 〈…〉 nothing was to be seen every where but Injustices to destroy them or artifices â—…ide them That was the drift of an Edict in which the K. pretended to take 〈…〉 his Protection all Protestants that should live peaceably at home but that trick had â—…ct because it was too soon discover'd Then came out another Edict which 〈…〉 the liberty to exercise any other Religion but the Catholick which was soon followed by another commanding the Protestants to quit all offices and the Order 〈◊〉 Registring it in the Parliament of Paris added this clause That all who succeeded 〈◊〉 any Offices for the future should be obliged to swear to live and die in the Roman Reâ—â—â—â—â—on The Protestants likewise intercepted some Letters written by the Court to 〈◊〉 Magistrates in the Provinces forbidding them to observe the Edict of Peace Thâ—â—â— are others extant from the Q. of Navar to the Cardinal of Bourbon where 〈◊〉 reminds him of a thing at which he was so terribly alarm'd that he could 〈◊〉 sleep for one whole night which was that during Q Katharines last sickness 〈…〉 sign was laid to act over again in France the Scicilian Vesper This â—right of the Câ—â—dinal as may be a hint by the way was a sufficient proof their malice aimâ—â— as much at the House of Bourbon as the Reform'd Religion They attempted lâ—â—â— wise to surprise the Prince of Conde at his house at Noyers and that so subâ—â—â—â— that he had hardly a minutes notice to make his escape But nothing more cleâ—â—ly betrayed the Courts intentions than the Bull of Alienation of some Ecclesiâ—â—â— Revenues granted towards the support of a War against the Hereticks and which â—â—ing dated some days before the Protestants took Arms was an evident proof that 〈◊〉 Court that had sollicited it was the first that designed a Rupture However 〈◊〉 Chancellor suffer'd it not to be made use of for fear the Protestants should 〈◊〉 prove it to their advantage and they were fain to procure another three 〈◊〉 after that granted the K. the same Alienation under the notion of a Recomâ—â—â—â—â— of his Revoking the Edicts of Toleration Yet for all that the Chancellor was â—â—â—t graced either because he was against the War or was suspected to favour the Pâ—â—testants for the sake of his Wife his Daughter and his Son in Law who were 〈◊〉 their Religion Thus the Protestants were forced to a third War in which 〈◊〉 suffered great losses For Andelot Brother to the Admiral and one of their 〈◊〉 commanders died of sickness and but a little before that the Prince of Conde was 〈◊〉 at Bassac near Jarnac by a treachery without example committed in all appâ—â—â—ance by the Court and Orders to the D. of Anjou since that Assassinate was 〈◊〉 under his Nose by the Capt. of his Guards himself shewing no dislike 〈…〉 exploit This was the first noble head sacrificed to the D. of Alva's Counsels 〈…〉 same year the Protestants also lost the Battle of Moncontour so that after so 〈◊〉 misfortunes the Court seemed to have a prospect of having a cheaper bargâ—â—◠〈◊〉 the rest For indeed the Admiral himself tho never so great as in Adversity 〈…〉 then so stupified with so many cross blows that he was some time before 〈…〉 could recover himself But however when they saw him take fresh Courag◠〈…〉 that after he had Marcht almost round the Kingdom through so many 〈…〉 Troops and Towns he was still in a condition with his Army as much tired 〈…〉 was and unprovided of all necessities to oppose the Royal Army sent against 〈…〉 they quitted all thoughts of destroying him by open force and resolv'd to dispatch 〈…〉 by some master stroke of Treachery and accordingly struck up with him a 〈…〉 Peace by which they granted him so many things so much beyond his â—â— that it was easy to see they had a mind to trick him That was the first 〈…〉 which there were mentioned any cautionary Towns But then 4 such were giâ—â—â— to the Protestants for 4 years and they rested content with that security tho 〈…〉 had been so often deceiv'd by the Court-Oaths because they thought that 〈…〉 might be sufficient to execute the Edict and to accustome the French to 〈…〉 Peace together for all their difference in Religion All the great persons in 〈…〉 Kingdom Swore to this Peace and the Spanish Ambassador seem'd to be highly 〈…〉 contented at it But the better to surprise the Protestants they prevented their desires in many things For they consulted about the War in Flanders which the Admiral was very zealous for they made applications to Queen Elizabeth and the German Princes whose Ambassadors and Exhortations to observe the Peace they received very well They Negotiated a Marriage between Henry Prince of Navar and Margaret the King's Sister as if they designed to stifle all suspicions by so strict an Alliance And in particular they caressed the Admiral so highly that the Old Gentleman as wise as he was let himself be so insnared by them that he made the places of Security to be yielded back before the two years were expired and answered them who gave him private advice of the Court-designs that he had rather be drawn about the Streets through the dirt than to begin a New War During this Calm the Protestants held two National Synods at both which Beza assisted and at the first which was held at Rochelle were present the Queen of Navar the Princes and the Admiral And the Queen was pleas'd to take the Advice of the Synod for regulating the Religion of her Domesticks The Complaints of that Assembly were favourably heard at the Court who checkt a Sedition that had been raised at Roan and promised Redress against another that had been stirr'd up at Orange and suffered 1200 Families of the County of Avignon that had been persecuted there for Religion to take Refuge in Dauphiny and in fine omitted nothing that might convince the World they were heartily weary of the War But not withstanding this fair Out-side they neglected not to take measures at a distance for what they afterwards put in Execution And 't is said They deliberated first about it at Blois in the very same Chamber where the Duke of Guise was killed 16 or 17 years after and that that Prince presided in that Assembly That a year after the Proposition was renewed at St. Cloud in the same Chamber where Henry III. was assassinated in the year 1589. and that this Prince who was then but Duke of Anjou presided in this Second Assembly King Charles who kept the Secret with a profound Dissimulation during all these long Intrigues did not forbear to say enough to the Legate who complain'd of the Favours which were heaped upon the Protestants to make him
Treatys and Edicts constrain'd the Protestants with whom no measures were observ'd to defend themselves by Armâ— against such unjust and odious ways of oppression Furthermore the Protestants had had no Protectors but what were Princes of the Blood nay and their Protectors have not been always Protestants neither for the Duke of Alenzon who had that Quality never renounced the Roman Religion Henry IV. while he was yet King of Navar was Protector in his turn and one might well say that between him and the Protestants the Protection was in a sort reciprocal and if he served them for a good General others also furnisht him with strong Holds and brave Troops He then had done them the good Offices of a Protector for many years managed Wars obtained Edicts and Treaties pursued the reparation of the injustices that were every where done to the Protestants for which Reasons they often used to tell him since his coming to the Crown that he knew their necessities better than any body for that he had often presented their Papers and their Requests and pursued the reparation of the infractions and Violencies of which they had reason to complain But when he was mounted on the Throne the complaisances he immediately shew'd for the Catholicks and the little care he seemed to take for the Security of the Protestants inclin'd some of them to believe that his Protection was ended and that since he could be no longer the Solicitor of their Affairs it was needful to look out another who might do that office to him on their behalf They began to foresee he would by little and little alienate himself from their Religion and justly fear'd at the same time that if the Catholicks could once influence him to change they would inspire him with the spirit of persecution which is essential to the Romish Church and prevail with him to strike up a Peace to their cost with the Pope and the Leaguers and that insensibly from a protecting Prince they would make him become their capital Enemy and destroyer And the Conduct of the Catholick Royalists still more confirmed those Jealousies For at the very time they were daily receiving signal services from the Protestants and but 6 or 7 months after they had rescued them from the revengeful power of the Leaguers by receiving into their Arms the late Henry III. and his Court when oppressed by the Forces of that prevailing party The Catholicks had the confidence to demand of Henry IV. the Interdiction of the Protestant Religion the exclusion of Protestants from all Offices and in some sort the exclusion of the K. himself from the Crown unless he embrac'd the Romish Religion within 6 months Nay 't was not without some visible reluctance they suffer'd the Protestants to have access to the Kings person they wrongfully engrossed all business from them into their own hands so that they could not enjoy their former freedom and privacy of converse with him And in all sorts of Affairs whatsoever there appear'd manifest proofs of the Catholick's â—ll will towards them For they endeavour'd to ruin the Garrisons of the Protestant Towns by cutting short their pay and putting them to more trouble than 't was worth to get the rest They could not endure any business should succeed well that was managed by Protestants and therefore when Du Plessis being employed to treat with Chavigny to get out of his hands the old Cardinal of Bourbon whom they had a mind to have under a better guard had promised him certain sums of mony for which he himself stood security and had besides made other advances out of his own purse for the better effecting that important business they paid him both of them in bad Assignments This made the Protestants think they had reason to fear â—ll things from such people that shew'd so much ingratitude to their deliverers in the midst as 't were of the action itself and whilst their deliverance was yet fresh What then might not they do one day when they should once have made themselves as much Masters of the K's Conscience as they were already of his person It was impossible but such considerations must needs give a seasonable alarm to a distressed people that after above 50 years sufferings under their cruelty and perfidiousness could not be ignorant that the Roman Church changes neither her Humours nor her Maxims and that by consequence her hard headed Zealots would always be prosecuting their ruin by the same pious measures But on the other side the K. would not suffer the Quality of Protectour to be given to another as not thinking it extinguisht by his accession to the Crown but rather confounded in him with the quality of K. who ought to be the natural Protectour of all his Subjects For he well foresaw that once admitted that if the Protestants obtain'd any tolerable conditions 't would not be to him they would owe the obligation since they would be granted them by the credit and at the solicitation of another And indeed ' â—is the nature of men in the matter of favours done by a Prince to his Subjects to attribute less to the good-will of the Prince that grants them than to the Authority of the Mediator that obtains them and to have more respect as we may say to the channels by which they are derivd to them than to the Fountain-head from whence they spring And therefore the K. was not willing another should together with the quality of Protectour rob him of the Love and Confidence of his Subjects or to seem to grant at the solicitation of another what he kneâ— to be justly due to the Protestants either by a natural right or as a recompense for their faithful services Nay and the wisest heads among the Protestants were likewise of opinion That proposition was made without reason and at a very improper time Because the choosing of a Protectour would necessitate the K. to engage the further in the interests of the Catholicks when he should see himself suspected by his antient servants of whom by consequence he would have good reason to be reciprocally Jealous Besides the injuries they complain'd of seem'd to them not so great but that they well deserv'd to be excused by the necessity of the time and of which they might not very well hope for a speedy redress whenever his Majesty pleased It was likewise suspected that proposition was suggested by the Artifice of the Catholicks who had represented objects much bigger than the life purposely to create jealousies between the K. and the Protestants and to divide them that so they might the more assuredly possess the K. alone and without any rivals and influence him upon the first fair opportunity to destroy the Protestants That project therefore was backt but by few Persons and was not very hard to break especially upon the sight of a Letter written by the K's own hand to Du Plessis as well to give the
Interpretation upon some Words and Articles 6 and 7 contain'd in the present Edict of the 17th of January 1561. CHarles by the Grace of God King of France to our Trusty and well beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Bailiffs Senechals Provosts or their Lieutenants and to all our other Justices and Officers and to every one of them according as it may concern them Greeting By our Ordinance of the 17th of January last past join'd hereunto under the Counter Seal of our Chancery made for the repose and Pacification of our Subjects and to appease and put an end to the Troubles and Seditions occasion'd in this our Kingdom by the diversity of Opinions that reign in our Religion It is said among other things Article 6. That whenever our Officers shall be desirous to go into the Assemblys of those of the New Religion to assist at their Sermons and to hear what Doctrine is taught there they shall be receiv'd in the same and respected according to the Dignity of their Places and Offices And in case it be to take and apprehend some Malefactors they shall be obeyed and assisted according as it is contain'd more at large in the Article of the said Ordinance which mentions it And whereas some difficulty might arise about the Interpretation of this Word Officers thus couch'd in general in the said Article to know whether all our Officers of Judicature are indifferently meant and included under the same we in order to make our said Ordinance as clear and intelligible as can be and to leave nothing dubious or difficult have said and declar'd for the interpretation thereof do say and declare that by the said Word Officers and the permission we have granted them to go into the said Assemblies for the Reasons contain'd in our said Ordinance we only intend as we do still intend to give the said Power to our Ordinary Officers to whom the cognizance of the Policy of Civil Government belongs as Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts or their Lieutenants and not to those of our Sovereign Courts nor to our other Officers of Judicature which we expect to live in the Faith of us and of our Predecessors And the said Power shall extend no farther than when occasion shall offer it self to inspect and remedy what is mention'd in the said Ordinance ¶ Moreover We have ordain'd and do ordain in relation to what is said afterwards Article 7. in the said Ordinance That those of the New Religion shall hold neither Synods nor Consistories unless by leave or in presence of one of our said Officers That if their said Assemblies which they call Synods and Consistories are General of the whole Government and Province they shall not be allow'd to hold them unless by leave or in presence of the Governor or our Lieutenant General of the Province of his Lieutenant General or others by them appointed And in case the said Assembly is Particular by leave or in presence of one of our Magistrate Officers who shall be elected and deputed by the said Governor or his said Lieutenant General ¶ Provided always that the said Assemblys which they call Synods and Consistories shall only be held for the regulation of Religion and upon no other account ¶ And all this by way of Provision until the determination of the General Council or till new Orders from us Neither have we by our said Ordinance and the present Declaration design'd or do design to approve two Religions in our Kingdom but only one which is that of our Holy Church in which the Kings our Predecessors have liv'd Therefore we will and require you that in proceeding to the reading publishing and registring of our said Ordinance you shall at the same time and in like manner cause this our present Declaration and Interpretation to be read published and registred and the same inviolably to maintain keep and observe without the least Infraction For such is our Pleasure the Contents of our said Ordinance and all other Edicts Mandats or Prohibitions thereunto contrary notwithstanding Given at St. Germain en Laye on the 14th of February in the Year of our Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second Thus Sign'd by the King being in his Council with the Queen his Mother the Duke of Orleans the King of Navar the Cardinal of Bourbon and the Prince De la Roche Sur-Yon the Cardinals of Tournon and Chatillon You the Sieurs de St. Andre and de Montmorency Marshals and de Chastillon Admiral of France du Mortier and the Bishop of Orleans d' Avanson and the Bishop of Valence de Selve de Gonnor and Dandelot and several others were present Bourdin First Mandamus from the King to the Court of Parliament at Paris for the publishing of the Edict of the Month of January CHarles by the Grace of God King of France to our Trusty and well-beloved the persons holding our Court of Parliament at Paris Greeting We have seen the Remonstrances you have sent us by our Trusty and well beloved Christopher de Thou President and William Violle Councellor in our said Court your Brethren about the Ordinance we have given on the 17th of January last past for the peace and tranquility of our Subjects and to put a stop to the Troubles and Seditions occasion'd in this Kingdom by the diversity of the Opinions that reign in Religion And after having caus'd the said Remonstrances to be read Article after Article and word for word in presence of us and of the Queen our most dear and most beloved Lady and Mother of our most dear and most beloved Brother the Duke of Orleans of our most dearly beloved Uncle the King of N. our Lieutenant General representing our Person throughout all our Kingdoms and Territories of the other Princes of our Blood and our Privy Council We by their Advice and in consideration of the great reasonable and necessary Causes and Occasions which have been our Motives for making the said Ordinance do hereby desire command and expresly enjoin you to proceed to the reading publishing and registring of the said Ordinance and the Declaration by Us made affix'd to the same And that you shall cause both the one and the other to be receiv'd kept and inviolably observ'd without the least infringement The whole by way of Provision until the determination of the General Council or New Orders from us And according as it is more at large directed by the said Ordinance and Declaration without any farther delay or difficulty not to oblige us to send you any other or more express Command than these Presents which you shall take for second third and all other Mandates which you might require from us in this case for such is our Pleasure What is above said all Edicts Ordinances Mandates and Prohibitions thereunto contrary Notwithstanding Given at St. Germain en Laye the 14th Day of February in the Year of our Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second Thus sign'd by the
during the said Troubles shall be remov'd XLIX All Places Cities and Provinces of our said Kingdom Territories Lands and Lordships under our Obedience shall use and enjoy the same Priviledges Immunities Liberties Franchises Fairs Markets Jurisdictions and Seats of Justice as they did before the present and precedent Troubles all Letters to the contrary and the removing of any of the said Tribunals notwithstanding provided those things have only been done upon the account of the Troubles the which Tribunals shall be restor'd and re establish'd into the Cities and Places where they were before L. In such Cities as have been dismantled during the pass'd and present Troubles it shall be lawful for the Inhabitants to rebuild and repair the Ruins and Dismantlings of the same with our leave at their own cost and charges LI. Such of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party which had taken to Farm before the present Troubles any Registries or other Demean and Rights to us belonging which they have not been able to enjoy by reason of the said Troubles shall remain discharg'd as we do hereby discharge them of what they have not receiv'd of the said Farms since the 24th of August 1572. as also of what they have paid without fraud in places not belonging to the Receipt of our Revenues all Obligations pass'd by them upon the same notwithstanding LII And to the end that no body may doubt of the good Intention of our said Brother the King of Navar and of our said Cousin the Prince of Conde We have said and declar'd do say and declare that we hold and repute them our good Kinsmen faithful Subjects and Servants LIII As also all the Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers and other Inhabitants of Cities Corporations Villages and other places of our said Kingdom and Countries under our command who have follow'd succour'd and favour'd them in any part whatever for our good and loyal Subjects declaring all Decrees Informations and proceedings made and given against them upon the account of the said Troubles void and of no effect as things never done nor happen'd willing the same to be raz'd out of the Registers of the Chief Clerk's Offices both of our Courts of Parliament and other Jurisdictions where they have been recorded LIV. We also declare that we hold and repute our Cousin Duke John Cazimir for our good Neighbour Kinsman and Friend LV. We do also acquit and discharge our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navar and Prince of Conde as well as all the Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers Corporations of Cities and Communities and all others that have abetted and succour'd them their Heirs and Successors for all Sums taken and rais'd by them or their Orders out of our Offices of Receipt and Revenues to whatever sum or sums they may amount as well as out of Cities Corporations and from particular persons Rents Revenues Plate Sales of Estates Goods both Ecclesiastical and others Forests belonging to us or others Fines Booties Ransoms or other Sums taken by them upon the account of the present and precedent Troubles and that neither they nor any that have been employ'd by them for the raising of the said Sums or that have given and furnish'd them by their Ordinances shall any wise be liable to be call'd to an account for the same either at present or for the future And that both they and their Clerks shall remain acquitted for all the management and Administration of the said Sums only producing for a full Discharge within four Months after the publication of our present Edict given in our Court of Parliament at Paris acquittances duly expedited by our said Brother and Cousin the King of Navar and Prince of Conde or by such as shall have been by them committed for the audit and closing of their Accounts or from the Corporations of the Cities that have been employ'd and intrusted during the said Troubles They shall also remain acquitted and discharg'd for all Acts of Hostility Levies and marching of Soldiers Coining and Rating of Species made according to the order of the said Chiefs Casting and taking of Artillery and Stores both out of our Magazine and from particular persons making of Powder and Saltpeter taking fortifying dismantling and demolishing of Cities Castles Towns Enterprises upon the same Burning and demolishing of Churches and Houses establishing of Courts of Justice Judgments and Executions of the same either in Civil or Criminal Causes Civil Government and Regulations made among themselves Voyages Intelligences Negotiations Treaties and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes and Communities introducing of the said Strangers into the Cities and other parts of this our Kingdom and generally for all that has been done manag'd and negotiated during the present or past troubles since the Death of our late Lord and Father by those of the pretended Reform'd Religion and others that have been engag'd in their Party although it be not particularly express'd and specifi'd LVI And those of the said Religion and others that have adhered to them shall give over and desist from this time forward from all Practices Leagues and Intelligences they hold out of our said Kingdom as also all other our Subjects that might have held any And all Leagues Associations Fellowships contracted or to be contracted under any pretence whatever to the prejudice of our present Edict shall be cancell'd and annul'd as we do cancel and annul them forbidding our Subjects most expresly to make any Assessments or raise Money without our leave Fortifications listing of men Congregations and Assemblies other than such as are allow'd them by our said present Edict and without Arms Which we do prohibit and forbid them on pain of severe punishment as contemners and infracters of our Commands and Orders LVII All Prizes taken both by Sea and Land by vertue of the Licenses and Warrants given which have been judg'd by the Judges of the Admiralty and other Commissioners deputed to that end by those of the said Religion shall remain dormant under the benefit of our present Edict for which no prosecution shall be made neither shall the Captains their Securities and the said Judges Officers and others be call'd to an account for the same nor molested in any kind whatever All Letters of Mark and Seisures depending and not judg'd notwithstanding of which we will have them absolutely discharg'd and releas'd LVIII It is also our will and pleasure That the Children of such as have retir'd out of our said Kingdom since the Death of the late King Henry our most honour'd Lord and Father upon the account of Religion and the Troubles altho the said Children are born out of our said Kingdom shall be acknowledg'd as true Natives of France and actual Inhabitants thereof and such we have and do declare them to be without their being oblig'd to take any Letters of Naturalization or other provisions from us besides the present Edict All Ordinances thereunto
of Conde that they are sued by several of those who during the Troubles have bought Temporal Estates belonging to the Church requesting that no Actions may be allow'd the Purchasers against them or any of those who by their Command have made the Contracts of the said Sales It is granted to them in his said Majesties Name that all necessary Letters Patent to discharge and indemnify them for the said Sales shall be particularly expedited for them on condition that the money shall be reimburs'd as it is specifi'd in the General Articles of the Edict XXIII His Majesty shall promise and swear to observe and maintain the Edict that shall be made upon the said General Articles and to let those of the said Religion and others that have been ingag'd in their Party injoy the benefit of the same He shall also oblige the Queen his Mother and the Duke of Anjou his Brother to promise and swear to keep and observe the said Edict XXIV The same shall be done by the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde XXV All which Promises and Oaths shall be made in writing sign'd by the Hands and seal'd with the Arms of those that shall make them the which shall be reciprocally put and deliver'd into the hands of his Majesty and of the said King of Navar or such as shall be by them deputed to receive them XXVI The said King of Navar shall be allow'd after the Conclusion of the Peace to send to the Queen of England and to Duke John Casimir to acquaint them therewith and Passes and Convoys shall be given by his Majesty to those that shall be sent thither by the King of Navar. XXVII All such of the said Religion as are still in possession of Benifices shall be oblig'd to resign them within the space of Six Months to Catholicks and those who have promises of Pensions upon the said Benefices dated before the 24th of August 1572. shall be henceforward paid for the same and the payment of the said Pensions continued and those who owe the said Pensions shall be oblig'd to pay the Arrears in case any are due provided they have actually injoy'd the Fruits of the said Benefices excepting the Arrears due in the time of the Troubles XXVIII And as for those who are not of the said Religion yet have follow'd them during the time of the Troubles they shall re-enter into the same Possession and Injoyment of their Benefices as they had before the 24th of August 1572. And those who by private Authority without order or gift from his Majesty have enjoy'd and receiv'd the Fruits of the said Benefices belonging to the abovemention'd shall be oblig'd to return it to them and to resettle them into the same XXIX Upon the Request of those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party to annihilate all the Bonds Notes and Promises made by them together with all Judgments given upon the same against them upon the account of the Imployments Places and Offices resign'd unto them before the last Troubles or since for which they have not been able to obtain Letters Patents by reason of the said Troubles the which said Imployments and Offices have in the mean while been granted to others they also requesting the reimbursement of the Money paid by them for the same either into his Majesty's Exchequer or to the Resigners It has been declar'd That upon their giving his Majesty an account of the particulars of the Cases in question his said Majesty will remedy the same and cause Justice to be done unto them XXX The Officers of Justice shall also decide the particular Debate and Request of the Parties about the Annihilation desir'd by those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party of the Leases made by them of their Estates and Inheritances since the said 24th of August in order to re-enter into the Premises returning the Fines by them receiv'd XXXI His Majesty's Officers in the City of Rochel the Mayor Sheriffs Consuls Common-Council and other Inhabitants of the said City shall be continu'd and maintain'd in their Ancient Rights and Priviledges and shall neither be prosecuted molested or troubled for their Orders Decrees Imprisonments both within and without the City the Execution of their Judgments afterwards as well upon the account of some pretended Enterprizes attempted against the said City in December 1573. as by a Ship call'd the Swallow and the Execution of the Judgments given against those that were on Board of her or for any other Acts whatever of all which they shall be absolutely discharg'd They shall have no other Governor but the Seneschal neither shall any Garison be put into the said City and Government Neither shall any be put into the Cities and Places belonging to the Government of Languedoc except such as had Garisons in the time of the late King Henry XXXII His Majesty shall confirm the Declaration granted by the late King to the Inhabitants of Pamiers professing the said Religion for the Annihilation of the Decrees given for some Excesses committed in the said City in the Month of June 1566. and the said Declaration shall be presented to that end to his said Majesty XXXIII The keeping of Eight hundred men to be paid by his said Majesty has been granted to the said King of Navar and others of the said Religion to put into the Cities that are allow'd them for their safety in which his said Majesty shall not be allow'd to put any Governor or other Garison And he shall also Charge the Governors and Lieutenant-Generals of his Provinces that whenever they shall pass through the same to visit them they shall avoid all occasion of dispute with those of the said Religion XXXIV The said King of Navarre shall present unto his said Majesty those he shall design to employ for the guarding of the said Cities the which shall be employ'd there accordingly by him And in case any of the said persons so employ'd should behave themselves insolently there and abuse their said Office not observing the said Edict of Pacification the said King of Navarre shall be obliged to turn them out and to present others to his said Majesty to be put in their place XXXV The City of St. John d' Angeli shall be left to the Prince of Condé for his Abode during the Time and Term of Six Years until he may effectually enjoy his Government of Picardy in which his Majesty will have him continued XXXVI The said Prince shall promise unto his said Majesty well and faithfully to keep the said City of St. John and at the end of the time abovesaid the same to redeliver together with the Castle into the hands of the person deputed by his Majesty to that end in the same condition it now is without any innovation or alteration and without the least delay or difficulty upon any account whatever Moreover it is his Majesty's Will and Pleasure
for the precedent Troubles was rais'd before the 24th of August 1572. and was taken from them and remitted and that his Majesty might by surprize have made a Gift of the said Money to some particular Persons It is his Majesty's Pleasure that those who have had the said Money on any account and under any pretence shall be oblig'd by lawful and reasonable means to restore the same And that whatever Receivers and others who have still Money of that kind in their hands shall also be oblig'd to deliver it forthwith into the hands of his Majesty's Receivers-General and that by Imprisoning of them if necessary Upon the account of which his said Majesty has and does discharge those of the said Religion of all Obligations and Promises made and given by them upon that account both to his said Majesty the Reisters and all others XLVI The said King of Navar and those of the said Religion having made Application to his said Majesty for the payment of the Reisters due to the said John Casimir his Colonels and Rent-masters His said Majesty has declar'd That he will endeavour to do it as soon as ever the necessity of his Affairs will permit him XLVII And as to the Six hundred thousand Livers which those of the said Religion say were allow'd them by the last Peace to impose upon and raise among themselves in order to pay some Sum due by them It has been granted them That in case they can produce the said permission and make it appear that nothing has been rais'd by them by Virtue thereof and that the Sums for which it had been granted are still due the said permission shall be confirm'd by his said Majesty XLVIII The Prince of Orange shall be restor'd to all the Lands Jurisdictions and Lordships he has in this said Kingdom and Territories under his said Majesty's Obedience In like manner shall be restor'd to him all Titles Instructions and other Papers concerning his Principality of Orange in case any have been taken and remov'd by the Governors and Lieutenants-General and others his said Majesty's Officers if what is aabovesaid has not been done already The present Articles have been made and granted by express Command from the King in his Majesty's Name and by his pleasure by the Duke of Montpensier and the Sieurs de Biron Descars S. Sulpice de la Mothe-Fenelon by vertue of the power given unto them by his said Majesty to conclude and agree about the pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom on the one part And by the King of Navar the Prince of Conde and the Deputies of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion the said King of Navar Prince of Conde and Deputies answering for all those of the Provinces of this Kingdom Countries Territories and Lordships under the obedience of his said Majesty who profess the said Religion and others who have been engag'd in their Party on the other Part. In Witness whereof the said Articles have been sign'd with their own hands in the City of Bergerac the 17th Day of September 1577. Thus sign'd in the Original Henry de Bourbon Lewis de Bourbon Biron Descars S. Sulpiae de la Mothe-Fenelon La Noue L. Dufaur Chancelor to the King of Navar S. Genis Chauvin Dufaur Clausone Deputy of Languedoc Morin Deputy of Guyenne Scorbion Deputy of Montauban Payan Deputy of Languedoc and according to his power Thore for the Isle of France De Signo Deputy of Dauphine Durand Deputy of Guienne Guyet and St. Beignon for Rochel Courtois Deputy of Vendomois Roux Deputy of Provence T. Davaux for La Rovergue Thus sign'd compar'd de Neufville and is written extracted from the Registers of Parliament Sign'd De Pontac Compar'd with the Manuscript which is in the King's Library by Me. Counsellor and Secretary of the King House and Crown of France and of its Exchequer of the Ancient College Sign'd Gon. The Articles of the Conference made at Nerac by the Queen Mother with the King of Navar and the Deputies of the Pretended Reform'd Religion IN order to facilitate the last Edict of pacification made in the month of September 1577. and to clear and resolve the Difficulties that have interpos'd and that might still retard the good Effect of the said Edict It has been resolv'd at the Request Supplication and Articles presented by those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion and agreed upon as followeth in the Conference held at Nerac in this present Month of February 1579. between the Queen Mother assisted by some Princes and Lords of the King's Privy-Council and the King of Navar also assisted by the Deputy of the Prince of Conde Lords and Gentlemen and the Deputies of those of the pretended Reform'd Religion I. That the High Justicers or those that hold full Fief d' Haubert either in Proper or Vse-Fruit in the whole Moietie or third shall be allow'd to continue the Exercise of the said pretended Reform'd Religion in the places by them nam'd for their principal abode although they and their Wives are absent from the same provided part of their Families remain in the said places and though the Right of Justice or full Fief d' Haubert be in Controversie yet the Exercise of the said Religion shall be continu'd there provided the above said persons are still in actual possession of the said Justice And as for the Publick Exercise of the said pretended Reform'd Religion in the places ordain'd by the King in case any of ihe said places prove inconvenient they petitioning the King to have it remov'd elsewhere his Majesty shall provide them another that shall be convenient for them II. That according to certain Letters-Patent granted by the King given at Paris on the 13th of Nov. 1677. conformably to the eleventh Article of what was agreed on at Bergerac on the 16th of September of the said year 1577. which through inadvertency had been omitted in the last Edict of pacification those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion are allow'd to buy build or construct places to perform the said Exercise of Religion in the Suburbs of Cities or in Towns and Villages that are or shall be allow'd them in every Baliwick and Seneschalship or Government and in the places where the Exercise of the said Religion is allow'd them by the Edict And such as shall be found in the said places that have been built by them shall be restor'd to them in the same condition they now are III. Those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion are allow'd to assemble before the Judge Royal and by his Authority to equal and raise among themselves such sums as shall be thought necessary to be employ'd for the maintenance of those who are employ'd to perform the Exercises of their said Religion of which an account shall be given to the said Judge-Royal for him to keep IV. That according to the 20th Article of the Edict of pacification the Judges and Magistrates of Cities shall forthwith provide convenient
the Articles of the said Conference XXXI And the King shall at the same time order the City and Castle de la Reolle to be deliver'd into the hands of the said Duke of Anjou who shall be responsible to his said Majesty for the same and shall give it in keeping to the Vice-comâ—e of Turenne who shall enter into such Obligations and make such promises as the said Duke of Anjou shall require to return and re-deliver it into his hands in order to his restoring it to his Majesty in case within two months after the said publication the Cities yielded in the said Conference seated in Guyenne should not be deliver'd by those of the said Religion in the condition mention'd by the Articles of the said Conference In respect to which Cities at present still in possession of those of the said Religion and left to them by the said Conference the said King of Navar and those of the said Religion shall promise the said Duke of Anjou who will ingage his word to the King for it to march the Garisons out of them and to restore them in the condition they ought to be by the said Edict and Conference viz. Those of the Country of Guienne within the said Two Months after the publication of the said present Articles made in those parts where the said Duke of Anjou shall be and those of Languedoc within three Months after the said publication made by the Governor or Lieutenant-General of the Province without any Delays Put-offs or Difficulties upon any account or pretence whatever And as to the Liberty and Guard of the said Cities they shall observe what is enjoin'd them by the said Article of the said Conference And they shall do the same for those that have been given them in keeping for their surety by the said Edict and they shall nominate unto his Majesty persons whose Manners Qualifications and Conditions are answerable to what is requir'd by the Edict to command in the same and they shall be oblig'd and bound to leave and to restore them in the condition mention'd by the said Edict immediately after the expiration of the remainder of the term of time that was granted them by the same according to the form and under the Penalties therein contain'd XXXII All other Cities Places Castles and Houses belonging to the King and to Ecclesiasticks Lords and Gentlemen and other his Majesty's Subjects of both Religions together with their Titles Papers Instructions and other things whatever shall be restor'd in the condition ordain'd by the Edict and Articles of the Conference into the hands of the owners thereof immediately after the said publication of the said present Articles to leave them the free enjoyment and possession thereof as they had it before their being dispossess'd on the penalties contain'd in the said Edict and Articles notwithstanding the right of propriety were disputed And shall clear the said Cities Places and Castles of all Garisons to which end the Articles of the Edict and Conference concerning the Governments and Garisons of the Forts and Castles of the Provinces Cities and Castles shall be executed according to their Form and Tenor XXXIII For the effecting of which the said Duke of Anjou has promis'd to remain into the said Country of Guyenne during the said time of two months to execute and cause the said Edict and Articles to be put in execution according to the power given unto him by his said Majesty the which shall be publish'd to that end and a Council of capable and fit persons establish'd about his person XXXIV The 48th Article of the said Edict concerning the liberty of Commerce and the abolishing of all New Tolls and Subsidies impos'd by any Authority but the King 's shall be observ'd and effected And in consideration of the Abuses and Infractions made to the Edict since the publication thereof in relation to the Salt of Pecquaiz Prohibitions shall be made to all persons of what quality or condition soever directly to hinder the Draggage of Salt of Pecquaiz to impose exact or raise any Subsidies either upon Marches upon the River Rone or elsewhere in any place or kind soever without express leave from his Majesty on pain of Death XXXV All pieces of Ordnance belonging to his Majesty that have been taken during the present and precedent Troubles shall be restor'd immediately according to the 43d of the secret Articles XXXVI The 30th Article of the said Edict concerning Prisoners and Ransoms shall be follow'd and observ'd in relation to those who have been made Prisoners since the renewing of the War and have not been yet deliver'd XXXVII The King of Navar and Prince of Conde shall effectually enjoy their Governments according to what is specifi'd by the said Edict and secret Articles XXXVIII The raising of 600000 Livers which was granted and allow'd by the said Articles shall be continu'd according to the Commissions that have been issu'd out since by vertue thereof to which his Majesty shall be intreated to add the Sums of 45000 Livers furnish'd and advanc'd by the Sieur de la Noue XXXIX The 22d 23d and 24th of the Secret Articles agreed on at Bergerac concerning the Oaths and Promises to be made by the King the Queen his Mother the Duke of Anjou his Brother the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde shall be reiterated and accomplish'd XL. The Princes of the Blood Officers of the Crown Governors and Lieutenants General Bayliffs Seneschals of the Provinces and principal Magistrates of this Kingdom shall swear and promise to cause the said Edicts and present Articles to be kept and observ'd to employ themselves and use their endeavours every one in their Station for the punishing of the Infractors XLI The Courts of Parliament in bodies shall take the same Oath which shall be reiterated at every new entry which shall be made once a year on the Festival of St. Martin at which they shall cause the said Edict to be read and republish'd XLII The Seneschals and Officers of the Seneschalships and presidial Tribunals shall also take the same Oath in a body and shall reiterate it and cause the said Edict to be read and publish'd again on every First Day of Jurisdiction after Epiphany or Twelfth Day XLIII The Provosts Majors Jurors Consuls Capitouls and Sheriffs of Cities shall take the like Oath in a publick place to which they shall summon the principal Inhabitants of both Religions and shall reiterate the same at every new Election of the said Offices XLIV All the above mention'd and all other Subjects whatever of this Kingdom of what Quality soever shall depart from and renounce all Leagues Associations Fraternities and Intelligences both within and without the Kingdom And shall swear to make none hereafter or adhere to any nor otherwise to transgress directly or indirectly the said Edict Articles and Conferences on the Penalties therein mention'd XLV All Officers Royal and others Majors Jurats Capitouls Consuls and Sheriffs
him from leaving his Party and the success of the Fight at Arques joyned to the arrival of the English having made the Leaguers retire the King put his affairs into a good posture and gain'd several advantages During the time that this passed the promise which he had made to the Catholicks of his party being sent into the Provinces gave great Alarms to the Protestants These words were read with suspicion which had slipt into the Copies The late King whom God absolve and as they knew these were taken from the ordinary Language of the Roman Church when it speaks of dead persons they fear'd they were let fall from the K. as an effect of a Resolution already taken to embrace the Doctrin of that Church or at least as a mark of little zeal and affection to the Protestant Religion This was chiefly noised about in the Provinces of Poitou and Saintonge where the discontents began soonest They assembled together in order to a conference at St. John d'Angeli where under pretence 't was uncertain whether the K. would persevere in his Religion they propos'd to chuse a new Protector It seem'd but a Series of certain Intrigues which had caus'd the trouble in the last assembly at Rochel where some unquiet Spirits complaining of the Authority which the K. of Navar took in affairs would have taken away the power which the Protection gave him or limited it by rigorous conditions because they did not intend to chuse a Master in taking a Protector For this reason perhaps they would have chose rather to give this Quality to a man whom they had a mind to honour than to a Prince who seeing no body but the King above him would think all other Qualities inferiour to his Dignity Since the Death of Henry III. they had more reason than ever to renew the same Reflections because the K. of Navar having succeeded him he was thenceforward too great not to adjudge the Quality of Protector as derogating from that of a K The Reason why they mov'd in that business at the conference was because they talkt of suppressing the Chambers of Justice to please the Parliaments which the K. while he was only K. of Navar had established in divers places composed of Protestant Officers before whom the Protestants brought all their Affairs and that they had setled Royal Judges in divers places which deprived the Protestant Officers of their ordinary subsistance That they had restor'd the Mass in divers places against the express Terms of the Truce under the pretence of executing it and that their Protector had done nothing for them since his coming to the Crown That when the Truce was now ready to expire they saw nothing which tended to the peace which the late King had promised They complained also That their Ministers with whose maintenance the King had charged his Finances were worse paid under the New Reign than they had been under the Old Du Plessis in Negotiating the Truce made this a Capital Article and carried it after some Contradictions The Order which was observed for the Execution of this Treaty was That there were sent to the Secretary of State of each Division Rolls which certified the Names and Number of their Pastors which Du Plessis was to sign And upon these Rolls so attested Ordonnances were delivered to the Exchequer out of which it was paid to the Neighbouring Receivers of the places of their Residence Henry IV. was willing to have continued this Order for the Provinces where the Protestants were strong and this lasted till he changed his Religion after which he never setled it notwithstanding the promise he had made Moreover during the first troubles of the new Government this order was ill observ'd insomuch that the persons interessed were not able to support themselves and their condition was more uncertain under a King of their own Religion than they had ever been under any that was their Enemy This made them fear the event both for themselves and the common cause which the King seemed to defend with no great heat and therefore they thought they must rely upon a Protector who might apply himself to their Affairs with less indifference But before we go any further we must explain what the Protestants meant by a Protector for fear it should be imagined that it was a Project of Rebellion which was formed by them under the pretence of this Election The Protestants then having been constrain'd after the cruelties and wrongs of more than 30 years to unite themselves together for their common Defence they put themselves at first under the protection of the Prince of Conde who had the same Interest with them and to whom the Guises owed as little good Will as to the Protestant Religion The natural design of this Protection was to procure security and repose to the people who had embraced the Reformation to carry to the King the complaints and requests of the persecuted party by an authorised Intercessor to repress by the respect of their Protector the enterprises of the Cabals of Zealots or the Intrigues which the Ambitious might form for the ruin of the Protestants to have a Trustee and Guardian of the Faith of Treaties and Edicts which might be obtained for Liberty of Conscience so that this Protection gave to the person to whom it was given nothing but the care of obtaining tolerable conditions for the Protestants and to procure them to be observâ—d when obtain'd by his Solicitations and his Credit and by consequence he could never give any jealousy to any Princes but such as had no design to keep their Faith since to render the Protector of no use there was no more to do but to permit the People to live quietly in peace of Conscience the Protection doth then fall of it self when there is no infractions to redress nor any Injusticeâ—o â—o fear Since all the proceedings of the Protector aim'd at nothing else but to obtain and procure from the King a soâ—id Peace and Tranquility unto a considerable part of his Subâ—â—cts whom the other Disaffected Party designed to oppress The Royal Authority was always respected and indeed under that Protection Since if any thing was restrain'd or limited by this Protection it was not the Royal Authority which the Protestants desired rather to encrease than diminish but the Inhuman Zeal of the Catholicks which after all the Protestant Blood they had spilt by infinite number of Torments talk'd of nothing but the utter destruction and extermination of the rest And if that formed a party in the Realm Equity and humanity will blame them less for it that had but that one way left them to defend themselves than those that by a thousand Violences Wrongs and Frauds forc'd them to have recourse to that Remedy It is true this Protection has sometimes produced War but it was by accident because the infidelity of the Court the ambitious cruelty of the Guises the violations of
have put him in a way of quitting the Reformed Religion with more decency because he should have prevented their Complaints by making their condition sure But the Catholicks passion was so great that they did consider nothing and that they would have perhaps desired no better than to drive the Reformed to some Mutiny for to agree with the League at their cost and upon condition of turning against them their united Forces But the Reformed lost not patience for all these Injustices The King was forced to take other measures for to enduce them to see his change by fair means and without making a stir In order whereunto they made use of the Pretence of Conferences Ten or twelve Conferences had been already held with the Leaguers without doing any good a new one was renewed amongst the Royal Catholicks and them and that they might not be thwarted by du Plessis they agreed for a Preliminary that no Heritick should be admitted thereto The pretence of it was to concur with the States of Paris to put a Catholick King on the Throne and to reunite the Suffrages in the Person of Henry IV. in case of his Conversion Therefore from the very opening of the Conference he published a Declaration that he had prepared for to assure the Catholicks of his desire to receive Instruction At the same time the Reformed of the Court were sollicited not to hinder the Kings Conversion and the Duke of Boüillon was chiefly intreated because his opposition would give the greatest difficulty De Thou wrote to him upon â—his Subject to perswade him that it would be advantagious for he Reformed to have a Catholick King of whose good Intentions they might have full assurances The Duke was deeply oâ—liged to the King and his Mouth was stopt with such a heap of promises that it would have been very difficult for him not to â—ave been overcome The King himself promised by a Writing that was signed by the Princes and the chief Lords of the Council that the profession which he was about to make of the Romish Religion would cause no change in the Edicts which the Reformed had obtained and that no resolution would be taken in the Conference to their Prejudice In the mean time for to baffle the Reformed of the Provinces another sort of Conference was proposed under pretence of instructing the King but as his change was resolved upon that seâ—â—ous and grave Conference so much spoken of was no more to be expected It was only a Conference in shew to which the King invited those that he pleased by express Letters assigning their Convention at Mantes on the 20th of July 'T is true Plessisâ—â—tered â—â—tered the Superscription of the Letters and that instead of senâ—ing them to some private Persons as the King had ordered he â—â—tained of him that they should be sent to the Churches that â—â—ey might appoint fit persons for that matter No outward â—â—ction of the King could as yet discover his design of changing and he continued in his Court the Exercises of the Reformed Religion as he had accustomed Nay he desired that all the Reformed throughout the Kingdom should betake themselves to Fasting and Praying for to implore of God a happy Issue of this pretended Conference as if he had been still dubious which Party to cleave to But at last the Masque was taken off and it was evident that the whole Instruction would be reduced to the hearing of the Bishops without admitting any Ministers in order to answer them The Clergy had desired that the business might thus go on because they never set Victory at a compromize and that they were not so sure of the King's Conversion as that an orderly Dispute where these Pastors should be admitted might not make him have quite contrary Thoughts Notwithstanding the King thought to make use of his Compliance to the Clergy for to perswade the Reformed that he yielded but to Necessity that he abjured his Religion but in Words that he would hear but Catholicks because that he being forc'd to turn it was more to the advantage of the Reformed that he should do it without hearing them than otherwise that they might have it to say they were not vanquished whereas if the King should turn after a Dispute of both Parties this Change of his had been a real Triumph for the Catholicks But the Mystery was revealed by a Letter from the Chancellor to the Bishop of Chartres which was seen by the Reformed wherein he advertis'd that Prelat That he might come with a full assurance without troubling himself with Divinity Hereby it was seen that a set Conference was not agreeing to the Bishops Palat and they chose rather to overcome without fighting But tho' this kind of Instruction seem'd very strange to the Reformed and that they judg'd it a very singular thing that the King should be as 't were the Judge of so great a Cause after having only heard one of the Parties They notwithstanding thought they should not omit to send their Deputies to Mantes either to obtain by their Presence something in favour of their Religion or to take from the Bishops the Pretence of Boasting that the Ministers had shunn'd the Conference Time has declar'd how necessary this Precaution was seeing that not only in our days but almost at that same time and in the Presence of those who knew how things had been carried on they published that the Ministers had fled before them and had not the Courage to come to the Dispute It is true that the Ministers of the Court entred not into Conference But that we may not repeat over that the King's Instruction was agreed upon to be without them I shall at least say that none should admire That either those who were gained to favour the King's Design had seigned to give way or that the rest seeing the Snares that were laid for them and knowing the King 's secret Intentions had requir'd that all the Deputies of the Churches might be expected before the broaching of a business of so great consequence However they took another Precaution more formal against the vain Reproach of the Prelats and they engaged by a Publick and Authentick Writing to maintain in the Presence of what Persons soever in a set Conference the Doctrine that the King had learned in the Reformed Religion It was Plessis's desire that the Ambassadors of the Protestant Princes and some learned Ministers should be at Mantes that the Presence of these Ministers might delay if it were possible the King's Change or at least that it might more forcibly oblige him to give the Reformed tolerable Conditions But the precipitation of the Clergy gave not time for all these Measures They waited neither the coming of the Deputies of the Churches nor of the Strangers And after an Instruction of half a day where only such were present as were not willing to hinder it the King appeared to be satisfied with the
Roman Doctrine and the very next day abjured at St. Denis the Reformed Religion It 's true he never would promise to ruine the Hereticks of his Kingdom which the Clergy would have him Swear to Whether he acted thus only through a sincere Affection for the Peace of his Subjects or that it was a premeditated Denial to take away the Fears his Change might give the Reformed Neither would he by any means sign a Formular which had been prepared for him by which he was to Swear one after another to all the Articles of the Romish Faith and in like manner to abjure all the pretended Heresies of the Reformed They were forc'd to draw up one on purpose where Roni interven'd and where without an express Profession or Abjuration of any Article he in sum submitted himself to the whole Doctrine of the Catholicks But as there was a necessity of satisfying the Pope the first Formular was sent him in the King's Name which was counterfeited by Lomenie Secretary of State who had us'd to Sign for him and who imitated his Writing pretty well The King agreed to this Writing which could neither set his Conscience at rest nor please the Court of Rome where the Craft could not be long kept hidden nor make the Reformed believe that he kept their Religion in his Heart tho' he had these different Prospects in this Artifice The End of the Second Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes BOOK III. The CONTENTS of the Third Book Mistrusts produced by this Change Boldness of the Leaguers Renewing of the Vnion-Oath Conspiracy of Barriere Pretence of the Rebels that the King's Conversion is not sincere That he must have the Popes Blessing Deputies from the Reformed on their March The King's Precautions against their Reproaches A Letter upon the King's Change The Insults of the Catholicks Artifices to keep the Deputies from seeing him and to hinder him from giving them satisfaction Project of an Edict A Precaution against the Order of the Holy Ghost and Coronation The Reformed not very well contented with the Project neither accept nor refuse it Assemblies permitted Vnion renew'd with the King's Approbation Artifices for to corrupt the Ministers A Design of a Re-union The Duke of Nevers obtains nothing at Rome The Fears that the King 's and Pope's Reconciliation give the Reformed A Truce prejudicial to the King The Reducing Meaux and other Towns Clauses in the Treaties that are to the prejudice of the Reformed The Coronation Oath The power of the Jesuits Injustices done to the Reformed The Characters of the Chief of the Reformed A Synod at Montaubon Orders Prayers for the King's Prosperity and for his returning to his Religion Disclaims the Province of the Isle of France in several points Assembly at St. Foy Propositions and Regulations for the General Council and for those of the Provinces Secret Articles Sedition of the Croquans Deputies amused at Court Pretensions of the Duke of Mercoeur Overtures of Reconciliation with the Pope The King wounded by Chatel Jesuits banished Pyramid Testimony that d' Ossat renders the Reformed The Courts Thoughts upon the Vnion of the Reformed The King's Thoughts upon this Subject Causes for which it is resolv'd to declare the Reformed capable of Employs The Prince of Conde drawn from under their hands Methods for to succeed in it The Article of the enabling the Reformed to be in Places passes with much ado The Attorney General 's ill-grounded Wrangling and the reason of new Mistrusts Assembly at Saumur at first displeases the King who at at last authorizes it Reasons for the permitting it Necessity of importuning the King The Assembly demands a new Edict and Securities The King 's desired Absolution His Reasons for yielding the first Commissaries chosen for to treat about it Du Perron and d' Ossat The Popes high Pretensions Precise Instructions to the Attorneys for the contrary Testimony rendred to the present and past Services of the Reformed Prevarications of the Attorneys in the Words and thing it self Articles of Penitence Complaints of the Reformed The Excuses of the Attorneys Punishment of two Protestants at Rome Secret Articles believed to be promised to the Pope THis Conduct of the King changed once more the Countenance of Affairs The Reformed Religion which the Death of Henry III. had put upon the Throne was on a suddain removed far from it and the Heads of that Party began to fear That seeing it had been possible to make the King by so many Artifices quit his Religion he should by little and little be dispos'd to destroy them Which was so much the more probable that it being impossible for the King to be ignorant of the mortal Grief they had for his Change he was likewise to consider them as Men who perhaps for the future would consult only Despair and who at least would live with him in continual Diffidence Thence he on the other hand must take occasions of Suspicions and Jealousies and perhaps according to the natural Inclination of Man who never fails to hate those of whom â—e no more deserves to be belov'd to pass from the fear of their Resentments to the resolution of ruining them Men look upon the Presence of those that have rendred them too good Services â—nd whom they for a Recompense have manifestly injur'd as a perpetual upbraiding of whom they think to rid themselves by â—estroying these troublesom Accusers And the Reformed seemed to be in a case of excepting no other Usage seeing the sight of them could not but trouble the King's Conscience by continually upbraiding him with their Services their Misery and his Change They saw moreover that a Negotiation with Spain was on foot which ought to make them fear that the Alliance should be made â—ut at their Cost La Varenne a Man of Fortune who notwithâ—tanding had a share in the King's Confidence because he was one of the Ministers of his Love-tricks took a Journey into Spain â—nder certain Pretences but in effect to propose a Peace and the Marriage of Henry IV. with the Infanta for to see that Princess in the King's Name for to bring him her Picture and to promise to send a Lord of Note if the King of Spain would â—earken to it It is not known whether the King's Intention â—as really so or if he endeavour'd by the Overture of that Proposition to make Spain abandon the Interests of the League But â—is Voyage alarm'd the Protestants both at home and abroad â—o ' England and the Vnited Provinces had been included in the â—roject of this Peace because they feared lest at one time or anoâ—â—er their Ruine to be the fruit of that Alliance But in Franceâ—â—e â—â—e Reformed changed not their Conduct They were content to â—â—rug their Shoulders through Astonishment to exhale their Grief â— bitter Complaints and to expect the Issue of their Deputation whose Members were on their way to wait on the King who had given them fine Promises for
and the same Religion The Reformed complain'd of these Articles which were granted directly to their Prejudice But the Proctors endeavour'd to excuse one part by saying that certain Expressions were added in favour of the Edicts and that they were forc'd to be contented because it would have been impossible for 'em to have obtain'd clearer or more precise Expressions to explain their meaning So that all the Security of the Protestants in respect of these Articles depended upon certain equivocal Words the Explanation or Interpretation of which was reserv'd to those who had concluded the Treaty Thus it was that they gave an Account of that same Clause of the Sixth Article touching the Publication of the Council which had been ill receiv'd by the Reformed because they could not look upon the Publication of a Council call'd on purpose to condemn 'em otherwise then as a fore-runner of their Ruine The Proctors upon this alledg'd that they could not explain that Article more at large But that the Pope knew and very well understood that the Clause not to disturb the publick Repose was added in favour of the Edict of Bearn and that he neither could nor would explain it better for fear he should be thought to approve it In like manner in reference to other Articles that seem'd to press the King too furiously to certain things more difficult in France then Rome imagin'd they affirm'd that the Pope had no design to force the King to Impossibilities but that he would always be contented with what lay in his Power Thus they oblig'd the King to whatever the Pope should please and left it to the Popes good Humour to excuse the King tho' it were impossible for him to perform the Penances which he had enjoin'd him In the mean time we may judge by the Cruelties that were committed at Rome upon those that were call'd Hereticks that they were not in the least become more equitable or more moderate toward any other People of the same Character A Fleming was burnt alive in the Field of Flora and an Englishman who had thrown the Host to the Ground and had us'd the Sacrament like an Idol was punish'd at the same rate after they had cut out his Tongue and dismember'd him of one of his hands And for fear his Punishment should be too gentle they sing'd him continually by the way with burning Torches from the Prison of the Inquisition to the place of Execution The Reformed might gather from thence what they were to expect if the Sincerity of the Edicts that were granted 'em depended upon the Inspirations that came from Rome But they had other Reasons to be afraid of every thing For they had Intelligence also from Rome that there were other Secret Conditions upon which the King was absolv'd which were spread about there whether it were an Artifice of the Spaniards to sow new Seeds of Distrust in the Minds of the Reformed or whether the Pope had demanded 'em and that the Proctors had verbally promis'd certain things which they thought not convenient to put down in Writing 'T was reported at least that the King was ty'd by those Conditions to exclude the Reformed from all Offices and Employments whatever Promises he had made to admit 'em to Preferment to marry the Princess his Sister to a Catholick Prince and to make War upon the Hereticks of his Kingdom till they were utterly extirpated And the Marriage of the Princess with the Duke of Lorrain which happen'd some years after confirm'd the Suspicions of all the rest so much the rather because she would have been courted by Princes of her own Religion if the King would have listen'd to it Certain it is that the Reformed were convinc'd that these Articles were real and that du Plessis also wrote to the King that his manner of Proceeding was imputed to his Compliance with the Popes Demands and that it was believ'd of all that was propos'd against 'em there was none but the Article that concern'd their Destruction that he ever refus'd to hearken to The End of the Third Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes BOOK IV. The CONTENTS of the Fourth Book The Massaker at Chataigneraye excepted by Letters Pattents out of the Acts that were to be comprehended in the Amnesties Artifices to perswade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde Interests of the Prince of Conti and Count of Soissons Duke de la Trimouille suspected by the King The Princess's Process removed to the Parliament of Paris whether Pisani carries her with the Prince her Son Precautions taken for the Princes Religion ill observ'd Justification of the Princess Deputies of the Assembly at Saumur attend the King paid with general Promises War declar'd with Spain League with the Queen of England who would needs have one Article inserted in favour of the Reformed Marshal de Bouillon opposes it Discontents of the Reformed the Effects Whence the King's Coldness proceeded Suggestions of the Catholicks The Popes Address Different Language from the King his Desires Reports of the Reformed being out of Favour the Original of it Assembly of the Clergy Edict of Travercy Edict in favour of the Duke of Mayenne Revenge of Henry the Third's Murder neglected State of the Kingdom and Project to dismember it Assembly meets at Loudun with leave New Suspicions and new Complaints Deputies sent to the Court. Resolution of the Assembly to defend themselves till a Conclusion ill taken of the King who orders the Dissolution of it Effect of this Rigour Du Plessis's wise Expedient succeeds in the Assembly is approv'd by the King who revokes the Order of Dissolution and promises a Commissioner Patïence of the Reformed Continuation of their Instances Legat in France revives their Fears Garrisons retrench'd or ill paid â—oni's Jealousies Synod at Saumur It 's Resolutions Their Letters to the King Commissioners to the King Complaints to the King Constancy of the Assembly which is translated to Vendosme Releases upon the Generality of Free Exercise Obtains by way of Compensation the Second Place of Bailliage and the right acquir'd by Possession of the Year 1596. The Edict of 1577. verify'd at Rouen The Reformed not contented with it The Pope complains and D'Ossat appeases him The Assembly discontented at the Return of the Commissioners who write to the King the necessity of satisfying ' em Reciprocal Suspicions and Distrusts Divisions in the Assembly which returns to Saumur Surprize of Amiens Confusion of Affairs Proposals of War to the Assembly Motives of de Bouillon and de la Trimouille The King at a Nonplus His various manner of writing to the Assembly before and after the Surprize Answers of the Assembly which 〈◊〉 translated to Chastelleraud more numerous then before Excuses for the Assemblies Constancy in requiring Securities Their Conduct in respect of the Siege of Amiens Various Advices Reformed serve at the Siege Actions of Bouillon and de la Trimouille Change of Commissioners The Treaty continu'd
they might well think that he would might and main obstruct what ever should be done to lift the Prince of Conde to the Throne in prejudice of his Claim There was also another Reason besides the general Interest of his Party why the King sâ—pected Trimouille His Ambition and his Courage made him fear that the Duke would never consent to the Delivery of the Prince under whose Name he might one day be Head of the Reformed among whom he was in great Reputation He had taken a Journey to St. John d' Angeli where the Prince was bred up which had made the Court very uneasie believing he went to make sure of the Person of his Nephew and to order it so that they who had him in their Custody should never deliver him to the Catholicks But afterwards 't was known by the Information of du Plessis from whom the Reformed never conceal'd any thing that his Journey was only to get the Suspension from the Communion taken off which the Princess his Sister had been under ever since the Death of her Husband with whom she was thought to have been an Accomplice This perhaps might have been a Stop in order to the going farther in time but then it prov'd of no effect to prejudice the Designs of the Court. In the main it would not have been an easie thing to support the Claims of that Prince whose Mother was suspected even by the Reformed themselves of being guilty of a strange piece of ill Conduct if the Catholicks seeing him bred up in the Reformed Religion should have once bethought themselves of fost'ring against him the same Suspicions to exclude him from the Crown So that a Head-strong Resolution to keep him in their Power would have signify'd nothing to any other purpose then to have put the Reformed and his Uncle to a great deal of Trouble 'T was thought they might provide against these Inconveniencies by the Care which was taken to justifie the Princess of 〈◊〉 Trimouille was perswaded to come in himself for the Honour of his Sister as being in some measure branded by the Sentence which the Judges of St. John d' Angeli had given against her Therefore 't was so order'd while the King was in Burgundy where Trimouille perform'd great Services both in his Person and by his Courage that the Kindred should present a Petition to the King wherein the Judges who had condemn'd her should be expeâ—'d as incompetent and a Demand made that the Information should be cancell'd and the whole business be referr'd to the Parliament of Paris where it was proper for the Causes of the Princes of the Blood to be determin'd The King receiv'd the Petition and granted by his Letters Patents that the Process should be sent back This done he sent the Marquess of Pisani to St. John d' Angeli to be near the Person of the Prince and to find out a way to get him from thence together with his Mother under the pretence of carrying him to the Court where he might be present at the Prosecution of a Process wherein he was so visibly concern'd But the Marquess met with many Difficulties There were several who by no means relish'd the Reasons that were alledg'd and thought it very imprudent to dispossess themselves of so assur'd a Pledge for the Observation of the Edicts Rochel would not consent but oppos'd it might and main but the Intreagues surmounted all those Obstacles and the greater number was over-rul'd by the Considerations which I have set down so that the Prince and his Mother were deliver'd up to the King's Disposal One of the greatest Difficulties proceeded from the Consciences of zealous Persons who foresaw that if once the Catholicks got him into their Clutches they would mould him in such a manner as soon to make him forget the Religion of his Father and Grandfather Therefore they were desirous to take some Cautions to secure him the Liberty of his Conscience And the Court who were unwilling to break off the Negotiation by engaging in new Difficulties promis'd to do whatever the Reformed desir'd But they never remember'd their Promises after they had once got the Prince into their power For a while they suffer'd him to have his Reformed Domestick Servants about him but they took 'em from him notwithstanding his Cries and his Tears when they â—erceiv'd that he withdrew into private places along with 'em to be catechiz'd to sing Psalms and say his usual Prayers After which they plac'd about him persons who being of the same Religion which they were desirous to infuse into him â—oon choak'd the Seeds of that Doctrine which he had learn'd among the Reformed So that in the progress of his Life after he had been a declar'd Persecutor he became a great Casuist and a Converter of others In the mean time his Mother was fully justify'd no body appear'd against her and tho the Prince of Conti and the Count of Soissons were Summon'd as Persons interested in the Affair they never made their Appearance so that the Princess gain'd her Cause with little or no Trouble 'T is true that many People were very lavish of their Tongues against her and that the Reformed spar'd her no more then others But after she had got the Day the Princess embrac'd the Catholick Religion at what time the King lay at Rouen and renounc'd the Reformed Faith while the Legat who was arriv'd in France but a little before held her by the hands This same Change was deferr'd till then that it might not be said she had purchas'd her Justification at the Expence of her Conscience as might have been spread abroad had she quitted her Religion before she had been clear'd by the Law But in regard 't was well known at what time that Reselution was taken People stuck not to ask the Question to what Interest a Princess in whose behalf so many Reasons and Princes sollicited was oblig'd to Sacrifice her Religion had she been innocent I must confess that some part of this Relation belongs to the next Year but I thought it more convenient to recite it entire in this place then to break off and return to it again In the mean time the Assembly at Saumur having taken their last Resolutions sent away to the King la Nove and lâ— Primaudaye who waited on him at Lyon and there presented to him their Petitions and their Papers with new Proposals which they were enjoyn'd to make by way of Addition to their preceding Demands They accompany'd 'em with a short Remembrance of their Services which was taken for a kind of Reproach However the King receiv'd 'em with outward Civilities which concluded in nothing and of which the Court is never niggardly They only obtain'd general Promises from Him He assur'd 'em he would never forget their Services and that in a little time he would satisfie their Demands but he declar'd he could not do it then by reason of the great
not upon the Catholic Relicks or Ornaments of their Churches as holy things and it wou'd have made a great noise if they had been prosecuted as criminal for Pillages of this nature whereas the Catholicks very far from being treated civilly upon such accounts might in pursuance of the Canons be prosecuted as guilty of Sacrilege The Thirteenth commanded the restitution of all Ecclesiastical Goods of what nature soever and forbad the detaining of them even under the pretence of Reparations Amendments or any thing of the like nature and gave a Grant of Possession of the Livings belonging to the Bishops of Dags Bayonne Tarbes and Aize which had been seized of in Bearn This Article might interest many of the Reform'd who were very probably entred upon the possession of these Goods on the credit of the Attachment But this was the main Design of all the Attempts the Clergy had made In their Harangues nothing was so much press'd as the restitution of their Livings and Charity was not the Motive that induced them to desire Peace but a Fear that instead of regaining what they had already lost they might yet lose more in a new War These Intrigues of the Clergy continued near half a Year but in the beginning of them the Traty with the Duke of Mayenne was concluded which had been put off for so long a time in which the Duke had proposed an Article of being exempted out of the Enquiry that might be made into the Murder of Henry the Third whether it was that he knew himself too nearly concern'd in it which made him willing to secure himself from the Prosecution of the Queen Dowager or that he look'd upon it as a reparation of the Death of his Brothers whom the late King had caused to be slain at Blois to leave those unpunished that had revenged him even upon the Person of the King The Parliament had much ado to pass this Article and perhaps it was the only one amongst all that was agreed between the Leaguers upon which there was so great a contestation They wou'd have oblig'd the Duke to have clear'd himself by an Oath that he had no hand in the Parricide or upon his refusal to have ratified the Article with this Modification That it was agreed to because of the urgent necessity of Affairs The Attorny-General who had innocently introduced into Henry the Third's Chamber the Monk that assassinated him thought himself obliged to bring the guilty to punishment and form'd great difficulties which the zeal of the Parliament seconded very briskly But in the end it was pass'd and the Orders of the King were so strong that they confirm'd the Edict without restriction The King was obliged by many Reasons to prosecute the Revenge of Henry the Third besides the common interest of Kings who ought to their utmost to preserve the glorious Priviledges of their Persons he ow'd this Revenge to his own Glory to the end that he might not appear to have advanced himself at the expence of his Predecessor's life and he had also engaged himself to do it by formal Promises to the Queen and to the Officers of the former Court But the present Affairs made him forget both his Duty and his Promises and the Death of Henry the Third was not reveng'd Upon which one thing may be observ'd worthy the Reader 's attention Henry the Fourth was also basely assassinated as his Predecessor had been but there was so little care taken to revenge his death that even those were punished that endeavoured to discover the Authors of it And in these two cases only the Executors of both these Parricides were put to death for they did not what they ought or what they might have done either to punish or to discover the accomplices So that Henry the Fourth had the like respect shew'd him after his death as he had shew'd to him that reign'd before him This Remark is in the History of the Reform'd for there was none in the Kingdom which complain'd lowder than they did that revenge was not taken on the Murderers of their preserver But to return to the Duke of Mayenne who only demanded the exclusion of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion for six Years in those Towns which he gave up to the King and he was indeed after his reconciliation one of the most equitable of the Court when it was in dispute whether such an Edict shou'd be granted as might comprehend the Reform'd Nevertheless they saw nothing which cured their distrusts not only the remembrance of what had passed gave them just fears of what was to come as Impartial Historians acknowledge but they gave them every day new occasions which made a Secretary of State ingeniously confess to du Plessis in a Letter which he wrote to him that they continually gave them too much subject of complaint But still Prudence wou'd not let them push their Patience to the extremity in a time wherein it might have been the cause of strange disorders Throughout the Kingdom there was almost none less powerful than the King the Governours look'd upon their Places and Provinces almost as a Possession that belonged to them by propriety they were only made obedient by the power of Caresses and Benefits So that the State seem'd remiss in the same point it had formerly been when the House of Cartienna began to decay upon which some unquiet and ambitious Spirits built a like Project to that which brought Hugo Capet to the Crown This Prince bestowed part of his Kingdom upon those which had assisted him in the gaining it and gave the Dukes and Earls a Propriety to such Countries as they were Governors of keeping to himself with that Country which belong'd to him by Inheritance only the Sovereignty and Homage of all these Lords with the Condition of Reversion to the Crown in certain Cases This same Method was proposed to the King as a good Expedient to pacifie the Kingdom The young Duke of Mompensier was ingaged in this Project and was to tell the King of it but the King's Answer so cast down this young Prince as made him sensible it was a slender experience had engaged him in this undertaking but this did not put an end to the design for it yet continued in the minds of several persons and if the Reform'd had but stirr'd then many without doubt wou'd have taken an advantage of the occasion There were strange Intrigues carried on in France The Duke of Mercoeur had already retired into Bretagny and Du Plessis had stopt a Courier of the Arch Duke's who was carrying Letters to this Prince which discovered very strange things to them the greatest part of the Catholic Lords were interested therein Even Biron who afterwards suffered himself quite to be corrupted was ingaged in this Conspiracy and it was plain enough that whatsoever fomented the Troubles at home proceeded from a strange inspiration If the Authors of these Intrigues cou'd but have
against this pernicious Institution oppos'd their Restauration with as much Vigor as the Reformed who on the other side thwarted this Negotiation to the utmost of their Power But it was chiefly the Authority of the Parliament that render'd this Negotiation so Tedious and Difficult For Kings had then a great Respect for their Parliaments and those August Assemblies could distinguish between Subjection and Servitude so that then they were not acquainted with slavish Obsequiousness to the Sentiments of the Court. The third Affair was the Marriage of Madame the Kings Sister with the Duke of Ban the Duke of Lorraines Son which was consummated toward the beginning of the following Year The Pope started several Scruples and Difficulties not so much out of a Design to hinder the Match in regard the Marriage of that Princess with a Catholic was one of the secret Conditions of the King's Absolution as to draw some profit out of it to himself either in procuring by that means the Conversion of the Princess that was to be Marry'd or to make the King purchase his Consent by some New Complyance with the Court of Rome But the Reformed had a perfect Reluctancy against it which they made appear in the National Synod already mention'd The Question was there propos'd concerning this Match to remove the Scruples of the Princess but she found not her satisfaction there only it was judg'd that such a Marriage was not lawful Nevertheless this was no Obstacle but that it was concluded in the Month of August after the Princess had undergone great Temptations There had been several Conferences at which she was present Several Ministers and Catholic Doctors disputed the Point And in one of these Conferences it was that du Moulin whose Name was afterwards so Famous began to approve with great Reputation The Ministers had the better in all these Disputes because the Princess stood firm in so much that soon after a stop was put to these unprofitable Conferences The Catholics according to their Custom imputed the breaking off these Conferences to the Ministers and to Eclipse the Glory of the Princess's Constancy they Attributed her perseverance to her Obstinacy They gave it out that she continu'd stedfast in her Religion out of her Veneration for Queen Jane her Mother who had bred her up and had given her in charge to persevere in the Reformed Faith But thô they endeavour'd to make her Constancy to be Look'd upon as a Point of Honour nevertheless it appear'd to be an Effect of her knowledge and surpassing Parts She was greatly enlightned for a person of her Sex and she had more Care and more Leisure to inform her self then the King her Brother Which was the Reason that she was more steady then He and she understood how to Answer very pertinently in Reply to the Argument which was urg'd against her from the King's Example that the Salic Law had made between them two the Partition of Constancy But this perseverance brought her into some trouble The King himself either out of Reason of State or induc'd by other Motives us'd her somewhat severely Fain he would have oblig'd her to have put away her Domestick Servants under pretence that she too much confided in 'em and that they obstructed her Conversion He threaten'd never to do any thing for her Advancement if she persever'd in her Obstinacy But notwithstanding all this Rigour she was still unshak'n in her Constancy and she had a greater regard to her Conscience and her Ministers then to the Importunities and Pleasure of the King her Brother The Pope so vehemently oppos'd this Match that 't was believ'd they should never obtain the Dispensation from him which the King and the Duke desir'd Nay more he wrote to the Duke of Lorraine and the Prince his Son in a very Magisterial and Passionate Stile to divert 'em from the Alliance But in regard those Oppositions of the Court of Rome never frighten any but such as are willing to be afraid of 'em they were no Obstruction but that the Affair was concluded at the beginning of the next year The Popes Pretences for this Refusal were nearness of Blood between both Parties and the Princess's Religion He deem'd it prejudicial to his Dignity to send a Dispensation to a Person that did not demand it who neither thought it necessary nor in his Power to give it But the same Reasons never stumbl'd the Successors of this Pontiff in the two Cases of the Marriage of Charles Prince of Wales with the Infanta of Spain and afterwards with Henrietta The real Motives therefore of the Court of Rome are her Interests When she finds her Advantages in any thing she never fails of good Reasons to surmount the most plausible difficulties Thus one and the same Interest caus'd one Pope to refuse the King's Sister a Dispensation because a Huguenot Princess in a Catholic Country as Lorraine did not agree with the See of Rome And the same Interest caus'd his Successors to grant a Dispensation for the Marriage of a Catholic Princess with the Presumptive Heir of the Crown of England because it was for the Benefit of the Roman Religion to have a Catholic Queen in a Kingdom altogether Reformed Moreover in regard the Princess who was already somewhat in years had often slipt the Opportunity of Wedlock yet was unwilling to dye a Virgin 't was thought at Rome that she would rather change her Religion then let this Proposal of Marriage Escape after which she had but little hopes to meet with an Offer so fairly Advantagious But the Court of France believing it would be more easie to make her Excuses to the Pope when the thing was done then to obtain his Consent for doing the thing thought fit to proceed to the Marriage without staying for the Dispensation After which New Difficulties were started about giving the Nuptial Benediction As for the Princess she would not have scrupl'd to receive it from the hands of a Roman Prelate but as she was Nice in Point of Decency she would by no means hear of being Marry'd after that manner after she had bin given to understand that such a Condescention would look like a kind of going to seek a Husband should she have that Deference for him which he was unwilling to have for her That it became not the Dignity of so great a Princess to shew her self more forward then the Prince desir'd and that she was engag'd in Honour to be as stedfast in rejecting the Proposal of Marrying according to the Mass as he was firm in Refusing to be Marry'd by a Minister And the Duke on the other side Protested that he would rather never Marry then receive the Benediction from a Heretick But the King Reconcil'd the difference by sending for both Parties into his Cabinet where he caus'd 'em to be affianc'd in his presence by the Arch-bishop of Rouen Who thô he were neither Learned nor Devout
forgot not however to suffer himself to be entreated before he would perform the Ceremony And the want of a Dispensation stuck so close to his Heart that if Roni had not found the way to droll him into a Compliance all the Authority of the King would never have been able to have brought him to Reason This Expedient put an End to the Difficulties of the Marriage But the Pope was as inflexible after Consummation as before and shew'd himself as obstinate in denying the Dispensation as the Princess had appear'd Resolute in refusing to demand it He also complain'd of the Kings Precipitancy for being so hasty in an Affair of such Importance He fill'd the Dukes Conscience with Scruples and Terrors so that the Prince liv'd a long time with the Duchess his Wife as if they had never been Marry'd Which was the reason that the Duchess was sollicited more then ever to change her Religion and that not only Instructions Promises and Flatteries were made use of to overcome her but Artifices and Lies There could be nothing more Impudent then that same Cozenage of Commelet the Jesuit of which she her self gave du Plessis an Account some Months after she was Marry'd This Jesuit was so bold as to tell her that du Plessis being accus'd for having inserted several false Quotations in his Book of the Eucharist had promis'd to go to Mass if they could but shew him one that was such as they said that he had been convinc'd before the King upon which the King loading him with Reproaches he went out of the way no body knowing what was become of him Never was Lye told with more probable Circumstances nevertheless there was not a Tittle in it but what was found to be meerly Forg'd The Duchess knew it very well and Commelet gain'd so little upon her that in a Letter which she wrote to du Plessis upon this Subject she assur'd him That her Converse with the Jesuit had but the more confirm'd her in her Religion Seeing therefore they could do no good upon the Princess the King was very Importunate at Rome to incline the Pope to Sentiments more Moderate D'Ossat found out Presidents of a Dispensation granted in the like case to Persons of Inferiour Quality The Duke also went himself to Rome under pretence of the Jubilee to desire Absolution but the Pontiff would by no means yield to any thing Nevertheless 't was believ'd that the Prince had obtain'd a private Absolution in regard the Pope gave him leave to gain the Jubilee and to visit the Churches where Indulgences were given out and for that upon his return Home he liv'd with the Duchess after a more Conjugal manner then he had done before But the Report being every where spread abroad that she was with Child the Pope grew much more mild foreseeing that if he did not confirm the Marriage the King would be oblig'd to seek without him for some other way to secure the Title of Legitimate to the Infant that should be Born Nevertheless this Attonement of the Popes Wrath signify'd little or nothing for the Report of the Princess's being with Child prov'd altogether groundless and the Princess dy'd at the very time that the Pope consented to the Marriage I have related this Affair in a continu'd Series to the end I might have no more occasion to return to it again tho the business was spun out in a Negotiation of three or four Years The Reformed look'd upon the Perseverance of the Princess in their Religion to be a great Victory in regard it secur'd 'em several Advantages which could not be refus'd to her Person and which made greatly for the Honour of the whole Party Their Ministers Preach'd at Court while she was there and that was often done in the same place where Mass had been said but some hours before When the Princess went or return'd from France into Lorrain or from Lorrain into France her Minister who attended her always Lodg'd in the same Abbies where she lay and in the same Episcopal Palaces upon the Roads and there she likewise caus'd him to Preach The Catholics receiv'd this Mortification and the Reformed this Satisfaction at least once a Year for that she never fail'd every Year to Visit the King her Brother She had also Sermons Preach'd in her own Apartiment in Lorrain and it was a kind of Triumph for the Reformed to see their Religion introduc'd by this means into the same House from whence their most violent Persecutors were gone but just before Du Moulin who was known to the Princess by reason of the Conferences held upon her account wherein he had often deliver'd himself was highly in her favour The Ministers of the Church of Paris were bound to Quarterly Attendance upon her and generally it fell out so that the time when she took her Journies happen'd to be in Moulin's waiting so that in a little time he acquir'd a great Reputation which drew upon him the Hatred and Persecution of the Catholics But at Paris they were busie about an Affair of Importance quite different from those already related The Catholics had taken all Advantages of the Delay of the Verification of the Edict It was attack'd by all the Orders of the Kingdom both before and after the Legate's departure That Prelate however not caring either to have any Reproach put upon him or to have the Lye given him never desir'd that the greatest Oppositions should be made against it in his Presence and there was a great deal of noise upon this occasion after his departure The Clergy the Parliaments the University the Sorbonne started all the Difficulties imaginable The Sorbonne refus'd their Consent till the Reformed took their degrees among ' em The University was for shutting the Gates of the Colledges against 'em nor would they admit 'em either to be Masters of Arts or Professors or to the Regency The Faculty of Physic was most difficult to be overcome as if it had been the Grand Concern of the Physicians to Quarrel with Heresie and they always continu'd their Aversion ever since that time But the Clergy made the most weighty Opposition They Assembl'd at Paris in May nor did they fail to send their Deputations and Remonstrances to the King according to their usual Custom But their Deputies in all their Harangues were much less violent then their Predecessors had been they talk'd no longer of Destruction and Extermination Their Discourses breath'd nothing but Peace the sweetness of which Flatter'd all the World and you should hardly hear 'em so much as mention the word Heresie All their Discourse ran solely upon the Disorders in Ecclesiastical Discipline and upon the Alienations of the Spiritual Demesnes the Augmentation of which the Clergy never fail'd to demand under the Name of Restitution For which reason they were importunately urgent for the Release of Pensions assign'd to the Laity upon Benefices and to the Payment of which the Incumbents
Conspiracy of Marshal du Biron And indeed the Duke Transported by his Discontents was engag'd a little too forward in those Intrigues Tho his design was not to give the King any disturbance but he would have remov'd Roni from the management of Affairs where he had got too great an Authority This Favorite finding himself held up by his Master abus'd and injur'd all the World without Fear and Wit under pretence of his Husbandry which flatter'd the inclinations of the King he made all those uneasie who would fain have had to do with a more liberal Prince The Duke had let the King know that Roni's Credit was the pretence of the Male-contents Neither had Roni fail'd to do the like by the Duke which forc'd him to fly the Kingdom after the Death of Biron left like him he might have lost his Head upon a Scaffold The King would fain have had him left himself to his Discretion and he gave great assurances of shewing him favour provided he would freely confess his Fault But the Duke would never trust him Whether his Conscience made him fearful of his safety or that he fear'd Roni whom he knew able to do any thing when he could conceal a Crime under pretence of serving the State or that both these Reasons together augmented his distrust But that his Innocence might be clear'd of the Accusations that were form'd against him he presented himself voluntarily before the Chamber of Castres under whose Jurisdiction he pretended to be because of his Territory of Turenne And he writ to the Court to demand his dismission In which he derogated from the Privilege of Dukes and Peers whose Causes are of Course referr'd to the Parlament of Paris The Chamber gave him an Authentic Act of his Submission but because the King's Counsel took no Notice of it he found himself no longer safe in the Kingdom and therefore passing through Geneva he retir'd into Germany where he staid some years before his Peace was made During his absence almost all the Protestants Writ in his behalf He gave 'em to understand that Religion was the principal occasion of his Persecution and he alledg'd Reasons which might perswade it There were many others said he that had a greater share in the Conspiracies then they pretended he had Nevertheless they chose to draw up an Impeachment against him tho he strongly deny'd to have been concern'd in it and that they had no charge against him Which could not proceed but from the difference that Religion put between him and the rest to whom they said nothing But neither his Reasons nor all the Credit he had in France could make his Case pass there for a Case of Religion And the Reformed kept themselves within the bounds of Intercession only Foreigners that wrote in his behalf did the same and only pray'd that their Zeal for Religion might not over-rule their Justice in this Case Queen Elizabeth who had a great esteem for this Lord was the only person that pleaded for him in another Tone She excus'd him by her Letters as much as she could and cast all the accusations that were rais'd against him upon the hatred of his Religion The King dissembl'd the discontent that these Letters gave him But he appear'd incens'd at the Synod and the Polic Assemblies for concerning themselves in the Affairs of the Duke And he shew'd openly that he took in ill part the Protection which it seem'd The Chamber Miparti had given him receiving his Petitions and retaining his Cause At the end he continu'd inflexible to all the Entreaties that were made him at home or from abroad But if this Affair occasion'd no more Tumult the King's severity to the City of Rochelle produc'd no Effect that much more extraordinary An Assembly held at Rochelle like a kind of Petty State had establish'd a certain Right which was call'd the Pancarte This Right was to be suppress'd at the term of some years But the King's Farmers continuing to raise it after the time expir'd it caus'd divers disturbances in the Provinces Many great Towns oppos'd this exaction by open force and Rochelle among the rest committed some violences but was forc'd like the rest to submit it self to the King's pleasure She receiv'd Roni himself accompany'd with twelve hundred Horse within her Walls and all the Interest she had in the party could not hinder but that the rest of the Reformed remain'd in their Obedience There was nevertheless among 'em particular persons full of suspicion and mistrust who fear'd that the King had some hidden designs against 'em And others that foresaw by the Attempts that were made that the Public Liberty was in danger of being oppress'd La Trimouille Free and Bold spoke on this occasion in such a manner as made him be look'd upon as very obnoxious at Court Marshal de Bouillon was formidable by means of his Intrigues altho he was absent and du Plessia incens'd by the Injury which he pretended to have receiv'd from the King at Fontainbleau was as much suspected as the rest They were afraid so much the more in that 't was well known that their distrusts were not without some Grounds There was at the Court and in the Council it self a Cabal intirely Spanish who were enliven'd by the Intrigues of the Council of Spain and by those of the Court of Rome This Cabal mov'd all sorts of Engines to engage the King to destroy the Reformed And after having us'd the direct means they took indirect and remote to bring the King to it of which he was not aware For that Reason it was that they vigorously press'd the Repeal of the Jesuits that they had already form'd Projects of an Alliance between France and Spain that they caus'd it to be loudly spread abroad that at the same time that there was a Dauphin born in France there was an Infanta born to the Catholic King as if this occasion had been a stroke of Providence to oblige these two Crowns to Unite themselves by the Marriage of these two Children for the Destruction of Heresie Taxis Embassador of Spain press'd the King incessantly to extirpate the Heretics of this Kingdom and to give that as an evident Sign of the sincerity of his Conversion to the Church of Rome They say likewise that this Embassador having spoken to him one day in Terms that offended him this Prince Answer'd him that he wonder'd that they should go about to force him to destroy a people who had done him good Service and who tho they held Errors which the Church Condemn'd yet at least Ador'd Jesus Christ and believ'd him the Son of God while His Catholic Majesty tolerated in his Territories the Mahometan Sects whose Religion was nothing but a Complication of Blasphemies against Christianity The King made this Answer in such Terms as by his pronouncing 'em seem'd to imply a necessity of doing that in France against the Reformed which the King of Spain
till then Neither could the Promise of allowing them Conferences and Synods there to treat about the Affairs of their Discipline content them There were other Affairs of as great moment which those Ecclesiastical Assemblies took no cognizance of which could not be neglected without exposing the Reform'd to an approaching Ruin So that the Court was oblig'd to allow them Political Assemblies upon condition that they should acquaint the King with the Reasons that should make them judge it necessary and in that case if the King found there was any occasion for it he promis'd to give them satisfaction The King remain'd Master by that Accommodation and in granting out of hand what might have given occasion for an Assembly he might easily stop the project thereof And the Reform'd on the other hand were sensible that they should daily meet sufficient occasions to desire leave to have them And indeed they assembled several times again in that Reign and in the following until their Division and Weakness afforded the Court an occasion to suppress them quite But what Roni granted them upon that Subject did not hinder the Assembly from renewing the Union of Nantes and to swear it anew The Court was very much disturb'd at it looking upon that Oath as the Project of a Republick they design'd to form in the State The King was particularly displeas'd at Lesdiguieres having sign'd the Union after having so lately receiv'd a particular Favour from him He had given Crequi his Son in Law the command of the Guards to make him forget the Count of Soisson's Enterprize and the Journey of Provence But though he was no great pretender to Religion he thought his safety for that time would be more consistent with the union of the Churches than in separating from their Interests Roni who had not been able to ward that Blow endeavour'd to excuse it and to extenuate the consequence thereof He wrote to the King That the said Union did not proceed from any ill Intention in the Reform'd and that nothing but the fear of the Courts endeavouring to destroy them in case any disunion should reign among them had inspir'd them with it That they should have no fears were the King immortal but that the remembrance of the 24th of August 1572. stuck in their Stomacks That the Duke of Mayenne's Proposition of only granting them an Edict of Toleration from time to time oblig'd them to think on the future so much the rather because that Prince's Demand express'd the Pretentions of the major part of the Catholickcs and especially of the Court of Rome That that was the end of their Union which after all was nothing but a Chimera which he laugh'd at that it would destroy it self that the Places they possess'd were more chargeable to them by their number than of use for their safety However the Court would have been glad to prevail with the Reform'd not to insist in desiring to continue the keeping of them beyond the eight Years the King had granted them at Nantes Yet at last the Court consented to their keeping of them three years longer And because that did not content them another year was added to it so that by a Brief of the 1º of August the keeping of their Places was continu'd to them for four Years longer Moreover they obtain'd a Year more upon other Terms by a Brief of the same Day which declar'd That the eight Years granted at Nantes should only be reckon'd from the day of the verification of the Edict in all the Parliaments In the said Brief the Places belonging to private Persons were not distinguish'd from the others by reason that it would have been difficult to obtain from every particular Person to consent to the retrenching of his seeing that of another preserv'd But to authorise Roni and to make the world believe that he labour'd heartily for the preservation of his Brethren the King did as if he only granted those Favours at his solicitation It was at this price and by some promis'd or restor'd Pensions that the King bought leave to take possession of the Places be longing to the Marshal of Roni's Intriegues were more prevailing than all the Endeavours of the Marshal and his Friends The Assembly refus'd to interest it self for the preservation of his Places The Argument they us'd for it was That in some preceding Assemblies in which the Intriegues of the Cabinet had inclin'd him to thwart such particular Persons as were desirous to recommend their Affairs to the General he had put a stop by his Example to such deliberations and that he ought not to take it amiss if he was now us'd according to his own Maxims since he had been warn'd of it whilst he was practising them against others The Effect of that Negotiation was that after the breaking up of the Assembly the King took possession of the Places belonging to the said Marshal though they were Places of surety as well as the others none of the Reform'd offering to defend them The Marshal on his side behav'd himself like a good Politician ordering his Men to deliver them up to the King without compulsion Whether it were that he thought it inconsistent with the Innocence he boasted of to take up Arms against his Sovereign or whether not judging himself strong enough to resist Royal Forces he was willing to prevent the ruin of his Places which he was in hopes to have restor'd to him by an Accommodation Besides all these Advantages Roni prevail'd with the Assembly not to urge the restoring of the Edict to its first extent Insomuch that at that time the King was not importun'd with a Proposition from which the Reform'd never desisted till after the ruin of their Affairs under his Son's Reign Neither was any thing mov'd about the matter of Antichrist by reason that the Political Assembly referr'd the Affairs about Doctrine to the Synods The Grand Machine Roni set at work to gain peoples minds besides Gratifications and Promises was that of the King 's grand Designs in which the Protestant Princes enter'd upon certain Conditions of which one was the preservation of the Protestant and Reform'd Religions This was sufficient to dazle people who imagin'd that all the Promises that were made to them would be accomplish'd as faithfully as they desir'd it earnestly The Spaniards according to their wonted Custom made a great deal of noise at Rome about the King 's having allow'd the Reform'd to keep the Places of surety four years longer And some of the Speculators of that Court declar'd that the King ought to have retaken them by open force even at the hazard of renewieg the Civil War But the Pope dreaded the League into which the Marshal of Bouillon endeavour'd to draw all the Protestants of Europe under the King of England whose inclination for the Catholicks were not yet known He consider'd that the Roman Religion would have been endanger'd by so potent a
That all the Ecclesiasticks shall freely return into the said City perform Divine Service freely and enjoy their Estates together with all the Catholick Inhabitants and the said Prince shall take all the said Ecclesiasticks and other Inhabitants under his Protection and Safeguard to the end that they may not be hindred from performing the said Divine Service molested or troubled in their Persons or in the enjoyment of their Estates but on the contrary restor'd to the full possession of the same XXXVII The said Prince of Condé shall present and nominate unto his said Majesty the Person to whom he shall trust the keeping of the said City to the end that Letters-Patent may be granted him for the same by his said Majesty as it has been done heretofore XXXVIII For the Guard and Safety of the said City shall be allow'd to the said Prince 50 men maintain'd at his Majesty's Charge besides the Dividend the said King of Navarre shall allow him out of the 800 men that are left to him for the Guard of the other Cities his said Majesty willing that the 850 men allow'd as aforesaid to the said King of Navarre and Prince of Condé shall be employed for the Garison of the said Cities as it has been agreed and that they shall be employ'd no where else without express Command from his said Majesty to avoid oppressing of his people and to remove all cause of Jealousie from among his Subjects His said Majesty also meaning that the said 850 men shall be disbanded at the expiration of the Term allow'd and the time of the Restitution of the said Cities XXXIX By the General Articles the City of Montpellier is left in keeping to those of the said Religion for the Retreat and Safety of those of the County of Languedoc but his said Majesty means it in case the said City be still in the hands and in the power of those of the said Religion on the day these Articles shall be granted and sign'd in this City of Bergerac and not otherwise in which case instead of the said City his Majesty shall allow them another of those that are at present within their Power in the said Countrey of Languedoc at their Choice XL. His said Majesty shall write to his Ambassadors to require and desire for all his Subjects of whatever Religion they be That they may not be troubled as to their Constience nor be liable to the Inquisition in going and coming Negotiating and Trading throughout all Spain Italy and other Foreign Countries Allies and Confederates of this Crown provided they do not offend the Civil Government XLI All Pieces of Ordinance belonging to his said Majesty that have been taken during the present or precedent Troubles shall be immediately restor'd and put into his said Majesty's Magazines except such as are in the Cities given for Surety which shall remain in them an Inventory being made of the same in order to their being restor'd at the Expiration of the aforesaid Term of Six Years XLII Whereas if all that has been done against the Regulations on both sides were indifferently excepted out of the General Pardon there is no man in the Army but might be prosecuted and troubled which might occasion new Troubles it has been thought fit to grant that none but execrable Crimes shall be excepted out of the said General Pardon viz. Ravishments of Women Incendiaries Murthers Robberies committed treacherously and out of private Revenge against the Laws of War Infraction of Passports and Safeguards together with Murthers and Plunders without Command out of consideration to those of the said Religion and others who have been engag'd in the Party of the King of Navarre or the Prince of Condé grounded upon particular occasions that have oblig'd them to command and order it XLIII It shall be ordain'd That whatever shall be taken on either side by way of Hostility or otherwise upon any acconnt whatever proceeding from the present Troubles from and upon the 17th of the present month on which the Articles have been granted agreed upon and sign'd in this City of Bergerac shall be liable to Restitution and Civil Reparation XLIV As for the City of Avignon and Venaissin County his Majesty desiring that the Inhabitants thereof may share and enjoy the fruit of the Peace he hopes to settle in his Kingdom by the assistance of God both out of consideration to our Holy Father the Pope and because the said City and County have always been under the Protection of the Kings his Predecessors and that it is a thing very material towards the establishing of the said Peace in the adjacent Provinces his said Majesty will intreat his said Holiness to allow the Subjects of this Kingdom who have Estates in the said City of Avignon and County as also to the Subjects of the said City and County who are of the said Religion to be restor'd and reestablish'd into the entire and peaceable Injoyments of their Estates which they have been depriv'd of upon the account of the Troubles past and of the said Religion without their being liable to be troubled in the said Possession upon the said account Which being done those who occupy and detain at present in the said Country Cities and Places belonging either to his Holiness or his Subjects shall be oblig'd to deliver them forthwith and without delay into the hands of such as shall be nominated by his said Holiniess for that purpose For the effecting of which the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde shall dispatch a Gentleman on purpose to those that are detainers of the said places to signify the same unto them and to require and order them to obey which in case they refuse to do the said King of Navar and Prince of Conde do promise both in their Names and in the Names of those of the said Religion and others who have been ingag'd in their Party neither to Aid Comfort or Assist them His Majesty also promises That in case after the Restitution and delivery of the said Places in the hands of such as shall be ordered by his said Holiness any of his Majesty's Subjects having Estates in the said Cities and County or of his Holiness's Subjects professing the said Religion should be disturb'd in the injoyment of their said Estates upon the account of the said Religion he will grant them Letters of Mart and Reprisal upon the Estates that are possess'd by the Subjects of the said City and County of Avignâ—n in the Countries under his Obedience which Letters shall be directed to that end to the Judges to whom of Right the Cognizance of such things appertains XLV The Sums that are necessary to be rais'd for the payment of what is due to the * Reisters both for the present and precedent Troubles shall be impos'd equally upon all his Majesty's Subjects And whereas those of the said Religion pretend that the main part of the Money destin'd for the payment of the said Reisters
depriv'd of the benefit of the said Pardon and punish'd like Disturbers of the Common Peace without hope of any Favour And a Nomination shall also be made to the Executors of the Edict both in Guienne and in Lower Languedoc of the Cities Towns and Castles it will be fit to dismantle according to the Advice of the Inhabitants of the Country of both Religions and what the King shall afterwards be pleas'd to order upon the said Advice without including the Places belonging to private Lords And as for the Vpper Languedoc according as abovesaid the said Executors shall consult whether there are any Places of those that are possess'd by the Catholicks requisite and fit to be dismantled according as abovesaid to the Advice of those of the Country of both Religions and also according to what the King shall be pleas'd to order about it XXIII And for a good firm true and sincere Assurance of what is abovemention'd the said King of Navar together with the Prince of Conde and Twenty of the Principal Gentlemen of the said Pretended Reform'd Religion such as the Queen Mother shall be pleas'd to nominate together with the Deputies that are here in the Name of the Provinces that have sent them besides those who are to Command in the said Cities that are left in their hands for the said Six Months shall promise and swear upon their Faith and Honour and ingage their Estates to cause all the Garisons to march out of the said Fourteen Cities and Citadels thereof and to deliver the said Cities and Citadels without delay excuse evasion or any other pretence whatever on the abovesaid 1st days of September and October next coming into the hands of the abovesaid Commissary to leave them in the Condition specifi'd by the said Edict of Pacification as is aforesaid XXIV It has been resolv'd That in case any Attempt should be made on either side to the prejudice of the last Edict of Pacification and of all that is abovesaid The Complaint and Prosecution thereof shall be made before the King's Governours and Lieutenants-General and by way of Justice in the Courts of Parliament or Chambers Establish'd in regard of both according to the Edict And what shall be ordain'd by them shall forthwith be put in execution at farthest within a Month after it by the diligence of the King's Council in relation to the Judgements that shall intervene without using any Connivence or Dissimulation And the said Governors and Lieutenants-General are expresly order'd together with the Bailiffs and Seneschals to further give Aid and Comfort and to employ all the King's Forces for the execution of what shall have been advis'd and order'd for the reparation of the said Attempt Thus the Attempts on either side shall neither be taken or reputed as Infractions of the Edict in respect to the King and the King of Navar the General of the Catholicks and the General of those of the said Religion It being his Majesty's true and firm Intention at the request of the said King of Navar to have them immediately redress'd and the Guilty severely and exemplarily punish'd XXV And to that end the Gentlemen and Inhabitants of the Towns of both Religions shall be obliged to accompany the Governors and the King's Lieutenants-General to aid them with their Persons and Means if necessary and requir'd so to do in order forthwith to repair the said Attempts The said Governors and Lieutenants-General together with the Bailiffs and Seneschals shall be oblig'd to apply themselves about it without delay or excuse and to use their utmost Endeavours and Diligence for the Reparation of the said Attempts and to punish the Guilty according to the Pains specifi'd in the Edict Moreover it has been resolv'd That such as shall make any Attempts upon Cities Places or Castles or that shall Abet Assist or Favour them or give them Counsel or that shall commit any Attempt against and to the prejudice of the Edict and all that is abovesaid Also such as shall refuse to obey or shall oppose themselves or by others directly or indirectly the Effect and Execution of the said Edict of Pacification and of all that is abovesaid are from this moment declar'd guilty of High-Treason both they and their Posterity Infamous and for ever incapable of injoying any Honours Imployments Dignities and Successions and liable to all the Punishments inflicted by the Law against those that are guilty of High-Treason in the highest degree His Majesty declaring moreover That he will grant no Pardon for it forbidding his Secretaries to sign them and his Chancellor or Lord-Keeper to pass them And the Courts of Parliament to respect them for the future whatever express or reiterated Commands they might receive about it XXVI It has also been resolv'd That the Lords deputed for the Execution of the said Edict of Pacification together with the Secret Articles made at the time of the said last Edict of Pacification and of all that is abovesaid proceeding to the said Execution shall restore the Houses and Castles of the said King of Navar as they pass along the Seneschalships where the said Castles and Houses of the said King of Navar are Situate which shall be left without Garisons on either part and put into the Condition mention'd by the Edict of Pacification and according to the Ancient Priviledges XXVII That all that is above specifi'd and what is contain'd in the last Edict of Pacification shall be inviolably kept and observ'd on both sides under the Penalties set down in the said Edict That the Courts of Parliament and Chambers ordain'd for Justice according to this said Edict the Chambers of Accounts Courts of Aids Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts and all other Officers to whom it may concern shall cause to Register the Letters-Patent that shall be issued out for all that is abovesaid and the Contents thereof to follow keep and observe in every particular according to their Form and Tenor. And the Governours and Lietenants-General of all the Provinces of this Kingdom shall be injoyn'd in the mean time forthwith to publish every one within his District the said Letters-Patent to the end that no body may pretend to plead ignorance and the Contents of the same also inviolably to keep and observe under the Penalties specifi'd by the said last Edict of Pacification and others here above declar'd Done at Nerac on the last day of February 1579. Thus Sign'd Katherine Henry Bouchart Deputy from the Prince of Conde Biron Joyeuse Jansac Pybrac de la Mothe Fenelon Clairmont Duranti Turrenne Guitry Du Faur Chancellor to the King of Navar Scorbiac deputed by the Generality of Bourdeaux Yolet and de Vaux Deputies for Rovergue The King having seen and maturely consider'd word by word the intire Contents of these present Articles agree on in the Conference which the Queen his Mother has held at Nerac with the King of Navar and the Deputies of those of the pretended Reform'd Religion who were assembled there
to facilitate the Execution of the last Edict of Pacification The said Articles agreed on and sign'd on both sides at the said place of Nerac on the last day of the Month of February last past His Majesty has approv'd confirm'd and ratify'd the same wills and requires that they shall be put in execution according to their Form and Tenor and to that end that the Letters-Patent and all necessary Dispatches of the same shall be forthwith made and sent Done at Paris on the 14th Day of March 1519. Sign'd Henry And lower De Neufville The King's Edict about the Pacification of the Troubles containing a Confirmation Amplification and Declaration as well of the precedent Edicts made upon the same Subjecct even in the Year 1577. as of the Articles agreed on at the Conference held at Nerac publish'd at Paris in Parliament on the 26th of January 1577. HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Poland to all those present and hereafter to come Greeting Notwithstanding that since the Agreement and publication of our Edict of pacification made in the year 1577. we have us'd our utmost endeavours for the putting of the same in execution and to oblige our Subjects to follow and observe it even so far as to put the Queen our most honour'd Lady and Mother to the trouble of repairing to the principal Provinces of our Kingdom to remedy and provide against according to her usual prudence the Difficulties and Obstacles which depriv'd our said Subjects of the benefit of our said Edict whereupon follow'd the Articles of the Conferance at Nerac between the said Lady accompany'd with some of the principal Princes of our Blood and Lords of our Privy-Council and our most Dear and most Beloved Brother the King of Navar assisted by the Deputies of our Subjects who profess the pretended Reform'd Religion Yet not having been able to our great regret to avoid the Troubles being renew'd in our Kingdom we have endeavour'd and us'd all the most proper and most agreeable means we have been able to devise to extinguish them and to deliver our said Subjects from the evils of War having to that end by our Letters Patent impow'd our most Dear and most Beloved only Brother the Duke of Anjou to cause our said Edict of pacification to be entirely executed together with the Articles of the said Conference of Nerac Who being since according to our Intention gone into our Country and Dutchy of Guyenne and there having upon the said Subject conferr'd at large with our said Brother the King of Navar and the Deputies of our said Subjects of the said pretended Reform'd Religion there conven'd and assembled The Articles annex'd to these Presents under the Counter Seal of our Chancery were there propos'd Which said Articles being sent to us by our said Brother we having examin'd and consider'd the same out of a singular desire to banish out of our Kingdom the Impieties Extortions and other Accidents occasion'd by the said Troubles to re-establish the Honour and Service of God make way for Justice and to relieve our poor people Have out of our own Inclination full Power and Authority Royal approv'd and ratify'd the said Articles The same do approve and ratifie by these Presents sign'd by our own Hand And it is our will and pleasure that the same shall be follow'd kept executed and inviolably observ'd according to their Form and Tenor in the same manner as our said Edict of pacification Therefore we command and require our Trusty and well-beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Chambers of our Accounts Courts of our Aids Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts and other our Justices and Officers to whom it may concern or their Lieutenants to cause the said Articles hereunto as aforesaid annex'd to be read publish'd register'd kept executed and inviolably observ'd in the same manner as our said Edict of Pacification and the Articles granted in the said Conference of Nerac making all those that are concern'd fully and peaceably enjoy and receive the benefit of what is contain'd therein putting a stop to all Troubles and Impediments to the contrary For such is our pleasure and to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd to these Presents Given at Blois in the Month of December in the Year of our Lord 1580. and of our Reign the 7th Sign'd Henry And upon the Fold by the King Pinart And seal'd upon Knots of Red and Green Silk with the Great Seal and Green Wax And it is also written upon the Fold of the said Letters Visa Articles propounded and set forth in the Assembly and Conference held at Flex near the City of Sainte-Foy between the Duke of Anjou the King 's only Brother by vertue of the power given unto him by his Majesty and the King of Navar assisted by the Deputies of those of the pretended Reform'd Religion he answering for all the King's Subjects of the said Religion to be presented to his Majesty to be by him if such be his pleasure granted and approv'd And in so doing to put an end to the Troubles and Disorders happen'd in this Kindom since the last Edict of Pacification made in the Month of September 1577. and the Conference held at Nerac on the last day of February 1579. and to restore the King's Subjects in Peace and Vnion under his Obedience and so to provide by a good and speedy execution that henceforward nothing may happen among them to the prejudice of the said Pacification Article I. THAT the said last Edict of Pacification and secret and particular Articles granted with the same together with the Articles of the aforesaid Conference held at Nerac shall be really and in effect observ'd and put in execution in all and every particular which shall hold and stand good not only for the things happen'd during the preceding Troubles but also for such as shall or have happen'd from the time of the said Conference until now and that all the King's Subjects of both Religions shall enjoy the benefit of the Declarations Grants Discharges and General Pardons contain'd in the said Articles Edicts and Conferences for what has been done and committed taken and rais'd on either side during the present Troubles and upon the account thereof as they should have done for what had happen'd during the precedent Troubles excepting what is expresly derogated by the present Articles II. The Articles of the said Edict concerning the re establishment of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion for the celebration of Divine Service in such places where it has been discontinu'd together with the enjoyment and gathering of the Tythes Fruits and Ecclesiastical Revenues shall be entirely executed follow'd and observ'd and those who shall transgress the same shall be rigorously punish'd III. In putting the 1st 2d and 11th Articles of the Edict in execution the King's Attorneys General shall be enjoin'd as well as their Substitutes in
surrender'd to the King by the Duke of Savoy It is the Natural Obligation of Princes to leave all things in the condition in which they find them when they fall into their hands at least as to what relates to those Rights which subjection cannot deprive Men of such as are those of Conscience and of Priviledges acquir'd by a long Possession in favour of Liberty For which reason Henry the IV. had made no alterations there contenting himself with restoring the free exercise of the Catholick Religion there until means could be found to reconcile the two Parties about the possession of Estates and Buildings But Lewis the XIII his Successor would no longer keep the same measures The Commissioners which he had sent into Burgundy of which that Bayliwick was a dependency took at once from the Reform'd both the Ecclesiastical Revenues and the Houses which had formerly been imploy'd for the Roman Church In order to make them some amends for that loss the King allow'd them 1200 Crowns for the Salery of their Ministers and took the said Sum out of the 15000 which he allow'd the Reform'd more than the late King had granted them in recompence of their Tithes To this he added leave to build Temples but he gave no fund towards it He only order'd two very illusive things the one was that they should take materials from the demolish'd Convents to imploy them towards these new Buildings the other that the Catholicks should pay the reparations and amendments of their Churches and that the said Money should be apply'd towards the Constructions of the said Temples This was the way to Involve the Reform'd into continual Law Suits to recompence them for the Estates that were taken from them besides it reduc'd the Salary of the Ministers to a very inconsiderable thing since they were only allow'd 1200 Crowns tho there were 12 Ministers at that time in the said Bayliwick Insomuch that taking out of the said grant the indispensible Charges which every Church was oblig'd to be at yearly there did not remain enough to allow each Minister a Pension of a 100 Crowns But that which was most remarkable was that the King indemnisied the Churches of Gex at the cost of the other Churches of his Kingdom taking out of what he had promised to some wherewith to make the others subsist The National Synod having part of these things before their eyes and foreseeing the rest endeavour'd to remedy the same Therefore they charg'd the Deputies General on the one hand humbly to beseech his Majesty to leave the receit and distribution of the said Sum to the Reform'd as the King his Father had allow'd them the Care and Management of that which he had granted them and on the other they order'd them to oppose the endeavours of those who should make their applications to the Court in order to obtain some Pension out of the said Sum to the prejudice of the right of the Synods and of the common good The Town of Bergerac was highly censur'd for having taken that way to obtain the Sum that was granted them and the Synod injoyn'd them to desist from that pretention and not to pretend any thing out of that Sum unless by the approbation and Will of the Assembly It proved somewhat difficult at first to make them obey but finally the Synod having sent express Deputies thither to remonstrate the consequences of the thing to them they submitted to the discretion of the Synod and 1200 Livers were granted them soon after it for their College The same Synod renewed all the demands the Assembly of Saumur had already made and declaring that they were not satisfied with the Answers to the Cahiers of the said Assembly they form'd others just like them and charg'd the Deputies General to endeavour to obtain more favourable answers than the preeceeding But no Article was so earnestly recommended to them as that which desir'd that the Reform'd might not be oblig'd to call their Religion themselves Pretended Reform'd The Synod charged them to desire in the name of all the Reform'd that they would sooner undergo a thousand Racks than to give their Religion that â—ious Title As many Persons may be surpris'd without doubt to see the same Article press'd so often with so much â—â—nestness and perhaps may not at first perceive the conâ—â—uence of it I will give you a short account of the Reasons which oblig'd the Reform'd to insist so much upon that latter Therefore I will observe once for all that the word Petended is equivocal It often signifies the undecided and doubtful state of a thing in contestation upon which nothing â—s been determin'd as yet to bind the Parties The Judges like use of it as of an indifferent term when before the deâ—ion they speak of the things which are pretended by one of the Parties and disputed by the other and sometimes also the Instruments that are common to both the parties like use of it in speaking of their Rights without being aâ—id of doing themselves any prejudice In a word Pretended is relative to Pretention and in that sence implys â—â— thing suspicious or offensive But it is yet more usually â—en in a signification almost equivalent to the Terms of â—se and Unlawful and whereas the first sence is in some â—asâ—re reserv'd for the Barr the second is of a common use â—ery where else So that there are words to which the word pretended cannot be joyn'd without giving it an inâ—ious sence You cannot apply a pretended Merit or pretended Vertue to any body without offence and in that â—e a pretended Schollar signifies an ignorant Person â—is use of it draws another after it viz. That the word petended becomes Ironical in several occasions and gives offensive air of reproach and railery to discourse Therefore the Reform'd being sencible what was meant when â—ey were call'd Pretended Reform'd took it for an affront â—â— be oblig'd to give themselves that equivocal Name as if they had approv'd the opinion which the Catholicks had of their Religion and of their Doctrine The Deputies General were also minded to complain of thâ— Illusive Journey of the Commissioners It was apparent that the Court had not sent them to better the condition of the Reform'd Their main Function had only been to disolve the particular Assemblies and to hinder the establishment of the Provincial Councils Besides which they had hardly give any decisive Ordinances and they had left all the affairs undecided either by divisions or removals to the Council Their chief expeditions were only to give some Church-yards and far from doing the Reform'd Justice upon their Complaints they had made their condition worse in some places than â—â— was before They gave the Deputies General Instructionâ— and Memoirs to second those Remonstrances The affairâ— oâ— the Churches of the Bayliwick of Gex were comprehended in them and the Deputies General were chargâ— to desire that the Sum which the King
lately come from the Court â—…re they had been to give an account of the preceeding â—…tion and that the good Treatment they had reâ—…d there had dispos'd them to follow mild Councils for Du Plessis the Court rewarded him some years 〈…〉 it for his good intentions by taking Saumur from by an unworthy Treachery and they begun with him â—…rder to distinguish him from the rest The Assembly being therefore no longer able to subsist 〈…〉 Rochel and that City declaring positively that they were â—…ied with the Queens proceedings the Duke of Rohan 〈…〉 dreaded that example might be followed by oâ—…s and that he might be forsaken as soon as ever his 〈…〉 was attack'd that those reproaches might be renew'd â—…st him which had been made at Saumar that he only â—…d at trouble and disorder to make himself head of the â—…y that Duke I say submitted like the rest and sent a â—…tleman to the Queen to express his regret to her for â—…ng offended her The Queen receiv'd his Submissions what she had promis'd was perform'd La Rochebeauâ—… enter'd into St. Johnd ' Angely for form sake and the â—…en remov'd him from thence within a sew days to give 〈…〉 the Government of Chatelleraud However the Queen â—…isted in the resolution not to tollerate Provincial Counâ—… but after having been solicited by the Deputies Geâ—…l and by divers Envoys from the particular Provinces Plessis having also solicited very earnestly for it and â—…onstrated what inconveniencies might arise from it inâ—… the Provinces to whom those Council seem'd to be â—…lutely necessary should refuse to dissolve them the â—…en promis'd Verbally to tollerate them provided the â—…rches made a modest use of the said Institution which the Deputies General acquainted the Churches with her Name Thus one and the same thing was forbiddâ—… by a publick Law and allow'd of by a secret â—…mise insomuch that it was easie for the Queen to 〈…〉 the advantage of the Law when ever she pleas'd and forget her Promise However those troubles did not end until the beginniâ—… of the year 1613. But before we leave this it will 〈…〉 proper to observe that the Seeds of the Civil Wars whâ—… were soon after kindled in the Kingdom were sown in 〈…〉 The Queen declar'd publickly that the Marriage of 〈…〉 King with the Infanta of Spain and of the Infant of Sâ—… with the King 's eldest Sister were agreed upon She 〈…〉 the 25th of March to make the said Declaration a day â—…dicated to the Solemnity which the Catholicks call the â—…nunâ—iation Three days of rejoycing were made upon 〈…〉 account in which a prodigious dissipation was made of 〈…〉 remainder of Sully's Husbandry The Duke of Mayâ—… was sent into Spain to Sign the Articles between the Kâ—… and the Infanta and at his return he brought back 〈…〉 him the Duke de Pastrana to Sign those of the 〈…〉 and of the King 's eldest Sister That affair offended 〈…〉 Prince of Conde and the Count de Soissons to a high â—… because it had not been communicated to them Tâ—… retir'd from Court upon that pretence but their anger 〈…〉 not last long and their consent their signature and thâ—… return were bought with some gratifications The 〈…〉 prudent among the French likewise were displeas'd to 〈…〉 those Marriages concluded so soon after Henry the 〈…〉 Death who had express'd so much repugnancy towaâ—… them and that those sums should be expended in Tuâ—…ments and Balls which had been laid up for greater desigâ—… That they should serve to pay the vain Pomps which 〈…〉 press'd the joy of an alliance with their greatest Enemiâ—… That what he had design'd to make War against them break the Fetters they design'd to Impose upon Euâ—… should serve to show publickly that they renounc'd thâ—… rious projects and that France should shamefully adhere 〈…〉 the progress of a House which aim'd at the Universal â—…narchy But no body was more concern'd at it than the Reform'd â—…reason that besides the general reasons in which they â—…eed with the rest to disapprove the said Marriages they 〈…〉 particular ones which only related to themselves They 〈…〉 as well as every body else that Spain had a great asâ—…dant in the Council of France and that not having been 〈…〉 to oppress Europe by the ruin of that Kingdom they â—…eavour'd to succeed in it by joyning the interests of State to theirs under pretence of Allyance and Friendâ—… They saw that Spain did precipitate an affair which 〈…〉 not ripe yet in marrying of Children before the Age which Nature renders them capable of it which alone 〈…〉 sufficient to give violent suspicions of some hidden deâ—… They could not foresee whether Marriages of this â—…ure being only promises which may always be reâ—…ted might not prove a trick of Spain which had forâ—…ly play'd the like and who would break that Proâ—… as soon as they should want the Allyance of another â—…ce The Negociators which were the Pope and the â—…t Duke were suspected by them as persons that deâ—…'d their ruin The Duke de Mayenne chosen among â—…ny others for the Embassy of Spain he whose Name 〈…〉 seem'd to revive the League created a thousand suspiâ—… in them Finally they knew that at the first propoâ—…n that had been made of those Marriages an Article 〈…〉 been inserted in it relating to them and that the Caâ—…icks exspected to sanctifie those Marriages by the deâ—…ction of Heresie Those thoughts had run in the minds â—…ose who had inspir'd the desire of War into the Duke 〈…〉 Rohan but whereas the cause of the difidence remain'd 〈…〉 after the accomodation of that affair and the separaâ—… of the Assembly of Rochel peoples minds were still â—…y to take fire when the Princes express'd new disâ—…ents The noise that was made at Rochel to hinder the continuation of the Assembly was soon appeas'd But there happened an affair at Nimes which did not end so easily Ferrier who had been depriv'd of the profession of Theology and of the Ministry he had exerted at Nimes by the National Synod not being satisfied with the Church of Montelimar where he was sent resolv'd to try whether the Court would assist him in order to be restor'd or give him some recompence for what he had lost by his complaisance for them He obtain'd a Counsellors place in the Presidial of Nimes and after having receiv'd his Patents for it he resolv'd to officiate it himself The Ministers of Paris and others us'd their utmost endeavours to put that fancy out of his head as soon as they knew it Moreover they obtain'd a promise from him that he would obey the Synod but he broke it and to add treachery to desertion he abandon'd his Religion and yet profess'd it still outwardâ—y And it is thought that he liv'd in that shameful dissimulation long before he quited his Ministry His Church upbraided him for it and he partly confest it as will appear by the Sequel As soon as he
thought necessary for the King's honour who 〈…〉 often declared that he would not allow any to be made 〈…〉 him The Queen looked upon them as Invectives agâ—… her Regency The Marshal d'Ancre as an affront offered 〈…〉 those that envied him The President Jeanin as a reproâ—… of the discipation of the Finances which were not improâ—… in his hands The Dukes d'Guise and de Epernon who wâ—… disatisfied with the-Parliament offered their Services to 〈…〉 King against that venerable Senat. So that all things seemâ—… to conspire to mortifie that Illustrious Body The next day â— Decree was given in the Council in the King 's Naâ—â— which order'd the Decree of the Parliament to be â—… â—…ated as well as their Remonstrances That the Decree â—…ould be taken out of the Registers and that of the Council â—…t in the room of it all this was preceded by very abusive â—…pressions stiling the behavour of the Parliament unlawful which was a treatment they were little us'd to Whitsunâ—…de salling out while the Parliament was deliberating upon affair and afterwards the King's Progress towards Pyrenees spended Peoples minds and made them forget the thing for while but that injury done to the most venerable Body of â—…e Kingdom strengthen'd the Princes Party with a specious â—…etence of complaint and increas'd it by a great number 〈…〉 Malecontents The Marshal de Bouillon labour'd on the other hand to â—…evail with the Reform'd by his Intrigues to joyn with the â—…ince of Conde He flatter'd Rouvray who was one of their â—…st heads and who was one of the Deputies General with â—…e hopes of being sent Ambassador to the Vnited Provinces â—…es Bordes Mercier who had been Deputy General with the â—…omise of a Counsellor's Place in the Parliament Berteville â—…ith the assurance of the General Deputaion which he had â—…ng aspir'd to He blinded all those that hearkned to him â—…ith the expectation of a great Reformation in the Governâ—…ent which would secure the Edicts against the attempts of â—…pain and Italy revenge the King's Death recover the hoâ—…our of the Monarchy against the prevarications of the Clergy amend the lavishness of the Finances and deprive the â—oreigners who were universally hated of their odious authority But his strongest argument to prevail with the majority of the Reform'd was the concequences of the Alliance with Spain and to frighten them with the secret Articles â—…hat were agreed upon Moreover he writ to the Court to â—…how among other things the Reasons they had to dread the â—ffect of those Marriages Jeanin made an Answer to him â—pon that Article which might have satisfied the most difficult if he could have persuaded that there was any sinceâ—…erity in the promises and words of the Court The Laws said he establish'd in France to live in Peace which have been observ'd so long already will make us look with horror on any Couneils that might tend to disturb it Therefore unless some wicked and ill advis'd Subjects occasion a breach the Peace and Tranquility establish'd by the Edicts will last for ever That was very fine if the Reform'd could have believ'd it true But experience made them sensible that there was no trust to be given to promises and that while they were attack'd almost publickly by a thousand Wiles it would have been ridiculous to imagine people did not laugh at them when they preach'd such unlikely things to them So that the Marshal easily found â—…e dispos'd to believe that those discourses were no oracles or that Jeanin did not hold the Maxims of the Court During those Transactions the Reform'd continu'd their sollicitations to have another place granted them instead of Grenoble where they were allow'd to hold a General Assembly While they endeavour'd to obtain another place for sear of not being free there the behaviour of Lesdiguieres gave them a new pretence to refuse it The Husband of Mary Vignon whom he had kept scandalously along while and whom he had made Marchioness de Treffort was killâ—… in such a manner as perswaded every body that Lesdiguieres was the author or accomplice of his Death That new scandal created a horror in the Reform'd who could not resolve to put under the Authority and in the Power of a man capable of such actions a great number of their most confiderable Members who should be oblig'd to pay a thousand respects to a man who was suspected to be guilty of so odious a Crime They were afraid with reason that their Enemies would take an occasion from thence to accuse their Religion of being too indulgent and toremiss in their Morals The Court being willing to gratifie them in that point consented at last that they should hold the Assembly at Gergeâ—… where another had been held in the late King's Reign This place pleas'd them no better than the first Their pretence was that the preceding Assembly had been inconvenienc'd there for want of Lodging but the true reason was that theey thought that place too near Paris and that they were sensible that the Court had pitch`d upon it to keep the Assembly in Awe The Deputies General made new Petitions to obtain a â—…re convenient place and whereas the Court refus'd to â—mply itâ— occasion'd divers imovemerts in the Provinces 〈…〉 which some propos'd to take a more convenient place without relying on the Curtesie of the Court to no purpose They also propos'd a meeting at Montauban there to agree â—…out a place in which the Assembly might neither want Liberâ—… nor Convenience In the interim some extraordinary affairs â—…ling out which oblig'd Lesdiguieres to make a Journey 〈…〉 Court and they expecting to be freer in his absence which 't was thought would be long enough to afford the Asâ—…mbly time to form their resolutions they thought fit to â—…sire Grenoble again and to declare publickly that they â—…ould make use of the Brief they had obtain'd the precedâ—…g year This alteration at first created jealousies in the â—…ourt who could not imagin it to be done without Lesdiguieres having given the Reform'd some secret assurances of not â—…posing them He had shown by the manner of his assistâ—…g the Duke of Savoy against whom the King of Spain made â—…ar that he stood upon his honour some times The Queen â—…d engag'd that Prince in that War and had promis'd by â—esdiguieres to assist him But after the conclusion of the â—arriages she refus'd to execute that Treaty by reason â—…at she was willing in order toplease the King of Spain to â—…rce the Duke of Savoy to makea Peace However Lesdiguieresâ—…ssisted â—…ssisted him notwithstanding the reiterated orders he reâ—…iv'd not to do it and whereas he could not do it in the â—…ing's name who disown'd it he did it in his own The example seem'd to show that tho he was devoted to the Court he knew nevertheless how to disobey when he pleas'd ut after that bold action he made his peace so soon and with so much ease that it
Estates which had been Confiscated about threescore Years before by the Authority of Queen Jane The Council resolv'd to begin by the Re-union as being that which admits of the most plausible Reasons and which concern'd no â—ody particularly Nevertheless the Bearnois judg'd otherwise of it and being perswaded that the Clergy only stir'd 〈…〉 it for their own advantage on to oblige the Court in one â—…ing in order to obtain other favours from it in Recom-Pence they us'd their utmost Endeavours to ward that blow â—hich they believ'd to be fatal to the Liberty of their Counâ—…y La Force was their Governor a Man of Sence and Courage who had Noble Places and a great deal of Experience and who was much better pleas'd with being Governor â—f an Independent Principality which was only considerable â—y its Soveraignty than with a small Country which would â—e inconsiderable being once mix'd with the other Provinces â—hat were United to the Crown Therefore he did not fail to represent the Consequences of that Affair to the Bearnois and 〈…〉 second their Endeavours with great Courage and Vigour â—e was nevertheless accus'd of having only been difficult to satisfie in that matter to make himself the more considerable â—nd that his only aim in opposing the Court was to be Indemnify'd for what he was to lose by that Alteration But there was another Man of great Authority in Bearn in whom the Reform'd who were the strongest there repos'd a great deal of Confidence It was Lesoun a Councellor in the â—overaign Council of the Country a Sprightly Resolute â—igorous Man who had Courage Learning and Eloquence And the Bearnois held him in great Veneration for that generous Love for his Country and for the Publick Good of which â—…ve find no more Examples unless it be in Ancient Histories The Court on the contrary made him pass for a Factious Turbulent Person And took a pretence to make him perish as a Perturbator of the Publick Peace by reason of the Undefatigable Zeal he express'd for the Welfare of his Religion and of his Countrey It is by those Rigors that all those who have â—im'd at Despotick Power have stifl'd in all Hearts the Seeds of that Vertue which was formerly the Noblest Character of the Hero's Those were us'd by them as Criminals of State who look'd upon a Man of Honour to be oblig'd above all things to preserve the Privileges of his Countrey And they were sensible that Men would lay aside that greatness of Soul formerly so much Reverenc'd finding it only attended with Disgrace and Misfortunes And that all such would be sent to the Gallows or to the Block to whom Antiquity would have rais'd Triumphal Arches and Statues This Lefcun was deputed to the Council after the Clergy had caus'd the Bearnois to be summon'd there to be present at the Tryal of the Restauration of the Ecclesiastical Lands they pretended But he was imploy'd at the same time in the Prosecution of both those Points and he was amus'd long at Paris without being expedited Finally whether the Court was asham'd to try those Affairs in his presence and that they were at a loss about his Titles Remonstrances and Reasons or whither they were not as yet fully resolv'd about it at a time when the Kingdom was threatned with a thousand other Troubles he was seâ—t back again And to remove all manner of suspition of their designing to try the business after his departure they return'd him the Pieces he had produc'd and they made a Verbal promise to him that they would not end those Suits without first giving him notice of it and without hearing him Nevertheless they broke their Word to him And in the sequel they made use of the Writings he had produc'd as a pretence to say that they had heard his Reasons and seen his Papers Therefore at the beginning of December in the Year 1616 in order to prepare People to receive the Edict that was publish'd some Days after it they put out a pretty fine Differtation upon the particular Question of the Re-union of Bearn to the Crown It presuppos'd that the said Re-union had already been made before by Henry IV. When he did re-unite Navar by a solemn Edict in the Month of July 1607. the general Terms of which extended the same Re-union to all the Estates that did belong to him before the Crown fell to him So that the thing in Debate was not properly the Re-union of Bearn but to put the said Re-union which was already made in Execution The Author of it pretended that it was granted upon Right and confirm'd by several Examples That King 's did contract a kind of Marriage with the Kingdom that fell to them That the Re-union of their other Estates with that Crown was a Gift which they were oblig'd to make to it upon the account of that Marriage which became part of that Crown That several Kings before Henry IV. had done the like and that the Case of Bearn was the same And as one of the main Reasons the Bearnois alledg'd against those Examples was that they only related to moving Estates and such as paid Hommage to the Crown of France whereas Bearn was an Independent Principality They refuted this Pretension by a long Chain of Contrary Proofs The first was drawn from the Ancient Division of France whereby it appear'd that Bearn had been part of the Kingdom of Aquitain The second was taken from the Privileges the Bearnois possess'd in France where they were reputed Natives and were not oblig'd to â—ake Letters of Naturalization to injoy the Prerogatives of Frenchmen The third was grounded upon the Prince of Bearn's having paid Hommage to the Kings of England Dukes of Aquitain That the same Princes had often appeal'd from the Judgment of their Barons to the Parliament of Guyenne â—nd from thence afterwards to Paris That by some Passages of the fifteenth Book of the Registers of Innocent III. it did â—ppear that the Duke of Aquitain had Commenc'd a Suit against the Vice-comte of Bearn as a Lord to his Vassal They alledg'd for the fourth That the said Principality had been sometimes under the Jurisdiction of the Parliament of Thoulouse and they added finally That when the Lords of that Country had refus'd to pay Homage for it War had sometimes been declar'd against them to constrain them to do it They granted that there was a Prescription of many Years in favour of the Bearnois But then they said That it could be no Plea for them by reason of this Despotick Maxim That no Prescription can avail against the Rights of the Crown which are sacred and can never be Alienated A Maxim very opposite to Natural Right which â—ever prejudges in favour of Liberty and which wills that Servitude should be Establish'd by great Titles but that they should be Abolish'd by short Prescriptions Moreover they grounded the Nullity of the said Prescription upon its proceeding from
made in some measure out of Policy by reason that the University having been so constant in refusing the Jesuits a small share of their Privileges it would not have look'd well for them to suffer the Establishment of an Heretical College within two Leagues of Paris without opposition However those Complaints broke the Measures of the Reform'd and the Erection of the said College has never been mention'd since The Clergy also Assembled that year at Blois from whence the Bishop of Seez and some others were deputed to the King to Harrangâ—e him They found him at Plessis Les Tours The Bishop in his Speech insisted long upon the Affairs of Bearn and he was very pressing upon the Execution of the Decree of Restoration But moreover he desir'd a thing which appear'd pretty new viz. the Reparation of what had been written against the Chief of the Clergy and he affirm'd with as much boldness as if the King himself and the Council had not known the contrary that the Clergy did keep within the bounds of the Edicts The Truth is that lest he should be suspected of assuming a Spirit of Charity and of Toleration he added that it was only to obey the King who would have it so The Clergy had never bethought it self till then to complain of the manner in which the Reform'd us'd them in their Writings and they had had the prudence to let them alone while they thought they could not help it The Complaints he made about it now in so extraordinary a manner were a proof that Affairs were alter'd and that tho they were as liable as ever to hear those Truths yet it was no longer safe to urge them They obtain'd a Declaration on the fourth of September which exempted them from answering for the Possessory of the Benefices and other annex'd Estates to the Tribunals in which all the Judges were Reform'd The King allow'd them a removal to the next Catholick Judge whither Royal or other And in case the said Removal were deny'd them by the Reform'd Judges he annihilated that very moment and from thence forwards all their Judgments The said exemption was so great an Encroachment upon the Jurisdiction the Reform'd were declar'd capable of by the Edicts that it could not be look'd upon otherwise than as a breach made to the very Edict The Reason alledg'd by the Clergy was that since the Reform'd were allow'd unsuspected Judges it was but reasonable that the Chiefs of the Establish'd Religion should be exempted from answering before their Enemies But the thing was not equal The Reform'd had never pursued the Clergy with Fire and Sword as the Catholick Judges had pursued the Reform'd being mov'd thereunto by their Zeal and by the Instigation of the Clergy Moreover the Edict had regulated the reciprocal pretentions of the Reform'd and of the Clergy Insomuch that there only remain'd to observe it bona fide without daily renewing the remembrance of things past by New Injustices In the mean time the King being resolv'd to oblige the Assembly of Loudun to Obey they persisting in their former Resolution after having heard the Report of their Deputies sent Du Maine Councellor of State and Marescot one of his Secretaries thither to acquaint them more positively with his final pleasure These Gentlemen having perform'd their Charge more like Messengers who serve a Warrant than like Commissioners who carry Royal Instructions did not move the Assembly which renew'd their Submission to the King by a Third Deputation That Prince gave a hearing to the said Deputies but the only Answer he gave them was to Order them to Command the Assembly to break up and then Order'd them to retire La Haye who was Speaker of the said Deputation having taken the Liberty reply the King interrupted him making a Sign to the Usher to turn them out This was the behaviour Luines inspir'd to the King He perswaded him that a Prince after having given his Command ought never to suffer his Subjects to use Replies or Remonstrances What ever Reasons people had to urge he made him believe that a King's Word was decisive and that the Affairs of most moment ought to pass for decided without Appeal whenever he had said I will have it so This was very convenient for that Favourite who not being very capable of State Affairs to which his Fortune had call'd him too soon lov'd the way of Abridging them So that after the pronouncing of a Word every Body was oblig'd to submit to the Discretion of that haughty Favourite who lov'd no body because he was sensible that he was belov'd by none When those absolute Decrees ingag'd him into other Troubles he had Recourse to Wiles to get out of them And whereas he consider'd no Honour but that of Governing the King he never thought his ingag'd in the breaking of his Word The Deputies being gone to wait upon the Chancellor after having receiv'd this Vexatious Answer from the King believ'd that some Expedient of accommodation might be left yet because he put them in hopes that in case the Assembly would send some Persons to the Court with a Power to Treat some good Expedient might yet be found out The said Proposition was accepted by the Assembly and the Marshal de Lesdiguieres being at Paris at that time in Order to take the Oath of Duke and Peer of France he and Chatillon who happen'd to be there at the same time took upon them them the Quality of Mediators In Order to they began to Negotiate with the Prince of Conde and the Duke de Luines with whom they agreed that the Assembly should break up before the end of February that immediately after their seperation the King should Answer the Cahier favourably but that he should forth with remove Fontrailles out of the Government of Leitoore allow the keeping of the Places of Surety for four years longer to the Reform'd and oblige the Parliament of Paris to receive the two Councellors so often mention'd This was to be â—erform'd within the space of six Months and in case it â—ere not done the Prince and Duke promis'd to obtain â—om the King a New Brief of leave for them to Assemble â—gain As for Bearn that within a Month after the Six foremention'd after the Accomplishment of the three Arâ—…cles I have related the King would hear the Remonâ—…rances they had to make about the said Principality and â—hat he would provide towards the satisfaction of the Estates â—nd of the Churches Moreover hopes were given them â—hat in case any hindrance should be made directly or indiâ—ectly about the Reimplacement the King would consent â—o their resuming of the Ecclesiastical Estates The Assembly being inform'd with all this and being perwaded that they might obtain something more yet sent a New Deputation to the Court again for which they chose â—erteville la Haye la Chappelliere Minister of Rochel la Miletiere and Poixferre giving them a full Power to
Act in their Name But while they were on their Way Luines obtain'd a Declaration on the 26th of February by which the King mention'd according to Custom his good Intentions for the Observation of the Edicts his having allow'd the Reform'd to keep Deputies at Court as they did under the â—ate King to inform against the Infractions of the Edicts â—eave to hold Provincial and General Assemblies in Order â—o Nominate the said Deputies and to draw the Cahiers of their Grievances After which he spoke of the Motives which had induc'd him to allow the Assembly of Loudun The Deputations they had sent to him The Commands â—he had sent them to break up the Petition they had reâ—enew'd to obtain his Leave to continue their Sessions until â—he had Answer'd their Cahier Finally presupposing that there were some disaffected Persons in the Assembly who endeavour'd to inspire ill Designs into the Rest against the repose of the State he Granted a New delay of three Weeks to begin from the day of the Publication of the said Declaration to Nominate the Deputies according to the Usual Method and then to break up in default of which he declar'd the said Assembly unlawful from that very moment and contrary to his Authority and Service those that should remain at Loudun Guilty of High Treason and depriv'd of the Privileges of the Edicts and of all other favours he had Granted them but particularly of a Removal of their Affairs to the Chamber of the Edict And he commanded them to be prosecuted as perturbators of the Publick Peace And in Order to keep up the Division which was but too great among them already he did not only confirm the Edicts in favour of those who should withdraw within the time prescrib'd by him and of all those who should keep within the bounds of their Duty but moreover he promis'd those Loyalists that in case before the end of the time prefix'd whatever their Number might be they did Nominate Deputies to reside with him he would receive their Nomination and allow the Persons so chosen to reside with him and there to perform the accustom'd Function This Artifice had not altogether the same Effect that time as it had had eight or nine years before at Saumur by reason that the said Declaration was too visible a Guile and that it came out at a time when by the Mediation of two considerable Lords and upon the Parole of a Prince of the Blood and of a Favourite all things were look'd upon as being accommodated The Prince of Conde himself carry'd the said Declaration to the Parliament in order to get it Verify'd and in presenting it he seconded it with several discourses which the Refirm'd might reasonably have look'd upon as a Declaration of War The Deputies of the Assembly were strangely amaz'd when at their Arrival at Paris they found things so alter'd and yet more when going as far as Amiens to obtain an Audience of the King they could not obtain it and were oblig'd to come back without an Answer The News of this Fraud occasion'd the same Astonishment in the Assembly Lesdiguieres Conduct look'd very Suspicious and they did not say what they thought of the Prince of Conde's He had reason to think himself oblig'd to the Assembly if Persons of his Quality could think their Inferiors capable to oblige them They had taken his part on divers occasions They had Petition'd his deliverance while he was in Prison Their last Assembly had â—…en spoken too much upon that Subject in the Opinion of â—…e Wisest Those that had been made in every Province 〈…〉 Order to depute to Loudun had taken his Liberty to â—…eart And had not Luines made haste to give it him the â—ssembly General would never have desisted from desiring â—… That perhaps was one of the Reasons which oblig'd the â—â—vourite to hasten to restore it to him because that had 〈…〉 tarry'd too long he should not have had the Honour of â—… Nevertheless while the Reform'd were Treating with â—…es as it were under the Auspices of that Prince they â—…w him going up to the Parliament with a Declaration in â—…s Hand against them and a Discourse in his Mouth full 〈…〉 Violence and Threatnings The Attorney General made 〈…〉 End to spoil the thing by sending the Declaration to â—…e Assembly by an Express out of Affectation And all â—…is being added to what Du Vair had said in a full Parliaâ—ent in which the King had appear'd some days before â—r the Verification of some Money Bills that the said â—…ey would be of use for sundry things but particularly 〈…〉 repress the Reform'd all these things made the most moâ—erate sensible that a War was design'd against them and â—…at in Order thereunto the Court design'd to render them â—…e Aggressors of it For those Reasons the Assembly became more United â—…d â—irmer than it was expected and the Favourite dreadâ—â—g other discontents which did not allow him to proceed â—…y farther in his Ill Will towards them at that time had â—ecourse to Negotiations again Lesdiguieres resumed them â—xcusing the precipitation of that unexpected Declaration â—nd endeavouring to make it pass for an Effect of the Jealousie the Court had of some Members of the Assembly which they had a mind to reduce to Reason out of fear of falling into worse Inconveniences In Order to resettle his Credit again which was very much shaken by that last business he caus'd his Deputy in the Assembly to Swear and Sign the Union and Chatillon dâ—â— the same Whereupon the preceeding propositions were resum'd and Du Plessis was of Opinion that it would be the best way to accept them The Assembly did not yield to it without resistance But the Messages of Bellujon and of Gilliers by whom Lesdâ—guieres press'd them to acquiess which were constantly seconded by Letters from Du Plessis whose Advice was preferr'd by them before all things finally Vanquish'd those difficulties A great stress was laid upon the King's Word given and Warranted by the first Prince of the Blood and by the Duke of Luines The Prince express'd that he took it as an Affront that they would not look upon his Faith and Oath as a sufficient Warrant of a Royal Promise And in Order the better to perswade that the King would be a very exact Observer of it he observ'd that it was the first the King had given to his Subjects The Duke de Luines affirm'd that it was sufficient that he had given his and that he would make it as good as a Brief and even better These were the Terms us'd by the Duke de Mombazon his Father-in-Law in speaking to Du Plâ—ssis who had writen to him some time before a Large Letter in Order to perswade him that the best way for his Son-in-Law in Order to maintain his Credit and to prevent the renewing of some Faction like unto the League at a time when Affairs seem'd depos'd towards it was to avoid
and as some publick Negotiations were still kept on foot with the Queen they acquainted her that the Duke 's Abode at Anger 's was ill resented To which she answer'd that when she had receiv'd Satisfaction she should easily know how to Discard him but she rely'd too much upon him to oblige him to remove and she was glad to see that the Favorite had some Jealousie of his Assiduity with her After the Queens Affairs were ruin'd the Catholicks publish'd in order to render the Reform'd odious and to persuade the World that she had not had great Designs that they had offer'd their Services to her and that she had refus'd their Offers But Politicians would have found something very odd in that Pious Rebellion which making the Queen take Arms against the Government did not allow her to strengthen her Party by the Alliance of the Hereticks which without doubt would have been the main Force of her Party The Truth is that the Queen was not so scrupulous She never refus'd to joyn the Forces of the Reform'd to hers She us'd all Means imaginable after her Retreat from Angouleme and during the Assembly of Loudun to oblige them to declare for her and she had many Creatures among them She only stopt in one thing out of Scruple She would sign no Treaty with them lest her Name should appear in a Treaty with Hereticks and the Catholicks should upbraid her with the Advantages the Reform'd would have got by a League which would have put the Widow of Henry IV. and the Mother of their King at their Head This only excepted she did not refuse their Services and she was glad to be seconded by them provided they could not convince lier of it under her own Hand This Thought made her seem to be irresolute and her Irresolutions created a Diffidence in most of the Members of the Assembly who upon that account were as slow to declare themselves as the Queen Those little Scruples ruin'd the great Designs of that Princess and it is most certain that considering the Disposition of Peoples Minds the Separation of the Assembly prov'd a Master-piece of the Duke of Luines The Queen daily encreased her Party secretly by the Concourse of the Male-contents that joyned with her and who were desirous to restore her the Authority she had lost The Discontents were more universal than ever The King's Power and Favours were reserv'd only for three Persons who exhausted the Finances to Inrich themselves and who Ingross'd all the best Imployments though others deserv'd them much better No body could imagine where the Progress of a Fortune so rapid would terminate which in three years time had elevated three Brothers whose Birth was hardly known to Dignities which the most Ancient Families could hardly obtain after Thirty or Forty years Services The Waste of the Finances was so Exorbitant that in order to satisfie the insatiable Avidity of the Favorites all the Fund of three years had been consum'd before-hand without so much as providing for the Necessities of the present year Therefore every body joyn'd with the Queen The Duke de Mayenne being either inform'd or suspecting that the Court design'd to secure him 〈◊〉 from Paris at the very time the King receiv'd the News of the Obedience of the Assembly and the Satisfaction he receiv'd at that happy Success oblig'd him lest a different Treatment might alter their Minds to grant them the Brief I mentioned so speedily by reason that the Court did not know as yet what Consequences might attend the Retreat of that Prince But as soon as they had receiv'd Letters from him whereby he assured the King that his only Design was to secure himself and that he had no thoughts of taking up Arms they soon moderated that Eagerness of Good Will and forgot the rest of their Promises However the Duke de Mayenne had only given these Assurances in order to amuse the Court by reason that all those who design'd to joyn with the Queen like him were not as yet ready Therefore he secur'd Guyenne of which he had the Government to the Service of that Princess The Duke d'Epernon did the same in Angoumois and all the other Governments and Places under his Command The Duke de Rohan was doing the same in Poitou for her The Reform'd only tarry'd for the first Success to embrace the same Party Normandy was almost prevail'd with to follow these Examples by the Duke de Longuev I le to whom the said Government had been given in Recompence of that of Picardy which he had been forc'd to yield to the Duke de Luines But when all things were ready to break out the Advice the Prince of Conde gave to the King and that which the Bishop of Lucon gave to the Queen ruin'd all those Designs * The Prince advis'd the King to secure Normandy before the Queen could have time to get the upper hand there and the bishop stopt the Queen at Anger 's where her Forces were not capable to oppose a Royal Army besides that it was a very weak Place The principal Members of the Queen's Party and among the rest the Dukes de Mayenne and de Rohan advis'd her to retire into Guyenne where she had a very fine Army under the Duke Mayenne's Command where her Presence would not fail to oblige Bourdeaux and the Parliament to declare for her since they seem'd only to tarry for it and where the Favorites would not have been able to follow her without being stopt continually by some Town or other that would shut their Gates against them besides the fear of leaving secret Enemies behind them who as soon as they had cross'd the Loire might raise the Northern Provinces To this they added that on the Contrary remaining at Anger 's of which the Inhabitants were disaffected to her Service she would be deprived of all Communication with her principal Forces and have no Recourse after the least Disadvantage The Bishop refuted those Reasons by Remonstrating to the Queen that in putting her self into the Hands of the Duke de Mayenne she would disoblige the Duke d'Epernon a proud haughty Man to whom she had been lately highly oblig'd That in removing farther from Normandy she would loose the Advantance of the Correspondence she held there with many considerable Persons That her Retreat would be look'd upon as a Flight which would be imputed to her Diffidency of her Forces That it would discourage her Friends who would be obliged to forsake her not to expose themselves to pay for the rest of the Party She did yield to those Considerations which ruin'd her Some have been of Opinion that the Bishop was gain'd by the Duke de Luines who gave him hopes of a Share in the Publick Affairs and that being thus blinded by Ambition and relying upon Predictions which promis'd him a glorious Ministry he betray'd his Mistress by a Council of which he knew the Inconvenience The King in pursuance
to Paris But things were so imbroil'd before he could come away that he durst not follow his Inclination for fear of making himself Criminal by Communicating with a prohibited Assembly His Prudence in this point avail'd him nothing the Court would have him guilty Right or Wrong He receiv'd notice at Lions by a Letter from Drelincourt his Colleague that he would be taken up as soon as he came to Paris This News oblig'd him to take a by way to go home where he tarry'd but one Night and went from thence to Sedan where the Duke de Bouillon gave him the place of Professor in Theology and of Minister in Ordinary Tilenus his Enemy did not fail to Write Violently against that retreat which he endeavour'd to represent as a Mercenary flight The pretence the Court had to seize upon him was that the English Ambassador had desir'd Du Moulin to Write to the King his Master to exhort him to assist the Elector Palatin his Son-in-Law That Prince having too soon taken the Name of King of Bohemia which had been offer'd him by the People lost a Battle near Prague and his New Kingdom together with his Ancient Patrimony which the Emperor diveâ—ted him of as a Rebel France suffer'd it calmly by â—eason that the Policy of Spain and of Rome prevail'd in their Council and represented that War as a War of Religion Jeannin himself remember'd that he had been a Member of the League and Writ a Pamphlet to hinder â—…he King from succoring the Bohemians in which he urg'd so many Reasons to prove that all the Advantage of that War would remain to the Protestants and all the damage â—…o the Catholicks that France lost that opportunity of ruinâ—…ng the House of Austria in Germany and that they look'd â—…pon the Ruin of an Ancient Aâ—ly of France as a Triumph of the Catholick Church The King meddled no farther with this War than by a Solemn Embassy at the Head of which he plac'd the Count d'Auvergne And that serv'd â—â—ly to render the Catholick League the stronger and the Emperor more formidable But the Coldness of the King of England Scandalized even those that profited by his Weakâ—…ers He did not relish certain Maxims of Honour which he was continually put in mind of and he thought it a â—…iece of Policy not to assist Subjects against their Soveraigns â—…ven in the Case of a manifest oppression He apply'd that â—…e Policy which no other Prince ever bethought himself â—…f to the Affairs of his Son-in-Law And his Ambassador who was sensible that he was despis'd every where for that false Prudence had a mind to draw him out of that Error He look'd upon Du Moulin as a Man capable to revive the Courage of that Prince by whom he was very much respected Du Moulin writ after having excus'd it a while and his Letter was given to the Courier the Ambassador sent into England But it was soon after put into the hands of the Ministers of the Cabinet Council whither it were â—…one designedly by the Courier or by the Ambassador or whither it were intercepted by some Wile or finally whither King James himself who had particular Ingagements with the King of France had Communicated it to the Ministers of that Prince The said Letter was look'd upon as being very Criminal by Reason that the Condition of the Churches of France was set out in it and their approaching Ruine alledg'd as a proper Reason to excite the King of England to assist his Son-in-Law whose Prosperity was a Refuge to the Reform'd as his Ruine was a Presage of Decay for them The Jesuits whose Bane Du Moulin was were glad of that Opportunity to ruine him and having neither been able to Corrupt him by fair Offers nor to destroy him by divers Conspiracies against his Life they imagin'd that he could never scape them that time But they were deceiv'd and he scap'd that Snare by the Diligence of his Retreat It was from Sedan he writ to the Assembly of Rochel It is uncertain whether he did it of his own accord or by the Order of the Mareschal de Bouillon who was of the same Opinion with all the Grandees of the same Religon or whether his Friends perceiving that his Enemies had a mind to represent him as a Seditious Person who inclin'd People to Rebellion by his Advice advis'd him to disprove them by such a Letter But it is certain that it was written with great Vigor and that he declar'd in it that the Assembly would be answerable for the Ruine of the Churches in case their refusing to break up should occasion it The Effect of that Letter was That it increas'd the Divisions to the utmost Extremity Some Members of the Assembly withdrew and never could be prevail'd upon to come again Others acquainted Du Moulin that his Letter had been read but not approv'd of and begg'd of him not to communicate it to any body lest it should serve as a Pretence for those who had a mind to withdraw out of the Union It were to be wish'd that the Assembly had follow'd that Advice only to try what the Court would have done after their Separation in order to render the Cause of the Churches the clearer by removing the Pretence of Disunion from those who had too much Faith and Credulity The Event show'd that if those Members of the Assembly who would not break up without Security were not the most prudent yet they were the best inform'd and those who hinder'd them from taking such Measures for their Safety had cause to repent at leisure their being too Credulous Two things â—…opt the Negotiation The one was that the Assembly â—…ould not resolve to beg Pardon for meeting at Rochel by reason that they pretended that they might lawfully do it after â—…o positive a Promise as they had receiv'd for so doing at London from the King That Confession of having done ill was of greater consequence than it seem'd to be at first since 〈◊〉 imply'd a tacit Acknowledgment that the things promis'd had been perform'd The Consequence of which was that 〈◊〉 would stop their Mouths for the future upon the Business of the two Councellors of Leitoure and of Favasâ—…sisted â—…sisted upon those Considerations with great Vehemency The other was that they were willing to see at least something done upon their Complaints before their Breaking up for fear of being shortly oblig'd to begin all things a new as it had happen'd more than once Moreover the Decay of the Reform'd Religion in the Kingdom of Bohemia which those who were for the Dissolution of the Assembly made use of to make them dread the Events of War was taken in another Sence by many who look'd upon it as a good Reason to take Precautions against the Oppression of which the Affairs of Germany gave a Presage Nevertheless the Assembly not being able to withstand the Advice of all the Grandees from whom they
Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and the Jesuit Confessor to the King seconded it with all their Might Jeanin and the other old Ministers who were not heartily inclin'd for a War oppos'd it and thought that it would be proper to talk of a Peace on the contrary in threatning a War and in the mean time to prepare for the last in case the Reform'd should refuse the first on Conditions worthy of the King The Duke de Luines joyn'd with the last but for other Reasons He saw no Money ready for the War he had rather apply the Finances to his own and to his Friends Advantage than to a doubtful Enterprise He was at a Loss to whom he should trust the Command of the Armies He was not secure of the Foreigners He had no body to whom he could confide the Provinces he should leave behind him in marching with the King towards the Southern Provinces In fine the Number of the Reform'd Lords made him dread Diversions where-ever they had any Authority But he was so happy that all those Difficulties were level'd He gain'd most of the Great ones Chatillon was bought with the Promise of a Marshal's Staff The Marshal de Bouillon remain'd long Newter Lesdiguieres fool'd himself and many others follow'd his Example He met with no Oppositions from Abroad The King under pretence of a Journey into Picardy secur'd himself on the side of the Netherlands and Spain freely granted him all the Assurances he could desire being far from putting any Obstacles to a War they desired passionately Cadenet Brother to the Favourite who was created Duke de Chaunes easily prevail'd with the King of England who thought himself oblig'd to lose all the Opportunities which a good Politician would have improv'd to make himself Arbitrator of Europe when there was a Necessity to succor Subjects against their Prince in order thereunto The Vnited Provinces were not in a Condition to Break with France It is true that as that Crown had had some hand in the Divisions of that State and seem'd to favour the Party of Barnevelt they had also given some Discontents to the Prince of Orange But those petty Subjects of Complaint did yield to greater Interests The Terror of the Prosperities of the House of Austria did not permit the States to fall out with an Allie so necsseary as Lewis the Thirteenth The Court sow'd the utmost Divisions among the Reform'd They endeavor'd to revoke the Power of those who were deputed to the Assembly They endeavor'd to make the other Cities jealous of Rochel either as designing to promote their own Advanvage at their Cost or as designing to become the Center of their Union and to ingross all the Authority Though all the Reform'd were not susceptible of those Diffidences yet there were always some who suffered themselves to be caught in the Snare of those false Impressions Notwithstanding the Court gave ear to all the Propositions of the Mediators with as much Application as if they had had a sincere desire of Peace People were strangely surpriz'd to find in the middle of those Negotiations when the Court thought that they had taken sufficient Measures to succeed in their Enterprize that the King repair'd to Fontainebleau from whence he writ to the Duke de Bouillon and to Du Plessis and some others that the Obstinacy of the Assembly was the Occasion of his Journey and that it oblig'd him to repair to Tours and perhaps farther if it were necessary to be near at hand to give his Orders He mix'd with this Advice Assurances of his good Intentions in favor of those that should remain within the Bounds of their Duty The next day after his Arrival he revers'd the Priviledge of Elections and removed the Offices for the Receits of his Revenues out of the Cities held by the Reform'd by an express Declaration and transfer'd them to Catholick Cities under pretence of hindering the Reform'd from seizing upon the Royal Treasure But he restor'd that of Saumur by a Brief to satisfie du Plessis for whom a far greater Affront was preparing This Edict might reasonably pass for a Declaration of War but it did not open the Eyes of those who were inclineable to a Peace and they continu'd their Mediation some with Sincerity and others to please the Court which was desirous to amuse the Reform'd by those Appearances So that Conferences were held still in which all things seem'd to tend to an Accommodation The Constable seem'd to open his Mind freely to the Deputies and to consent to a Peace upon tolerable Conditions For which reason the Agents and Mediators left Paris with Pavas to repair to Rochel by divers ways and upon different Days in order severally to dispose the Assembly to receive the Conditions they brought them But without tarrying longer than the next day after Favas's Departure a Council was held in the King's Presence in which a Settlement was drawn of Forty thousand Foot and Eight thousand Horse to be distributed in the Provinces according as it should be necessary The Government of Bearn was given to Themines in the same Council La Force was depriv'd of all his Places the Survivorship of them was taken from his Son the Marquess de Mompouillan who created Jealousies in the Favorites and in the Jesuits by his great Accomplishments and by the Share he had in the King's Favour and he was order'd to retire from the Court That Prince permitted those who govern'd him to dispose of his Inclinations as they did of his Finances and of his Authority and always approv'd the Reasons that were alledg'd to him no longer to love what he had most lov'd The Pretence us'd for that Disgrace was That Peoples Minds began to be heated again in Bearn and that the Affairs there seem'd to be upon the Point of a new Revolution La Force was inrag'd that instead of making him some Reparation for the Affront he had receiv'd from Poyane who had taken Arms not only without his Leave but without his Knowledge the Court had sent him an Order by Saludie to lay down his Arms approving the Actions of Poyane The Marquess de la Force press'd his Father to resent that Affront and look'd upon the Proceeding of the Court as a bloody Injury to oblige an old Governor of Province an ancient Officer of the King's Houshold to disarm before the Governor of a Town who ought at least to have honour'd him as a Superior and to communicate his Designs to him though he were excus'd from receiving Orders from him Moreover it was too sensible an Affront from the Court to La Force to send Orders to an inferior Officer without acquainting him with it Therefore the Bearnois being already as uneasie at the Alterations that had been made among them as they were fatal to their Liberties the Discontents and Intrigues of their Governor soon dispos'd them to improve the Occasion The Earnestness the General Assembly express'd for their
the said Bounds of their Duty whom he took as well as their Families and Estates under his Protection and special Safeguard commanding his Officers and Governors of Cities to see it performed He order'd the same thing for the Catholicks to the Officers of the Places in which the Reform'd were the strongest After which he came to Blois from whence he repaired to Amboise and afterwards to Tours to Thouars where the Dutchess de la Trimoville receiv'd him and finally to Saumur out of which he turn'd Du Plessis in a very Unkingly manner While the Court was so diligently imploy'd about the Preparations of War the Assembly was near as diligent in putting themselves in a Posture of Defence being equally troubled with the little Union they observ'd in their Bosom and with the little Authority they had in the Provinces and the continual Contradictions of those who thought they were the Wisest who did nothing but Preach Obedience to them As soon as they were inform'd that the King had refus'd to hear their Deputies they order'd them to put those Remonstrances in Writing which they were to have made by Word of Mouth They did it accordingly and in order that every body might be acquainted with them they publish'd them After having declar'd that the Reason which oblig'd them to make them publick was that they were not allow'd to speak to the King they set forth all the Promises that had been made to the Assembly of Loudun in the King's Name the Prince of Conde's and the Duke de Luines and they related the very Expressions they had us'd and among the rest what the King had said to those who carry'd the Nomination of the Deputies General to him that he would perform the Promises of the Prince and of the Duke They complain'd that those Solemn Promises had been violated and having observ'd at what time the King took his Progress into Bearn they thought it was a great Injustice to impute it as a Crime to the Assembly to have met upon the Word of a Prince of the Favourite and of the King himself After which they proceeded to the Particulars of those things in which the Court had not perform'd their Promises viz. That the Settlement of the Places of Dauphine had not been deliver'd though it was an Affair but of half an Hour That the Reception of the two Councellors in the Parliament of Paris had been deferr'd as long as possible could be That it had not been perform'd till after the Convocation of the Assembly That only one of them had been receiv'd in Reality the Reception of the other being evaded by the Clause of Modification which oblig'd Le Cog to resign his Place to a Catholick That every thing had been alter'd in Bearn and the Assembly of Rochel declar'd Criminal without hearing the Persons concern'd That the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion had been interrupted at Clermont de Lodeve though it was a Place of Surety That the Catholicks hinder'd the Execution of the King's Orders by Force of Arms and the Proceedings of the Commissioners sent to re-establish it there That the King's Council declar'd that the King's Authority was concern'd in it but yet that they Authoriz'd it by Conniving at it That Privas had been taken from the Reform'd though it was a Place where according to the Edicts and Briefs nothing ought to be Innovated That during Eighteen Months last past the Court had detained the Sums promised for the Maintenance of the Garisons and for the Sallaries of the Ministers That Seditious Sermons against the Reform'd were tolerated That their Dead were taken out of the Ground again That their Temples were burnt That their Ministers were turn'd out That the Delivery of the Places in which they were to perform the Exercise of their Religion was hindered and among the Places in which those Excesses were committed they mentioned Moulins Bourges Baux in Provence Lion Dijon That their Cahiers were not answered and that when any of the Articles were answered either the Answers were not put in Execution or they were contrary to the Intention of the Edicts That the Commissioners sent into the Provinces either refus'd to perform their Office or perform'd it ill by a visible Collusion That all this proceeded from the Council and Malice of the Jesuits They Concluded Imploring the King's Favour and earnestly desir'd the Revocation of the Declaration which treated them as Criminals protesting that they only desir'd the Liberty and Safety of their Religion to remain inviolably ty'd to their Allegiance The Marshall de Bouillon writ from Sedan to the King the same day that the Remonstrances appeared He freely expressed the Reasons of Diffidence that had been given to the Reform'd by the Threatnings of Revoking the Edicts that is to take away the Liberty of their Consciences the Safety of their Lives their Estates and Dignities He said that the Affair of Bearn had been anticipated that the Promises had been ill executed that Garisons had been put in divers Places without Necessity that the Assembly of Rochel was us'd with too much Severity He intreated the King to hear the Remonstrances of their Deputies and to reject the Councils of those that advis'd him to force the Consciences of his Subjects But the Council was hardned against those Advices which tended to Peace and seem'd not to relish them only the better to take their Measures The Jesuits answer'd the Reproach that was made against them of exciting a War in Writing In order to refute it they made use of the Sermon the King's Confessor had lately Preach'd at Court that the King was oblig'd to protect all his Subjects even those that were of a different Belief from his That Answer tended to persuade that their Society was innocent of all the Ill they were accus'd of and that they only apply'd themselves to Convert those that Stray'd and to prevent the Progress of Heresie by their Sermons and Writings They made it a Crime for the Reform'd to suppose in their Complaints that the King suffer'd himself to be govern'd by the Jesuits And they said that all the Articles set down in their Petition were false and for an Instance of the Innocence of the Society and of the little Share they had in the Violent Councils that were daily given to the King against the Reform'd all their Actions were represented in it in a manner full of Fury and Venom That Apology could not deceive those who had any Sence It was very well known that the Theology and Morality of the Jesuits are always Slaves to their Policy and that it is impossible to guess their Sentiments by their Sermons It was easie to oppose to the Moderation of the Jesuit Arnoux the Seditious Sermons of the Monks of the other Orders who being more Impetuous and Hairbrain'd than the Jesuits declar'd inconsiderately in their Pulpits what those cunning Politicians had the Art to cover with a profound Dissimulation Even at
and before the Relief they sent was got half way he had turned Du Plessis and his Garison out of Saumur The Second Circle composed of Poitou of Bretagne and of the City and Isle of Bouchard was to be Governed by Soubise Brother to the Duke of Rohan La Trimouille had the Government of the Third which was to contain Angoumois Saintonge and the Islands The Lower Guyenne made the fourth Circle and La Force was Governor of it The Fifth given to the Marquess his Son comprehended Bearn and the Dependencies thereof The Vpper Languedoc and the Vpper Guyenne which made the Sixth was to be Commanded by the Duke de Rohan The Seventh which contained the Lower Longuedoc the Cevennes Givaudan and Vivarets was to be Governed by Chatillon And the Eighth composed of Burgundy Provence and Dauphine was left to Lesdiguieres from whom it could not be taken Rochel made a Circle apart in that Division and there was a particular Exception in favour of them in the Forty seven Articles I have mentioned which exempted them then and for the future of having any Governor besides their Mayor Of all those Circles none but the Vpper Guyenne made any Resistance that year so that it proved by so much the more easie for the King to vanquish that he had in effect but the Eighth part of the Reform'd of his Kingdom to deal with since even in that Circle which made some Resistance several Towns and Captains made none at all The Catholicks made a great deal of Noise about these Settlements and for that the Assembly had caused a new Seal to be engraven in order to fix it to their Ordinances and Commissions The Constable himself represented that Action as a publick Declaration of their Resolution to withdraw from their Allegiance to the King of designing to establish a New Holland in France and to settle a Republick there of which the Assembly retained the Superiority It was easie to persuade it to the King who was bred with an Aversion to the Reform'd and was evâ—â— susceptible to the Jealousies that were inspir'd in him about his Authority But to say the Truth it was a wretched Reproach for if the War was just on the side of the Reform'd the Regulations made in order to sustain it and the Seal engraven in the Name of their Union could not render it Criminal The Question was whether the Reform'd were in the Right to take up Arms by reason that granting that it could be no Crime in them to make Laws to unite themselves nor to agree about a Seal as a General Mark to know each other by Moreover the said Seal was only an Emblem of their Religion the same as is still often met with in the first Page of the Books of Religion written for the use of the Reform'd There only were some Words ingraven about it which signify'd that they took up Arms for Christ and for his Flock The first Letter of the last Word not making a good Impression upon the Wax the Sence was different and the Words that appeared signified only for Chrâ—â—â— and for the King This Diversity might persuade some People that they had two Seals and there are some Writings of Catholicks in which there are Remarks that 〈◊〉 that some have read it one way and others another 〈◊〉 I find nothing positive about it in the Memoires I have seen Besides these Regulations the Assembly did defend themselves by Apologies and Manifesto's while the King press'd them with Sword in hand All the Lords upon the Discontents of which they reckoned had made their Peace with the Constable and serv'd against them The Duke de Mayenne commanded a Body of Men in Guyenne The Prince of Conde commanded another in Berry where he besieged such Places as did not open their Gates to him and disarmed the Reform'd that made no Defence He took by a Form of Siege Sully and Sancerre and the Reform'd of Blois of Tours and other Places where they were not much to be feared were obliged like the rest to suffer themselves to be disarmed Count de St. Paul being assisted by the Marshal de Vitri made himself Master of Gergeau and thus the Reform'd had no Retreat left them about de Loire The Duke de Longueville disarm'd them also in Normandy and they received the like Treatment in all the Provinces the King left behind him This Proceeding so contrary to the last Declaration which promised such great Matters to those that should remain at Home cast a Terror and Repentance in the Hearts of all those unfortunate People who regretted too late their having reposed so much Confidence in a Court accustomed by the Duke de Luines to violate them as soon as they â—oâ—â—d a specious Pretence to do it The fair Words of those who committed those Violences could not remove their Consternation being then afraid that the Catholicks would only wait for the happy Success of some Battle or â—â—â—e to Massacre them Insomuch that many of them 〈◊〉 out of the Kingdom or retired in such Places where they were in hopes of meeting Friends and Protectors 〈◊〉 was crouded with them Even those who could not resolve to quit their Estates sent their Children or Wives into Places of Safety and remained at Home almost persuaded that they should be the Victims of some Bloody Orders or of some Popular Sedition But nothing made so much Noise as the Trick that was put upon Du Plessis who was the King's old and Faithful Servant The King sent him word that he designed to take up his Quarters at Saumur and Villarnoul his Son-in-Law was told positively that he had sent to Court to learn the Kings Intentions and that no more should be done on this Occasion than had been done on others when the King and Queen Mother had lodged there That Du Plessis should only draw out the Garison of the Castle for Form sake and that after the King had tarry'd there as long as he thought convenient he would leave him the Government of the Place as he had possessed it till then Lesdiguieres and the Constable engaged their Words to him for it positively Nevertheless Du Plessis was turned out of the Castle under Pretence to Lodge the King there and they did not so much as allow him one Chamber for his Family Soon after it he was told that the King designed to keep Saumur at least for three Months longer and finally he was offered a Recompence for it He never would accept any Composition and he expressed a great deal of Concern to find that after Two and thirty Years Tryal of his Probity he was suspected of not being able to preserve the same Probity to the end of his Life He insisted strongly upon that there remained still near four Years of the Time for which the last Brief confirmed the keeping of the Places of Surety He proposed Means to remain in the said Place without giving the King
Soldiers But this Siege as well as that of St John d' Angeli had cost the Lives of several of the Nobility so that they resolv'd to sacrifice these poor Wretches to their revenge The Fault oâ— those that permitted these Barbarities was laid upon the common Soldiers however for fear of the same usage at another time two or three of those who had cut the Cord were hang'd for a shew of satisfaction While the King press'd hard upon Clairac he receiv'd a Breif from the Pope wherein he congratulated his Victories exhorted him not to lay down his Arms till he had subdu'd Rochelle and depriv'd the Heretics of every thing that serv'd 'em for their security He extoll'd his Enterprize to the Skies and gave him great hopes of an issue correspondent to such prosperous Beginnings together with strong assurances of the protection of the Saints Among the rest of his Eulogies there was one very particular That he had follow'd the Example of his Ancestors who had paid as much Honour to the Instigations of the Popes as to the Commands of God The more sincere sort of Catholics acknowledg'd this Breif to be a real Truth tho others who were asham'd of it would fain had it pass'd for supposiâ—…ious 'T was dated the Tenth of July During the continuance of this Siege and the following â—onths the Duke of Mayenne continu'd the War in the Quarters assign'd to his Conduct and made himself Master of Mas 〈…〉 Verdun Mauvesin and the Isle of Jourdain giving satisfaction â—o the Governors But to the end that all men might have their â—hare in the miseries of the War the Sums which were promis'd â—he Governors were paid 'em by the Inhabitants of the parts adjoining The Duke of Espernon employ'd his time in burning â—…he Houses and Mills about Rochel and the Duke of Montmoâ—…nâ—y perform'd some petty Exploits in Languedoc which tended all to annoy the City of Nimes The Duke of Rohan who expected that Montauban would be attacqu'd after the rest kept himself in the parts adjoining to Castres and Albi to provide â—…r their security and held himself up with much more Courage then good Fortune The Assembly of Rochel sought for succor from all parts but nothing succeeded to their wishes â—ll Foreigners refus'd 'em the assistance which they implor'd The Intrigues of Vatteville Mont-chrestien whom they had sent â—…to Normandy with several Commissions to raise men prov'd â—…ortive by his death Mombrun who endeavor'd to raise some â—orces in the Dauphinate was not able to do any thing considerable by reason of Lesdiguieres's return who prevented him â—nd the Count de Suse who had a design upon Grenoble being known by a Catholic Peasant that serv'd him for a Guide was â—…d into a Precipice with his Followers from which he could â—ot save so much as one single person and he himself had â—…erish'd thro the Rigor of the Parlament had not the King commanded 'em to surcease their prosecution So that till then all things gave way to the King 's good Fortune insomuch that â—…e made himself Master of about Fifty Towns of which several were able to have given him as much trouble as St. John 〈…〉 Angeli yet all submitted before so much as one great Gun â—as fir'd upon 'em nor do I reck'n in those which either he or â—ny of his Generals had bin forc'd to besiege But Montauban put a stop to the Career of all this Prosperiâ—y The City and Parlament of Tholouse had engag'd the King to sit down before that Place at a time when the Season was already far spent and that his men were quite tir'd out with labour and the hardships which they had undergone But Montauban was such an annoyance to Tholouse by reason of the Excursions which the Inhabitants made ev'n to the Gates of that great City that the Tholousains promis'd to supply the King with ev'ry thing that was necessary for the Siege provided he would but undertake it And the good Success which had all along till then attended him made him easily believe that Montauban would be as little able to withstand the Torrent of his Prosperity as the rest Thereupon the Duke of Mayenne and Marshal de Themines had Orders to make the Approaches The former of these two had made himself Master of several Towns in the Neighborhood but he could not surprize St. Antonin notwithstanding that he had gain'd the Governor whose name was Penaveire That faithless person had sold him the Town for Two thousand Crowns for the payment of which the Duke had subscrib'd a Writing But the Consuls coming to desire some Order from him which concern'd 'em he gave 'em the Writing by mistake Upon sight of which the Consuls testifying their Astonishment by their Looks the Governor perceiv'd his Error but put it off with a good face and a ready presence of mind However he could not remove the Jealousies which thâ—â— Accident had rais'd so that after that he could not deceive the Consuls who trusted him no longer but stood upon their own Guard In the mean time the Siege of Montauban prov'd unsuccessful La Force and the Count d'Orval Son of the Duke of Sulli were got into it and held it out like men of Courage And as for the Correspondences which the King held in the place they all fail'd because that they who were the chief Conspirators were slain and the rest were discover'd The Duke of Rohan also reliev'd it with a considerable Reinforcement notwithstanding all the Precautions of the King's Generals or the Duke of Angoulesm who kept the Field with a flying Camp After that several Proposals were made for a Peace but the King refusing to grant any Accommodation but only to the Duke of Rohan and he denying to accept any other then a general Peace those Projects came to nothing nor could they â—…nd any Expedient to colour the raising the Siege However the King was forc'd to draw off after he had wasted near three months time before that place Chamier a Minister and Professor in Theology who was slain with a Cannon-shot was one of the most considerable among those whom the Besieged lost But the King mist a great number of brave Gentlemen and among the rest the Duke of Mayenne who was kill'd in the Attacques of Ville-Bourbon He was a Prince of a surpassing Prowess but who made too great an ostentation of it and took delight to expose both himself and others without any shelter to the Enemies shot out of a Vanity little becoming a great Soul However it brought him to his end at length as he had in the cause that many others by his Example had sacrific'd their Lives to the same vain-glorious Emulation They of Montauban had notice that the Army would suddenly dislodge by a Soldier of the Religion who the evening before the Siege was rais'd fell a playing upon the Fluâ—e the Tune of the Sixty eighth Psalm which the Besieged took for a
of Henry III. was to their disadvantage through the Policy of that Prince who excluded 'em from all â—…ratifications a powerful means to infect the minds of those â—ho are oversway'd by their own Interests The King himself perform'd the office of a Converter and his Reasons which he â—â—compani'd with Favours or Denials as he thought proper â—egâ—in'd to his Religion all those who had a design to please him several also who continu'd in the Reformed Religion for their â—…wn Soul's health yet bred their Children up in the Roman Religion for the security of their Fortunes Jeannin adds farther â—â— demonstrate how disadvantageous a Peace would be to the â—eformed for that when they had a mind to betake themselves â—o their Arms after a long rest they always found it a difficult â—…ing to rouze up from their Repose and Tranquility those â—ho had for some time bin tasting the delights of Peace â—eâ—ides that there was less danger in attacking 'em after they â—ad â—â—â—eminated themselves with the charming softnesses of an â—â—sy life And he was so possess'd with this Opinion that as he wrote before the Peace to oblige the King and his Council 〈…〉 make it so he publish'd another Writing after it was concluded to advise 'em to keep it But the King's Infirmity lying on his Conscience side theâ— who assail'd him in his weakest part prov'd most successful anâ— for fear the Counsellors of Peace should by their more weight Reasons deface the Impressions which they had fix'd in his minâ— they got him out of Paris as it were in hugger-mugger in hope they should have more power over him when they had him at thâ—… head of an Army To say the truth there was a strange alteration 〈…〉 Affairs after the King's return to Paris But it seems he thoughâ— a Peace would not be for his Honor in the present Conjunction On the other side the Reformed had almost every where regain'd fresh Courage The Duke of Soubise had recover'd their Affairs in the Lower Poitou and in the Islands La Force had re-incourag'd to the defence of their Liberties some of those Cities which their Governors had sold He had wrested St. For oâ— of Theobon's hands by means of a Female Intrigue in regarâ—… that Gentleman was in love with one of his Kinswomen Toâ—…neins Clairac and several other Strong-holds once more acknowledg'd the Reformed for their Masters The Duke of Roâ—aâ— elected General of the Circle of Lower Languedoc had by 〈…〉 Policy and Prudence his Frankness and his Patience reconcil'd the Differences which had for some time disunited that Province so that the King had almost lost all the fruit of the preceding Campaign which had cost him so much men anâ— money The King departed from Paris upon Palm Sunday and by receiv'd Intelligence that the Duke of Espernon having drawn oâ— all his Forces for the security of his own Governments there waâ— not any strength in the Lower Poitou that could make head against the Duke of Soubise therefore he was constrain'd to begin his Campaign in those Quarters where the Duke either for want of Judgment or through the Infidelity of those who commanded under him became the unfortunate Spectator of the slaughter of his men and in one day lost the fruit of all his Labours Royan was surrender'd to the King after a Siege of some few days and these Successes buri'd in oblivion the Treaties of Peace which had bin observ'd till that time and the Duke of Rohan's Commissioners not arriving till after the Rout of his Brother were enforc'd to return as they came On the other side the King upon some jealousy of the Duke of Treâ—…ouille who had remov'd to Sedan the Prince of Talmont his Eldest Son afterwards known by the Title of Prince of Tarente whom he had left at Thouars under the tuition of the Dutchess Dowager dismissed from Taillebourg the person entrusted with the Command of that place and secur'd the Castle for himself which was of some consequence at that time After this the King march'd into Guyenne where he presently retook all that The Reformed were Masters of and where he utterly ruin'd 'em by the Agreement which he concluded with la Force In pursuance of which he honour'd him with the Batoon of Marshal of France which had bin promis'd him above Twelve years before Moreover he gave him a Gratuity of Two hundred thousand Crowns to recompence him for the loss of his Governments which both he and his Children were oblig'd to quit Thus it comes to pass sometimes that Rebellion is more fortunate then Merit and that a man by rendring himself formidable secures to himself the reward of his Services La Force surrenders to the King the City of St. Foy where the King solemniz'd the Festival which the Catholics call by the name of Corpus Christi day the Ceremony of which that City had not beheld for many years before But la Force treated only for himself obtaining for his Friends no more then a bare Act of Oblivion which created him many Enemies in the Countrey where many of the Nobility had follow'd him before Moreover 't was twenty to one but that the King had broke his word with him when he had left himself to the discretion of the Court because his Son still held out one of the Strong-holds which belong'd to the Reformed and made some Scruple to surrender it which resistance they would fain have had to have bin lookt upon as a Collusion between the Father and the Son But that Advice was rejected as well for fear of the Consequences as for the Reasons which the Prince of Condé gave who obstinately oppos'd it The King now hastning into Languedoc was so fortunate as to meet with no Opposition by the way and for that the Cities which he had no design to have attack'd surrender'd merely out of fear of being besieg'd Negrepelisse and St. Antonin small Cities not far distant from Montauban were taken by Assault and all the Cruelties imaginable committed The Women suffer'd all that could be fear'd from the sensuality of Brutish Common Soldiers and the Men were almost all massacr'd The Pretence was That Negrepelisse had cut the Throats of the Garison which the King left there the year before and that St. Antonin had stay'd took long before it surrender'd They also who retreated to the Castle first of all after the Town was surrender'd had their share of the same usage And when they had surrender'd at discretion the Council order'd twelve of 'em to be hang'd There were some that follow'd the King who by no means approv'd these Cruelties who rescu'd as many as they could out of the Soldiers Clutches and redeem'd some Women and Virgins that were threaten'd extremity of outrage with their own Money But the King who was naturally good natur'd and under whose Name these Cruelties were committed was more concern'd then any body So that his abhorrence of such Barbarities
probability however the word was lookt upon as â—ery seditious And I have seen Petitions presented to the Magistrates which have produc'd Informations Sentences and Decrees of Parlament which forbid the use of that word the â—…nely Crime mention'd in the Complaint 'T was the same thing with the word Parpaillot of which the Reformed complain'd as of a heinous Injury though perhaps they would have found it a hard task to have told what was so â—â—ensive in it unless it were that they from whose foul mouths 〈◊〉 came spoke it with a design to affront ' em The Reformed then being assail'd at Lion by that seditious Rabble were among other foul language call'd Parpaillots and threaten'd with the Halter To which while some were a â—â—ttle too forward to return as good as the other brought they â—â—nflam'd the fury of those that were already sufficiently heated and whose number was already swell'd to three or four thousand by the concourse of Lacqueys Children and the Rifraff of the People so that at last they broke into the houses of the Reformed plunder'd whatever was of value burnt what they could not carry away beat wounded and kill'd several of those that fell into their hands This Fury lasted three days neither the Magistrates nor the Governor being able to stop the Career of those Violences And yet to say the truth considering the condition the City was in at that time they must needs have bin very remiss or else it ne're could have bin so difficult a matter to have reduc'd that Canaille to reason For d'Alincourt the Governor of the City had his Guards the City was divided into Quarters which had every one their Captains and their Streamers and could have easily rais'd men enow to have dispers'd those Rakehells The Queen and the Queen-mother were both at Lion together with the Bishop of Lusâ—â— soon after made a Cardinal with some Soldiers to guard ' em But at Lion as well as at Paris they were much afraid of spilling Catholic Blood Otherwise they might have drawn together a little Army able to have done much more then stop the Insolence of a handful of Lacqueys But they would not take any other course to suppress the Mutineers then by Remonstrances and perhaps they would not have put themselves to the trouble of giving 'em any molestation had they not him afraid lest the Rabble having once tasted the sweets of Pillage should have flown upon the Catholics after they had got what they could from the Reformed All the severity of the Magistrate went no farther then to place Guards in some places and to threaten some of the most tumultuous to send 'em to Prison At length indeed the Queenmother caus'd herself to be carri'd to the place where the disorder was most violent and then the seditious Rout already almost aweary began to retire But there was no body punisht for all this Insolence but the Reformed for instead of giving 'em satisfaction d'Alincourt disarm'd ' em Nor was there any care taken to revenge the death of those that were massacr'd or to repair the damages of those who had bin plunder'd and burnt Nay they were made believe they had a great Favour done 'em that so much care had bin taken to prevent their being torn in pieces by the multitude As for the Catholics there were some indeed committed â—o Prison but releas'd agen in a few days after without either Fine or any other punishment The only harm that was done â—em was only their being forbid to use the word Parpaillot for the future A little violent Rhetoric would have made these Acts of Injustice look very odious And had the Reformed â—appen'd to have done such a thing in the very sight of both their Queens all the blood in their bodies would not have sufâ—â—'d to have expiated their Crime While the King lay before Mompelier the Count of Soissonsâ—ress'd â—ress'd hard upon Rochel by Land and the Duke of Guise by â—ea and that potent City was every way hard beset The Count laid the Foundations of Fort-Lewis which was like to â—rove a great Annoyance to it in regard it commanded the Channel so that the Sea was no longer open to her nor could he be reliev'd on that side but with great difficulty Nevertheless the Assembly stood their ground and issu'd forth the â—est Orders they could for the support of the common Cause they held Correspondences in several places and sometimes â—â—me of the Nobility and some Soldiers of good Note got into the City to defend it However several of their Enterpriâ—es had no success and though Rochel had bin the occasion of sufficient damages to the Royal Army and Navies both by Sea â—nd Land she was at last reduc'd to fight for her own Walls â—he Duke of Soubise after the Overthrow he had receiv'd went into England and left no Stone unturn'd to procure some considerable Succor from the King but that Prince always obstinate in his Maxims would not hear a word of it but forbid his â—ubjects to assist the Reformed whom he made no scruple to all Rebels Nevertheless he offer'd his Intercession with the King of France for obtaining a tolerable Peace between him â—nd his Subjects In short he order'd his Ambassadors to make 〈…〉 their business as he had done before when Montauban was â—esieg'd where Hay his Envoy had already made some Overâ—â—res and when the Conditions were resolv'd upon as a ground work for entring into a Treaty he earnestly prest the Duke of Rohan and the Rochellers to submit to ' em In the â—ean time the English were not of his mind as to the War of France for they gave such considerable Assistance to the Duke Soubise that he got together a Fleet of ten or twelve Sail laden with all things necessary for the relief of Rochel But that Fleet was unfortunately cast away in the Harbor before it set Sail so that when the Duke came to take shipping he found nothing but the ruins of his warlike Preparations and all the marks of a terrible Shipwrack But before Mompelier things did not succeed according to the King's Wishes The City held out stoutly the Season spent apace and the ill success of the Siege of Montauban was not forgot and though on the one side the Reformed had reason to fear that the King at last would take the City on the other hand the King had as much reason to believe that he should be forc'd to lose all his labour and go without it These Fears on both sides bent their Inclinations to Peace but the Prince of Condé would by no means so much as hear talk of it and therefore the design of concluding it was to be kept private from him Lesdiguieres created Constable but a little before undertook the Negotiation once again and after several Obstacles surmounted which had like several times to have dash'd the whole Negotiation to pieces at length it was decreed and the Constable
came to the Army to put a final end to it One of those things which occasion'd the greatest trouble was that the King would needs enter into the City and that the Inhabitants were afraid that if they did admit him he would make 'em pay dear for the Expences of so long a Siege Neverthelefs the King disdaining to promise one of his Cities by a formal Treaty that he would not have entrance into it there was a necessity of endeavouring to persuade the Inhabitants to submit To this purpose the Duke of Rohan had leave to enter and make the Proposal to the Citizens He did so bâ— whether he undertook that Commission rather to inform himself of the true state of the Town then to persuade the People to a good liking of the Proposal or whether it were that he could not remove out of their minds the fear of being made a new Example of the Infidelities of the Court he return'd without being able to obtain the Consent of the City to admit the King Upon that he promis'd to send 'em Relief because the Town was in great want of men but he met with so many difficulties after the Duke of Vendome's and the Constable's â—en were arriv'd in the King's Camp that at length he resolv'd â—pon a Peace Thereupon it was concluded in despight of the Prince of Condé who for madness to see that he had so little Credit â—nd that an Affair of such Importance should be conceal'd from â—is knowledge quitted the Court and travell'd into Italy On the other side the Duke of Rohan with the Commissioners â—f Cevennes Nimes and Vsez came to Mompellier and the â—9th of October the Edict of Peace was publish'd in the Camp before Mompellier This Edict was set forth in the Form of â— Pardon wherein the King before all things took care to assert the Justice of his Arms taken up against the Reformed whose Rebellions he ascrib'd to the Artifices of those who thought to make advantage of their Simplicity and the Troubles of the State and he took God to witness that his Intension had always bin to procure the Peace and Welfare of his Subjects After which he declar'd that he had granted a Peace upon the humble Petitions and Supplications of the Reformed who had besought it by their Commissioners sent on purpose together with a Pardon for their Offences By this Peace he confirm'd the Edicts not only of the deceased King â—ut his own He likewise confirm'd the Secret Articles but â—e added the word Enregister'd wherein he had an Aim that â—o body mistrusted and which was afterwards the foundation â—f many Cavils He re setled the Roman Religion in several places where the exercise of it had bin interrupted and recor'd to the Ecclesiasticks their Tenths their Revenues and their Houses He also re-establish'd the Reformed Religion in places where it had bin disturb'd by the War He ordain'd that the Cities remaining in the hands of the Reformed preserving their ancient Fortifications should demolish their new â—nes for which they gave Hostages and he forbid the fortifying of any place under any pretence whatever He extended the benefit of the Peace to all those that would submit in fifteen days after publication of the Edict He put down all Politic Assemblies if they were not authoriz'd by his Express Permission but he consented to their holding Consistories Colloquies and Synods according to custome provided that nothing were handl'd therein but meerly Ecclesiastical Affairs He granted an Act of Oblivion for all that had happen'd since the first of January 1621 as full and with the same Restrictions as that which had been granted by the 76th 77th and 86th Articles of the Edict of Nantes He added a particular Amnesty for what had happen'd at Privas wherein he comprehended Brison who had been the Author of those Commotions and who had kept his ground there ever since the beginning of the year As for the Accompts and the Sentences or Decrees that had bin issu'd out against the Reformed who had born Arms they were regulated according to the Articles of the Edict of Nantes that mention'd the same things and the Judgments pronounc'd between Persons of their Party by the Judges setled in the Provinces by Authority of the Chieftains were confirm'd the Prisoners on both sides were releas'd without Ransom All Persons of what quality soever were restor'd to their Estates their Dignities and Employments The observation of this Edict was regulated according to the Form prescrib'd by the 82d Article of Nantes and the King promis'd to send Commissioners into the Provinces to see it duly executed This Edict free'd from much trouble a great many Persons against whom the Parlament had issu'd forth very severe Decrees which were put in execution without mercy Thus the Unfortunate Lâ—ssius who had been proscrib'd at the beginning of the Troubles not being able to escape his being surpriz'd at Bourdeaux was put to death in pursuance of a Decree set forth against him the 18th of May. For they thought it more proper and more agreeable to their nature to look upon his Actions as Acts of Rebellion against his Prince then effects of Zeal for his Religion and Countrey He was suspected for one of those who had a great share in the Intrigues of the Reformed and they coupl'd him with Chamier who was slain at the Siege of Montauban and Hautefontaine who liv'd with the Duke of Rohan The Parliament of Rennes no less violent then that of Bourdeaux had upon the 10th of the same Month issu'd forth a most terrible Decree against the Marquess de la Muce and le Noir his Minister They condemn'd 'em for Conâ—â—macy to the Amende Honorable â—nd to be drawn by four Horses Their Posterity was degraded and declared Peasants Muce's Houses and Castle were demolish'd and his Wood cut down to the â—eighth of a Man Moreover their Goods were confiscated and themselves fin'd the Sum of Ten thousand Livres and Six thousand Livres to be bestow'd upon some Churches and Moâ—asteries La Muce was also levell'd with the Earth though 〈◊〉 Decrees of Contumacy the Proceedings were not wont to be â—…swift But in regard the persons condemn'd were out of the Parlament's reach they were discharg'd for an Execution in 〈◊〉 There were also several other very Rigorous Decrees according to the Passionate Humour of the Parlaments which were to take cognizance of the Parties accus'd Nay the Duke of Rohan himself had bin declar'd a State-Criminal by a particular Decree made on purpose However they spar'd him while the Constable de Luines liv'd but after his death a Declaration was publish'd against the Duke and his Adherents â—et though it came forth 27th of December of the preceding â—ear it was not verify'd till the fourth of July 1622. So that 〈◊〉 Duke bore Arms above a year against the King made himself master of several Places reliev'd Montauban and committed all manner of Hostilities all the
the Match was not concluded The Cardinal therefore seeing the Treaty of that Alliance broken off and England disgusted was willing to make the best of the Conjuncture and to fasten that Crown to the Interests of France by the Marriage of a French Princess The second of Henry the Fourth's Daughters had bin deny'd the Prince of Wales who had demanded her while Lewis the Thirteenth's Council was in the House of Austria's pay and the Prince of Piemont was preferr'd before him But the Cardinal altering the Design had chang'd the Maxims of the Court and he thought good to make the first Offers to a Prince for whom they had had so little value before Nor did he find any great trouble in causing the Overtures to be accepted William de Hugues Archbishop of Ambrun had a great share in that Negotiation and if there be any credit to be given to the Relation of what he did in England which he drew up by the Cardinal's Command he had almost brought the Religion and Kingdom of England to the brink of a general Revolution He relates that before the Cardinal came into favour he had bin sent into England to persuade the King to return to the Pope's Communion That he disguis'd himself to go incognito and took upon him the Name and Habit of a Counsellor of Grenoblâ— That at his arrival he found the Duke of Buckingham inform'd both of his Disguise and his Commission of which both the King and the Prince had giv'n him notice That the King appear'd to him fully resolv'd to embrace the Catholic Religion That he came to an agreement with him upon the greatest part of the Articles in controversie more particularly concerning the Soveraignty of the Pope over all Christians That upon this Occasion he wrote a large Letter to the Pope that it was sent privately by an English Gentleman who was a zealous Catholic That he promis'd to declare himself openly so soon as he had taken order for certain things which were concluded on That the principal reason of his making so many delays was the desire he had to be sure of the King of Denmark his Brother-in-law to the end he might be the better able to prevent the Troubles that might arise by reason of the Changes in his Kingdoms That he had invited him under other Pretences to take a Voyage into England and that when he came he made no question but to convert him too That he desir'd the Pope to suffer the English Lords to enjoy the Church-Lands that were now become their Inheritance for fear they should oppose his Designs if he went about to disturb 'em in their Possession That he promis'd there should be no farther â—earches made after any Priests that should be sent into the Kingdom either by the Pope or the King of France That he excluded the Jesuits only from that favour because he lookt upon em as the Authors and Contrivers of the Powder-plot by which they design'd to have blown him up in his Parlament-House That he shew'd the Archbishop several Favours while he was in England That he gave him leave to Confirm in the French Embassador's House above 18000 Catholics who were exempted from all prosecution upon it tho there were many of the English that saw the performance of the Ceremony so little did the Archbishop care to be openly seen That some of the more Zealous Protestants having made their Complaints to the King about it the King stopt their mouths by telling 'em it was done with his permission That the Duke of Buckingham had promis'd to imitate the King his Master and that he was really engag'd in the Intreage In a word The Archbishop had Letters from him which shew'd him too deeply concern'd to believe that all this Negotiation was no more then a feigned Business This was the Condition of Affairs when they began to treat of the Marriage of the Prince of Wales and it may be easily judg'd by the bending of the King's Inclinations that they should not meet with any great opposition So that the Cardinal obtain'd what he pleas'd himself and drew from him Conditions more advantageous to the Catholicks then those which the King of Spain had demanded Also after all that was concluded there was a way found to add new Clauses which the King was so complaisant as to condescend to without any hesitation 'T is true Berulle who was afterwards made a Cardinal being sent to Rome to sollicite the Dispensation suffer'd some things to be slipt in which went a little farther then what had been agreed upon But they who drew it up were easily pardon'd upon making a shew of being sorry for it and imputing it to the simplicity of the Prelate whose Zeal for his Religion had made him exceed the Bounds of his Power But the Court of England being in a good humour to refuse nothing suffer'd her self to be vanquish'd without the least Resistance and was willing to take any Excuses for the Alterations in good part But the unexpected Death of King James put a stop to the Rapid Course of the Prosperities of the Catholic Religion and suspended for some time the accomplishment of the Marriage propounded But Charles his Successor would not retract from his Engagements during the Life of his Father so that the Marriage was accomplish'd to the great satisfaction of the Court of Rome England in some measure beheld the Catholic Religion sprouting up agen in her Bosom For the new Queen was permitted to have a Chappel in all the Royal Houses to keep in her Family a Bishop and twenty eight Priests without any preferring one Order before another that they should have liberty to wear the Habit of of their Order publickly and that all her Domestic Servants should be of the same Religion besides that she should have the Education of her Children till they came to be Thirteen years of Age. But God permitted the Jesuits to spoil all by their unquiet and Seditious Politicks and to put the Kingdom into such terrible Jealousies of their Practises that order was taken for the suppressing ' em However the Treaty of this Marriage was spun out till May 1625. tho because I would not interrupt the series of the Story I was forc'd to insert it in this place In the mean time there were several particular Affairs that were regulated after a different manner among which that of the City of Pamiers in opposition to her Bishop was one of the most considerable That Prelate took upon him to dispose of the Consulship and Council of that City and to make himself Master of the sole Power of rating the Taxes upon the Inhabitants And his Zeal for Religion serv'd for a Pretence to justify his undertaking He would have no body in those Employments but Catholics and the Parlament of Thâ—louse whither he had remov'd the Cause were not wanting to â—our his Pious Design But for the bringing it to pass there â—s a necessity
return to the History The Edict contain'd in the first place a long Preface which after an insulting manner set forth the means employ'd to reduce the Reformed to obedience The Taking of Rochel the Sacking of Privas the voluntary Surrender of Alets were represented in a Rhetorical Stile not common in Edicts There were the Names of Five and twenty Towns well fortify'd that durst not stand the first Shot of the King's Batteries and which together with the Duke of Rohan and the Nobility of several Provinces â—â—d implor'd his Clemency by their Deputies offering to demoâ—…sh their Fortifications for fear of giving any distrust of their Fiâ—…elity After which the King sway'd by compassion only of the Misery of his Subjects and that he might more absolutely â—…gain the hearts of those who had bin guilty of so many Relapses â—…rdain'd in two and twenty Articles what he would have observ'd for the future The Edict was term'd Perpetual and Irrevocable and according to the accustom'd stile the First Article enjoin'd the Re-establishment of the Roman Religion in all the freedom of its Exercises and of the Ministers of the Worship of it in all their Goods and Estates But by a singular Clause 't was the King's pleasure that only Monks living up to the strictness of their Order should be plac'd in the Monasteries of the Cities reduc'd The Second was altogether new for that while on the one side it promis'd to maintain the Reformed in the free Exercise of their Religion on the other side it set 〈◊〉 an extraordinary desire of their Return to the Roman Church and exhorted 'em to lay aside all Passion to the end they might be capable of receiving the Light of Heav'n And the King inserted this desire of their Conversion to the end it might be admir'd as the most splendid Testimony of his good-will The Third related to the Qualifications of the Curates that were to be setled in the Parishes of the Conquer'd Countries and the Provision that was to be made for their subsistence The next contain'd a general and particular Amnesty of whatever had bin acted during the War The Fifth contain'd the Declarations Edicts and Articles enregister'd in Parlaments and that which follow'd ordain'd the Restitution of Churches and Church-yards and gave leave for the rebuilding of demolish'd Churches The Seventh allow'd three months time for the demolishing of Fortifications which was to be done at the expence of the Inhabitants Labour according to such Orders as the King's Commissioners should give and in regard the King left no Garisons in the said Cities he oblig'd 'em to give him Hostages who were to remain in custody where he should appoint till the Work was fully compleated And the Preamble of the Edict declar'd That the Hostages had bin deliver'd before it was publish'd nor did this Article leave the Cities any more then the bare enclosure of their Walls The Eighth restor'd the Reformed to all their Goods and Estates their Tythes Accompts and Suits and cancell'd all contrary Decrees and Ordinances The Ninth gave 'em leave to re-enter into their Houses and to settle in the Kingdom where they pleas'd themselves But he excepted out of the first part of this Favour all the Inhabitants of Pamiers that resided in the City when the Prince of Condé retook it from the Duke of Rohan and out of the 2d he excepted the Islands of Ré and Oleron Rochelle and Privas where he suffer'd no body to resettle anew The next Seven that follow'd contain'd the Accustom'd Regulations for the discharge of Persons that had bin any way concern'd in the management of Money or in the Administration of Justice The 17th and 18th confirm'd the Customs for the Election of their Consuls and the Municipal Government and those of the Assembly of Foix in reference to the Assembly of States The Ninteenth imported a Discharge in favour of the Consuls for the management of the public Money The Twentieth resetl'd the Seats of Judicature and Audits of Receipts in such places from whence they had bin discharg'd by reason of the Troubles And the last restor'd the Party-Chamber to Castres so soon as the Fortifications should be demolish'd and maintain'd it in all the jurisdictions that had bin allow'd it by the Edicts Upon the 15th of July the King wrote a Letter to the Queen Mother wherein he appear'd extreamly well satisfi'd with the Peace which had bin concluded He declar'd himself highly pleas'd with the Marks of their Affection which the Reformed had given him That he thought there remain'd no more Seeds of Rebellion among 'em and that they labour'd in the demolishing their Fortifications with the same zeal that they rais'd ' em As for the Duke of Rohan after he had kiss'd the King's Hand he departed with permission to retire to Venice To say truth 't was no more then a Banishment cover'd over with the gay name of Permission For it was by no means judg'd a piece of prudence to let the Duke alone in France where his Reputation and his Intreagues might hinder the stifling the remainders of the Conflagration However it was no less beneficial for him to keep himself at a distance in such places where he could give no suspicion as it was for the Court to remove him For the least jealousy of his Conduct had he staid in France had either brought his Head to the Block or lockt him up in a languishing Imprisonment His Mother and Sister were releas'd after the Peace and the King allow'd some reparation to the Duke for the wast which the Prince of Condé had made of his Estate This Peace in the main had not bin disadvantageous to the Reformed if by taking from 'em their Places of Security they could have bin cur'd of that distrust which the ill observ'd Promises of the Catholics experienc'd for seventy years together had imprinted in their minds They found themselves at the discretion of their Enemies by the Razing of their Fortifications and all the Power of the Prime Ministry being in the Cardinal's hands would not permit 'em to sleep in quiet under the Promises of his Good-will Upon these Considerations it was that Montauban refus'd a long time to ratify what the Assembly of Nimes had decreed The Siege which she had so gloriously sustain'd persuaded her that she was invincible And her Inhabitants were â—â— puâ—â— up with their Success that they believ'd that no body durst attacque ' em However some Forces were sent that way to put 'em in fear but the Cardinal who aspir'd to be accounted the most accomplish'd of all Hero's and to be thought able to do more by his presence then a great Army by the Diâ—t of their most daring efforts order'd his affairs so well that the honour of reducing Montauban redounded wholly to himself Thither he went was admitted and put into it what number of the King's Forces he pleas'd order'd the Fortifications to be level'd did more in a few
Religion confirming the Preceding Edicts of Pacification Dated October 19. 1622. 521. A Paper presented to the King by the General Deputies with the Answers 524. A Circulatory Letter of the General Deputies of the Reformed Churches 535. The Kings Declaration providing against the Propounding or Treating of any Affairs in the Assemblies of the Pretended Reformed Religion but such as are permitted by the Edicts Dated April 17. 1623. 536. A Declaration of the Kings good Will to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Verifi'd in Parlament November 27. 1623. 537. A Declaration of the King against the Duke of Soubize and his Adherents Given at Paris Jan. 25. 1626. 539. A writing given by the English Embassadours to the Deputies of the Churches to make the King of England Garranty of the Peace in 1626. 542. An Edict of the King upon the Peace which it pleas'd his Majesty to give his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Dated March 1626. 543. A Declaration of the King against the Sieur de Soubize and other Adherents to the Party of the English c. Given at Villeroy August 5. 1627. 548. A Declaration of the King after the taking of Rochel to his Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion Given at Paris December 15. 1628. 551. The Kings Edict upon the Grace and Pardon granted as well to the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize and to all his other Rebellious Subjects of the Cities c. Given at Nimes in July 1629. 553. FINIS The Creasion and Design and Platform of this Work 1517. 1520. The beginning of the Reformation its progress and its causes 1520. It s entrance into France 1523 How it came to be received at Meaux and in Bearn 1523 The Execution of John Clerk and of Lewis Berquin 1529. The state of the Protestant Religion in Germany 1528. The Schism of England The Inclination of Francis I. tâ— the Reformation 1534. 1535. From which the Cardinal de Tournon diverts him 1535. An accommodation proposed 1285. The Synods at Bourges and Paris 1534. The beginning of Calvin's Doctrine 1534. The year of the Placards or Libels 1535. Devotions accompanied with Executions An Edict against the Lutherans 1546. The Council of Trent 1545. 1544. 1547. The Council translated The King's death 1548. Hen. II. persecutes the Protestants 1549. 1551. The King protests against the Removal back of the Council to Trent The Dutchess of Valentinois cruel â—â— the Protestants The great Credit of the Clergy 1550. 1545. The affairs of Merindol and Cabrieres 1550. New Executions do but advance the progress of the Reformation 1553. Churches firmâ—d at Paris and many other places 155â— 1556. The Spirit of Moderation prevails over some Judges 1557. A Protestant meeting at Paris The Character of Queen Katharine de Medicis Calumnies against the Protestants Singing of Psalms in publick The Original of the Factions 1559. The couragious behaviour of Andelot And his disgrace 1559. The Counsellers of the Parliament of Paris suspected about their Religion The Death of Henry the 2d The first French Protestant National Synod Francis II. succeeds The state of the Court The Nature of the Intrigues and Characters of the chief persons God assists the first Christian. How Religion came to be conceru'd in those Intrigues Courts of Justice called Burning Chambers erected Abominable Superstitions towards Images A project against Arbitrary Power 1560. The enterprise of Amboise The Cruelty of the Court. The Original of the wâ—rd Huguenot 1560. A false appearance of Moderation The P. of Conde imprison'd The sudden death of Francis II. falsly imputed to the Protestants Charles IX succeeds The Estates assembled who seem to favour the Protestants The Rise of the Triumvirate The Conference at Polisy 1561. 1562. The setling of the Jesuits at Paris The inconstancy of the Cardinal of Lorrain and of the K. of Navar. 1561. A sedition at Paris against the Protestants The Massacre at Vassi after the Edict of January Chief Nobility The strength of the Protestants The French term for Protestant Meeting places The short favour of the Admiral with the Queen The first war undertaken by the Queens Orders and afterwards disown'd The Triple League between the Pope the K. of Spain and the Guises against the Protestants The Cruelties of Monlac and Des Adrets and of the Catholicks in general The Massacre at Sens. Foreigners called into France The battel of Dreux 1563. The Siege of Orleans The Murther of the Duke of Guise charged upon the Admiral by the Wretch that did it A Peace concluded 1564. The Marriage of the Cardinal of Chatillon and its consequences * i. e. Heresy 1568. 1571. 1563. Tythes confirmed to the Roman Clergy A Tholouse 6. 8. March 1640. theâ—3 â—3 Feb. 1658. The re-taking of Havre de Grace The end of the Council of Trent 1563. 1564. 1568. A Revolution in Bearn 1569. 1565. New occasions of jealousy given the Protestants The voyage of the Court and advice given them by the Duke of Alva The progress of the Protestant Churches 1565. 1566. The reconciliation of the Admiral with the Guises The attempt at Monceaux and its consequences 1568. A peace made before Chartres without any intention to keepit The third War 1569. The death of Andelot and of the Prince of Conde Battels lost The Admiral re-establishes the party 1570. A fraudâ—lent Peace Incredible Artifices of the Court. 1571. 1572. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew â— The Princes change their Religion by force The Inconstancy of des Rosiers Siege of Rochel and Sancerre Factions in France 1574. The Duke of Alenzon Protector of the Reformed and the Politicians The death of the King Henry III. at his return continueth the War 1575. The Princes Retreat 1576. Peace as soon broke as made The League The King's Oath Who notwithstanding makes peace Edict of 1577. Synods 1579. Conference of Nerac and Fleix 1580 The King eludes the Peace and â—et makes a shew of keeping it Outrages done to the King by the League Is forced to a War with the Reformed La Trimouille becomes reformed 1587. The Battle of Coutras Defeats of the Reiters 1588. Thedeath of P. of Conde Edict of Vnion The boldness of the Leaguers The Estates at Blois Death of the D. of Guise and the Curdinal his brother The Duke of Mayenne being escaped relieves the Leaguers party Extremity of the King's affairs The King makes a Truce with the Reformed His affairs grow better He lays siege â—â— Paris Is assassin'd by a Monk Change of Affairs What the Reformed hoped from the dead K. The trouble of the New King The Intreagues of the Army And of the Court. The Characters and Interests of the Prince of the blood The Officers of the laâ—â— King The Catholick Nobles The Reformed And their suspitions about the King's Religion The hopes of the Ministers The uncertainty of the King His resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholicks The Protestants flatter themselves about the King's Instruction The various affections of the
against the Protestants The Cruelties of Monluc and of Adrets and of the Roman Catholicks in general The Massacre at Sens. Foreign Forces brought into France The Battel of Dreux The Siege of Orleans The Death of the Duke of Guise with which our Author charges the Admiral Peace agreed upon The Marriage of the Cardinal of Chatillon and what followed thereupon Tithes secured to the Roman Clergy The retaking of Havrede Grace from the English Prosecutions against the Admiral The End of the Council of Trent A Revolution in Bearn New causes of Jealousie given to the Protestants The Voyage of the Court and the Counsel of the Duke of Alva The progress of the Reformed Churches The Reconciliation of the Admiral with the Guises The Enterprise of Meaux and its consequences A Peace clapt up before Chartres without any design to observe it The 3d War The Death of the Prince of Conde and of Andelot Battels lost The Admiral restores the Party and gives new life to them A fraudulent peace The incredible Artifices of the Court The Massacre of St. Bartholomew The Princes of the Blood obliged by force to change their Religion The Inconstancy of Des Rosiers The Sieges of Rochelle and Sancerve Factions in France The Duke of Alanson Protector of the Protestants and of those called the Politicks The Death of Charles the 9th Henry the 3d returning from Poland and succeeding him continues the War The Retreat of the Princes A peace broken as soon as made The Edict of 1577. Synods The Conferences of Nerca and de Fleix The King eludes the Edict under pretence of observing it Outrages committed by the Leaguers against the King who is forced against his Will to make War upon the Protestants The Courage of the King of Navar. La Trimouille turns Protestant The Battle of Courtras The Defeat of the Reiters The Death of the Prince of Conde The Edict of Vnion The Insolence of the Leaguers The Estates held at Blois The Death of the Duke of Guise and of the Cardinal his Brother The Duke of Mayenne escaping revives the Leaguers party The extremity of the King's Affairs He makes a Truce with the Protestants The King's Affairs in a State of Recovery He besieges Paris and is stabb'd by a Monk THE Reformation which changed the Face of Religion all over Europe at the beginning of the last Age met with great Oppositions wherever it was preached For the Court of Rome used her utmost Endeavours to extinguish at its very Birth a Light that was likely to prove so fatal to her Grandeur and set in motion all the Springs of her most Refined Politicks to maintain the Errors and Abuses from which she drew such vast gains against those Enemies that so clearly revealed and laid open its ambitious Artifices She raised against them all the different Bodies of her Clergy whose miserable Ignorance and Corruption they so briskly attackt She spared neither her Bulls nor Anathema's to render them odious to all the World She armed against them all the Temporal Powers where she had Credit enough to procure her Maxims to be embrac'd and on the other side the Princes of those Times who had their secret aims for the advancing of their Authority were glad of so fair an occasion to satisfy their Ambition and greedily laid hold on 't For the aspiring passion after Arbitrary Power had so possest the Heads of the Soveraigns then Reigning that thinking their Power too much confined by some certain Relicks of Liberty which were by the Laws preserved to the people they were ravish'd to meet so patly with a Religious Pretence to employ one part of their Subjects to ruine the other as being very confident that when the soundest and most understanding part of them should be once oppressed they should easily master the rest And the Court of Rome likewise in her turn when she smelt out the Intentions of the Princes was in no small fear of them as well as of her pretended Heretick Enemies and looking upon Absolute Power as a Jewel fit only to be reserv'd fot the Triple Crown she never sincerely assisted those whose power was in a State of giving her any Umbrage in that ticklish pretension Yet for all these precautions the Emperor Charles the 5th upon this occasion had very like to have reduced all Germany under his Yoak but that after he had defeated the Protestants an unexpected Revolution reduced into Smoke all the prosperities of his life And his Son Philip the 2d was still more unfortunate in that by his ill-managed attempts upon the Liberties of the 17 Provinces he gave the first Motion to those mighty concussions that have since proved so ruinous to the Greatness of his House But the Crown of France has succeeded better in those designs for tho in the contest it has been reduced more than once to the very brink of Ruin yet Religion has been at last so useful an Expedient to its Monarchs to advance their power beyond all bounds that they at this day acknowledge no other limits to it but their own lawless Wills However all the Oppositions formed by divers Interests against the progress of the Reformation were not able to hinder it from spreading every where in a very few years time It was too necessary and too just not to find some hearts disposed to embrace it and a multitude of good Souls had too long groaned under the intolerable Yoke of the Superstitions and Tyranny of Rome not to receive with open arms those which preached with such forcible Evidence against her Corruptions as well in points of Doctrine and Worship as of Manners and Discipline But yet it met not every where with the same contradictions nor with the same easie successes For there were some States where it was receiv'd almost without resistance others where it found such Obstacles which it could never surmount and others again where the Difficulties it met with could not be mastered but by an infinite number of Crosses and Pains France was one of the places where the longest oppositions were raised against it and it was firmly setled in many other parts of Europe before it was known what would be its destiny in France and if we except the 10 or 12 last years of Henry IV. it may truly be said it never enjoyed any peace there and that since its first dawning in that great Kingdom till now it has always been persecuted For if its Adversaries have seemed sometimes to give it any respite and to renounce the further use of any violent means to oppress it 'T was only to gain opportunity to compass it by other more hidden and consequently more dangerous and effectual practices They have successively employ'd against it Capital punishments Wars fraudulent Treaties Massacres and all the Artifices of a profound and refined policy and whenever they met with a Juncture of time they thought favourable to their design they never were ashamed divers times to make use of
held a little after the Edict of Poictiers was remarkable for a Cause that was judged between the Prince of Conde and the Consistory of Rochel which had suspended him from the holy Supper because he had not well received the Remonstrances of the Company upon the Subject of a Prize taken at Sea during the 40 days prescribed by the Edict for the laying down of Arms. It was found that the Judgment of the Consistory was too rash and that the Prince on the other side had too little Respect for the Authority of the Consistory and Deputies were named to reconcile them This Peace as to other things did not cease all Jealousies And therefore to take away all pretences for them there was a Conference held at Nerac where the Protestants had some new favours granted them and some new places of security The King of Navar was then permitted to raise a certain Sum upon the reformed Protestants and all Churches which the Edict of 1577. had either maintained or re-established were rated to it and accordingly every one paid his part and took an Acquittance And this was pretended some few years ago to prove that the Churches which could produce them had their Right established from the year 1577. But neither the Intendants nor the Council would regard any Titles of this nature The young Gent. of the K. of Navar 's Court began a 6th War which was called the War of the Amorous because it was undertaken only to please the Ladies The greatest part of the Protestants did not enter into it So that this fire was not very hard to be extinguished â—â—s course was stopp'd by the Conference of Fleix after this 5 years passed in peace such as it was the Edicts were observed in some places in others not regarded The King was he that kept them least of all for he gave no Offices to the Protestants of his own accord And when any of them asked any from him he had always some pretence ready to refuse the â—â— nay he took them from those that possest them already and stirred them up Troubles and Law-suits and always caused them to come by the worst to oblige them to lay them down reserving expresly to himself the cognizance of these sorts of processes to be assured of the condemnation of the pretended Hereticks He would not receive into his Houshold any Gentlemen of the Reformed Religion and his Courtiers knowing his mind took care to tell them that complained of those Refusals that their Religion was the cause In one word the King kept his promise to the Estates and he did more mischief to the Protestants by those Arâ—s in 5 years causing more Revolts among them than have been seen to happen in 30 years War and Massacres Nay you might have seen some others who being ashamed themselves to quit a Religion which they had embrac'd with great affection yet had the weakness to bring up their Children in the Catholick Communion because they would not bring them up in a Doctrine which the King would not suffer and some again that used a quite contrary Policy in turning Catholicks for fear of losing their Offices but for the discharge of their Consciences brought up their Children in the Reform'd Religion because they believ'd it to be the safer way to salvation During this false peace all Europe was engag'd in great conspiracies against them whom they believ'd to be the Chiefâ— or Favorites of the Protestants The Duke of Alenzon who had took the Name of the Duke of Anjou and the Prince of Orange fell in them They had a way in France to penetrate into the secret of those dark Actions but they were not willing to sound them to the bottom In the mean time the security into which the King fell made the Leaguers take Courage Their Preachers exposed him in their Sermons They entertained the Catholicks with nothing but the mischiefs which would happen if a Reformed King should mount the Throne and they frighted the Bigots with horrid Histories and Pictures of the pretended Cruelties which Queen Elizabeth exercised in England At last the Guises began openly to persecute this unhappy Prince and drove him to incredible Extremities He was forc't to undergo the Violences of the Duke who had begun the War against him under pretence to secure the Crown for a Catholick Prince He durst not murmur tho they disputed the right of Succession during his Life nor at the assembling of the States to debate that question nor at their debauching his Officers and Servants from him Villeroi who was one of his Secretaries of State was supposed to be Pensioner to the Duke of Guise and the King not being otherwise able to guard himself from him oblig'd him to a distance from the Court and shewed him always after that great marks of his displeasure From whence it came to pass that his Father and himself threw themselves into the League after the Death of the Guises The War against the Protestants was then renewed against the K's mind who had made peace with the Leaguers upon that condition Great Sums were exacted upon the Clergy under this pretence which they paid but grudgingly as may be seen by the Remonstrances of their Deputies They protested they had never counselled the War tho it was notoriously known they had endeavour'd with all their power the Revocation of the Edicts The K of Navar made His Majesty great Reproaches upon that Subject by his Letters he sent him during the Sessions of the Estates and there renews the Offer of standing to the Decisions of a Free Council He wrote to others of the Nobles and the 3d Estate where he makes great complaints That they forced the King to make War against him But the Courage and good Fortune which he had to affix at Rome an Appeal against the Bull of Sixtus Quintus by which he declared both him and the Prince to be Hereticks relapsed Favourers of Hereticks excommunicated deprived of all their Lordships and incapable to succeed to any Principality and particularly to the Crown of France did him greater Honour than all the rest of his Actions and procured him Esteem even with the Pope himself He appealed by his Remonstrance to the Peers of France in Temporals and in Spirituals to the next Council to which he cited the Pope declaring him Antichrist if he refus'd to appear In the Height of the War Claudius Trimouille the Son of a most zealous Leaguer embrac'd the Interests and Religion of the P. of Conde and took his Sister Charlotte Katharine in Marriage This Alliance extreamly fortify'd the Reformed Party in Poictou because that House is there very powerful The Conference of St. Bris between the Queen-Mother and the P. of Conde towards the end of the year allayed not their Spirits and the next year France saw her self overrun with Strangers which both Parties had called in for Succours The K. of Navar gain'd the
Horrible Tempest which was pouring down upon them The End of the First Book The History of the Edict of Nants The Second Book The Summary of the Second Book The change of Affairs What the Protestants had hoped for from the deceas'd King The trouble of the new King The Intreagues of the Army and the Court. The Characters and Interests of the Princes of the Blood Of the Officers of the deceased King and of both the Catholick and Reformed Nobility and their suspicions about the King's Religion The hopes of the Ministers The King 's wavering and his resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholicks The Reformed flatter themselves about the King's Instruction Divers affections of the Catholick Lords The dissipation of the Army The Fight at Arques The effects of the King's Promises in divers Provinces What the Protestants understood by a Protectour The reciprocal Protection between the King of Navar and the Reformed Jealousies and the foundations of them The King is angry at the Proposition of taking another Protector and the Reformed find it unjust and unseasonable A Letter from the Kings own hand upon this Subject The Forces of the King and of the League Divisions between the one and the other Party The Dispositions of the Catholicks and the Reform'd in regard to the Peace of Religion Writings upon the taking Arms for Religion The Battle of Yvry The Siege of Paris The project of Peace for the Protestants The equity of their Demands and the Passion of the Catholicks The project is approved and afterwards rejected Remonstrances upon this Subject and their effect The Bull of Gregory XIV The Edict of Mants Quarrels about the Verification of it of which the Reformed complain The third party and their Designs The propositions of the Clergy that followed the King Forein Army Viscount Turenne Marrys the Heiress of Sedan and is made Marshal of France The Pragmatick eluded by the Clergy The Arts of the Catholicks to gain the King Conferences between du Plessis and Villeroy without Fruit. Divers aims in promoting the King's Instruction The Protestants continue excluded from Imployments Rigours about their Burials The continuation of the Artifices to work upon the King's Conscience Politick Interests which tended to the same end The mutual Policy of the Catholicks and Protestants The King's Dissimulation Preparatives to his change The vain Ceremony of his Instruction The King 's pretended Conversion A Formulary which the King refuseth A Trick to content the Pope THis unexpected Murder brought a great change upon affairs and was the beginning of a long Series of troubles No body had time since the truce to take measures either for his security or advancement The Protestants thought they had lost more than others They did not doubt but the last service they had done the deceased King had touch'd his heart and that he had laid aside those miserable prejudices which caused him to have so great an aversion for ' em He had promised to change the Truce into a sound Peace so that they imagin'd they might hope from him the re-establishment of his Edict of 1577. and the revocation of all those that had been extorted from him by the Leaguers They had the same reason to believe that that Prince being sensible of the services which he had receiv'd from the K. of Navar would by little and little plain his way to the Crown But there must be time for that and chiefly to subdue the Leaguers without the destruction of whom neither Religion nor the State could be assur'd of any firm repose But the Death of Henry III. happen'd in a time when there was nothing ripe and where the succession is contested it is impossible but the State must fall into great confusions It is true the King when he died gave great marks of tenderness for the King of Navar whom he acknowledg'd for his lawful Heir and recommended him to the Lords and to the Officers of his Court and Army But for all this the new King met with a world of difficulties as soon as ever his Predecessour expired The Interests were so various between the Heads of the League and the Lords that it seem'd to be impossible to reconcile ' em Every one was willing to take the advtange of this conjuncture and to raise his own Fortunes by the publick misery They put themselves then upon Negotiating and upon making Parties and Cabals without regarding the body of the dead King and much less to revenge him which ought not to have been long deferr'd if their only design had been to find an opportunity There was scarce one Catholick that declared himself for Hen. IV. without making his Market The Marshal Biron who had a great deal of credit in the Army was so vain as to demand the Soveraignty of the County of Perigord and the King who was willing to buy this Lord at any price whatsoever consented to dismember one of the Provinces of the Realm notwithstanding the danger of the consequence but as good luck would have it because every body could not promise themselves as much there were men of Honour who lost those ambitious thoughts but the Marshal took so great an Authority over the Troops and in the Council that in a little time he made himself very uneasy to his Master The Princes of the blood gave more trouble than help to the K. The old Cardinal of Bourbon was his Rival and the Leaguers acknowledged him for K. under the name of Charles X. This old man who had neither force of Mind nor vigour of Body sufficient to bear the weight of a Crown took pleasure in the name of K and might have made some bustle perhaps had he not been in a place where he was not much to be fear'd The Cardinal of Vendome who took upon him the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon after the Death of this old man was unquiet and Ambitious and became the Idol of a third party which he formed in a little time after The Count of Soissons his Brother could not agree with Henry IV. and could more easily raise new stirs than concur to the good of the State The Prince of Conti was deaf and heavy by reason of a natural Indisposition Mompensier was the richest and fully determined to acknowledg Henry IV. but he held off upon his Religion and was for absolutely having him to be a Catholick The Officers of the old Court staid with the K. more by reason of their Interest than Inclination They could hope for no favour from the League because they had been either Counsellors Executors or partakers of those resolutions which carried Henry III. against the principal heads of that Faction And on the other hand were not without great perplexity when they thought on the ill Offices they had done the new K. while he was but K of Navar. Nor were they less afraid of the Protestants to whom they had occasioned a great
another place And his vivacious and couragious manner of supporting the Hereticks afterwards render'd him still more suspected The King hated him because he thought himself despis'd by him tho' he had done him great Services And if he let fall any Word at any time that carried with it the least Aire of a Threat it was always taken in ill part because they thought him capable of doing more then threaten These two Lords communicated their Mistrusts one to another and laid before each other the King's Easiness the Tricks and Artifices of Rome the Hatred of the Reconciled Leaguers who sufficiently shewed by the Articles of their Treaties their eager desires to reduce all France to one Religion There were also a great number of Lords Governours of Places Captains and Persons in Authority who lay under the same Terrors among whom there were some who having seen the times wherein Massacre and Treachery were so rise made no question but there was a design to destroy the Reformation as soon as they could meet with a favourable opportunity The Catholicks did those who were thus Character'd the Honour to call 'em Brouillons Troublesom Restless Disturbers of the Publick Peace As if People with whom they had so often broke their Words were to blame in distrusting those whose Violation of Faith they had so often experienc'd and securing themselves against their wicked Intentions Du Plessis who made a Conscience of Religion was one of the most zealous for the Establishment of it and a great part of the Affairs that tended that way were manag'd by his Counsels But in regard he was a Person of known Probity the King still put a Confidence in him and follow'd his Advice in many things because his Enemies themselves acknowledg'd 'em to be both prudent and sincere tho' they were often utter'd with great Boldness and Liberty He it was that reunited those who were like to be divided by their own Jealousies who appeas'd those who were over-hot and furious who put a stop to those that ran too fast and found out all Expedients proper to procure the Good of the Churches yet never fail'd in his Obedience There was no body that labour'd so much as he to keep the Reformed within the Bounds of due Patience during Negotiations for Four years together at what time their Fidelity was put upon cruel Trials through the Severity Delays and Artifices of the Court before they could obtain but tolerable Conditions These various Inclinations appear'd in all the National Assemblies both Temporal and Ecclesiastical which were held for naming of Deputies and to draw up Memoirs that were to be sent to the General Assembly which was to meet at St. Foy There were some of those particular Assemblies wherein it was debated whether a Protector should be chosen within or without the Kingdom or whether there should be a Form of Government erected to stand upon their own Legs without Protection But the whole was referr'd to the General Assembly to be there consulted Those Proposals came from the Duke of Bouillon who was for conferring the Title of Protector upon the Palatine Elector or some other Prince of his House and naming under him Four or Five Lieutenants within the Kingdom setting aside the Princes of the Blood whose Interests were such that the Common Cause would suffer too much prejudice by ' em He was in hopes by this means that the Chief Authority would rest in his hands that others would permit him to exercise it with less Jealousie under a Superiour then if he enjoy'd it in his own Name But the Reformed more especially they who were call'd Consistorials were weary of Personal Protection and the Authority pretended by Protectors had caus'd 'em to murmur a long time ago against that which they called Protectoral Tyranny There could be no National Synods assembl'd since the Year 1583. But that which was held in the Month of June at Montauban a City far remote from the Court and passionately zealous for Religion and the Common Cause made amends for that long Interval of lost Time and handl'd Affairs of great Importance The first of all their Cares was to order Publick Prayers for the King's Prosperity to the end it might appear that his changing his Religion had not disingag'd 'em either from obeying or serving him And this tended yet farther to make the Passion of certain Orders of Monks more evidently strange who refus'd to pray for the King tho' he were a Catholick and Crown'd with the usual Ceremonies This Diametrical Opposition of Duty in the one and Contumaciousness in the other plainly made it apparent on which side the Law and Spirit of Peace was to be found And prudent Men might easily know where the good Subjects were when they heard those whose Religion the Prince had relinquish'd pray to God according to the usual Custom for the Success of his Arms while they whose Doctrine he had embrac'd refus'd to name him in their Supplications to Heaven But least this Mark of the Synod's Affection to the King's Prosperity should be taken for a tacit Approbation or Dissimulation of the change of his Religion the same Assembly order'd that Prayers should be said at the same time that God would vouchsafe to bring him back to the Religion which he had quitted that the Ministers who were sent to the Court should lay before him his Duty in that Particular to God and that Letters should be written to those that were usually about his Person to make him some Remonstrances After this the Synod fell for a short time upon Political Affairs the occasion being given by the Province of the Island of France The Neighbourhood of the Court had wasted a good part of that Province and either by kindness or by Favours done 'em the Reformed in those Quarters had been oblig'd to be content with the Edict of 1577. the Verification of which they afterwards most importunately su'd for This Proceeding was disown'd by the Synod as being contrary to the Resolutions taken at Mantes where they had obtain'd a Promise of a new Regulation which should enlarge that Edict and the Society gave in charge that their Complaints should be carry'd to the General Assembly at St. Foy which was conven'd the Month following The Reasons why they were not contented with that Edict were because the Force of it was eluded by so many Frauds that they could no longer be assur'd of having any Advantage by it that something was â—…ar'd off every day by the Treaties granted to the Cities of the League That the Reformed since that time having perform'd many faithful and important Services it was but just that in stead of cutting off any thing from their Priviledges they should grant â—…em new ones in recompence for their loss of Blood and Hardship â—ndergone That in short that Edict was granted at a time when they had for their Leader and Chieftane the first Prince of the Blood who was
were oblig'd either by Writ of Nomination or by some Secret Reservation in the Grand Deeds The Reformed had a share in these favours as well as others as also in the Trusts and it was at them the Clergy aim'd under a pretence that seem'd plausible enough It seem'd but Just to deprive the Heretics who were Enemies of the Church of Rome of all the Privileges of enjoying Revenues to the prejudice of her Altars But that which was most remarkable in this Prosecution was this that to the end they might procure a Discharge of Lay-Pensions the Clergy were not asham'd to say That the Ecclesiastics had little enough to live upon tho it were notoriously known that they possess'd the third part of the Revenues of the Kingdom not comprehending what many enjoy'd moreover in other parts for other Reasons as by Right of Inheritance or Purchase The King consented to one part of the Favours which the Deputies demanded and for the remainder gave them good Words tending to let them understand that they must have Patience and which covertly contain'd certain Promises with which the Reformed would have had no reason to be satisfy'd had they not look'd upon 'em as Words of no consequence and by which the Court ne'r thought themselves oblig'd to any thing These Words were so remarkable among others that they have been repeated by several Historians I will act in such a manner said the King by Gods Assistance that the Church shall be in as good a Condition as it was a hundred years ago as well for the Discharge of my Conscience as for your Satisfaction but Paris was not built in a day Some understood it as if these Words were to be Interpreted that in time he would destroy the pretended Heresie which had put the Clergy to so much trouble for above Fourscore Years together but the Reformed were perswaded that they were only words of course Nevertheless this put the Clergy in hopes of making some Attempts perhaps not altogether unsuccessful to alter something in the Edict for their Intention was not to obstruct the granting an Edict to the Reformed in regard themselves had too much need of Peace to wish the breaking out of a New War but their business was to reduce the Concessions to such a trivial Invalidity that had they obtain'd what they aim'd at the Reformed would never have accepted ' em To that purpose their Agents demanded three things at the first dash that is to say That the Ministers should have no other Advantage on this side the Loire but only to be free from the Molestation of Prosecutions and that the Reformed in that part of the Kingdom should content themselves with having the Free Exercise of their Religion in such places of which they had made themselves Masters by force of Arms That is to say That they should be shut out from all the New Possessions in those Provinces and the Bailliage Towns That the Exercise of the Roman Religion should be restor'd in those places where the Reformed were most prevalent even in their strong Holds Thirdly That the Catholics should be discharg'd from paying towards the Maintenance of the Ministers in those places that were held by the Reformed They vehemently Labour'd also that the Ecclesiastics who had any differences with the Reformed might be exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Chamber that was to be settl'd at Paris as fearing to Plead against 'em upon equal Terms They no less vigorously oppos'd the Liberty granted to the Reformed to hold Synods when they pleas'd without obliging 'em to any Acknowledgments of Dependency and without hindring 'em to admit Foreigners or to send Deputies out of the Kingdom to Assemblies of the same Nature and Bertier one of the Clergies Agents was very hot upon this Point He maintain'd in opposition to the Marshal de Bouillon that such a Liberty without restriction gave 'em an opportunity to hold Intelligence and Correspondencies abroad and at home to make Leagues and enter into Conspiracies and to betake themselves to their Arms when they pleas'd themselves without any possibility of preventing ' em He gave out that Schomberg and de Thou who had concluded the Edicts were but a sort of Mungrel Catholics meaning such as were not intoxicated with his Bigotries Of Jeannin he said That he was no less moderately enclin'd then the other two and treated 'em as persons to whom the Mass was as indifferent as Preaching He was Spurr'd on to these Transports by some Prelates among whom there were some so hot that they caus'd Prayers to be said in their Diocesses to implore of God that the Edict might not pass The Moderation of the Nuncio who staid after the Legate was gone more plainly discover'd the Fury of this Irregular Zeal for he desir'd no more but that care might be taken of the Interests of the Catholic Church and that they would laboriously endeavour to reduce those whom he call'd Devoyez or such as were stray'd from the right way and upon these General Conditions he put 'em in hopes that the Pope would bear with all things else Bertiers Warmth was severely rebuk'd by the King however he would not desist for all that and at last obtain'd Assurances that the Edict should be amended in several things according to his Demand The Parliament join'd with the Clergy in several Points They could not resolve to consent to the setting up the Chamber which the King was about to Erect They oppos'd with all their might too much freedom of Assemblies as being derogatory to the Royal Authority already too much enfeebled by Ecclesiastic Jurisdiction that the Clergy had reason to complain that greater Prerogatives were granted to the New Predicants then to them However that the Reformed were oblig'd to beg leave expressly to assemble together and to admit Foreigners into their Assemblies and that they had not forborn to employ farther and more extraordinary Precautions against the Prosecutions of the Clergy by the Nomination to Benefices which the King had reserv'd to himself and by Appeals of Temporal Persons from the Ecclesiastical Judges which they were suffer'd to put in not in respect of the whole Cause but for some small or By-Point thereof The Parlament also reviv'd the Question among others Whither the Reformed were capable of Offices and Employments and several Writings were Publish'd on both sides upon this Subject There was a Necessity of proceeding to repeated Jussions or Commands to bring the Parlament to Obedience but in Opposition to all those Commands the Parlament order'd Remonstrances The Duke of Mayenne was also secretly sollicited to oppose the Verification of the Edict as if they would have rather chosen to see the Civil Wars re-kindl'd then consent that the Reformed should be in any Tolerable Condition But that prudent Prince refus'd to meddle and declar'd That he would consent to the Edict not that he was desirous of the Repose and Quiet of the Reformed
the Low-Countries some Preacher or other had the boldness to Preach in favour of the Negative And at divers times Libels were dispers'd about concerning this matter A Capucin who was suspected to have learn'd his Lesson at the Court of Savoy put off a thousand extravagancies on this Subject in Italy and in Rome it self But there was a stop put to the course of these mischievous Intentions by the Authority of the Superiour In the mean time as the Birth of the Dauphin made all the World talk La Riviere one of the King's Physicians a great Astrologer and much possess'd with Predictions Erected a Scheme of his Nativity the King that gave a little too much heed to these Vanities either through his own Inclination or by the Example of Roni his Favourite who gave much way to it or by the Inducement of the Queen who was prepossess'd as almost all the Italians are the King I say having oblig'd him notwithstanding several denials to tell him his Judgment of this Child according to the Rules of his Art answer'd him half in Choler that he should Reign that he should destroy what his Father had Establish'd that he should scatter all that he had husbanded that he should leave Posterity under which all should grow worse and worse The State which at this day the Religion and the Kingdom are in may make this Prediction to be Rank'd among those which make most for the Honour of Astrology But there were very dangerous Motions in the State which were stirr'd up by Forreign Intrigues The Court was full of Male Contents which were there engag'd under divers pretences Biron a Man of a Presumptuous Spirit and without Judgment was so deeply involv'd in 'em that it cost him his Life But 't was believ'd that the King was yet strong enough to quash this Conspiracy as long as he had the Reformed at his Devotion this is the Reason that nothing was wanting to engage 'em in the Party They were admonish'd as by way of Friendship that the Peace of the State was the way to their Ruin that there was a powerful League concluded against 'em seeing that the Peace of Savoy was negotiated that there was a Project laid for a kind of Croisade that the Catholic Princes had sworn it by their Deputies that the Oath was given upon the Eucharist by the Legat that every one was Tax'd at a certain Sum and a certain number of Souldiers that the League was to last till the Protestant Religion was exterminated that there were two Originals of this Treaty Sign'd by the Pope the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy and that that Duke had one in his Hands which he offer'd to Communicate to the Reformed To this were added the greatest promises of security that could be thought on provided they enter'd into the League that was propos'd to ' em This Advice was confirm'd by that which one Brochard Baron gave to Marshal Boâ—illon touching the Leagues Sworn against the Reformation This Baron who call'd himself the Nephew of Cardinal Baronius boasted that he was sent by the Pope to the Catholic Princes to make 'em Sign the Project of New Croâ—sade and before all things to have presented the Book of this Institution to the King of Spain He said that the Instructions of those that were entrusted to engage the Princes to a Protection of this League recommended chiefly three means to succeed in the Conversion of Heretics The first was to institute Missions to instruct those that were gone astray by good Sermons and Examples The second was to tolerate the Enterprises of Magistrates against the Liberties of Heretics and to make use of Politic Artifices and Pious Frauds to take away their Priviledges The Third was to use Force and Arms to reduce ' em The Jesuits business was to sow great Divisions between the Great ones and in the Provinces And great Liberality was to be shewn to the first Converted to serve for a Bait to others He aver'd that there were five and twenty thousand gain'd in England that were able to bear Arms and Ministers enow to hope that the Reformation would be Condemn'd by the the Mouth of the very Ministers themselves He discover'd great Designs that were laid against all the Protestant States and he pretended that a great part of the Nobility in Germany were corrupted I know not whence he had got the Mysteries he laid open in his Discourses but in the sequel the things he spoke have been so exactly practic'd and with so great success that if his Relation may be judg'd by the Event rather then by the Picture he made of the Design he must be look'd upon as one that spake positive Truth This Baron not being rewarded as he expected went into Germany and Holland to put the same Ware off there and if he did not perswade those who had a share in the Governmente he found the people more apt to believe him There were Preachers who during the Siege of Rochelle remember'd his Discourse and apply'd it to the State to which the Reformation was reduc'd at that time in France and Germany To elude his Testimony they would have had him pass for an Incendiary who had invented one part of what he said Nevertheless there was not in all his parts one story made at random There was Erected a little while since at Thâ—non a Town belonging to the Duke of Savoy a Friary for Conversion of Heretics and to render it more Venerable to the people it was call'd by the pitiful Name of The Congregation of our Lady of Compassion of Seven Griefs This New Society was no sooner set up but they Writ to the Catholic Princes to invite 'em to enter into this League D'Ossat did not deny to the King that they writ to the Pope But he assur'd him that the Pope rejected this vain proposition as capable of Uniting the Protestants for their mutual Defence which could not but endamage the Catholic Religion and give a fair Opportunity to the Turk to extend his Conquests over Christendom during the Divisions of Europe This Prelate likewise accus'd the Duke of Savoy for having abus'd the Commissions and Procurations of this Fraternity on which the Work of this imaginary League was built to serve him in his Designs to imbroyl France For the rest he describes this Baron as a Man the most fickle and inconstant that ever was He had been a Priest and during that time had committed a Murther he turn'd Protestant it may be to avoid the punishment he had deserv'd He marry'd but being soon weary of a Marty'd Life he return'd to the Roman Religion which in the sequel he forsook a second time This is according to the Picture the Cardinal makes of him But tho there had been nothing to have been said against Baron the Duke of Savoy was too much suspected in point of Religion to gain Credit among the Reformed He had not the Reputation of having
agree with his designs It was impossible for him to seek the Alliance of a House he design'd to humble Besides the intentions of the Council of Spain did not look candid in that Proposition since one of the Conditions of it was to make War against the Protestants which the King was sensible tended to two things of which Spain would receive the sole benefit and he the disadvantage The one was to break the Alliance between the Protestants abroad and France The other to renew the Civil Wars in the Kingdom The King lik'd neither and to satisfy his Subjects as to his good intentions he promis'd that he would leave his Children such good Instructions that they would take care not to renew past divisions or to force the Reform'd to look for a Foreign Protector He design'd to infuse into them as a principal Maxim Never to reduce their Subjects to the necessity of wanting an Intercessor with their Prince A Maxim equally of use to raise the happiness of the People and the Authority of Kings to the highest degree 'T is a certain proof of the happiness of the People not to stand in need of a Mediator to obtain favours from their King And a King is never more powerful than when no body shares the Honour of his Favours and the acknowledgement of his People There were also some Catholicks in the Kingdom who had a great Aversion to those Marriages especially the Princes and those who dreaded lest a Spanish Queen might bring along with her the despotick Maxims of which all the Politicks of that Nation was form'd They thought that the Power of the Nobility and the Liberty of the People would be much better preserv'd during a Foreign War than in a time of Calm which would afford favourable occasions to the Council to humble those who had a little too much Popularity and Credit And they were sensible that the King daily aspir'd to that degree of Authority to oblige Subjects to obey without reply But then there were others and particularly those whose Souls were still inclin'd to Leagues who fanci'd that the Grandeur of the House of Austria and the Triumph of the Catholick Religion were inseparable That the Alliance with Spain was necessary to make France share in both and that it was their true Interest to preserve themselves by a good Intelligence with that Potent House by abandoning all the rest of Europe to them Insomuch that out of a Zeal to Religion they oppos'd the Glory of their Country and omitted no means to engage the King against the Reform'd To that end they daily made use of new Stratagems They scatter'd Seditious Letters in the Streets of Rochel to alarum the People as if the King were ready to declare War The effect of which was that they hasten'd their Fortifications and took measures to avoid being surpriz'd At the same time false Letters were cenvey'd to the King in which the Enterprizes of the Rochelois were exagerated to oblige him to express some Resentment In the mean time the Jesuits who made it their business to embroil all Europe left no means unattempted to reduce Fance into its former disorders again Some of them trespass'd upon the King's patience at Court with a surprizing boldness Cotton the Jesuit was convicted of having reveal'd the Secrets the King had confided to him but no manner of notice was taken of it Gontier the Jesuit was a Man of an impetuous violent Spirit who lov'd nothing but Trouble and Broils Ignatius Armand was subtle and cunning and so much the more dangerous because his Intriegues were cover'd with the Vail of Modesty and Simplicity Their Enterprises disturb'd the King exceedingly by reason that he had much ado to suppress them But he had prepossess'd himself that he should tame them by his kindnesses and that at least they would attempt nothing against his Life while they had reason to expect new favours from him insomuch that he seldom refus'd any thing they desir'd of him He had setled them in Bearn notwithstanding the Opposition of the Estates and the Deputies of Provence who protested that the said Settlement was contrary to the good of his Service and the repose of the Country and show'd a Decree of the Parliament of Pau made in the year 1598. which prohibited the receiving of them there The Bishop of Oleron's Intreaties prevail'd over those Remonstrances and Jesuits were sent to him with an Edict which order'd them only to submit to the Laws of the Country and to the Discipline of other Ecclesiasticks which conditions they kept no longer than till they were strong enough to lay them aside This year they erected a Noviciat at Paris and began to build their College of Clermont During these Transactions the Court examin'd the last Petitions of the Assembly They granted the Abolishment of some Solemnities which the Catholicks had Establish'd in Commemoration of the good Successes they had had over the Reform'd As the Festival they had decicated at Chartres to our Lady of the Breach for a pretended Vision of the Blessed Virgin who defended the Breach against the Reform'd that had besieg'd that City in 1568. The Procession of Dreux which was perform'd yearly there on the day the Duke of Guise had won a Battel against the Prince of Conde And that which was made at Thoulouse for some other event of the first Wars It was also granted them that in the Disputes of Jurisdiction the Chambers should be Judges of their own Competency The Judges Royal of Brittany were forbidden to exact from the Reform'd who had any Affairs before them a Renunciation of the benefit of the Edict which allow'd their to Appeal from the Sentences of those Judges to the Chambers of the Edict or to the Great Council They promis'd that the Creation of the Offices of Assistants of Inquisitors in all Royal Tribunals which was an Invention of Sullys to get Money should not derogate from the Priviledges the Edict granted them of taking a Reform'd Adjunct in certain Cases and they promis'd that all those of the Marquisate of Saluces who should come to settle in France both Reform'd and Catholicks should be us'd as Natives A National Synod was held soon after at St. Maixant in which they hardly treated about any thing besides their Discipline Among the rest maim'd Soldiers were allow'd by them to receive a Pension the King had founded for their maintenance and whereas those that injoy'd it were oblig'd to wear the figure of a Cross upon their Cloaks they declar'd to them that they might do it without wounding their Consciences It was observ'd also in the said Synod that Sully had given such ill Assignments to the Reform'd for the payment of the Sums the King was to pay them for the Years 1605 and 1606. that they could hardly make any thing of them But the principal Affair that was treated of there was that of Antichrist They receiv'd the Book
King being in his Council Bourdin The Second MANDAMVS CHarles by the Grace of God King of France To our Trusty and well beloved the Persons holding our Court of Parliament at Paris Greeting Whereas we did heretofore send you our Ordinance of the 17th of Jannary last past upon which several good Remonstrances have been made to us by you which we have imparted to our Privy Council we being there in Person and whereas several great and urgent Occasions have anew occurr'd since and daily do occur concerning the Tranquility of the State of our Kingdom which induce us more and more to desire the reading publishing and registring of the said Ordinance We have again referr'd the deliberation of the said Affair to our Privy-Council in presence of our most dear and most beloved Lady and Mother our most dear and most beloved Uncle the King of Navar our Lieutenant-General representing our Person in all our Kingdoms and Territories and several other Princes of our Blood and Members of our said Council by the common advice of which it has been thought fit and resolv'd that it is more than necessary for our service and for the peace and quietness of our Subjects that the reading publishing and registring of the said Ordinance should be perform'd in our said Court. Therefore in pursuance of the said Advice and in consideration of the necessity of the Time and the consequenee of the Affair We require command and expresly enjoin you that laying aside all Delays and Difficulties you should cause the said Ordinance and Declaration to be read publish'd register'd from Point to Point according to their Form and Tenor and the same to receive keep and observe The whole provisionally until the determination of the General-Council and new Orders from Us. All Ordinances Mandates or Prohibitions thereunto contrary Notwithstanding Given at St. Germain en Laye the 1st of March in the Year of the Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second Thus sign'd by the King being in his Council with the Queen Mother and the King of Navar his Lieutenant-General representing his Person in all Kingdoms and Territories the Cardinal of Bourbon the Prince of Conde and the Prince de la Roche-sur-Yon the Cardinals of Tournon and de Chatillon You le sieur de St. André Marshal of France le sieur du Mortier and the Bishop of Orleans le Sieur d' Avanson and the Bishop of Valence and les Sieurs de Selve de Gonnor and de Cypierre all Counsellors in the said Council and several others were present Bourdin Publication of the Edict of January and of the Declaration and Interpretation of the same LEcta Publicata Registrata audito Procuratore Generali Regis respectu habito literis patentibus Rgis primae diei hujus mensis urgenti necessitati temporis obtemperando voluntati dicti Domini Regis absque tamen approbatione novae Religionis id totum per modum provisionis donec aliter per dictum Dominum Regem fuerit ordinatum Parisis in Parlamento Sexta die Martii Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo primo Sic signatum Du Tillēt The Edict of King Chares the IX of the Year 1570. about the pacification of the Troubles of this Kingdom CHarles by the Grace of God King of France to all those present and hereafter to come Greeting Considering the great Evils and Calamities occasion'd by the Troubles and Wars wherewith our Kingdom has been long and is still afflicted and soreseeing the desolation that might ensue unless by the grace and mercy of God the said Troubles were speedily pacifi'd We in order to put an end to the same to remedy the Afflictions that proceed from thence to restore and make our Subjects live in Peace Union Quiet and Tranquility as it has always been our intention Let it be known that after having taken the good and prudent Advice of the Queen our most dear and most honour'd Lady and Mother of our most dear and most beloved the Duke of Anjou our Lieutenant General and the Duke d' Alencon Princes of car Blood and other great and notable Persons of our Privy-Council We have by their good Counsel and Advice and for the Causes and Reasons abovesaid and other good and great Considerations Us thereunto moving by this our present Edict perpetual and irrevocable said declar'd enacted and do ordain will and resolve what followeth I. That the remembrance of all things past on both sides from the very beginning of and since the Troubles happen'd in our said Kingdom and on the account of the same shall be extinguish'd and laid aside as of matters happen'd that had never and that it shall not be lawful for our Atorney-General neither for any Publick or Private Persons whatever at any time nor on any occasion soever to mention the same or to commence any Process or suit thereof in any Court or Jurisdiction II. We forbid all our Subjects of what Estate or Quality soever to revive the remembrance thereof to injure or provoke each other by Reproaches for what is past To dispute contest quarrel wrong or offend one another in Word or Deed but to forbear and live peaceably together like Brethren Friends and Fellow-Citizens on pain for the Delinquents of being punish'd as Infractors of the Peace and Perturbators of the Publick quiet III. It is our Will and Pleasure that the Roman Catholick Religion shall be restor'd in all parts and places of this our Kingdom and Countrys under our Obedience where the exercise of the same has interrupted there to be freely and peaceably exercis'd without the least trouble or hindrance on the Penalties above mention'd And that all those who during the present War have seis'd on Houses Goods or Revenues belonging to Ecclesiasticks or other Catholicks who detain and possess the same shall surrender them the intire possession and peaceable enjoyment thereof with the same freedom and safety they enjoy'd them before their being dispossess'd of the same IV. And that there may remain no occasion of difference and contention among our Subjects We have and do allow those of the said Pretended Reform'd Religion To live and inhabit in all the Cities and parts of this our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience without being urg'd vex'd or molested or constrain'd to do any thing against their Conscience in point of Religion Nor examin'd in their Houses or places where they shall inhabit upon the said account provided they behave themselves according to what is contain'd in the present Edict V. We have also given leave to all Gentlemen and other persons actual Inhabitants and others possessing in our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience High Jurisdiction or Full * Fief d' Haubert as in Normandy whether in Proper or Vse-Frint in the whole or in a part to have in such their Houses of the said High-Jurisdiction or Fief which they shall nominate for their Principal abode to our Bailiffs and Seneschals every one in
his Precinct the Exercis of the Religion they call Reform'd as long as they reside there and in their absence their Wives or Children whom they shall answer for and they shall be oblig'd to name the said Houses to our Bailiffs and Seneschals before they shall enjoy the benefit thereof They shall also enjoy the same in their other Houses of High Jurisdiction or of the said Fief de Haubert as long as they shall be actually there and no otherwise the whole as well for themselves as their Families Subjects and others who shall be willing to go there VI. In Houses of Fief where the said Reform'd shall have no High Jurisdiction and Fief de Haubert they shall only be allow'd the said Exercise of Religion for their Families Yet in case any of their Friends should chance to come there to the number of Ten or some Christning happen in haste the Company not exceeding the said Number of Ten they shall not be prosecuted or troubled for the same VII And to gratifie our most dear and most beloved Aunt the Queen of Navar we have allow'd her besides what has been above granted to the said Lord's High Justicers over and above in every one of her Dutchys d' Albert County's d' Armagnac Foix Biggore in a House belonging to her in which she shall have High-Jurisdiction which House shall be by us chosen and nominated there to have the said Exercise perform'd for all such as shall desire to assist thereat even in her absence VIII Those of the said Religion shall also be allow'd the Exercise thereof in the following Places viz. For the Government of the Isle of France in the Subburbs of Clermont and Beauvoisâ—s and in those of Crâ—spi in Laonnois For the Government of Champagne and Brie besides Vezelai which they possess at this time in the Subburbs of Villenece For the Government of Burgundy in the Subburbs of Arnai-le-Due and in those of Mailli la ville For the Government of Picardy in the Subburbs of Mondidier and in those of Riblemont For the Government of Normandy in the Subburbs of Ponteau de Mer and in those of Carentan For the Government of Lyonnois in the Subburbs of Charlieu and in those of St. Geni de Laval For the Government of Bretagne in the Subburbs of Becherel and in those of Kerhez For the Government of Dauphine in the Subburbs of Crest and in those of Chorges For the Government of Provence in the Subburbs of Merindol and in those of Forcalquier For the Government of Languedoc besides Aubenas which they are in possession of in the Subburbs of Montaignac for the Government of Guienne at Bergerac besides S. Sever which they are also in possession of And for that of Orleans Le Maine and the Country of Chartrain besides Sencerre which they have in the Town of Mailli IX Moreover We have also granted them to continue the exercise of the said Religion in all the Cities in which it shall be publickly perform'd on the first Day of this present Month of August X. Forbidding them most expressly to make any Exercise of the said Religion either as to the Ministry Regulation Discipline or publick intiitution of Children or others in any Places besides those above granted and allow'd XI Neither shall any exercise of the said Pretended Reform'd Religion be perform'd in our Court or within two Leagues round about it XII Neither do we allow the Exercise of the said Religion within the City Provostship and Vicecomty of Paris nor within Ten Leagues of the said City which ten Leagues we have and do limit to the following Places viz. Senlis and the Suburbs Meaux and the Suburbs Melun and the Subburbs a League beyond Chartres under Mount-le-Heri Dourdan and the Suburbs Rembouillet Houdan and the Suburbs a long League beyond Melun Vigni Meru S. Leu de Serens in all which abovesaid places we do not allow any exercise of the said Religion Nevertheless those of the said Religion shall not be disturb'd in their Houses provided they behave themselves as abovesaid XIII We do enjoin our Bailiffs Seneschals or ordinary Judges each in their Precincts to appoint Places for them of their own either such as they have heretofore acquir'd or such as they shall purchase there to bury their Dead and that at the time of their decease one of the House or Family shall go to acquaint the Captain of the Watch therewith who shall send for the Grave-Digger of the Parish and order him to go with such a number of Serjeants of the Watch as he shall think fit to allow to accompany him and to prevent Scandal to remove the Corps in the Night and so carry it to the place appointed for that purpose only allowing Ten persons to accompany it And in such Towns as have no Captain of the Watch the Judges of the Place shall appoint some other Ministers of Justice XIV Those of the said Religion shall not be allow'd to marry in such degrees of Consanguinity or Affinity as are prohibited by the Laws receiv'd in this Kingdom XV. All Scholars the sick and Poor shall be receiv'd in the Vniversities Schools Hospitals c without difference or distinction upon the account of Religion XVI And to the end that no question may be made of the good Intention of our said Aunt the Queen of Navar of our most dear and most beloved Brother and Cousins the Princes of Navar and of Conde Father and Son we have said and declar'd do say and declare That we hold and repute them our good Relations faithful Subjects and Servants XVII As also all Lords Knights Gentlemen Officers and other Inhabitants of the Cities Corporations Villages and Hamlets and other Places of our said Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience who have follow'd and assisted them in any part whatever for our good loyal Subjects and Servants XVIII And likewise the Duke of Deux-Ponts and his Children the P. of Orange Count Ludovic and his Brothers Count Wolrat of Mansfeld and other Foreign Lords who have aided and assisted them for our good Neighbours Relations and Friends XIX And our said Aunt as well as our said Brother and Cousin Lords Gentlemen Officers Corporations of Cities Communities and others who have aided and assisted them their Heirs and Successors shall remain acquitted and discharged as we do acquit and discharge them by these presents for all Sums of Money by them or their Order taken and rais'd out of our Offices of Receit and Treasures whatever Sums they may amount to as well as out of Cities Communities or from particular persons Rents Revenues Plate Sale of Goods both Ecclesiastical and others Forests belonging to us or others Fines Booties Ransoms or other kind of Sums taken by them upon the account of the present as well as precedent Wars Neither shall they or those by them appointed for the raising of the said Sums or those that have given and furnish'd the same be any ways troubled or called to
do declare All Sentences Judgments Decrees and Proceedings Seisures Sales and Statutes made and given against the said of the pretended Reform'd Religion as well dead as alive since the Death of our said most honoured Lord and Father King Henry on the account of the said Religion Tumults and Troubles happen'd since together with the Execution of the said Judgments and Orders from this moment Void Revok'd and Annull'd and therefore order the same to be raz'd and taken out of the Registers of our Courts both Sovereign and Inferior as also all Marks Tracts and Monuments of the said Executions defamatory Books and Acts against their Persons Memories and Posterities and order the whole to be raz'd out And the Places that have been demolish'd and raz'd on that account restor'd to the owners thereof to be us'd and dispos'd of according to their pleasure XXXIII And as for the Procedures made Judgments and Decrees given against those of the said Religion upon other accounts than the said Religion and Troubles together with Prescriptions and Feodal Seizures accruing during the present last and precedent Troubles beginning the Year 1567. they shall be void as never having been made given nor happen'd neither shall the Parties derive any advantages by them but shall be put again into the same condition in which they were before the same XXXIV We also ordain That those of the said Religion shall keep to the Political Laws of our Kingdom in observing Festivals neither shall they labour or sell in open Shops on the said days nor yet open their Shambles to sell meat on such days in which the use of meat is prohibited by the Roman-Catholick Church XXXV And to the end that Justice may be render'd and ministred to all our Subjects without Partiality Hatred or Favour we have and do Ordain Will and it is our Pleasure That Suits and Differences mov'd or to be commenc'd among Parties being of contrary Religion as well in being Plaintiffs as Defendants in any Civil or Criminal Causes whatever shall be heard in the first place before the Bailiffs Seneschals and other our ordinary Judges according to our Ordinances And where Appeals shall lye in any of our Courts of Parliament in relation to that of Paris which is compos'd of Seven Chambers The great Chamber La Tournelle and five Chambers of the Inquests it shall be lawful for those of the pretended Reform'd Religion if they please in the Causes they shall have depending in each of the said Chambers to demand that four either Presidents or Counsellors may abstain from the Judgment of their Processes who without alledging any Cause shall be bound in this case to abstain notwithstanding the Ordinance by which the Presidents and Counsellors cannot be excepted against without just Cause And besides that all Refusals of Right shall be allowed them against all others Presidents and Counsellors according to the Ordinances or Statutes XXXVI As for the Suits they shall have depending in the Parliament of Thoulouse if the Parties cannot agree about another Parliament they shall be return'd before the Masters of Request of our Hostel in their Court in the Palace at Paris who shall judg their Suits Impartially and Sovereignly without Appeal as if they had been judg'd in our said Parliaments XXXVII And as to what relates to those of Roan Dijon Provence Bretagne and Grenoble they shall be allowed to challenge Six Presidents or Counsellors to abstain from the Judgment of their Suits that is three out of each Chamber And in that of Bourdeaux four out of every Chamber XXXVIII The Catholicks shall also be allow'd to challenge if they think fit all such Members of the said Courts as have been discharg'd of their Offices upon the account of Religion by the said Parliaments â—o abstain from the Judgment of their Suits also peremptorily and they shall be oblig'd to abstain from the same They shall also be allow'd all usual Recusations against all other Presidents and Counsellors according as they are of Right allow'd by the Statutes XXXâ—X And whereas several persons have receiv'd and suffer such Injuries and Damages in their Estates and Persons that it will be difficult for them to lose the remembrance thereof so soon as it should be requisite for the execution of our Intention being desirous to avoid all Inconveniences that might arise from peoples being disturb'd in their Houses until all Grudges and Animosities are allay'd we have given in keeping to those of the said Religion the Cities of Rochel Montauban Coignac and La Charité in which all such as shall be unwilling to repair so soon to their own Houses shall be free to retire and to inhabit And for the surety of the same our said Brother and Cousin the Princes of Navar and Condé together with Twenty Gentlemen of the said Religion who shall be by us nominated shall swear and promise one and for the whole for themselves and for those of their said Religion to preserve the said Cities for us and at the end of two years to deliver them again into the hands of such a one as we shall think fit to depute in the same condition they now are in without innovating or altering any thing in the same and that without any delay or difficulty upon any account or occasion whatever At the expiration of which term the exercise of the said Religion shall be continued there as while they held them It being nevertheless our Will and Pleasure that in the same all Ecclesiasticks shall freely re-enter and perform Divine Service in all Liberty and enjoy their Estates as well as all the Catholick Inhabitants of the said Cities which said Ecclesiasticks and other Inhabitants shall be taken into the Protection and Safeguard of our said Brother and Cousin and other Lords to the end that they may not be hindred from performing the said Divine Service molested nor disturb'd in their Persons or in the enjoyment of their Estates but on the contrary restored and reintegrated into the full possession of the same Willing moreover that in the said four Cities our Judges shall be re-establish'd and the exercise of Justice restor'd as it us'd to be before the Troubles XL. It is also our Will and Pleasure That immediately after the Publication of this Edict made in the Two Camps Arms shall strait be laid down every where the which shall only remain in our hands and those of our most Dear and most Beloved Brother the Duke of Anjou XLI A Free Commerce and Passage shall be re-established through all Cities Towns Villages Bridges and Passages of our said Kingdom in the same condition as they were before the present and last Troubles XLII And in order to avoid the Violences and Transgressions that might be committed in several of our Cities those who shall be by us appointed for the Execution of the present Edict in the absence of one another shall make the chief Inhabitants of the said Cities of both Religions whom they
was to forbid the Exercise of all Religion besides the Catholick However it has not been God Almighty's Pleasure to let us reap the fruit we desir'd thereby but as it is sometimes his pleasure to visit Kingdoms and Princes with his Rod of Rigor for the Offences and Sins of Men the Troubles were kindled a new in our Kingdom more than ever to our great Grief and Sorrow And that which troubled us more was that the Innocent that is our poor People endur'd the greatest Hardships Oppression and Injuries All which things having consider'd day and night and experience in our majority of twenty five years having convinc'd us that the Continuation of Arms and War could not afford us the advantage we have so much desir'd and endeavour'd and being fully perswaded that God Almighty will finally convert his Rigor into Mercy and that his said Visitations are salutary Admonishments to acknowledg him and to return into the right way of our Duty After having implor'd his Aid and Assistance to inspire us with means to find the most necessary and most proper Remedies for the good of our State And thereupon taken the Advice of the Queen our most Honour'd Lady and Mother of our most dearly Beloved Brother the Duke of Anjou of the Princes of our Blood and others of the Officers of our Crown and other Lords and Notable Persons of our Council We have until it please God by means of a good free and lawful General Council to reunite all our Subjects to our Catholick Church by this our present Edict perpetual and irrevocable said declared enacted and ordain'd Say declare enact and ordain what followeth I. First That the Remembrance of all things past on either side from the beginning of the Troubles happen'd in our Kingdom to this present time and upon the account of the same shall be extinguish'd and laid aside as of things that had never been Neither shall it be lawful for our Attornies-General or any other Persons publick or private at any time or on any occasion whatever to mention or make any Prosecution of the same in any Court or Jurisdiction whatever II. We forbid all our Subjects of what Condition or Quality soever to renew the Remembrance thereof to affront or provoke each other by Reproaches of what is past upon any account or pretence whatever To dispute contend quarrel abuse or offend one another by Word or Deed but to forbear and live peaceably together as Brethren Friends and Fellow-Citizens on pain for the Delinquents of being punish'd as Infractors of the Peace and Disturbers of the Publick Good III. It is our Will and Pleasure that the Catholick Religion shall be restor'd and re-establish'd in all Places and Parts of this our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience where the Exercise thereof has been interrupted there to be freely and peaceably perform'd without the least Trouble and Molestation Forbiding most expresly all Persons of what State Quality or Condition soever on the pains abovemention'd to trouble molest or disturb the Ecclesiasticks in the Celebration of Divine Service injoyment and gathering of their Tythes Fruits and Revenues of their Benefices and all other Rights and Immunities to them appertaining And that all such who during the present and precedent Troubles have taken Possession of Churches Houses Estates and Revenues belonging to the said Ecclesiasticks and who detain and occupy the same shall yield them the entire Possession and peaceable Injoyment thereof with such Rights Liberties and Immunities as they injoy'd before their being dispossess'd of the same IV. And to remove all occasion of Contentions and Differences among our Subjects We have allow'd and do permit those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion to live and inhabit in all the Cities and Places of this our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience without being troubl'd vex'd molested or constrain'd to do any thing against their Conscience or disturb'd in the Houses and Places where they shall think â—it to inhabit they behaving themselves according to the Contents of this our present Edict V. We have also given leave to all Lords Gentlemen and others as well actual Inhabitants as others professing the pretended Reform'd Religion possessing in our said Kingdom high Jurisdiction or full Fief de Haubert as in Normandy either in proper or Vse-Fruit in the whole or half or third part to have in such their Houses of the said High Jurisdiction or abovesaid Fiefs which they shall be oblig'd to name to our Bailifs and Seneschals every one in his Precinct for their chief Abode the Exercise of the said Religion as long as they shall be resident there and in their absence their Wives or Families which they shall answer for We also allow them the said Exercise in their other Houses of High Jurisdiction or abovesaid Fiefs of Haubert as long as they shall be present there the whole as well for themselves their Families Subjects as others who shall be desirous to go to it VI. In such Houses of Fief where those of the said Religion shall not possess the said High-Jurisdiction of Fief de Haubert they shall only be allow'd the said Exercise for their Families Yet in case any of their Friends should chance to come there to the number of Ten or any Baptism happen in haste the Company not exceeding the said number of Ten they shall not be disquieted or prosecuted for the same Provided also That the said Houses are neither scituated within Cities Towns or Villages belonging to Catholick Lords High-Justicers other than us in which the said Catholick Lords have their Houses In which case those of the said Religion shall not be allow'd to perform the said Exercise in the said Cities Towns and Villages without leave and permission of the said Lords High-Justicers and no otherwise VII We also allow those of the said Religion to perform and continue the Exercise thereof in all the Cities and Towns where it shall be publickly perform'd on the 17th day of the present Month of September However excepting such Towns as belong to Catholicks possess'd at present by those of the said Religion in which those Exercises were not perform'd before the last taking up of Arms even in the time of the former Peace VIII Moreover in every one of the Ancient Bailiwicks Seneschalships and Governments holding the Place of a Bailiwick referring directly and without mediation to the Courts of Parliament we ordain That in the Suburbs of one City there being several Cities in the Bailiwick or for want of Cities in a Town or Village the Exercise of the said Religion shall be allow'd for all comers IX Forbidding all those of the said Religion most expresly to perform any Exercise thereof either as to Ministry Regulation Discipline or publick Institution of Children and others in this our said Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience in whatever relates to Religion excepting in the places above granted and allow'd X As also to perform any Exercise of the
to persuade the vulgar that the others would have been punished also had they been found Guilty as well as these Perhaps also the better to stifle the remembrance of a Conspiracy in which none but Catholicks were concern'd they thought fit to Execute those Wretches because there was a Protestant among them In order to persuade the World that this Conspiracy to the prosecution of which a stop was put and of which the King's Death might be the sequel was not a work of the Catholicks But nothing confirm'd these thoughts more than the reports of the King's Death which for some time had been spread through Europe The News of that very Murther was reported the same day on which it was committed in places so distant from Paris and with such circumstances as were impossible to be known without Divine Revelation or without having known the thing Originally It was very natural from thence to conclude that there were places in which the King's Death was spoken of as a thing that was expected and consequently that there was a Conspiracy by which that Death was prepar'd and that those that were concern'd in it endeavour'd to conceal the secret of it by making him pass for the Author of the Enterprise who had only been the Executioner In a word It was thought that those who Govern'd design'd to conceal the true Motives of that Death from the People and not to dive too far into the secret of it for fear of discovering Persons of so high a Rank and who were so nearly related to the King that it would be dangerous to attack them especially in a State where the least pretence might have fill'd all with Factions and Disturbances Nevertheless these considerations did not secure those Persons from being expos'd to the secret Judgments of those who had a diffident disposition and the misery that has attended their latter years has been look'd upon by some as a punishment for their neglect of discovering the Authors of a Crime which a thousand reasons oblig'd them to Revenge However the Reform'd were sencibly griev'd to see nothing but the Blood of so unworthy a Victim spilt upon the Ashes of that Hero This difference indeed has been observ'd between the Death of Henry the 4th and that of his Predecessor that this was absolutely forgotten whereas Henry the 4th's occasion'd Civil Wars and that it was not the fault of his good Subjects if it was not more exactly inquir'd into It was particularly the passionate desire of the Reform'd who seeing how much the memory of their Protector was neglected concluded that the Court had as little inclination to maintain what he had done as to Revenge his Person All this convinc'd them that they had more reason than ever to dread surprizes and violences and their Terrors increas'd when they heard that the double Alliance with Spain which they had been so much afraid of was finally resolv'd upon In the mean time the Marshal de Bouillon being desirous to deserve the Queen's favour and to improve the times and the alterations that were happen'd in affairs stoopt even to please her Confidents and condescended to sell his Place of first Gentleman of the King's Chamber to Conchini who was afterwards Marquess and Marshal d'Ancre a Man unworthy of that Rank whether we consider his Birth Personal Qualifications or his Services The Marshal obtain'd great advantages by it as to his Interest but his Credit prov`d never the greater for it and Conchini was not of a Nature to be ingag'd out of Gratitude The Queen behav'd herself kindly towards him in order to use him as a Tool to ruin the Reform'd and the complaisance he had for her contributed considerably towards the Ruin of their Affairs But whereas that Lord had commonly more than one prospect he did not absolutely confide on those appearances Therefore he endeavour'd to strengthen himself and his Party by a considerable Conquest The Prince of Conde who had nothing more to fear at Court after the King's Death had been recall'd there At his first arrival he consulted the most considerable of the Reform'd and particularly before he would appear there he resolv'd to confer with the Duke of Sully as if he had design'd to regulate himself according to his advice It appear'd by the sequel that he had not relish'd it and he express'd but little regar'd for him on divers occasions But the Marshal de Bouillon who had a better Genius and greater designs than the Duke of Sully fancy'd that it might be possible to persuade the Prince to return to the Communion of the Reform'd Religion that having been bred among them in his tenderest years and having before his Eyes the example of his Father and of his Grand-Father whose Names had been made so famous by the Wars of Religion it would be easie to recal him to their Union He urg'd very powerful Reasons to him upon that Subject He represented to him what might prove the Consequences of a Minority which was a Source of Civil Wars He describ'd to him the Power of the Reform'd which having a Prince at their Head was sufficient to dispose of the Regency He alledg'd the Example of the two last Princes of Conde and endeavour'd to show him that Reformation ought to be Heriditary to their Family and that it was in some measure inseperable from their Glory He represented to him that in a Conjuncture of Affairs when the Government was weak the Court at odds and the remainder of the Kingdom divided he might be strong enough with the Reform'd to obtain the first Authority himself He seem'd moreover to give him a glimpse that Time might occasion such a turn of Affairs as would allow him to think on greater things But whether the Prince did not think affairs dispos'd to so easie a success or whether his Education had inspir'd him with Irresolution and Timerousness or whether those who had been intrusted with the Government of his Youth had given him an aversion for a Religion which had contributed so much towards the Glory of his House or finally whether he thought it more suitable with his designs to remain a Catholick because he did not think it impossible to secure the Reform'd on his side without embracing their Doctrine and to ingage them to joyn with the Malecontented Catholicks under him he did not relish those propositions and he took other measures to advance himself The Deputy's General obtain'd some favourable Answers to the Cahiers they presented particularly upon the Subject of the Sufficiency or Power of the Chamber of Grenoble and upon some disputes of the Chamber of Accounts of Provence against the Reform'd to hinder them from removing their Causes to that Party-Chamber Moreover they obtain'd Decrees and Commissions upon that Subject in the Month of February of the following Year The King also promis'd to write to the Duke of Savoy to oblige him to grant to the Reform'd of the
Kings illness which stopt him by the way going from Paris to give orders about the defence of the Coasts of his Kingdom against the Descent threatned by the English prov'd exactly according to the Prediction of the said Astrologer and that of another fit of Sickness which the said Prince had at Lyons some years after it prov'd no less exact So that the Queen had as much Faith in his Predictions as if they had been so many Oracles This Credulity ruin'd all her affairs and the same thing happen'd to her which commonly happens to all those who are Govern'd by the like Maxims that is she could neither obtain the advantages that were promis'd to her by the Stars nor avoid the misfortues she was threatned with At least we may find by the comparing of the Lives of those two Queens that the one was much happier than the other Catherin who had so often expos'd the State within an Inch or two of Ruin to retain the pleasure of Commanding nevertheless maintain'd â—…er Credit almost to the last moment of her Life But Mary soon lost her Authority and received a Cruel Punishment for her Intreagues towards the latter end of her Days The first found all her Council in her own head and wanted no body to guide or direct her The last was too much govern'd by her Passions and her Confidents Nevertheless the Author I am speaking of enlarg'd very much upon her praise and represented her as a Princess that had never had an equal That was the Stile of those daies and sordid flatteries became so much in vogue that even those who banish'd her from the Government rais'd her up to the Skies by their Elogy's She had wherewithal to comfort her self even in her Exile if she took any delight â—â— Panegyricks the only good her Enemies allow'd her The Author concluded with upbraiding the Reform'd for â—…e haughtiness he found in their behaviour He accus'd â—…em of demanding favours in the same tone as Spaniardsâ—…sk â—…sk for Alms That is with a drawn Sword and haugâ—…y Air as if they had requir'd the payment of a just â—…ebt and he would persuade them that they had no just â—…retence either of fear or jealousy It would have been easie to have made a more judicious distribution of the Reform'd by dividing them into three viz. The Lords of eminent Quality who made use of the others for their particular ends The Persons of Integrity who were sencible that no good could be expected from a Council govern'd by the Jesuits and who for that reason endeavour'd by all lawful means to secure themselves against Perfidious Implacable Enemies and the Timerous who were either naturally weak and indifferent or softned and made tractable by the Artifices of the Court The first and last occasion'd all the Evil Those made use of the Zeal of the second to make themselves considerable at Court and these abandon'd the others as soon as the Court offer'd them a shaddow of quiet I will observe in this place before I proceed any farther the Cause of those Writings against the Assembly No means were omitted to oreate jealousies in the Catholicks about it as soon as the Reform'd had obtain'd leave to hold it It was reported that they design'd to make excessive demands and to take up Arms to compel the Court to grant them The Memoirs sent into the Provinces to serve as a project for the Instructions of the Deputies which the particular Assemblies did send into the General of which the Court had an account by their Pensionaries did not a little contribute towards the confirmation of those common reports The demands which some of the Provincial Assemblies added to those of the said Memoirs likewise contributed considerably towards it Those who had seen the Assembly of Milhau recall'd it to mind upon this They said that of five things that had been propos'd in it there only remain'd two unobtain'd viz. Two Places of surety in every Province in which the Reform'd had none and that the Tithes of the Reform'd might be imploy'd for the payment of their Ministers They magnified the Consequences of the Union the Assembly was to swear saying that thereby the Reform'd would oblige themselves to maintain each other in all the Governments and in all the Offices the late King had given them even in all the Places they held besides those that were set down in the Breef of the Places of Surety And whereas it was not likely that the Court would comply with all those things they concluded that the Reform'd were going to take measures in order to make a War But that which is most to be wonder'd at is that there were some among the Reform'd who seconded those extravagant reports The Marshal of Bouillon was one of them and some accus'd him of having told some Catholick Citizens and others at his going from Saumur the Assembly being broke up that they had a Peace at last but that it had been obtain'd with a great deal of pain and trouble Nevertheless all the rest of the Assembly protested that they had never mention'd the least thing tending to a War during the whole Session This reproach was made to the said Lord with a great deal of sharpness by the Dukes of Rohan and of â—ully who fell out publickly with him It is very likely that he had no other design in spreading this report but to perâ—…ade the Queen that he had done her great Services and that he was of great use to her to keep the Reform'd within the bounds of their duty However this made deep impressions upon the People and notwithstanding the â—rotestation of Sixty Persons who affirm'd that the Assembly had not had the least thoughts of War the Court at that â—…ery time alledg'd the said pretended design of a Civil War as a Crime against the Reform'd and did since renew â—…e said accusation against them as if it had been plainly â—…erify'd The ancient Enemies of the Reform'd who did at that â—…ery time take all their measures in order to destroy them â—…conded that report as much as in them lay and they made â—eople take such extraordinary Precautions in divers plaâ—…es against this Chimerical War that they created real susâ—…icions in the Reform'd who could not imagine the reason of those panick fears Whether the Court really enter'd into those fears or whether they seem'd to credit them out of policy in order to remove Persons from thence which were troublesome to them they took that pretence to send the Duke d' Epernon to his Governments and the Prince of Conde into Guyenne Moreover they cunningly caus'd it to be reported that the Prinee would go through St. John d' Angeli in order to bury the Prince his Father who by reason of the Law-Suits in which his Widdow had been involv'd upon the account of his Death had not as yet receiv'd the last Duties That City was one of the most considerable of those
that were in the hands of the Reform'd The Prince was born and had been bred there by the Reform'd untill the time they restor'd him to Henry the IV. So that his Name was still held in great veneration in the said City and there was a great deal of reason to fear his Credit in case he should attempt any thing there The Governour who was the Duke of Rohan and his Lieutenant La Roche Beaucour were both absent at that time being Deputed into the Assembly so that there was no Person of Authority in the City to oppose the Princes designs Therefore the Assembly thought fit to send La Roche Beaucour thither under pretence to receive the Prince and to hinder him from burying his Father with the Roman Ceremonies until he receiv'd new orders from them upon that Subject but the true motive of it was to prevent the Prince's attempting some greater thing by the by Thus the same pretence serv'd at once for the one to lay the snare and for the other to prevent it If the Prince had any design that diligence prevented it for that time and sav'd the Place but they lost La Roche Beaucour who had like soon after to have deliver'd it into the Queen's Power There also appear'd marks of a great dread in other places Some Catholick Cities in Poitou and in Limousin put themselves in a posture of defence as if they had been afraid of a surprize other Towns did the same upon the River Loire Even Chartres tho at a great distance from the Assembly and almost at the very Gates of Paris took up Arms and plac'd Corps de Guard at their Gates Things proceeded farther yet at Orleans An unknown Person or one at least whom they would not suffer to be known gave some advices there which tended to a Masacre of the Reform'd He frighten'd them with the designs of the Assembly and told them that the Reform'd had appear'd in Troops about the Walls of the City with a design to make themselves Masters of it Those Insinuations maliciously sown among the People excited a violent Sedition Some of the Citizens prov'd so simple as to cry out to Arms They made Baricado's in the avenues They us'd as many precautions as if Orleans had already been block'd up by the Enemy The Magistrates search'd the Houses of the Reform'd for Arms which they were inform'd had been laid up there This exactness sav'd them from the fury of the People by reason that they found neither Arms nor Amâ—â—ition nor the least signs of any such enterprize among them After the Sedition was stopt in this manner an enquiry was made after the Authors of it and one of the Inhabitants who first cry'd out to Arms was put in Prison But he was transferr'd to Paris where he dy'd in Prison before his Tryal in a very suspicious manner It was reported that he dy'd out of fear thinking that it was impossible to avoid the punishment he had deserved But the Reform'd who did penetrate into the secret design of those â—ovements and who were sensible what their ancient Enemies the Jesuits were capable of suspected that he was â—ut to death in order to remove a Witness of their secret â—ntreagues The Duke of Sully made a journey from Saumur to Chatelleâ—aud at that time which the ill-intention'd also laid hold of and all those things gave them an occasion to call to mind the year 1562 and 1567. in which the Reform'd seiz'd several Places to hinder the Court whose designs they had â—otice of from surprizing them they not being in a poâ—ture of defence The Assembly being inform'd of these Transactions and not thinking themselves safe order'd du Plessis to raise 150 Men to reinforce the Garrison of Saumur and they were so unwilling to offend the King that they writ to him to beg his leave for their raising of the said Men. All these circumstances being put together may show that the Assembly had not the least thoughts of making War by reason that if they had had any such design those agitations of the Catholicks would have afforded them a plausible pretence to declare it But had they done so it would certainly have been said that the discovery of their design had given the Catholicks cause to take such precautions as they did whereas it cannot be deny'd with the least appearance of Equity that the Reform'd remaining quiet notwithstanding all these Seditions and taking up of Arms the Catholicks were the Aggressors Their design was to make the Reform'd commit some oversight either to upbraid them with it or to take an occasion from thence to exert more plausible Injustices against them for the future But tho their design did not succeed yet they endeavour'd to represent the false reports which had serv'd as a pretence to their allarms as real truths and did publickly declare that the divisions which were form'd in the Assembly hinder'd them from making War a thing which excepting the discourse of such as had a mind to please the Court never had the least ground besides the desire the Jesuits or their adherents had that it should prove true During these transactions Boissise and Bullion were deputed by the Court to the Assembly They arriv'd at Saumur some times after the overture and were at first visited by six Members of the Assembly by whom they were sent to Compliment them as soon as they had notice of their arrival Two days after it they came to the Assembly and deliver'd the Letters from the King and Queen which excepting some terms of good will only were Credentials After the said Letters had been read with the usual marks of Respect they assur'd the Assembly that his Majesty would perform what ever had been promis'd to them for the time past and that whatever might seem doubtful or ambigious should be interpreted favourably after which they exhorted them to proceed with speed to the Nomination of six Persons out of which the King was to chuse two to reside near him and â—here to perform the general Deputation Du Plessis answer'd in the Name of the Assembly return'd thanks to â—he Commissioners and promis'd a perpetual Obedience After which they pass'd from Compliments to deliberations and during 12 or 14 Days they held Conferences with the King's Commissioners who came sometimes to the Assembly and sometimes receiv'd the Deputies at their Lodgings to hear their propositions Several of them were of great consequence which I will give an abstract â—f elsewhere But I must observe in this place that the â—ssembly having declar'd at first that they would do nothing untill they had obtain'd satisfaction about the affair â—f Senevieres the King's Commissioners deliver'd Letters to â—â—em upon that Subject with a Copy of the Decree of the Council which impower'd Frere Master of Requests to take â—â—formations of the said business upon the Place to try the â—uilty and to give a definitive Sentence with the neighbouring President or
the Ofâ—…rs and to the Town House that in order to prevent the 〈…〉 effects of the Election of a new Mayor she desir'd that 〈…〉 old one might be continu'd The Duke of Rohan who had â—…n'd his point refus'd to submit to those orders He oppos'd 〈…〉 Continuation of the Mayor in writing and declar'd bodly that the People had abus'd the Queens Authority 〈…〉 obtain the said Letter That affair was somewhat Niâ—… and as some thought the Duke had imbroil'd himself 〈…〉 little too rashly in it others also were of opinion thâ—… the Queen had expos'd herself too much and that 〈…〉 had been ill advis'd St. John was a free City a City 〈…〉 Surety jealous of her Privileges and in a Province in whiâ—… the Reform'd were the strongest Therefore this undertakiâ—… to alter the accustomed form of the Election of a Majoâ—… to use Authority in order thereunto under pretence of 〈…〉 discord which did not as yet appear gave cause to suspeâ—… that the Court had a design upon the Priviledges of 〈…〉 Inhabitants which were violated without necessity 〈…〉 upon the surety of the place which they endeavoured 〈…〉 commit into the hands of suspected persons or perhapâ—… upon both Nevertheless the thing was very much resented 〈…〉 Court and the Queen being inform'd of the Duke of Rohan's opposition caus'd his Lady his Daughters and 〈…〉 his Family to be Secur'd She put a Gentleman into the Bastille who was sent by the Duke to justifie his Action She caus'd the Duke to be proclaim'd a Rebeâ—… and order'd an Army to march against him She wâ—… to Authorise the said enterprise her self by her Presence and because it was necessary to prevail with the rest 〈…〉 the Reform'd to suffer the said Duke's Ruin and the loâ—… of St. John without opposition she was to make a soleâ—… Declaration that she had no design against any body bâ—… the Duke and his Adherents to confirm the Edicts suffer all such to live in Peace who did not ingage iâ— those Troubles The Queen was to take the Marshalâ— de Bouillon and Lesdiguieres to Command under her in that Expedition and as if the Court had beeâ— as ready to act as to order orders were strait dispatch'd to the Officers that were to Command in the said Army to keep themselves ready to marâ—â— Manifestos were publish'd on both sides The Dukes up â—…aided the Court with all their Wiles and endeavour'd 〈…〉 prove that the consequence of that affair was general â—…at which appear'd in the Queens name endeavour'd 〈…〉 create suspicions about the Duke of Rohan's intentions â—…d to justifie the Court to perswade that their only aim â—…as against that Rebel and that she design'd to maintain â—…e Edicts and finally it invited the Catholicks and Reâ—…m'd to serve the King in that occasion The End of the Second Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes VOL. II. BOOK III. A Summary of the Contents of the Third Book Appearence of Accommodation under which the troubles continue Endavours are us'd to engage Du Plessis in them who remains in quiet Assembly of the Circle at Rochel Project of Reconciliation among the great ones Sedition at Rochel It s Original and Violence Negociation for the accommodation High Pretentions of the Duke de Rohan The Queen agrees to them preserving some appearences for herself The Duke being exasperated with new Injuries will no longer be satisfied with them The Assembly meets at Rochel and gives the Deputies General new Articles Resolutions taken 〈◊〉 Court but ill executed New Declaration Remarks upon those frequent Edicts The Circle assembles again Rochel withdraws from the rest of the Deputies which puts an end to the Troubles Verbal promises to tollerate Provincial Councils Declaration of the Marriages resolv'd upon with Spain Which offends the French but particularly the Reform'd Ferrier forsakes the Ministry Is receiv'd Counsellor 〈◊〉 Nimes Is Excommunicated Sedition against him Diligence of the Consuls to save Ferrier Writings 〈◊〉 both sides Appologies of Ferrier and his end Reconciliation of the Duke de Rohan and Marshal de Bouillon Enterpise of the Sheriffs of Saumur Equity of the Chamber of the Edict of Paris Rights of the Bishop of Mompellier upon the Vniversity Discontents of the Princes The Duke de Rohan joyns with them Polity of the Marshal de Bouillon Retreat and Manifesto of the Princes Their Precipitation is blam'd The Peace is made The Prince of Conde is injur'd at Poitiers Towns of Surely open'd to the King National Synod Letters from the King of England Council of the Lower Guyenne Mutual subordination of the Assemblies Brief of leave for a General Assembly Letters from the Lords Pecuniary affairs The Ministers are exempted from paying the Taylles Places of Surety Berger a Reform'd Counsellor in the Parliament of Paris turns Catholick Reform'd of Gex Churches not settled as yet Condition of the Reform'd in the County of Avignon Liberalities of the Synod Colleges Bearn Metz. Oath of Vnion Letters to the King and Queen The Queen prepares to assemble the States Declaration of the King's Majority Overtures of the States The Clergy and Nobility unite themselves against the Third Estate Reform'd in the States Indepency of Kings whose Cause is betray'd by the Clergy and by the Court it self Passion of the Clergy Harrangue of Cardinal du Perron Why Hereticks are tollerated Distinctions of the Cardinal His Conclusion Reflections The Third Estate persists Character of Miron President of the Chamber of that â—â—der The Court silences the third Estate Illusive Decree of the Clergy and their shameful Prevarication Inequality of the Prince of Conde Perseverance of the Clergy in that Doctrine Sedition at Milhau Harangue of the Bishop of Lucon Sedition at Belestat Cahier of the Clergy Sequel of the Cahier Articles propos'd directly against the Reform'd Sequel of the said Articles Conclusion of the Cahier THERE was a great deal of reason to believe that things would have gone farther considering the proceedings of the Court The rather because the Duke of Rohan seem'd nowise daunted at the storm that was preâ—…ng against him The Election of the Mayor was â—…de according to his desire la Rochebeaucour was forc'd yield and found himself almost reduc'd to pay the â—…t of the service he design'd to do the Queen The â—…ke gave the Offices of the City and of the Garrison â—…ersons he could confide in and the Deputy Governor's â—…e to Hautefontaine who was at his Devotion Neverâ—…less the Sequel did nowise answer those high beginnings â—…y fell to Remonstrances and Negociations and Theâ—…s Senechal of Query a wise and moderate man was 〈◊〉 to the Duke in order to perswade him to keep withâ—…he bounds of Duty Du Plessis also undertook that afâ—… and the Duke having preferr'd the advice of that old â—…n equally Prudent and Honest to the desires of a young â—…bility which would incline him to a War yielded to 〈◊〉 Exhortations of Themines An accommodation was â—…de in which in
was made about â—…o years before it was verified by reason that the oppositions of the City made the Court judge that affair to be 〈…〉 consequence and that the State was so imbroil'd that it â—…ould have been a rashness to have exasperated the Reform'd â—hey might have given a potent re-enforcement by their â—nion to those that were disatisfied with the Regency The Princes were very much disatisfied with it and â—…th much reason The extraordinary favour of the â—…arquiss d' Ancre an Italian of little merit esteem'd of â—…scure Birth and who could not so much as speak French â—…ent so far that every body murmur'd at it the Prinâ—…s having no share in the Affairs and that Stranger alone â—…verning according to his pleasure The Prince of Conde â—…e Count de Soissons the Dukes de Longueville and de Vendome 〈…〉 Mayenne and de Nevers and some others united themselues against the Favourite Some were induc'd to it upon â—…e account of Pride or Interest others upon the account 〈…〉 Amours or Intrigues The Marshal de Bouillon was â—…e hotest of all of them and he was the Mediator of the â—…e Union He had entertain'd hopes to advance himâ—…f in the affairs of the State and to gain the favour of that â—…incess by his Complaisance But after that Princess had obâ—…'d the Service she expected from him he was neglected â—…e the rest Whither it were that she observ'd that he had â—…t so much power over the Reform'd as he pretended or â—…at she was displeas'd that after having engag'd herself relyâ—…g upon his Credit to refuse several things to the Assembly 〈…〉 Saumur she had been oblig'd to grant the same things at â—…ers times one after another whereby she had lost the â—…it of her Favours by reason that they were granted by â—…ce and out of season So that the Marshal only succeed 〈…〉 in losing part of the confidence the Reform'd did repose in him and drew powerful Enemies upon him â—…der to remedy that loss he dispos'd the Princes to 〈…〉 their resentments and whereas he was us'd to put 〈…〉 Name of the Reform'd at the Head of all his Propositioâ—… he did not fail to offer them all their Forces The 〈…〉 of Rohan was a great obstacle for him Their Reconciliatiâ—… had not stifled their mutual difidencies He could do 〈…〉 thing without him by reason that he had a great Powâ—… in Saintonge in lower Guyenne and in Poitou three considerable Provinces The Marshal de Bouillon was afâ—… that incase he should enter into the Union he would groâ—… too Powerful but yet the Prince of Conde invited him 〈…〉 it He found him very willing to joyn with him by reason of the last discontents he had receiv'd from the Qâ—… Moreover the Princes putting the Inexecution of the Ediâ—… among the reasons of their retreat and obliging themselâ—… to obtain a reparation of the same it was a strong mâ—… to engage him into their party by reason that it seeâ—… to be very advantageous to the Churches Therefore he seem'd to harken to it and sent Hauteâ—…taine his Confident at the Conference where the Priâ—… treated of a Peace This being joyn'd to the Artificâ—… the Duke de Bouillon made the Queen so jealous of 〈…〉 that she resolv'd to take his Place of Colonel of the â—…zers from him which she presented to Bassompierre 〈…〉 finest Gentleman of the Court and who was most in 〈…〉 favour at that time The Duke freely resign'd his plâ—… and took a recompence for it which he thought bâ—… than to expose himself to lose it without the least advantage by refusing it besides his Sallary was not very 〈…〉 paid The Marshal de Bouillon had had the cunning to conceal the share he had in the discontents of the Princes frâ—… his Confidents and in order to make all the suspicious of 〈…〉 Court full upon Duke de Rohan he had only mention'd it 〈…〉 his Friends So that the Marshal de Bouillon seem'd to have 〈…〉 share in those Intrigues altho he was the head of them 〈…〉 he behaved himself so prudently that he became the Mediâ—… them The Queen being deceiv'd by that Policy or â—…ming so to be imploy'd him to quench those rising Flames 〈…〉 he had the Art to deserve the thanks of both sides in 〈…〉 Affair which he had promoted himself The Duke of Rohan was of no other use to him than to make the Queen â—ad the Princes the more in order to oblige her to grant 〈…〉 better Conditions and to make the Princes accept accomodation the sooner lest they should be too much â—…g'd to that Rival of his Glory incase he should proâ—…d to a Declaration of War The Princes withdrew to Mezieres a place blonging 〈…〉 the Duke de Nevers near Sedan which was very â—…veniently seated either to receive foreign Sucâ—…rs incase they could obtain any or to fly out of 〈…〉 Kingdom incase they were reduced to that necessity 〈…〉 Duke de Vendome was not able to follow the rest 〈…〉 reason that he was stopt at Paris as soon as their â—…eat had been known but having soon after made 〈…〉 Escape he repair'd into Bretagne of which he had the Government in order to make the people take Arms there â—…y publish'd a kind of Manifesto in all their Names in 〈…〉 form of a Letter from the Prince of Conde to the Queen 〈…〉 complain'd in it of all the Disorders that were observ'd â—…ll the parts of the State and above all things of the execution of the Edicts of Peace granted to the Reform'd 〈…〉 had conceiv'd just jealousies about it The whole was â—…uc'd to desire an Assembly of the Estates General as 〈…〉 only means to restore France to a perfect Tranquilty 〈…〉 writ to the Parliament of Paris to the same purpose 〈…〉 answer was sent him in the Queens name in which the â—…rt endeavour'd to throw the blame of the disorders of â—…ch the Regency was accus'd upon the Princes themselves â—…y justified the Queen particularly upon the subject of 〈…〉 Edicts saying that she had us'd her utmost endeavours 〈…〉 the observation of them but that whenever she reâ—…'d to use any severity against the Reform'd which as â—…y pretended abus'd their Privileges those who endeavour'd to incline them to a Rebellion represented all her actions 〈…〉 them as Cruelties and Injustices and that whenever she haâ— been indulgent to their demands the same Persons hâ—… blown into the Ears of the Catholicks that she favour'd their progress by the impunity of their enterprises The Wiser sort were of opinion that the retreat of the Princes had been too much precipiated and that having made a false stept at first they would obtain no great advantage of their ill-contriv'd Union They had neither Money Souldiers nor strong holds and all their hopes bâ—… built on Immaginary Succors or uncertain Events we 〈…〉 say that they were very Ill grounded Not but that 〈…〉 Duke of Rohan did whatever he could on
and they desire Grenoble again to which the Court consents Assembly of the Clergy Settlement for the Pensions of Converted Ministers Conduct of the Court and of the Prince of Conde who invites the Assembly of Grenoble to joyn with him Diversity of opinions The King's Progress The General Assembly sends Deputies to him Those Deputies are adjourn'd to Poitiers The Queen waves the Princes propositions and performs her Progress without hindrance Particular Cahier of the Assembly General Cahier Answers which are not satisfactory The Deputies are amus'd they Communicate their fears to the Assembly Lesdiguieres keeps them in awe They remove to Nimes inspight of him and excuse themselves at Court which does not approve it very well They are jealous of the Lords Lesdigueres and Chatillon are ingag'd in the Interest of the Court The Duke of Candale embraces the Reform'd Religion The Reform'd are hated by the Favourites The Duke d' Epernon hates them mortally Treaty of Vnion between the Assembly and the Prince of Conde under divers reservations which revives the Princes Party New Declaration which confirm the Edicts after an argumented Preface Effect of the Declaration The Reform'd are disarm'd â—â— Bourdeaux The Consistory discontinues the exercise of their Religion Two Advocates acquaint the Parliament with it which orders the usual Assemblies to be continued The Ministers withdraw The Consistory cites the Advocates after the Conclusion of the Peace who appeal to the Parliament The Consistory suspends them publickly from the Communion Severe Decree Passion of the Advocate General Facts disown'd by the Ministers Absurdities and ridiculous pretention Proceedings against the Ministers Sequel of the ill will of the Parliament False Decree of Inrollment of a Declaration against the Prince of Conde Propositions of Peace Deputies and Lettes from the Assembly of Nimes The Lower Languedoc remains peaceable The King of England offers to be Mediator of the Peace which the Council of France refuses Conferrence and Peace of Loudun Translation of the General Assembly â—â— Rochel from whence they send Deputies to Loudun Vnjust proceedings of the Court The Assembly is almost forc'd to accept a Peace Edict of Blois Private Articles Sequel Inrollment and modification of the Edict Have inlarg'd upon the preceding Articles presented by the Clergy by reason that they may be look'd upon as the Plan or Scheme of the Persecution the Reform'd have undergone from that time untill our days As the â—â—â—â—gy thereby show'd how little they were inclin'd to Peace 〈…〉 Equity the Nobility which follow'd their inspirations 〈…〉 movements did not appear better dispos'd They 〈…〉 during the Session of the Estates to Petition the 〈…〉 to maintain the Catholick Religion according to the 〈…〉 he had taken about it at his Coronation The Reâ—â—â—â—'d who were present took that proposition to be made â—â—â—â—nst them and were persuaded that the Nobility aim'd 〈…〉 Religion And indeed those that were acquainâ—â—â— with the nature of that Oath which I have set down in â—â—â—â—her place can think no otherwise since that the King â—â—â—â—ising thereby utterly to destroy all Hereticks declar'd 〈…〉 so by the Church the Application of it fell naturally 〈…〉 the Reform'd who are look'd upon as such by the â—â—â—â—olicks Therefore the said proposition was warmly â—â—â—â—ed between the Reform'd Gentlemen who were preâ—â—â—â— and the promoters of it in so much that they were 〈…〉 to proceed to great extremities The King was acâ—â—â—â—nted with it and he hinder'd it from going any further 〈…〉 promises and whereas peoples minds were strangâ—â—â—â—'d by that dispute he issued out a new Declaration on 12th of March which Confirmed all the Edicts 〈…〉 began with great Elogies of the Queen's conduct duâ—â—â—â— the Regency and of the care she had taken to conâ—â—â—â— the Edicts in imitation of the late King and to remeâ—â—â—he infractions of it as soon as she was acquainted with 〈◊〉 which the King look'd upon as the true Cause which 〈…〉 to the assistance of God had maintain'd his Subjects 〈…〉 the bounds of their Allegiance to him and in amiâ—â—â—mong themselves After which the King expressed that 〈…〉 good effect of the Queens Prudence had obliged him after the Declaration of his Majesty to intreat her to continue to assist him with her Council with the same authority as if the Administration of the Kingdom were still in 〈…〉 hands That by her advice he had issued out another Declaration of the same substance with that she had publishâ—… and caus'd to be verifi'd at the beginning of her Regeâ—… to signifie that it was her earnest desire to make his Subjeâ—… live in Peace and friendship and to observe the Ediâ—… Inviolably In the next place he declar'd that he was soâ—… for what had happen'd in the Estates upon the proposiâ—… of the Nobility and in order to satisfie the Reform'd 〈…〉 rejected it at first as little necessary or rather absolutâ—… useless since he was resolv'd to profess the Catholick Religion to his dying Day but after that he excus'd it proceeding from the Zeal of the Nobility towards the preservation of the Roman Religion without a design of gâ—…ing offence to any body whereupon he said that 〈…〉 Catholick Nobility had declar'd it to him first separatâ—… and then altogether That they had protested to him 〈…〉 they were very desirous of the observation of the Pâ—… establish'd by the Edicts That they had intreated him to 〈…〉 the re-union of his Subjects to the Providence of God 〈…〉 the usual means of the Church being but too much â—… swaded by experience that violent Remedies had â—… serv'd to increase the number of those that had left 〈…〉 Church instead of teaching them the way to return to 〈…〉 Therefore in order to remove the jealousies of the Refoâ—… who avoided factions and ill designs and all pretence of â—… sturbances from those that endeavour'd to promote 〈…〉 The King confirm'd anew all the Edicts Declarations â—… vate Articles Settlements and other Letters and Decrâ—… given in favour of the Reform'd both by himself and 〈…〉 Late King upon the Interpretation and Execution of 〈…〉 Edict of Nantes and order'd the same to be observ'd â—… olably This Declaraton which remain'd upwards of 〈…〉 Weeks before it was verify'd in the Parliament of â—… not cure the Evil the aforesaid Contestaion had creâ—… It hardly serv'd to Pallitate it And indeed it was very likely that it should satisfy any body considering it was Penn'd It was natural to suspect that a Constant Law could not be the Sequel of a Preface without â—…h That Imitation of Henry the 4th's Prudence it Inâ—… so much upon had never appear'd in the Queen's â—…duct On the contrary she had abandon'd all the late â—…s projects alterd confounded and destroy'd all â—he had done for the Peace and grandeur of the Kingâ—… and concluded the Alliance with Spain for which â—ad express'd an Invincible Aversion to his dying day affectation of always speaking of the Imitation of a Prince whose Maxims had been
look'd as if the Court had conâ—…ived at it underhand As for the suspicion the Court had of his being ingag'd secretly with the rest of the Reform'd â—…e easily destroyed it He assured the Court of his Services and of his Fidelity and sent Bellujon there on purpose with his Instructions and to receive their Orders He had â—…ong resisted the removal which the Reform'd did sollicit being as desirous to have one of their Assemblies in his poâ—…er as they were fearful of trusting it into his hands Therefore when he found that they desired it of their own accorâ—… he was one of the first that took them at their word aâ—… the Court being satisfied with him gave them a new Briâ—… which allow'd the holding of the Assembly at Grenoble Bâ—… whereas Lesdiguieres presence was more useful to the Coâ—… at Grenoble than elsewhere they put of his Journey to another time The Reform'd being deceiv'd on that side hâ—… no pretence left to go from their word The Deputies â—…pair'd to Grenoble towards the middle of Jully and contraâ—… to all appearences the Prince of Conde's Intrigues prevailâ—… over the credit and cunning of Lesdiguieres But during those Petitions of the Reform'd and the delâ—… of the Court the Clergy as I have already said Assembly at Paris for the renewing of the Contracts they commoâ—… make with the King once in Ten years But whereas they â—…ver give any thing without receiving they did not fail 〈…〉 advance their Enterprises against the Reform'd and to pursâ—… the project of their Ruin which they had form'd in the 〈…〉 states It was with that Intention the Coadjutor of Roans maâ—… a Speech to the King on the 8th of August he represented tâ—… State of the Roman Religion in Bearn to be so dismal and 〈…〉 deplorable that for want of Priests the Catholicks coâ—… not Christen their Children there till they were 20 years 〈…〉 Age and he represented as one of the greatest misfortune that the Ministers were paid there with the Revenues of the Church He said moreover in order to make the Reform'd more odious that the Roman Religion was favour'd moâ—… by the Turks than by the Reform'd of Bearn and those 〈…〉 cities tho plainly disprov'd by the replys of the Reform'd anâ— by the knowledg of all People were disperc'd and receivâ—â— as undeniable Truths He complain'd that the Abby of 〈…〉 Anthony de Viennois had been lately given to a young Secular presented by an Heretick and to move the more pâ—… against that injustice he said that miracles were performâ—… about the Tomb of the late Abbot He also return'd thâ—… King thanks about the reception of the Council of Trâ—… which he had promis'd but he made a little too much haste â—…on that Article It is true that the King had promis'd to â—…blish it but it was prevented by the Troubles that began 〈…〉 break out and perhaps he was glad that one of the Arâ—…es of the Peace of Luudun disingaged his word and hinder'd 〈…〉 from doing what the Kings his Predecessors had constantâ—… refus'd to do Before the end of the same month the Bishop 〈…〉 Beauvais began the same Song over again and made strange â—…licitations about the affair of Bearn complaining that the â—â—tholicks were depriv'd of the use of the Sacraments both 〈…〉 their birth and at their Death for want of Priests to 〈…〉 minister them He was very pressing upon the affair of â—…lhaâ— which happen'd the Winter before and tho the Catholicks had done as much at Belestadt since he desir'd that 〈…〉 compensation might be made of those two affairs Nevertheless the reciprocal sollicitations of the Catholicks and 〈…〉 the Reform'd did not permit those affairs to be seriâ—â—sly dicuss'd Their complaints only produc'd a delegatiâ—… of Judges who neither pleas'd the one nor the other â—…d whose judgment prov'd inefectual The Peace of Louâ—…n abolish'd the remembrance of those two affairs and the â—…e pass'd thus in spight of the Clergy for a compensation 〈…〉 the other In the same Assembly the Clergy who had no success in the â—…nquest of Ministers drew an ample Regulation for the distribution of 30000 Livers which they had design'd for the Pensions of â—…ose that should turn Catholicks and being sincible that the number of those Proselites was as yet too small to employ that little â—…m they consented that untill their zeal had made aâ— greater progress they should give the remainder of the said Sum to others besides Ministers provided it were only given to persons of Meâ—…t It appeares by those Regulations that the Clergy was disaâ—…sfi'd even with those they had corrupted since they took so much â—…re to hinder that Money from falling into ill hands But notwithstanding all that they met with no success in their â—…retended Conversions and even after the affairs of the Reform'd were ruin'd they were forc'd to imploy their Money to â—…ther uses In the mean time the Court had no manner of regard 〈…〉 the People and broke their promises with as little regaâ—â— as if they had design'd to make Malecontents They re-eâ—…blish'd La Paulette or the annual duty they had been obliâ—… to revoke because it had been desir'd with great Earnestreâ—… and the Queen went her self to the Bastille from whence 〈…〉 took 800000 Crowns which were remaining there of 〈…〉 fourteen Millons in ready Money which the Duke of â—…ly had hoarded there by his good management So that it looâ—… as if they had a mind to favour the designs of the Prince 〈…〉 Conde who was preparing to hinder the accomplishment 〈…〉 the Marriages with Spain His Discontents had remov'd him 〈…〉 degrees from the Court and in that Retirement he flattâ—… himself of being powerfully assisted both at home and abâ—… he was in hopes that the King of England and the Vnited Provinces who could not be pleas'd at those Marriages woâ—… assist him powerfully and indeed he had receiv'd great promises of it He expected that the Forces which were beâ—… Useless by the Peace of Savoy lately made and wereupâ—… the Frontiers of Germany would assist him and perhaps 〈…〉 would have prov'd so had he had Money to buy them 〈…〉 every thing fail'd him and he found himself Ingag'd in aâ—… which he could never have got honourably out of had 〈…〉 the Reform'd succor'd him at their own Cost The Queen 〈…〉 secretly prepar'd every thing for the accomplishing of her â—… signs amus'd the Prince with Negotiations and Sent Villâ—… several times to Coussi to confer with him there about 〈…〉 means of an Agreement But during those Treatys they 〈…〉 bauch'd his Creatures from him either by perswading tâ—… that the Prince only design'd to make his own Peace and 〈…〉 it was already far advanc'd or offering them more poâ—… and profitable advantages under her than they could expâ—… under the Prince of Conde Insomuch that many of them â—oâ—… Gratifications or were dazled by Promises They broke 〈…〉 the measures he took with Stangers and
So that whenever the Reform'd mention'd the Revenging of the late King's Death and the making of an exact Enquiry after those that had a Hand in it he was in the Right to take the thing upon himself and to believe that they aim'd at his Head Therefore the Duke being inrag'd to see his Son ingag'd in the Religion and Party of the Reform'd took so much Pains and Care display'd the Marks of his Tenderness and of his Anger so properly made Use of Hope and Fear with so much Art and Power imploy'd the Promises and Illusions of the Court so effectually that his Son Embrac'd the Roman Communion again with as much Levity as he had quitted it so that after some years Travel in most parts of Europe not forgetting to Visit Rome and Italy he return'd into his Fathers Favour again During these Transactions the Treaty between the Assembly and the Prince of Conde was agreed upon and Sign'd on the 10th of November After the usual Preamble before all such Acts containing Protestations of only taking Arms for the King's Service against those who Abuse his Name and his Authority and of having no design to depart from their Allegiance The Treaty imported that the End of that Union was to provide for the safety and Preservation of the King's Person To make an exact Inquiry after all those that were concern'd in the Death of Henry the IV. To hinder the Publication of the Council of Trent as a thing which derogated from the King's Authority the Rights of the Crown the Liberties of the Gallick Church and the Edicts of Pacification To oppose the ill Consequences which the Marriages concluded with Spain might produce To Reform the Council in removing from the Government such as were mention'd by the Remonstrances of the Parliament To provide for the Performance of the Edicts Declarations Letters and Briefs Granted to the Reform'd and to see justice do e to the People of the Principality of Bearn To restore such to their Imployments as had been or should be dispossess'd of the same upon the Account of their Religion To hearken to no Treaty unless by a mutual Consent and not to abandon each other until they had receiv'd satisfaction upon all their demands The whole concluded by a Promise of keeping a constant Correspondence together and to impart to one another all the Resolutions and Advices that might be taken for the Publick Good Nevertheless the Assembly had intermix'd some Articles which limited the Princes Power in some Measure They retain'd the direction of the Forces and Sums the Reform'd were to furnish by the Authority and with the Commissions of the Prince who should deliver them in Blanc and be receiv'd by none but persons belonging to the Assembly They also reserv'd to themselves the Power to dispose by way of Commission by Letters Patent from the Prince deliver'd to them in Blanc of all Places and Governments Offices of Judicature and of the Public Revenues which should become vacant during the War And they oblâ—g'd themselves to cause those Commissions to be Converted if possible by a Peace into Warrants for Life They desired That provisions should be made for the safety of the Provinces that should be the Theatre of the War either by yielding to them some of the Places they were in hopes to Conquer or by giving them others instead of those they might lose They added That the Prince should not be allow'd to make any Innovation in the places belonging to the Reform'd That such among the Reform'd as should be oblig'd to quit their Habitations upon the Account of the War should be receiv'd for their safety into Places held by the Prince or his Adherents and that they should injoy the free Exercise of their Religion in the same as also in the Armies in which they should have Forces and that those Refugies should injoy the Estates of those that should quit the Places Conquer'd by the Prince or that should be turn'd out for refusing to Obey him The Prince promis'd every thing because his Affairs were in an ill Posture and that in case the Reform'd had fail'd him he would have been forc'd to fly out of the Kingdom or to submit to the Pleasure of the Court. Tho' the Queen had a good Army and was very well serv'd yet she was frightned when she was told at Bordeaux that the Prince was happily got out of so many Defiles and Rivers and that the Royal Army Commanded by the Marshal de Bois Dauphin had not been able to stop his passage and that he was coming to tarry for him in the Way to his Return She had yet less Reason to despise him when she found that the Reform'd were joyn'd with him Reinforcing his Army by the Duke of Soubise's Forces and assisting him in other Places by considerable diversions The Duke of Sully himself imbrac'd that Party after many Irresolutions and increas'd the Prince's Army by his Forces by his Friends and by the Towns he possess'd in Poitou and elsewhere But that was the only Action in which he shew'd some Resolution from the time of his Disgrace at Court until his Death The Duke of Rohan who was neither well Attended nor well Obey'd Seiz'd upon the Town and Castle of Leitoure by the Intelligence he held with Fontrailles which neither the Duke of Guise who Commanded the Royal Army in those Parts nor yet the Political Assembly of the Upper Languedoc that was held at that time in the Neighbourhood thereof but refus'd to meddle with those Differences notwithstanding the earnest sollicitation of the General Assembly could prevent The Court being exactly inform'd of whatever past in the Assembly at Nimes receiv'd a particular Account of what they had done in favour of the Prince of Conde so that they had time enough to prepare a Declaration upon that Subject which gave the Reform'd a fair pretence to remain quiet in their Houses It appear'd the very same Day the Treaty was Sign'd between the Prince and the Assembly As if the Kings Intelligence had been so Critical as to know before hand the day on which it was to be concluded or that chance had order'd the Minute for the Remedy at the very hour of the Disease The main End of the said Declaration was to keep those of the Reform'd within the bounds of their Allegiance who were not yet departed from it and to bring back such as had joyn'd themselves with the Male-contents and to render those inexcusable who should resuse to lay down their Arms after having been earnestly invited to it Therefore the Declaration was very full and all the pretences that could serve to excuse the Resolutions of the Assembly were refuted in it with a great deal of Art They inlarg'd at first upon the King's Kindnesses and the care he had taken as well as the Queen his Mother to cause the Edicts to be observ'd and to remedy the infractions thereof Therefore they alledg'd
the same Powers who had now had a new Meeting there under pretence of the Exchange of the Princesses created no small Jealousies in them A Queen of the same Name the like Conjuncture of Affairs a strict Alliance with a Crown that was an Enemy to their Religion gave them cause to fear that something was concluded there against them according to the Bloody Maxims which the Duke of Alva had then inspir'd to the Council of France It is reported that the Reformed Ministers being prejudic'd by those Suspicions Preach'd in sundry places that Persecution was at hand The Catholicks on their side express'd their Zeal a little too much and spoke publickly of a War of Religion as if it had been resolv'd upon The Sermons of the Jesuits were particularly Animated by the same Spirit that is observ'd in their private Conversations and divers marks appear'd in sundry places of the Notions they inspir'd their Penitents with at their Confessions And yet it is most certain that Religion was not the real Motive of that War It was a pure Affair of â—tate into which none but the Lords on the side of the Reform'd did ingage with a small number of their Creatures â—he People several intire Provinces and almost all the Cities â—emain'd within the bounds of their Allegiance So that the â—eclaration spoke the Truth upon this Subject in saying that â—he greatest number of them remain'd Peaceful and Loyal But the King's return to Bourdeaux after the exchange of â—he Princesses and the Declaration of the Assembly of Nimes â—â— favour of the Prince of Condé were attended with very â—â—l Consequences Although the number of the Reform'dâ—here â—here was very inconsiderable compar'd to the Catholicks and â—â—oreover most of them Merchants whose Genius and Proâ—ession is not inclin'd to War the Sheriffs thought fit to disarm â—hem after the King's Departure This Precaution only serâ—ed to fling them into a strange Consternation and Despair They fancy'd that the Catholicks had a design to be rid of them â—y a Massacre and that their Arms were only taken from them â—o dispatch them the sooner The Reform'd had already been â—s'd ill in several parts of the Province but particularly at â—as a' Agenois where they had been accus'd of favouring the â—esigns of the Duke of Rohan and to have held Intelligence with Cilonges one of his Captains in order to deliver up the Place to him From whence they concluded that the Reform'd being every where suspected of holding a correspondence with the Prince of Condé according to the Resolution of their Assemâ—ly their Enemies would make use of that pretence to exert a thousand Violences against them And that it was not safe for them to remain without Arms at the Mercy of so Mutinous and so Seditious a People as those of Bourdeaux were Therefore the Consistory being assembled at Begle the usual place in which they perform'd the publick Service of their Religion about a League distant from the City resolv'd to discontinue the said Exercise for fear of exposing the whole Church to a Massacre which would be easily executed they being all Assembled together The Service of the said Church was perform'd at that time by two Forreigners Cameron and Primrose Learned Men full of Zeal and of great Credit who seconded the Resolution of the Consistory But there were two Advocates of the Parliament among the Elders call'd Saint-Angel and Auvergnat who oppos'd it and us'd their utmost Endeavours to hinder it Nevertheless the Authority of the Ministers prevail'd Whereupon the said Advocates whither out of fear of losing their Practice in case they should consent to a Resolution which show'd a diffidence of the sincerity of the Court or whether they held any secret Intelligence there or lastly whither they design'd to distinguish and set a value upon themselves by some extraordinary proceeding accus'd the Consistory before the Parliament and represented the said discontinuation of the Exercise of their Religion as a very odious Enterprize tending to fill the Minds of People with Allarms and Jealousies as also very injurious to the Magistracy that had taken the Reform'd under their Protection and had promis'd them a Guard for the safety of their Assemblies The truth is thâ—â— the said Resolution struck a Terror every where And the People supposing that the Consistory had powerful Reasons â—â— fix upon that Expedient look'd upon this proceeding as a â—â—gâ— that they did not confide in the Protection promis'd by the last Declaration And that there was no relying on that Phantasm of the Publick Faith so often violated The Parliament receiv'd the Deposition of the two Advocates and on the 5th of January of the following Year they made a Decree Commanding the Reform'd to continue the said Exercise as they were wont to do at the usual place â—â— pain of being Punish'd as Criminals of leze Majesty But they did not think it safe to Obey since that being depriv'd of Arms to defend themselves they would be expos'd to the Mercy of Friends and Foes both at the place of their Worship and by the way They did not think the Guards that were promis'd them sufficient to defend them against the Troops that serv'd the Prince or those that were in Arms for the King or the Seditions that the Indiscreet Zeal of the Catholicks might excite against them But then they were afraid of exposing their Ministers to the Indignation of the Parliament by their Disobedience Therefore they thought fit to remove them from the City to secure them and accordingly they did send the one to Tonneins and the other to Royan So that the said Reform'd of Bourdeaux having no longer any Ministers to perform Divine Service had a lawful pretence by their absence to discontinue the same and to keep at home But after the Peace was made the Church having recall'd their Ministers and reassum'd their former Exercises of Religion the Consistory Assembled as they us'd to do and the first thing they did was to call the two Advocates to an Account for what they had done in that Affair Saint-Angel was more obstinate and passionate than the other who hearken'd to Reason and at last submitted to the Censures of the Consistory â—t the Request of his Friends So that all the Indignation of â—hat Assembly fell upon Saint-Angel who would never submit But before he was abandon'd by his Companion the Consistory cited them both to appear before them according â—o the forms prescrib'd by their Discipline Saint-Angel had â—lledg'd in order to excuse his opposing of the two Ministers â—hat the Discontinuation of the Publick Exercise of their Reâ—igion would prejudice the Right granted by the Edicts to which the Church would seem to renounce by interrupting â—he course of the Assemblies But when he found himself â—ress'd by those that brought the Citation of the Consistory to â—im he concluded that they would laugh at his Pretence in â—ase he should appear and that
Prince of Condé gave notice to those of his Party to do the like or to send Deputies â—ut he troubled himself no farther with their Interests than was just necessary for the advantage of his own The Marshall de Bouillon found his account in it by reason that the Court was willing to favour him so much as to oblige him not to renew the Troubles The Dukes of Rohan and of Sully got nothing by it Nay the first was neglected â—o that degree that he was not so much as summon'd to appear â—…t the Conference in which he came without being Invited â—hither But it was not long before he show'd the Prince of Condé how sensible he was of that slight The Duke of Sully contributed considerably towards the Conclusion of a Peace and it would have been very difficult to have perswaded the Reform'd to it without him Yet he was never the more favourably us'd for it in what related to his own particular Affairs and he received no manner of favour beyond the General The Reform'd were not mention'd until all the rest were satisfy'd after which the Prince of Condé obtain'd some things for them lest he should seem to farsake them quite after having receiv'd so proper and so necessary a succor from them But the Court did not forget their old Maxim which was to grant them nothing but what they could keep in spite of them and to favour them as little in the rest as possibly could be The Conferences lasted about three Months at Loudun during which time the Assembly of Nimes obtain'd leave of the King to remove to Rochel to be nearer to the place of the Treaty Thus from a Conventicle which was look'd upon as particular disown'd by the rest and unlawful it became a General Authoriz'd Assembly The Prince of Condé fell dangerously sick during these Delays His Illness chang'd the face of Affairs and Projects were forming already of what was fit to be done in case he should die The Queen who seem'd to be most concern'd in that Accident because the Prince was the only Person who could dispute her Authority nevertheleâ—s dreaded the Death of her Enemy because she foresaw that it would break of the Treaty of Peace which would expose her and her Creatures to new Dangers and the State to new Confusions So that the Prince's Recovery was look'd upon on both sides as equally advantageous to all and the fear of his Death had dispos'd every body to put an end to those Tedious Conferences He became more tractable himself while he thought he should Die and thought he was oblig'd in Honour and Duty to end a War before his Death which he had occasion'd He persisted in the same Sentiments after his Recovery being desirous of rest The most difficult having made their Conditions the Assembly of Rochell only remain'd disatisfy'd Sully undertook to prevail with them to receive the Conditions his Majesty was pleas'd to grant them In order to which he repair'd thither with the English Ambassador who joyn'd with him in order thereunto The Assembly was better united than they had been at Nâ—mes And whereas their Resolution of joyning with the Prince of Condé had only been carry'd by two Voices their Opinions prov'd more uniform about the Sureties they thought necessary for the execution of the Treaty of Peace So that Sully's undertaking prov'd pretty difficult Nevertheless he succeeded in it because he omitted nothing that could perswade making use of Reasons of Authority and even of Money which often proves the most convincing of all Arguments He prevail'd with the Assembly to send Ten Deputies to Loudun with a Power to accept the Conditions that had been agreed upon with the King's Commissioners However they only granted them that Power on Condition that they should have leave to continue their Session until the Verification of the Edict were past That the Armies should be actually Disbanded That Tartâ—â— should be restor'd to them which place the Reform'd pretended had been taken from them by Surprize and that Commissioners should be dispatch'd forthwith to put the Edicts in Execution in the Provinces But Sully at his return far from receiving Thanks for his pains was disown'd for having ingag'd so far in the Prince's Name and in order to show that he had done nothing without Authority he was oblig'd to produce his Instructions The Reason of this disavowal was that the Court would not consent to the Continuation of the Assembly after the Conclusion of the Treaty However that difficulty was remov'd by obtaining leave for the Assembly to remain at Rochel until a time prefix'd and that the said delay should be imploy'd by them in the Nomination of Deputies General Sully drew an Instrument upon that Subject which was at first approv'd of by all Parties only altering a few words Moreover the Assembly sent a new Power to their Deputies to Authorize them to approve it After which the King's Commissioners retracted and would alter the Instrument in several things This Game was play'd twice or thrice Sully was disown'd and then own'd again in what he did The Writing was agreed to and alter'd so often that those who were imploy'd about it had no longer any Patience The Reason which made the Commissioners so difficult is that the principal Persons being satisfy'd the Court had a mind to use the Assembly haughtily and to oblige them to receive what they would give them with submission They were sensible that the Lords would not renounce the Advantages they obtain'd to better the Condition of the People Finally the Prince being inform'd by Sully of the Difficulties which delay'd the Conclusion put an end to them like a Prince who consider'd no body but himself He whisper'd something to Villeroy and soon after did the same to Sully After which he declar'd that Villeroy had granted what was desir'd and at the same time he Sign'd the Treaty without allowing any body time to answer him This abrupt Conclusion vex'd the Deputies of the Assembly extreamly but they could find no Remedy They discover'd by several Instances that it was a design'd thing to oblige the Assembly to receive whatever Conditions the Lords had thought fit and that they had only been desir'd to send Deputies out of Formality On Tuesday Morning before they had Sign'd even before their having given their Consent to what the others had concluded Orders were sent to the Minister who was in his Pulpit to acquaint the People that the Peace was made and to exhort them to return God thanks for it This made those murmur who knew that there were difficulties undecided and made them judge that it was a forc'd Peace which they were obliged to accept of for fear of falling into greater Inconveniences And indeed the Marshal de Bouillon himself forgot the Interests of the Common Cause because he had secur'd his own He Exclaim'd higher than any Body against the Assembly though they had only follow'd
put it in execution which he never fail'd of sending to such places where it was necessary But the Son's Answers were only words to free the Court of Importunities Sollicitations And whereas as soon as the Deputi's were out of sight they forgot their Promises the Reform'd receiv'd no benefit by it in the Provinces where they Laugh'd at their answer'd Cahiers The same Fate attended the other means which had serv'd under the late Reign to put them out of Trouble A Removal or Appeal before the Commissioners was become a Jest by reason that the Reform'd Commissioner was ever at the Devotion of the Court and that the Catholicks having no favourable Instructions suffer'd themselves easily to be prevail'd upon by the Clergy and by the Jesuits which Persons of that Character have ever endeavour'd to oblige A Confirmation of some Articles of the Edict violated by the Catholicks was but a Song by reason that the Answer which granted it not being seconded could not obtain more respect than an Edict so solemn as that of Nantes or a better observation of the Settlements which an Edict of that Consequence could not secure against the Injustice of a false Zeal A Declaration of what the King would or would not have being weaken'd by the little earnestness that was express'd to put it in Execution met with no Obedience Perhaps I may inlarge more upon this Subject in another place But this is sufficient in this place to shew the Effect of the Remonstrances and Petitions the Reform'd were daily oblig'd to present viz. to obtain Illusive Remedies for real Evils and to see the Clergy authoris'd to raise greater Persecutions against them by the little redress they met with from the King's Authority to oppose the first Attempts The End of the Fifth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES VOL. II. BOOK VI. A Summary of the Contents of the Sixth BOOK EXtream despair of the Bearnois An Assembly refus'd at Castel-jaloux and at Tonneins They meet at Orthez and are prescrib'd Sedition at Pau. Maliae of the Commissioner Presages and Devotions Câ—â—ft of the Council First and Final Mandate directed to the Soveraign Council of Bearn Follow'd by Decrees of the said Council Sentiments of some particular Persons upon those Affairs Dispositions of the Grandees The State of Foreign Affairs Dangerous Consequences of Moderate Councils An Apology of the Conduct of the Bearnois Artifice of the Bishops of that Country Remarks upon the Speech of the Bishop â—f Macon Difficulties against the Reimplacement Against the Tithes Prescription Conclusion The Queen Mother makes her Escape from Blois The Prince of Conde is put at liberty The Assembly os Orthez Transferr'd to Rochel takes the King's part and breaks up Another Assembly allow'd at Loudun Their Preliminary Demands Why the Reform'd have so often renew'd the same Demands The Court refers the Complaints to the General * Cahier and other Articles of Complaints The Assembly prohibits the Preaching of Jesuits or other Monks in the Towns of Surety Decrees of divers Parliaments to the contrary Deputation Letters and Remonstrances to the King The Reform'd were inclin'd to serve the Queen Mother A Vexatious Answer from the King and the Effect of it Oppositions of the Catholicks against the Settlement of a College at Charenton Assembly of the Clergy They are exempted from pleading in Courts where all the Judges are Reform'd Reiterated Orders to the Assembly of Loudun to break up An Expedient of Accommodation An Vnexpected Declaration against the Assembly The Prince of Conde deceives the Reform'd Affected diligence of the Attorney General The Assembly remains steady The Negotiations are renew'd The Assembly obeys upon the Words of the Prince of Conde and of the Favourite Effect of the separation of the Assembly New Intrigues against the Favorite The Duke of Rohan sides with the Queen Scruples of the Queen Mother The Power of the Party she forms Vseful Advice of the Prince of Conde and ill advice of the Bishop of Lucon Reasons of the Bishop Defeat of the Queens Forces follow'd by a Peace Vnexpected Journey of the King in Bearn Faults of the Reform'd and the Cause thereof Remonstrances cannot stop the King He arrives at Pauâ— Makes himself Master of Navareins Takes the Oath Alters the whole frame of the Government Suppression of the Captains of the Parsans Treatment of the Reform'd Injuries Threatnings Violences The Evil encreases after the King's departure Wickedness of the Bishops Cruelties of Poyane Divers Relations of the King's Journey National Synod of Alais Political Settlement The Ministers deputed for the Synod of Dort give an account of the opposition they have met with to stay them Affairs of the Synod cross'd by a thousand Artifices They resolve to send Deputies to the King and revoke their Resolution All manner of Succors is refus'd to the Deputy of Bearn Important Considerations wav'd News of Consequence suppress'd Treachery of some Ministers unpunish'd Affairs of Privas and their Original Accommodation broken off by the Lord thereof The Place is deposited Vâ—olerces of the Garrison and Calumnies against the Inhabitants An Assembly at Anduze Behaviour of Chatillon Churches attack'd Invectives against the Synod of Alais Assembly at Gergeau Important Propositions 1st Whether they shall Vote by Heads or by Provinces 2ly Whether they may Exceed their Instructions Deliberations of the Assembly Other Assemblies in Anjou and in Burgundy Divers complaints of the Reform'd in those Provinces General Alarms of the Churches after the Alterations made in Bearn Assembly at Milhau cross'd by the Deputies of Lesdiguieres and Chatillon Effect of the Promisses made to the Assembly of Loudun Councellors receiv'd in the Parliament of Paris Leitoure taken from Fontrailles The Brief Sign'd for the keeping of the Places of Surety is not given The interest of Favas hastens the return of the Assembly at Rochel Declaration which stiles it Vnlawful The Prince of Conde and the Favourite fail in their Guaranty to the Reform'd A suppos'd Letter under the Name of the Duke of Mombazon DUring these Transactions Peoples Minds were strangely agitated in Bearn and they lost all manner of Patience when they heard how the Court had receiv'd their Deputies and the Intercession of the Deputies General The Council would not allow the Deputation of the Bearnois to be real and though it had all the Marks that were necessary to Authorize it they reiected it as being made in the Suburb of St. Germains by Persons who had no Authority They would hardly look upon the Cahier that was presented by those Deputies And after having seen it they granted nothing of what it contain'd Moreover the King forbad the holding of any Assembly upon that Affair and refus'd to hear either Apologies or Remonstrances These hard and absolute Proceedings cast those People into Despair who had been us'd to a milder Treatment and who judging of the Future by the present forefaw that the oppression of which the first steps were so
all occasion of Civil Wars as so many Rocks against which he might loose himself Thus the Assembly obey'd being persuaded by Lesdiguieres by Chatillon and by Du Plessis to whom the other two had given the same Assurances that as soon as they broke off Satisfaction would be given them about the Affair of Leitoure the keeping of the Places of Surety and the Reception of the two Councellors that in the next Place the King would hear the Remonstrances of those of Bearn and that in case all that were not performed in seven Months time they should not only have Leave granted them to Assemble again but that it should be Lawful for them to do it without a new Permission This is the Snare in which Credulity made them fall which they would not have done had not Lesdiguieres and the others persuaded them not to insist to have the said Assurance in Writing lest the Court might pretend afterwards never to have made any such Promise Finally They nominated six Persons to the King who chose Favas and Chalas out of the said Nomination to exert the General Deputation and soon after the Assembly's having received Notice of the said Election they broke up The King seem'd very well pleas'd with their Obedience and express'd it in very obliging Words Moreover he added something to it which might have been call'd Effective had not a Project been form'd at the same time to render it ineffectual which was to add a Year to the Brief that had been promis'd for the keeping of the Places of Surety which were thereby left in the same Condition in which they were for five Years longer But the Court might easily allow them a longer time yet without any Hazard since they had already prepar'd Means to re-take them The Court had a great deal of Reason to rejoyce at the Breaking up of the Assembly Great Intrigues were forming there against the Greatness of the Favorite The Queen had a violent Desire to return thither The Bishop of Lucon who was not come back to her to Confine himself to the Castle of Anger 's was very sollicitous for her to return there But the main thing was to come there strong enough to reduce the Prince of Conde and the Favorite to her Pleasure She easily form'd a great Party by reason that all the Lords being displeas'd with Luines whom they despiâ—'d thought it more Honorable for them to obey the Widow of Henry the Great and the King's Mother than a Man whom Fortune had rais'd in one Night whose Avarice and Ambition had no Bounds The Duke of Rohan was one of those that engag'd furthest into the Queen's Interests Though the Favorite was Ally'd to him they were not Friends Their Genius was too different to Sympathise Luines had us'd the Duke of Rohan barbarously while the Queen was Confâ—â—'d at Blois That Duke had propos'd a Reconciliation between them and alledging to him that he would find more Support in her than in the Prince of Câ—nde he had advis'd 〈…〉 to leave the said Prince in Prison and to recall the Queen to Court Luines who was unwilling to suffer any Persons there of more Authority than himself did not set that Prince at Liberty and seem'd to hearken to the Duke's Proposition but it was only in order thereby to penetrate into the Queen's Secrets to discover her Confidents and Friends to draw Advances from her which discovered somewhat too plainly her Passion to return to Court He made use of it to ruine the Creatures of that Princess and to make the King jealous that in case she should come back to Court she would soon resume her former Authority there This Prince being Jealous and Credulous fancy'd strait that she had great Designs against him and that perhaps she aspir'd to Deprive him of the Government This was the Thing he was most sensible to though at the Bottom it ought to have been indifferent to him since another was to Reign in his Name whither it were his Mother or his Favorites But the Duke de Luines proceeded farther in his Wickedness He insinuated into the King that the Queen might attempt against his very Life in order to make the Crown fall to the Duke of Orleance in case she could not otherwise secure the Authority to her self In order there unto he taught him all the Mysteries of the Government of Catherine de Medicis and he insinuated to him that the Death of Charlis the Ninth had not been occasion'd as it was reported by an Effort which had broken a Vein within his Stomach but because he had declared too openly that he design'd to Reign himself and to Resume the Authority which that Princess had kept too long Some Lords belonging to the Court having accidentally put the King upon that Subject were surpriz'd to find him so well acquainted with the Particulars of that History It was easie thereby to judge that he had been taught it in order to make him fear what a Princess of the same House and of an equal Ambition and as full of Courage was capable to undertake to Reign Therefore the Duke of Rohan who was already ill with the Favorite seeing moreover that the Prince of Conde was at Liberty against whom he had given such a disobliging Council and to whom he had written in a pretty insulting manner during his Confinement took absolutely the Queens Part and us'd his utmost Endeavors to engage the Assembly of Loudun in her Interests He fail'd but little of succeeding in it and had not the Court found the Way to dissolve it by the Illusion of the fair Promises I have mentioned it was very likely that he would have perform'd it He was one of those who were against their breaking up and he promis'd the Queen that he would have Credit enough to hinder it But the Advice of others being prefer'd to his he notwithstanding was one of those that insisted most on the Sureties that were fittcst to be taken once to find some good Effect of the Promises of the Court. So that he only Consented upon the positive assurances which Lesdiguiere and Chatillon gave upon the Word of the Prince of Conde and of the Duke de Luines that the King would allow the Deputies to assemble again at Rochel in case the Things promised were not put in Execution at the appointed time He represented that Consideration to the Queen and endeavour'd to persuade her that whereas the Court no longer kept their Words of late the Assembly would not fail to repair to Rochel at a time when the Designs of that Princess being ready to succeed the Reform'd would fully resolve to joyn with her That the new Fraud of the Favorite would give them just Reasons to do it and that their present Obedience would only serve to show that it was against their Will they were oblig'd to proceed to Extremities The Court was not ignorant of his Proceedings with the Queen
yet more at a loss when they were ty'd to their Instructions which being drawn in Provincial Assemblies were seldom conformable to the Instructions of those that were corrupted Those two Questions were attended with Difficulties The first had often occasion'd Disputes in Councils and in the Estates General The Popes had often lost their Cause when Councils gave their Votes by Provinces For that reason they refus'd to allow that manner of Voting in the Council of Trent in which the Number of the Italian Bishops which surpassed that of all the Prelates of the Remainder of Europe that assisted at it would have been reduced to one Voice in case they had not Voted by Heads which would have given a great Advantage to all those that had a mind to reform the See of Rome In the States General the Brigues and Sollicitations of the Court often prov'd ineffectual when they Voted by Provinces So that the Assemblies of the Reformed being liable to Brigues and Corruption as well as the others the same Question might be of use in it as well as in all the others The second Question was not without Difficulty neither It seems to be a Maxim of Right that those who only act in a Cause as Attorneys for others ought never to swerve from the Instructions which limit their Power But in Affairs of which the Conjunctures change from Morning to Night it seems both unreasonable and very dangerous to tye Deputies so Inviolably to their Instruction that they may not be allowed to do that of themselves which it is most likely their Principals would order them to do if they had time to Consult with them about it Particularly since it is to be supposed that those who intrust any body with their Power in Affairs of great Consequence look upon them as honest Men it would seem to be a Reflection upon them not to allow them to swerve from their Memoirs in unexpected Cases Too much Regularity in such a Case may either occasion tedious Delays or lose an Occasion which may be difficult to recover This was the Reason why those Questions were not decided every where alike To Vote by Heads and not to depend upon Instructions was liked best especially in such Provinces where the Court had many Pensioners But they were of a contrary Opinion in this and the Synod of Alets as we have already seen endeavoured to make the General Assembly approve the same Sentiment Moreover they added that it would be necessary to make the President his Assistant and the two Secretaries set their Hands to the Memoires of the Deputies that should assist in the same and to oblige them in order to avoid Deceit to produce them whenever they should advance Propositions which they should pretend to be contained in the same This particular Assembly finding it self Considerable by the Number and Quality of its Members treated of several great Affairs of delaying the National Synod of hastning the Assembly of Rochel by way of Continuation of that of Loudun to oblige the Duke de Sully to Watch the Preservation of Gergeau a Place of Surety which was unprovided with Men and ill paid They made divers Reflections upon the Promise made to the Assembly of Loudun by the Prince of Conde and the Duke de Luines by which it was easie to judge that they did not trust much to it The Communication of those particular Assemblies with their Neighbours maintained so general a Correspondence among all the Churches that they were all instructed with what past in any of them so that the same Affairs were partly treated of in all of them Therefore it may very well be concluded that the same thing was done in that which was held at Saumur at the latter end of the same Month of July and in that of Burgundy which was held at Pont de Vesâ—e on the 5th of the following Month. There had been Deputies of those two Provinces at Gergeau and the Province of Orleans sent theirs reciprocally in those two Assemblies so that for the most part all things past there in the same manner Divers Complaints were made in those Assemblies of the Injustices that were done to the Reform'd within their respective Jurisdictions The free Exercise of the Reform'd Religion was hinder'd at Chartres A private Person had been turn'd out of the Shrievalty at Remorantin barely upon the Account of his Religion and the Election of another was oppos'd upon the same account The Judge of Orleans had Condemn'd a Temple to be demolished within the space of a Week which was all built the Covering only excepted upon a piece of Ground given at Chilleurs by Chemerolles who was High Justicer of the Place Their Malice went farther yet at Montrichard The Catholicks were forbidden there to assist the Reform'd to carry their Dead into the Ground which Prohibition extended even to Servants towards their Masters threatning them in case they did not obey with Ecclesiastical Censures and even with Excommunication The Parliament of Paris had refus'd to regard the Warrants of a Serjeant Royal because he was of the Reform'd Religion and that he had serv'd an Execution upon a Catholick at the Suit of a Reform'd The same Parliament made two Vexatious Decrees in a short space of time upon the Subject of Burials the one on the 2d of July which order'd the Reconciliation of the Church of Lonlac in which the Heirs and the Widow of Buchon Sieur de Lallier were accused of having deposited his Body with Violence and Force of Arms. The other on the 1st of August in the Chamber of the Edict upon a Sentence of the Seneshalship of Angoumois which Condemn'd the Baron d'Etangs to take his Mother out of the Ground whom he had bury'd in the Chappel of Mâ—ssignac two years before The Sentence was confirm'd but the Fine of 200 Livres to which it Condemn'd the Baron was moderated to 48 Livres in Alms for the Bread of Prisoners to which was added that before they should proceed to the Removing of the said Corps the Attorny General should take Information whether it could be done conveniently in order to proceed to what should be thought reasonable after the hearing of the said Information But the Noise of the Alterations made in Bearn stifled those slight Complaints and the whole Kingdom talked of the Promise made to the Assembly of Loudun in the King's Name which was violated in every Article All the Neighbouring Churches to that oppressed Province were particularly alarm'd Lescun not daring to appear at Home came to Montauban where the Assembly of Rouergue sate He made his Complaints there and they gave him a full Hearing The Circles of the Upper Languedoc took his Affair to Heart the rather because it was reported that the King design'd such another Progress in Languedoc the following Year This Report could not be look'd upon as false by reason that a Coppy had been produc'd in the Synod at
that Breach of Faith might throw all the Churches He oblig'd the King to write to the Major and to the Peers of Rochel to inform them that he had not given the Assembly Leave to meet there and to forbid them to receive it But that proving ineffectual he issu'd out a Declaration at Grenade on the 22d of October which declar'd that Assembly unlawful In order to ruine their Pretence the King deny'd his having promis'd any thing to the Assembly of Loudun at their Breaking up And â—â—id moreover that all the Articles he had promis'd were actually perform'd and as if the Desolation of Bearn had not prov'd the contrary they made him say that the Reason of his Journey to Bourdeaux was only to get Leitoure out of the Hands of Fontrailles The Noise the Reform'd made upon this Breach of Word was great and prov'd ineffectual Besides the Vexation of being deceiv'd like Children they had the Grief to find that the Court deny'd it all The Prince of Conde and the Duke de Luines Lesdiguieres and Chatillon fail'd in their Garrantee It was not very easie though to persuade so many Persons to whom the same Promise had been made so solemnly that they had promis'd them nothing Therefore they began first with Cavils very much below Persons of that high Rank They found out little Equivecations upon the time of the beginning and ending of those six Months They said that the Prince and the Favourite had promis'd nothing in the King's Name that they had only spoken in their own and that they had only ingaged to interceed with the King who had been the sole Master of the Event The Duke de Mombason bred in another Reign in which Sincerity was accounted Virtue remember'd his having been the Bearer of that Promise to 〈◊〉 Plessis who having written a very sharp Letter to him about it the Duke sent him an Answer on the 1st of November in which he declar'd positively that he had said nothing to him but what the King and the Duke de Luines had charg'd him several times to say in proper Terms But whereas a Witness of that Consequence was irksome in that Affair the Jesuit Arnoux writ another Letter in the Duke's Name Dated December the 10th It was full of Excuses about the Conduct of the Court conformable to the Declaration of Grenade which consequently left the Complaints of the Reform'd in their full force That feign'd Answer was printed to destroy the true one which had been printed also and the Duke durst not disown it publickly for fear of Offending his Son-in-Law but yet he own'd in private that he was the Author of the first which du Plessis had receiv'd and that he had not written the Second Nevertheless as all these Illusions did not appear sufficient to excuse a Breach of Word the Jesuits suggested another Pretence viz. that the Reform'd being Rebels they had forfeited all the Favors that might be granted them It past at first for an adjudg'd Case that they were Rebels they were Condemn'd without Inquiry or Examination as if it had been notorious They pretended notwithstanding that their Conduct had been very Innocent since they had only taken Arms till then for Affairs of State in which Religion was not concern'd and in which the Catholicks had been concern'd as well as the Reform'd the Motives of the Conduct of which the King had approv'd by solemn Treaties but in their own Affairs they had imploy'd no other Methods but such as were â—…llow'd of since the Edict viz. Assemblies Deputations Petitions Remonstrances c. Nevertheless that Pretence was so conformable to the Designs of the Court that it was receiv'd there as a Principle and by Treating the Reform'd as Rebels they forc'd them to become so The End of the Sixth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTES VOL. II. BOOK VII A Summary of the Contents of the Seventh BOOK THE Ecclesiasticks are seiz'd upon at Montauban which the Consuls excuse and the Catholicks aggravate The like Transactions elsewhere Character of Masuier who writes to the King with Malice Division of the Judges about the Inrollment of the Declarations at Castres Troubles at Nimes occasion'd by a Jesuit Circle of the Lower Languedoc assembled at Lunel Retaking of the Castle of Privas All manner of Justice refus'd to the Reform'd who are driven to Despair Collusion with Chatillon and Mommorency Orders from the Court to lay down Arms. Taking of Walons Siege and Taking of Wals. Walons is Re-taken and Restor'd Assembly of Rochel Lesdiguieres falls ouâ— with the Assembly The small Affection he had for his Religion He Marries Mary Vignon against the Discipline of the Reform'd Of which he makes publick Acknowledgment Stratagem of the Duke de Luines in order to gain him Double Commission to Treat with him What Empire Deagean takes over Lesdiguieres Feign'd Disputes of Religion Bressieux imploy'd to ruin the Work of Deagean Bullion succeeds in it better than he Lesdiguieres does not hearken to his Friends Policy of Deagean Luines is made Constable Lesdiguieres remains at Court Mediation of the Dukes de Rohâ—n and de la Trimoville render'd ineffectual by Favas Du Plessis and Du Moulin sollicit the Assembly to break up Du Moulin in Danger of being made Prisoner Coldness of James the First about the Affairs of the Palatinate Du Moulin writes to him and his Letter falls into the Hands of the Council of France He makes his Escape happily Effect of his Letters to the Assembly Difficulties which put a Stop to the Negotiation New Conditions of Acommodation Seven Articles which the Court agrees upon to amuse the Reform'd The old Councellors of State are against War The Duke de Luines is not inclin'd to it neither but the Queen the Prince of Conde Puisieux the Clergy the Pope and the Spaniards prevail for War Some are for Exterminating all and others are for Sparing the Peaceable Reasons of the first Advice Reasons of the Second which is follow'd and succeeds Reasons Publish'd to Blind the Reform'd New Difficulties about the Time of beginning the War How those Difficulties were remov'd The King goes away from Paris unexpectedly and takes away the Offices of Receipts from the Reform'd Cities Settlement of War in the midst of the Negotiations of Peace New Troubles in Bearn The Duke d'Epernon is sent thither Cowardise of the People of Orthez La Force Retires All Bearn is subdued Blindness of the Reform'd Seditions at Tours and elsewhere The Court steps the Progress of it The Sedition Revives Punishment of some of the Guilty which deceives the Reform'd New Declaration The General Assembly defend themselves in Writing Particulars of their Complaints The Marshal de Bouillon writes to the King Reply of the Jesuits to the Writing of the Assembly Lesdiguieres Breaks off with them The Assembly draws a Project of Defence Division of the Provinces in Circles The Marshal de Bouillon refuses the Place of General Irreparable Fault of
receiv'd Letters upon Letters and Deputations upon Deputations to induce them to submit oblig'd the Lords who had offer'd their Mediation before to resume the Negotiation of an Agreement The thing seem'd to be brought pretty near a happy Conclusion that time The said Lords found an Expedient which apparently was like to satisfie every body They thought fit that the Assembly should break up for form â—…ake without removing above one or two small days Journey from Rochel That the Deputies should remain in Places of Safety under pretence that they could not go Home by â—…eason of the Declaration which render'd them Criminal That they should tarry for the King's Answer in a Readiness to assemble again in case he should break his Word That it should be done without mentioning the Right they pretended to have had to Assemble That before the said Separation the Council should agree with the Deputies General about seven Articles they were to present to the King But that he should not dispatch them till the Assembly were actually dissolv'd and the Members gone Home And that in order to enable them so to do the King would revoke the Declaration by which they were declar'd Criminals Those seven Articles which were treated of several times with the Deputies General and which were at last agreed upon with some Modifications contain'd in Substance that the Reform'd should not be oblig'd to use the Words of Pretended Reform'd in speaking of their Religion That the King should remedy the Political and Ecclesiastical Affairs of Bearn That La Force and his Children should be maintain'd in their Places as they had been during the Life of the Late King and paid their Arrears and Pensions and that Lescun should have his Imployments restor'd him That the Settlement of the Places of Dauphine should be deliver'd according as it had been promis'd by the Treaty of Loudun That the Modification of the Article of that Treaty which spoke about the Reception of two Councellors in the Parliament of Paris should be remov'd That the Cahiers of the Assembly of Loudun should be speedily and favourably answered That care should be taken for the Payment of Ministers and of the Garisons And finally That the King's Soldiers should be remov'd from such Places where they created Jealousies But the Intention of the Court by these Negotiations was only to amuse the Reform'd as they us'd to do in order the better to take their Measures and to break those of the Assembly by flattering the Credulous with the appearances of an approaching Peace The truth is that the Resolution of making War had not been taken in the King's Council without Difficulty Though there was a great Party that press'd the Ruin of the Reform'd the Wisest of the Council were against it particularly the three oldest Ministers that remain'd of the ancient Court who could not abandon the late King's Maxims They thought it a piece of Rashness to attack a Party that had Two hundred strong Places the least of which might tarry till a Breach was made before they did Capitulate and of which many could sustain long Sieges before good Armies That there was no likelihood of improving their Divisions which would cease immediately as soon as a War should be declar'd against them by reason that then the most Simple would begin to fear for themselves Moreover that there was not more Union at Court than among them by reason of the Jealousies about the Government That the Reform'd had the Reputation of being good Soldiers and good Politicians That there was no reason to believe that they had given over their foreign Correspondencies That the Conformity of their Condition would ingage those Countries that profes'd the same Doctrine to succour them That the Allies of France would be troubled at that War because it would enable the House of Austria to oppress them while the King should be diverted from Foreign Affairs by those Domestick Broils That the Vnited Provinces would be expos'd to all the Forces of Spain which would take the Advantage of the Civil Wars of France to oppress that State which the King had so much Interest to preserve That the King had no Money by reason that the Avidity of his Favourites devour'd all his Revenues insomuch that all the Money of several Years was spent and that all the Expence was still to come The Duke de Luines on his side had no Inclination to make a War Du Plessis had given him some Advices upon that Subject which stuck to his Heart and which made him fear either that the Malecontents would increase the Party of the Reform'd or that a Peace would be made at his Cost But on the other hand the Ministers were all for taking Arms. The Queen expected a kind of Regency while de Luines should lead the King from Province to Province and perhaps she had higher Designs The Bishop of Lucon who was one of her Creatures had a mind to make himself necessary The Prince of Conde who expected to have the Command of the Army no longer remember'd the Services he had receiv'd from the Reform'd Puisieux Son to the Chancellor who had succeeded Villeroy both in the Secretary of State 's Place and in his Passion for the Spanish Maxims was at the Devotion of Spain and press'd the Duke by so many Reasons and found so many Expedients to cure him of his Fears that finally he inspir'd the same Sentiments in him The Clergy of France being ignorant and corrupted thought their whole Duty was comprehended in the Extirpation of Heresie and they offered great Sums provided they were imploy'd in that War The Pope who has the Art to persuade Princes that they are obliged to sacrifice the Repose of their State to his Grandeur and who always advances his own Affairs at the Cost of others seconded that Advice by all his Authority But the Ministers of Spain in particular who were the principal Promoters of that Cabal omitted nothing to engage France in a War which according to all human appearance was to set the first hand to the Decay of the Monarchy The Policy of Spain was so refin'd at that time that they made those serve towards their Projects who had most Interest to oppose them and that they engag'd France voluntarily in a Civil War of which they ought to have dreaded the cruel Consequences after having experienced it for the space of Five and thirty Years But finally the thing was resolv'd upon after the Duke de Luines had obtained the Dignity of Constable which gave him the Command of the Armies He was thereby deliver'd of the Fear of being obliged to make the Prince of Conde too Powerful by giving him the said Command But when that Difficulty was remov'd there arose another which was of no less Consequence There were two Opinions about the Degree to which they should proceed in the Ruine of the Reform'd Some said that it ought to
then ordinary nay if 〈…〉 do but sigh and bemoan themselves their very Groans and â—â—ghs are not to be endur'd In the mean time the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise who had â— long time refus'd to yield to the Importunities of the Assembly having bin disgusted by the Court where the Prince of Coâ—dé 〈…〉 the Constable were the Duke of Rohan's Enemies resign'd themselves wholly to the Orders of the Assembly and after some Submissions on their part and some Offers from the â—ourt which signifi'd nothing they resolv'd to hold out St. â—ohn a' Angeli to the last The Duke of Rohan left his Brother â—â— the place and after he had furnish'd it with Men and Ammunition went into Guâ—en to raise more Forces On the other side the King after he had summon'd Subise by a Herald besieg'd the City and Subise by the foul Practices of Loudrieres who discourag'd both the Soldiers and Inhabitants by his discourses â—nd his counsels being constrain'd to surrender the place march'd out sooner then he would have done had he not been afraid of being forsaken All the security which either the City or the Garison had was a wild and general Capitulation by which the King promis'd only in writing to the Inhabitants their Lives their Estates and the Liberty of their Consciences and Persons reserving to himself the disposal of every thing else as he should think convenient declaring at the same time that he did not pretend to make any Treaty but only to grant a Favour However the Capitulation as slight as it was had the hard fate to be but very ill observ'd The Soldiers plunder'd the Town and yet constrain'd the Mayor the Sheriffs and the principal Inhabitants to give 'em a Certificate and forc'd another from the Minister that they had behav'd themselves civilly On the other side the King retiring to Cognac set forth a Declaration which was verifi'd at Bourdeaux wherein to put the greater value upon his Clemency which had spar'd their Lives and Estates and given Liberty of Conscience to the Reformed of St. John d'Angeli he order'd the Fortifications and Walls of the City to be raz'd and the Moats to be fill'd up He took away their Charters and their Franchises and made the Town liable to Taxes for the future He cancell'd their Government by Mayor and Sheriffs and and annex'd the common Stock of the Town to the Royal Demesnes leaving 'em out of his special Grace and Favor their Election and ordinary Jurisdiction Upon which Declaration a certain Historian very much devoted to the Roman Church observes That it would have been taken for a just punishment of that City had they not since that us'd many very Innocent and Catholic Cities after the same rate The End of the Seventh Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes THE SECOND PART THE EIGHTH BOOK A Compendium of the Eighth Book MArshal Bouillon's Letter The King marches into Guyenne the Siege and reducing of Clairac The King's word ill observ'd The Pope's Breve to the King The Reformed every where unfortunate The Siege of Montauban La Force defends the Place The King raises his Siege Chamiere's Death The Duke of Mayenne dies The blame falls upon the Constable The Jesuit Arnoux's disgrace The Duke of Luines dies Assembly of the Clergy A violent Harangue of the Bishop of Rennes The History of Dominic de Jesus Maria. Sedition at Paris The Church at Charenton burnt The Reformed forsake their Houses They are accus'd of setting Fire to the Bridges of Paris and the Prison at Lion The Circle of Lower Languedoc displaces Chatillon Great Confusion in that Circle The Condition of the Court The King returns to Paris A remarkable Writing of Jeannin advising Peace The Opinion of those who were more enclin'd to War The Reformed take new Courage The King departs from Paris His Success in Poitou in Guyenne where he treats with la Force The sack of Negrepelisse and St. Antonin Lesdiguieres interposes for Peace Factions at Mompellier Sedition against the Catholics Bitter Harangue of the Bishop to the King Remarks upon the Stile of that Harangue The Church of Foix laid waste Attestation given to the Monk Villate The King forbids the Reformer to forsake their Houses Count Mansfeild treats with the Reformed Proposals of the Marshal de Bouillon to the Duke of Rohan upon that occasion The Court gains Mansfeild The King makes use of Foreign Catholics in France The Negotiations for Peace renew'd A Writing set forth upon that occasion Siege of Mompellier Capitulation made by Lunell ill observ'd Small Cities ill defended Success of the War in several Places Chatillon made a Marshal of France Seditions at Orleans Fronsac and Lion The Original of the word Parpailler Other Originals Of the word Hust Violence of the Sedition The Reformed are disarm'd War against Rochel Soubise sollicits for Succor from England Treaty of Peace reassum'd near Mompellier Conclusion of the Treaty with an Edict Rigour of the Parlaments Advantages of that Peace Qualifications of the Edict of Peace All the Cities accept the Peace which is ill observ'd by the Court. Treaty at Mompellier The King returns to Paris De Puisieux in Favour The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal Character of that Prelat After what manner he receiv'd the news of his Promotion Excessive Flatteries Foul Play offer'd the Rochelois Enterprises of Valence at Mompellier where he takes the Duke of Rohan Prisoner and makes a division of the Consulship General Papers Extravagant Answers Exercises forbid The Reformed excluded from Dignities in the Vniversity of Poitiers The singing of Psalms in the Streets and in Shops forbid A common Soldier deprived the Benefit of an Oblate Attempts upon paternal Right A Declaration establishing a Commissioner in Colloquies and Synods A National Synod Galand the first Commissioner ever present to a National Synod He is admitted out of pure Obedience Deputies sent to the King who sends back the Deputies laden with his Orders The Court inclin'd to favour the Arminians A Writing publish'd by la Militiere Answer of Tilenus Authority attributed to the Kings of France Imposture set up against the Synod of Dordrecht Obedience of the Synod of Charenton A Tignations ill paid Propositions made to the Synod by Galand on the King's behalf A new Deputation to the King and the effect of it Oath of Vnion A Citadel built at Mompellier Mariald opposes it in the name of the Reformed of the City Presages of a new War The death of du Plessis The death of Marshal de Bouillon WHile the King lay before St. John d'Angeli he receiv'd the Submissions of the Duke of Tremouille who had surrender'd Taillebourg without much entreaty On the other side Marshal de Bouillon at the same time sent him a Letter full of smart Remonstrances of which the principal Heads were The retiring of the Reformed which he attributed to the notorious violation of the Declaration of the 24th of April He observ'd how the
after all this made it appear that their Suspicious were not ill grounded For at length the Promises of the Court with which he had bin so long time held in play were fulfill'd to him and the King created him a Marshal of France But the Duke of Vendome had no such good success in Upper Languedoc where the King had left a small Body of an Army At first he took in some Places inconsiderable for their strength but having laid siege to Briteste he was foil'd before that Pitiful Hamlet where the Garison behav'd themselves so manfully that after two Months time lot he was so happy as to receive an Order to attend the King before Mompellier which gave him an honourable Occasion to raise his Siege Among several Persons of Quality that laid their Bones in the Approches of Mompelier the Duke of Fronsac a young Gentleman of great hopes and the only Son of the Duke of St. Paul was slain and his Death had like to have bin reveng'd by a Massacre of the Reformed For the People of Orleans offer'd to the Count of St. Paul their Governour to avenge the â—…eath of his Son upon the Reformed their Fellow-Citizens 〈◊〉 he had much ado to put a stop to their Fury upon his reusal of their insolent Offers But when the Corps of the young â—…ince was carri'd to Fronsac where he was to be entomb'd â—…e Catholics could not be hinder'd from sacrificing several of â—…e Reformed to his Ghost notwithstanding the presence of the Count of St. Paul himself whose menial Servants join'd themselves with the Catholics Nor were they suppress'd till they had in some measure appeas'd their bellowing Rage with â—…e Atonements of Blood and Plunder However the Count 〈◊〉 shew that he by no means approv'd such Acts of Violence â—…us'd one or two to be hang'd Nevertheless I know not that excuse he could make for his Indulgence to his Servants those punishment would have bin much more exemplary then â—…at of any one cull'd out of the multitude But the Sedition 〈◊〉 Lion could not be so soon pacifi'd where it brake forth most â—…olently upon the 27th of September It began among the â—…bble intermix'd with Lacqueys who seeing a Reformed pass â—…ng in the Piazza of the Grey Friers where he liv'd began 〈◊〉 abuse him but he made his escape to a Neighbour's house However his Goods were plunder'd and burnt at what time 〈◊〉 others of the Reformed crossing the Piazza in like manâ—…r were set upon and most injuriously handl'd by the same 〈◊〉 There was then a certain new word which was beâ—…me in fashion and which the Catholics had always in their â—…ouths when they had a mind to affront one of the Reformed The word Huguenot was grown so stale that they were accustom'd to it and many very prudent and moderate People â—ade use of it as a word equivalent to that of pretended Reformed But instead of that they afterwards invented another which the Rabble swallow'd with extraordinary greediâ—…ss This was the pleasing Nickname of Parpaillots the Original of which word lies very obscure Some assert that 〈◊〉 first time it was made use of was at the Siege of Clairac the Garison say they made a Sally one night and to the end they might distinguish each other in the medley they put their â—…irts over their Cloaths which made the King's Soldiers by whom they were repuls'd give 'em the Nickname of Parpaillots because that under that dress they resembl'd Butterflieâ— which have white wings and of which there were great numbers flying about the Fields at that time For the Vulgar in Gayenne and Languedoc call those little Insects Parpaillets or Parpaillots This word being pronounc'd by some in view of the Soldiers as they march'd out of Clairac was taken up by others and in a moment spread over the whole Army from whence it flew over all the Kingdom where the Soldiers were quarter'd Nor were there many places in France where this word was more in use then at Paris and it miss'd but very little of being as common in Guyenne which renders that Province the most likely place from whence the word was first of all deriv'd Others refer it to some Surprizes of the Reformed who either innocently or imprudently fell into the Snares that weâ—… laid for ' em And some making the Original of this word alâ—… most as ancient as the Civil Wars refer it to the simplicity â—â— the Reformed Chieftains who went to Paris under the Pretence of the Marriage of the Prince of Navarre to lay themselves at the mercy of their Enemies For that upon the Massacre which ensu'd they were compar'd by those People whâ— insulted over their Credulity to Butterflies that fly of themselves to burn in the Candle And because the Comparison might first of all perhaps be made by some one that liv'd in the Country where those Insects are call'd Parpaillots therefore 〈◊〉 Gascon word was retain'd in derision rather then the French There are others who derive the word with probability enough from the white Mandillions which the Reformed wore in the first Wars more especially in that which the Prince of 〈◊〉 began by his attempt upon Meux Those white Mandillions behav'd themselves so well at the Battel of Paris in the judgment of the Turkish Envoy who beheld the Combat from the walls of the City that he wish'd his Master but Six thousand such as they to subdue the whole world That sort of Habit was the reason that they were call'd Papillons or Parpaillots in English Butterflies in regard their best men came from that Province where that word is in use These Derivations might seem natural enough were it certain that the word was known long before the Wars of Lewis XIII But some derive it from an Original less noble and say that among those who were executed after the taking of Towns some poor Wretch or other at the same of his approaching death with an assurance that his Soul so soon as it parted from the Body should fly to Heaven made 〈◊〉 of the comparison of a Papillon or Butterfly which being ridicul'd by the Spectators they took an occasion from thence to call all the Reformed Parpaillots or Butterflies However it were certain it is that the Reformed were highly offended at this Nickname nor did they look upon the word Huguenot as half so great an Affront And indeed there are two things of which it is equally difficult to give a reason the Original of certain words which of a sudden become universally in use though no body can tell either who was the Author 〈◊〉 what was the occasion and the Idea of the Injury which People believe attends the use of ' em Thus the word Hust in Normandy was a Reproach which 〈◊〉 vulgar sort of People threw upon the Reformed Nevertheless the word in it self has no signification and concerning the Original of which I never could hear but ridiculous Stories without any
Auâ—ority would give him leisure and to apply himself to the Foâ—ign War so soon as he had stifl'd the Seeds from whence Doâ—estic Troubles might again spring up For the first he made use 〈…〉 the continu'd Importunities of Holland and Carleton to induce â—m to use the Reformed with less severity to the end he might 〈…〉 more at liberty to carry on the Foreign War On the other â—de those Embassadors press'd the Reformed to accept the â—eace upon the Conditions that were offer'd 'em and assur'd â—â— that the King their Master would be Guaranty for the perâ—â—mance of those that were promis'd ' em Particularly they â—omis'd Rochelle that the King of England would so earnestly â—llicit the Demolishing of Fort Lewis and so moderate the â—ard Conditions that were impos'd upon 'em that he question'd â—t but to bring it to pass They farther told 'em that the â—ing of France had given 'em his Word to demolish the Fort 〈…〉 convenient time upon Condition that Rochelle return'd to â—r Duty These Sollicitations and Promises made Rochelle at length â—etermin to humble her self And the rest of the Cities as â—ontauban Castres Nimes Vsez which had not refus'd the â—eace but only because she stood out follow'd her Example 〈…〉 soon as she had accepted it Thereupon it was concluded the â—6th of February However all that was alter'd in the Laws â—â—pos'd upon Rochelle was that the Second Article which â—ention'd the settling an Intendant of Justice in that City was express'd in these Terms That they should admit Commissioners to see the Peace perform'd who might reside there as long as they plea'd There was nothing said either of the Fourth which imported that the King should be admitted whenever he pleas'd to enter or of the Seventh which concern'd the Interest of certain Merchants of Orleance But they put instead of them the Restoration of the Catholic Religion in the full Liberty of its Exercises and a Declaration that Fort Lewis could not be raz'd but that such Order should be given to the Garison and to the Garisons of the Islands of Ré and Oleron that the Trade of the City should be no way prejudic'd Instead of demolishing the Fortifications which had been decree'd at first in General Terms nothing more was requir'd then the demolishing the Fort de Taden And to soften the Article which enjoin'd the Merchants Vessels to take Passes from the Admirals of France 't was only ordain'd that they should observe the Laws of Traffic without prejudice to their Priviledges There was an Act of these Articles drawn up at the bottom of which was a Promise that the Reformed should enjoy the benefit of the Answers return'd to their Papers at Fontainbleâ—â— in July 1625 provided that on their part they setled things in the same condition as they were in at the same time But for fear lest Rochelle should take any advantage of this Promise that City was expressly excepted And it was declar'd That the King did not thereby engage himself to any other Favour then what was mention'd in the Act which went before The Deputies of the Reformed had sign'd in that Place But underneath there was yet a third Act sign'd by the said Deputies as well in their own as in the name of the Deputies from the Dukes of Rohan and Soubise of Languedoc Rochelle Montauban Castres Nimes Vsez Milhau and Cevenes wherein they protested that they had besought the King with all the duty and most humble submissions that Subjects could pay to their Soveraign to pardon what was past and to grant 'em Peace with a promise of great Fidelity for the future from which they would never swerve and Offers of all manner of Services All which the King had graciously harken'd to and upon which he had given his Royal Word for Peace and the observance of the Answers return'd to the Paper deliver'd at Fontainbleau Out â—â— which however he had excepted Rochelle in reference to â—hich he had declar'd his Will and which they said they accepâ—d as the most signal Mark of Clemency and Goodness that Subâ—cts could receive from a Soveraign and they promis'd to â—and to it inviolably and to cause the Places taken since Julyâ—st â—st to be surrender'd The Court although they desir'd Peace with an extraordinary â—assion exacted these Submissions to make the Reformed own â—â—at they were in the wrong to levy War and that they might â—ke advantage of their own Confessions if any new Quarrels â—ake forth And the Reformed who were not ignorant of â—â—e Court-Politics past these Infamous Acts either because â—hey had bin wrought over or because they found they lay at â—he mercy of the Court as the Duke of Rohan well foresaw â—â— else because they were in hopes of obtaining greater Favours â—y these Extraordinary Submissions or lastly in compliance with those who could not like it that Subjects should take Arms against their Prince upon any Occasion whatever However to â—ssure themselves of the King of England's Protection whom â—hey believ'd to be Guarantee of the Peace they drew up an Act â—gn'd by the Embassadors and dated Feb. 11. wherein they declar'd that the Razing of Fort Lewis was promis'd in time conâ—enient provided the Rochelois return'd to their duty and that without that Promise neither Rochel would have accepted the Peace neither would the Reformed have relinquish'd those things which the Instances of the King of England made 'em â—elinquish by reason of which they put 'em in hopes of a powerful Intercession on his part that they might have satisfaction giv'n ' em This Paper was ill drawn up nor did it clearly express the Guarantie of which the King of England boasted Nevertheless it cannot be deni'd but that it must have oblig'd that Prince either to have disown'd his Embassadors or else to take care that what was granted the Reformed should be faithfully perform'd since he acknowledg'd that the sole force of his Sollicitations had vanquish'd their good nature to be satisfi'd with the King's Offers An honest man needs no more to engage him to make another man's business his own but that it was himself who caus'd the other to miscarry either by his Authority or Persuasion And in this sense it cannot be deni'd but that the King of England was Guarantee of the Peace since it was upon his word and in hopes that he would be answerable for it that the Reformed accepted it But this Important Ceremony wanted due formality and the Council of France had so well order'd their Business that nothing appear'd from whence any evident Conclusion could be drawn that the King of England interpos'd in this Treaty as a Mediator or as a Guarantee In a word Policy will not permit Princes to suffer that another Prince should be Guarantee of Treaties which are made between them and their Subjects To consent that Subjects should have recourse to the Garantie of a Foreigner for their Security in things that concern the
were sharp and violent more especially the Answer to the Duke 's Manifesto savour'd of a sordid base insolent Spirit full of Gall and Venom and sprinkl'd with Quirks and Quiddities borrow'd from the most lewd Scurrility of the Rabble a piece becoming the Jesuit Richeâ—me to whom it was attributed Never did any man write with more Fury nor more Insolence nor renounc'd more openly in his Writings the character of an honest man But more formidable Enemies were embattel'd against the Duke then this same Scribler For besides the Armies that were set oâ— foot to fall upon him on every side among which that commanded by the Prince of Condé committed unheard of Cruelties Galand was sent into Upper Languedoc to prevent the Cities from taking Arms as those of the Lower Languedoc haâ— done the 10th of September according to the Resolution of aâ— Assembly of the Nobility and Deputies from several Cities which met at Vsez However Galand wherever he could safely go drew Promises of Obedience and within the space oâ— a Month brought Montauban Briteste Puilaurens Sorezâ— â—â— Maz d' Azil Carlat Pamiers Mazeres Saverdun la Bustide St. Amant Mazamet la Cabarede and several others to declare 'T is true that the Duke caus'd some of 'em to change their Opinions that he surpriz'd others and that others which had not suffer'd themselves to be coax'd by the fawning Cant of Galand were surrender'd into his hands so that at length the War became general on that side Pamiers was one of those Cities which the Duke surpriz'd but the Prince of Condé having retaken it very badly observ'd the Capitulation which he had made for he imprison'd put to death and condemn'd to the Gallies several persons to whom he ow'd both his life and his liberty All this was the reason that the Duke lost time who might have bin able to have perform'd greater Exploits if Galand's Negotiation had not brok'n his measures nor would they have ventur'd the Siege of Rochel had not Galand succeeded as he did in drawing off those other Cities from the Union But while the Duke of Rohan carri'd on the War with an extraordinary Courage and with good Success Buckingham seeing Fort St. Martin reliev'd rais'd his Siege was defeated in his Retreat and return'd into England not a little suspected to â—e bin careless of those things which he might have done â—…ch more to his Master's honour Upon this Rochel was more â—…ly begin and reduc'd to extremity At what time a seâ—d English Fleet commanded by the Farl of Denbigh appear'd â—…on the Coast only to make a shew of that Relief which the 〈…〉 expected but retreated more basely then the former withâ—… so much as acrempting the least Enterprize While they â—re setting forth a third Fleet Buckingham was slain by a priâ—e person whom he had particularly injur'd This caus'd a â—â—â—ge of Affairs and the Command of the Fleet was given the â—arl of Lindsey But this Fleet did less then the rest and â—m'd only seâ— forth to be Witness of the Surrender of Rochel â—…d indeed it may be said of the three Fleets sent to the Succor 〈…〉 that unfortunate City that the first famish'd her by taking â—ay her â—… the second amus'd her with the shew of Relief â—t was never intended her and the third sold her Perhaps 〈…〉 the blame of these ill Successes was not to be laid upon the â—…g of England only that he was to be accus'd of great â—â—akness in suffering himself to be govern'd by his Queen with 〈…〉 much pâ—iableness However that Princess had the Knack 〈…〉 disappoint all the King her Husband s Designs and someâ—…es she did it so openly that People could not refrain from â—ieving that he himself was not at all troubl'd at it She it â—s that prevented the Effects of those Orders which the King â—e to those who commanded his Naval Forces She it was â—…o in the heart of England held and protected all the Corresâ—â—ndencies with Cardinal Richlieu and she did so much that 〈…〉 not only drew upon her own head the implacable hatred of 〈…〉 her Subjects but embarrass'd her own Husband in those unâ—ward Affairs that brought him at length to the Scaffold Afâ—… this Cardinal Richlieu thought it proper to make a peace â—ith England which it was no hard matter to do by throwâ—â—g upon Buckingham all the past misunderstandings And the â—ore easily to vanquish the Obstinacy of the Rochellois he inâ—sâ—d Suspicions on both sides that the one Party treated without â—e other And thus Rochel having held out a Siege of very â—â—ar a year in length and carri'd on their Resolutions during a long and the most Cruel Famine that could be imagin'd beyond what could be expected from Nature was forc'd to surrunder at discretion upon the 28th of October And no sooneâ— was it surrender'd but a Tempest ruin'd the Mound which had stopp'd up the Entrance of her Channel and shew'd that thaâ— same mighty Work that so much redounded to the Honour oâ— the Cardinal who undertook it could never have contributed to the subduing that City had she not bin more enfeebl'd by heâ— Friends that in a manner robb'd her of her Provisions theâ— incommoded by all the Toil and Labour of her Enemies During this long Siege and these terrible Extremities thâ— City being sollicited to submit to the King of England woulâ— never heark'n to it To say she had any such design was â— meer Calumny of the Monks and Jesuits And they who writâ— the particular History of this Memorable Siege relate that thâ— Cardinal declar'd to the Deputies from this City That Hâ— knew very well that the Deputies who were sent into Englanâ— had resisted several Temptations upon that occasion that thâ— King return'd 'em thanks for it and that it was the main reason which confirm'd him in those Sentiments of Mercy which hâ— had for the Town More then this the Cardinal found a waâ— to engage Spain to be serviceable to the King in the Siege oâ— that Place 'T is true the Council of Spain saw well the baâ— consequence of taking the Place and fain would have preventeâ— it especially after the Marquiss of Spinola who had seen thâ— state of the Siege had given an accompt of it in Spain Anâ— 't is said that the first time he came into Council that he prâ—pos'd it as one of the greatest stroaks of Policy that could bâ— thought of to succour that Place But the Council of Conscience carri'd it above reason of State and the Pretence of Religion always useful to the Court of Spain since Ferdinand's Reigâ— was at this time the ruin of her Affairs 'T is true that thâ— Fleet which she sent against Rochel came thither so ill provided and staid there so small a while that she had as good have seâ— none at all And it is as true that she attempted to relieve thâ— Duke of Rohan's Party with whom she had concluded
The reducing of Montauban An Assembly of the Clergy Particular Acts of Injustice Missionaries The Duke of Rohan is accus'd of the Ruin of the Churches Cavils about the Rights of Exercise The Bishop of Valence persecutes the Foreign Ministers The Original of the Injustice done upon occasion of the Annexes New Seeds of Civil Wars The Queen-Mother retires An Alliance with Gustavus King of Sueden Projects of Reunion wherein the Cardinal appears Intrigues of Joseph the Capuchin A Draught of a Project How the Synods were to be made to speak Inclinations of the Ministers and People Projects of Petit and Milletiere Difference of their Intentions Verity of the Project of which the precise time is uncertain A National Synod The Commissioner's Speech Ministers suspected by the King excluded out of the Synod by his Order The Answer to the Commissioners Speech The vain Opposition of the Commissioner to the Vnion of the Churches of Bearn with the rest Several Proposals of the Commissioner The Synod sends Deputies to the King Papers The Deputies kindly receiv'd Nomination of General Deputies The Reformed fear'd at Court Important Resolutions of the Synod Exercise forbid Donations Consulships A captious Clause Oppression of the Public Liberty Civil War of the Duke of Orleans The Bishops of Languedoc side with his Party The Reformed continue faithful Bishops depos'd Execution of an innocent Minister The Duke of Rohan serves the King in Iâ—â—ly The Affair of the Annexes in the Dauphinate referr'd to four Commissioners Consulship of Alets Exercise forbid Shameful Cavils A rash Curiosity of two Scholars The death of Gustavus Great Troubles in the Kingdom Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate about the Annexes Re-establishment of Privas A Treatise intitl'd The Eucharist of the Ancient Church Exercises forbid Party Colledges Continuance of the Public Oppression Pretensions of France over all Europe The Duke of Sulli made a Marshal of France A Decree upon several Subjects Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholic Counsellors of the Chamber of Guyenne in certain Cases The Reformed Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres forbid to wear Scarlet Robes The pretended Possession of the Ursulines of Loudun Ridiculous Effects of Exorcisms The death of a Priest pretended to have bewitcht those Nunns New Vixations upon the Subject of Annexes Grand days at Poitiers Terror of the Churches At important Decree upon several Articles Another troublesom Decree about meeting the Sacrament The demolishing of the Church of St. Maixant A Pleading of Omer Talon Advocate General Distinction between the Right of Exercise and the Right of the Church Divers Decrees about grand days against the Reformed Persecution rais'd by Cacherat against the Churches of Normandy Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholic Counsellors of the Chamber of Castres The Colledge taken from the Reformed of Loudun Exercise forbid at Paroi and la Chaume Order of the Intendant of Poitou upon the Subject of Annexes The Reformed of Metz forbid to have a Colledge The Duke of Bouillon changes his Religion THere was great rejoycing at Rome for the reducing of this City The Pope sang Mass himself made Prayers on purpose gave plenary Indulgence to some Churches for two days and wrote to the King Breifs cramm'd with Eulogies and Applauses The whole Kingdom resounded with nothing but Congratulations Vows and Returns of Thanks nothing was so talk'd of but the Cause of Heav'n the Interests of God and the Triumphs of the Church Flattery turn'd all Accidents and Events into Miracles and Invention sâ—â—pli'd 'em with all sorts In the mean time the War continu'd in the Upper and Lower Languedoc and the Duke of Rohan held out the best he could against three Armies commanded by the Prince of Condé the Duke of Mommorency and the Duke of Eâ—ernon The Catholics also in all places reviv'd the Cruelties of Charles the Ninth's Reign There was nothing to be seen but Plund'ring Burning Massacr'ng and Executions upon Executions and for an addition of Insulting to Cruelty the People were made believe that the poor Creatures that were hang'd all chang'd their Religion at the Gallows Only to deprive 'em of the desire of recanting or the means and opportunity to contradict what was said of 'em they could not forbear to send 'em to the other world and the People were oblig'd to believe their Conversion upon the Faith of the Monk who had persecuted 'em to death And some Relations are to be seen in Print which aggravate the Barbarity of the Catholics to that degree as to â—ublish 'em guilty of ripping up the Bellies of Women with Child and tearing the half-form'd Embrio's out of their Wombs sometimes also after they had vitiated the Mothers Moreover the Duke of Mommorency having forc'd some of the Reformed who had neither the Courage to retreat or defend themselves took 'em all upon Composition but he would not promise 'em their Lives unless they would oblige the Duke of Rohan to surrender Aimargues a considerable place which he had surpriz'd and because the Duke of Rohan lookt upon the Condition as ridiculous the Duke of Mommorency caus'd no less then Sixscore of his Prisoners of War to be hang'd Thereupon the Duke of Rohan to enforce the Catholics to wage War with more Civility storm'd one of their Fortresses and put all the Garison to the Sword Which Reprisals stopt the Career of those barbarous Executions Nevertheless the Enmity which had bin long between the Prince of Condé and the Duke of Rohan broke forth with greater Fury for the Prince wrote very sharp and invective Letters to the Duke and the Duke answer'd him with as much disdain And then it was that the Prince forgetful of his Character reveng'd himself after a manner no way becoming his quality for toward the end of the year he procured a Decree in Council that the Duke's Houses should be demolish'd his Woods cut down and his Goods confiscated and that he might be Master of the Execution he caus'd it to be committed to himself and discharg'd â—…is Trust with an extraordinary exactness nor did he think it beneath himself to get the Confiscation of his Enemy granted to his own use Nor were the Reformed better treated in those places where there was no War then in the Provinces where they were up 〈◊〉 Arms For at Lion the seditious Rabble fell upon 'em a second time and upon a Pretence no less false then ridiculous The Contagion which made great havock in other places was got into this City This Misfortune was attributed to a sort of People who as they said were wont to go about and grease the doors of private persons for which reason those Miscreants were call'd by the name of Greasers or Engraisseurs But in regard the Reformed were they who were to bear the blame of all the Misfortunes which befel the Catholics the Rabble fail'd not to take this opportunity to wreck their Malice upon ' em The Magistracy made strict enquiry after this Crime and seiz'd upon
up their Opinions which they sent to the King the Seventh of May. They asserted that there were several Places within the Province where the Exercise was permitted which were serv'd by one of the same Ministers and this they thought could not be prevented because the Articles of the Edict upon which the Right and Privilege of Exercise was founded did not confiâ—e 'em to the place of the Ministers Residence no more then the Memoirs sent by the King to the Commissioners who lookt after the execution of the Edict But they presuppos'd that under the Pretences of Marriage Baptism or some other Occasion the Ministers took the liberty of preaching in places where they had no right and that might happen out of a respect which the Ministers had for the Gentlemen whose Houses were not precisely qualifi'd for the settlement of a Right of Exercise The Commissioners pretended that they had provided against that Abuse and advis'd the King to forbid the Ministers and all the rest of the Reformed under the Penalties of the Edicts This Advice was follow'd in Council and produc'd a Decree of the 26th of September which copi'd it out almost word for word which for some time gave some respit to the Persecutions begun by the Bishop of of Valence One thing happen'd this year which afforded not a little Consolation to the Reformed For the Receiver of the Taxes of Vivaretz presented a Petition to the Council that he might be discharg'd because he could not raise the Money which was laid out upon his Division Now the principal ground of this Petition was the ruin of Privas the Inhabitants of which Town durst not venture as yet either to build their Houses â—â—r to till their Lands because they were not yet allow'd by Authority to resettle themselves in opposition to the Rigorous Terms of the Act or Edict of 1629. The Council by 〈…〉 Decree of the 15th of February referr'd the Receiver to Miâ—…n Intendant of Languedoc for his Advice And Miron's Adâ—…ice was To moderate the Severity of the Edict and to â—ermit that the Inhabitants of Privas might return to their Habitations and resettle themselves in the City and withal â—o leave the Offices of the City free without distinction of Religion He also accompani'd his Advice with good Reasons of which the chiefest were That all the Rebels were â—ead or had made amends for their Offence that the greatest part of 'em were slain at the taking of the City that a good â—any were dead of the Pestilence that rag'd for three years together that those few that remain'd had faithfully serv'd â—he King and ventur'd their Lives in his Service against the Lord of the Place that the Wives and Children both of the â—ne and the other had suffer'd enough to expiate both their Husbands and their Parents Crimes that the Lord of the place had bin the only hindrance that obstructed those poor People from resetling themselves and that there was no likeâ—…ood of finding Catholicks anow elsewhere to repeople the City The Council was mov'd with these Reasons and Miâ—…'s Advice was follow'd and put in execution But in regard â—…ere was nothing so much preach'd up at that time as the Conâ—…ncy of the Royal Word which they would have had to be â—he Subjects only security they forgot to be so punctual as â—hey ought to have bin in demanding the Revocation of the last â—dict in due Form and so the Children were punish'd in our â—ays for the over-confidence of their Fathers They had done â—etter had they follow'd the Politic Maxim of the Cardinal himself who to oblige the Duke of Lorrain to give him some assured Pledge of his Word told him He must have other Security then the Word of a Prince who was guided by Infusions â—rom without and had already broken his Promise And indeed the King was incens'd against the Reformed by so many sorts of People and there was so little reliance on the Promises that had been made in his Name till the Present time that it would have bin more proper to have demanded oâ— him verifi'd Letters Patents for the Security of this Reestablishment But the Ministers of Paris were not so favourably us'd by reason of a certain Book that was publish'd under this Title The Eucharist of the Ancient Church This Book was writter by one Aubertin and he had the Approbation of his threâ— Collegues Mestrezat Drelincourt and Daille They assum'd the Quality of Pastors of the Reformed Church and of Ministers of the Gospel Aubertin also who dedicates his Book tâ— his Flock call'd 'em the Faithful of the Reformed Church of Paris Bellarmin and Baronius were stil'd as well in the Title as iâ— other Places Enemies of the Church Now the Clergy's Agent bethought themselves of a short way to confute this Booâ— which made a great noise For instead of answering thâ— Book they endited the Author and his Approvers and letting alone the Matters of Fact and Reasons they attack'â— the Titles of the Book and the Preface and the Terms 〈…〉 the Allowance Against Aubertin there was a Warrant giveâ— out to seize his Body by a Decree of the Privy Council dateâ— July the 14th importing That if he could not be taken that he should be cited to appear within three short days and the Approvers were summon'd to make their personal appearance Thâ— Affair made a great noise but came to little being as it werâ— stifl'd in the birth and producing for this time no other theâ— verbal Prohibitions The Book was no longer sought after so that the Success encourag'd the Author to review enlargâ— and handle the Matter from the bottom in a Thick Latin Volume which was never printed till after his death nor duâ—… any of the Impartial Catholic Doctors venture to refute 〈…〉 closely and roundly But the Reformed were constrain'd to look on and see the Rights of their Exercises violated in more then one place thâ—… Year The Council took from 'em Saujon by a Decree of thâ—… 18th of November because the Lord of the place was a Catholic Citois Seneschal of Richlieu which the King had erected into a Dutchy and Peerdom in favour of the Cardinal for the same reason obstructed the exercise at St. Gelin which is a Deâ—esne that holds of the said Dutchy And the Cardinal tho at the bottom he were not so nice as others in those things countenanc'd and approv'd what his Officer had done The Colledges also which they of the Religion hâ—d enjoy'd in places of which they had bin a long time Masters were miparty'd this Year by a Decree of the Council of the 23d of July The occasion of this Decree was a dividing of Voices which happen'd at Castres upon a Petition of the Catholics of several Cities who pretended to make the Edict of 1631 â—or miparty'd Consulships a President for the Colledges The Decree of the Council decided the division of Voices 〈…〉 their Favour and authoriz'd the Argument
as well to the Synod as to the Commissioner certain Letters which contain'd the same in Substance that he had said by word of Mouth to the Deputies The Chiefest Favour they obtain'd was Money to defray the Expences of the Synod but the Answer to their Papers was put off till the breaking up of the Assembly The Commissioner was very Importunate with the Synod to break up and by his Earnest insisting upon their Separation it was evident that when the Court beheld the Reformed met together in their Assemblies she was sensible of those Fears which their ancient Union had infus'd into her And indeed there were but few Reasons that could oblige the Assembly to sit any long time for they had finish'd their Business and had appointed General Deputies Which Nomination was done with Little Ceremony The Marquiss of Clermont was continu'd and they joyn'd Marbaud with him for his Associate They had also written to the King upon this Subject and he had promis'd according to Custom to consent to the Nomination after the Synod was broke up Nevertheless the Marquiss of Clermont remain'd alone in the discharge of that Employment and neither Galand who had been appointed by the Preceding Synod nor Marbaud who was nam'd by this were any way concern'd with him But the Synod no way satisfi'd that the Court refus'd to answer their Paper and foreseeing also that so soon as they were once separated their Complaints would be forgot were desirous to take some Course that they might not lose the Benefit of all their Cares To that purpose they thought it proper to joyn Particular with the General Deputies who might solicit the Answer which was promis'd to their Papers and chiefly take care of three Articles which they jud'gd to be of Greatest Importance The Commissioner was desirous to thwart this Resolution and pretended that a Deputaion of that Nature was a Politick Affair with which an Ecclesiastical Assembly had nothing to do to meddle without Express leave But the Synod stood their Ground and having given him to understand that there was nothing of Debate and consultation that their business only was to appoint certain Deputies to carry on an Innocent Solicitation a Liberty which the Laws allow to all men whatever and that it could not be displeasing to the King who had frequently suffer'd the same freedom they then went on with their Design and Deputed Angle and Gigord two Ministers of Great Credit and Authority in their Provinces La Militiere who had already render'd himself very troublesome by his Projects of Re-union address'd his writings to this Synod where they were condemn'd And as for the Behaviour and Writings of Daille who had refuted this Visionary they were approv'd And they wrote moreover to that same Reconciler that if within six Months he did not manifest his Repentance by an Authentick Declaration to the Consistory at Paris they would no longer look upon him as a Member of the Reformed Churches But the Greatest Good this Synod did the Reformed was their appeasing the Dispute which had made a great noise for some years upon the Subject of Vniversal Grace Nothing was ever known more Hot and Violent then the Fury that appear'd in the pro ' and con of this New Controversie And it had certainly Compleated the Ruin of the Churches had not the Synod found out a way to calm the Tempest by obliging the contending Parties to a Mutual Toleration The next Year was not remarkable for any Great Events that concern'd Religion However the Reformed were not a little griev'd to see a Declaration set forth by the King upon the 10th of February by which he put his own Person and his Kingdom under the Protection of the Blessed Virgin The Memory of which was to be perpetuated by a Picture set up on purpose in the Cathedral Church of Paris commonly call'd Nostre Dame This Declaration contain'd in Substance those Expressions which the Reformed persisting in their Sentiments touching the Object of Religious Worship could not choose but look upon as Impious And that alone was enough to blast all their Hopes of expecting any thing Favourable from a Prince whose Zeal for his own Religion transported him to that excess of New Devotion For to put his Kingdom under the Portection of a Creature tho' never so Holy never so Divinely Priviledg'd was evidently to vow the Extermination of those whose Principles enjoyn'd 'em to believe that in seeking such a Protection the King renounc'd the Protection of God The Duke of Rohan dy'd this Year of the Wounds which he receiv'd at the Battel of Rhinseldt Which at first were not lookt upon to be Considerable or at least there was no body that ever beleiv'd they had been Mortal Which was the reason that some People believ'd 'em to have been poyson'd and that the Jealousies the Court had of him had given an occasion to lay hold of this Opportunity to send him out of the World without any Noise And the Chyrurgeons that were sent him under pretence of being serviceable to him were thought to be the Instruments of this black Piece of Politicks 'T is said that the Dukes Journey into Germany to serve the King in the Duke of Weimar's Army whither he went against the Good liking of the Court and where he would not accept of any Command was the Effect of some secret Projects the Consequences of which some People were much afraid of Some believ`d that he held a Strict Corespondence with the Deceas`d King Gustavus that they had joyntly labour`d the Re union of the Lutherans and Reformed that their Intreagues in Order to it had produc`d the Act of the Synod of Charenton That in pursuance of that Act the Reformed in Gustavus`s Army had receiv`d the Communion after the Lutheran Manner and the German Lutherans who serv`d under the the Duke of Rohan in the Country of the Grisons had receiv`d after the manner of the Reformed That those two Aspiring Genius`s built Great designs upon this Re-union that the Death of Gustavus procur`d by those who were desirous to stop the Torrent of his Victories disappointed all the Duke's designs Therefore it was giv`n out that he was about to revive the same Corespondencies with the Duke of Weimar a Prince of vast Courage great Experience and accompted one of the Bravest Captains of his Time Nor had the Duke of Rohan any more then one Daughter who was a transcendent Match and therefore `twas verily thought that he had a design to the end he might procure a stricter Union with the Duke to give him his Daughter in Marriage But that Prince was by no means belov`d in France because he had nothing that was Low or Base in him and for that he knew how to render himself redoubted Besides he had settl`d himself in Germany by his Conquests and this Year he took Brisac more upon his own account then upon the Kings A Person of such
Importance Powerful upon the Frontiers esteem`d among the Protestants respected by all Men would have been too Formidable had he been united with the Duke of Rohan by so strict an Alliance Nor were the Reformed in France become despicable as yet and therefore they were unwilling they should have a Leader of that Fame and Authority as the Duke of Weimar The Hungarians on the other side were grown so strong that their Enemies were constrain'd to grant 'em the Priviledge of being a Fourth Estate in the Kingdom And it was to be fear'd lest the Duke of Rohan who made it his Business to advance the Reformed Party in France should have a design to procure 'em at least the same Priviledges and that under the Pretence of the Marriage of his Daughter he would engage the Duke of Weimar and other German Princes in such an Enterprize These Considerations made it very much to be suspected that the Cardinal who knew very well how to start a great many others was desirous to fend off the Blow by sending the Duke of Rohan into another World as knowing him capable to go through with whatever he undertook 'T is true that Great Men are seldom thought to dy a Natural Death and it is a rare thing to see any one depart this Life without searching for the Causes of his Death in the Politicks of his Enemy However it were the Duke of Rohan dy'd in the sixty eighth year of his Age and his Death was a great Affliction to all the Reformed who had a great Considence in him tho' such Persons among 'em who had been gain'd by the Court would needs perswade 'em that he had sacrific'd the Publick Good of the Churches to his own Interests But above twenty years after his Death they who had seen the Warrs which he had manag'd never mention'd him without tears in their Eyes The 28th of the same Month of April Miron and du Pâ—â— Intendants of Languedoc set forth an Ordinance at Momâ—â—â—â—r which was the Rule and Model of all those which were afterwards issued out against those whom they thought good to call Relapsers They took for their Pretence what happens but too frequently in Truth that both Men and Women who found it for their advantage to marry Catholicks openly profess'd the Catholick Religion when the Catholicks would not so much as hear of the Match upon any other Condition but almost as soon as ever the Marriage was Consummated the Reformed would return to their first Religion and then submitted themselves by a Publick Confession to attone for the Crime of Abjuration which they had committed They made 'em also undergo the same Punishment tho' they had not abjur'd but had onely comply'd so far as to suffer themselves to be married by a Catholick Priest The Clergy were doubly affronted by this in the first Place beholding the Mysteries of their Religion proâ—â—â—'d by such a Piece of Inconstancy and next to see the uncertainty and vanity of their Conquests Thereupon they made thâ—… Complaints to the Intendants aggravating in a most inveterate manner that Profanation of their Catholick Sacraments That Bitterness as well as their Ignorance in Ecclesiastical Antiquity chiefly appear'd by the Comparison which they made between the Reformed and the Jews who were accustom'd said they in the Primitive Times to seign themselves Catholicks and under that Colour went to Communions on purpose to break the Images and profane the sacred Host They pretended that this Prophanation was contrary to all the Edicts which never pardon'd such sort of Crimes Upon these Complaints the Intendants order'd the guilty to be prosecuted But the Custom was too deeply rooted and the Mischief was grown too common to be cur'd by such a Remedy nor do I find that the ordinance wrought any Effect In the Year 1629. the King had erected a Presidial Court at Nerac a City in the Province of Albret where the Reformed were the most Numerous The end of which establishment was to strengthen the Catholick Party by conferring upon 'em the greatest part of the Offices and Employments in that new Court But neither in the City nor in the Province were there Catholicks enow to be found who were capable to supply those Offices So that they were forc'd to send for Graduates to officiate for the present time in expectation of able Persons that were fitly qualifi'd for their Places Nor could they meet with a sufficient Number of Catholick Graduates But at length the Project was brought to perfection this Year by sending for men of Ability from other Places and admitting some of the Reformed into Employments which the rest could not supply At this time also the Sick were continually tormented by the Monks who made an ill use of their infirmities to exâ—ort from 'em some Declaration that might pass for a profession of the Catholick Religion I meet with one remarkable Example during the sickness of Anne Violette a Maid of three or four and twenty Years who liv'd at Poitiers This poor Maid falling sick lost her senses through the Violence of her Distemper Which is confessed by the Monks themselves who wrote the Relation of it in the true style of a Legend An Austin Friar went to Visit this Maid of his own Head and caus'd her to pronounce certain Words from whence he concluded her willing to die a Catholick In the mean time Cottiby Minister of the Place came thither and his Meeting with the Monk having occasion`d a loud Dispute between 'em drew together a great Concourse of People always listning after Novelties and among the rest â—ame the Maior pretending to prevent Disorders But instead of having any Regard to the condition of the sick Person he put all the People out of the Chamber and being Master of the Room caus'd a verbal Answer of the Questions propounded to the poor Creature in a Delirium to be drawn â—p as before himself being a Magistrate to the end report â—ight afterwards be made of it for a certain Truth However the Ravings of that unfortunate Creature ceas'd not â—he had till then most dreadful Dreams and she lay Crying without Intermission that she was damn'd And upon that it was that the Fryar had grounded his Conceit that â—…e would be willing to quit her Religion to rid her self â—f her Fears But after they had made her talk as long and what the Monk pleas'd her Visions and Outcries still continu'd and her Fears of Damnation were still the same Nevertheless the Catholicks would not lose this fair Opportunity to signalize their Zeal and cri'd up the Deliriâ—ms and Ravings of this poor Creature in a high Feaver for a Miraculous Conversion This happen'd toward the end of July The last of the next Month the Duke of Bouillon publish'd an Edict in Favour of the Reformed within his Principality of Sedan and tho' it contain'd no more then eighteen Articles it was as much to their Advantage as could be desir'd
Declaratory of April 17. 1623. set forth upon the Holding of Synods and Colloquies with express Prohibitions to treat of Politick Affairs Nor shall they for the Future raise any Fortifications of what sort soever they be to enclose our Cities without our express Permission by our Letters Patents Nor shall they raise any Money upon our Subjects upon any occasion whatever without a Commission under our Great Seal All this under the Penalty of High Treason and forfeiture of our Present Favours XII It is our farther meaning also that the Articles by Us decreed which concern the City of Rochel the Islands and Country of Aulnix be observ'd and put in Execution without delay and that the Cities and Castles which shall have been taken by those of the said Pretended Reformed Religion since the present Troubles shall be surrender'd up into our Hands within fifteen days after the Publication of these Presents Declaring all such of our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall scruple to submit themselves to this our Will and Pleasure depriv'd by just Forfeiture of the Benefit of this our present Favour So we command c. And to the end that this may be for ever firm and stable we have affix'd c. Giv'n at Paris in March 1626. and 17th of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And below De Lomenie Register'd April 13. 1626. Du Tillet A Declaration of the King against the Sieur De Soubise and other Adherents to the Party of the English Confirming the Edicts of Pacification in favour of those who should continue in their Duty and Allegiance Given at Villeroy August 5. 1627. and Publish'd in Parlament the twelfth of the same Month. LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. Since it has pleas'd God to call us to the Government of this State our Conduct has made it manifest with how much Care we have labour'd to preserve the Publick Peace and Tranquility either in observing and preserving a sound Amity good understanding and correspondence between this Kingdom and Forreign Princes either by employing as we have done several times in divers parts and upon various occasions our Royal Mediation to lay asleep and extinguish the Contentions and Differences arisen between the said Princes or by giving Assistance and Protection to our Ancient Confederates when we thought it necessary to re-establish or maintain 'em in those Rights and Properties that appertain'd to 'em in order by that means to stop the ill Consequences of those Troubles which the Innovations happ'ning in their Dominions might produce Wherein if our Intentions were lookt upon as good and sincere we also judge those which we have had being grounded upon the same Considerations of the Publick Tranquility and of the Establishment of the Repose of our Kingdom in contracting several Great Alliances by the Marriage of our dearest Sisters are worthy of a higher applause But we cannot but observe without a most just Resentment that the last which we have made with England has not hitherto had that good success which we expected from it But that instead of knitting faster as we promis'd to our selves the knot of that ancient Amity which has long continu'd between the two Crowns it should so fall out that the notorious Breaches on the Part of England of the Articles of Marriage of our Dearest Sister with the King of Great Britain the English should come to invade us and Land in the Isle of Re with a numerous Fleet and Army without any cause any Ground any Pretence or Declaration And in regard we see that in order to second their unjust Designs they have already treated with some of our Subjects have sent the Sieur De Soubise into our City of Rochel to perswade the Inhabitants to join with their Party and that they continue the same Artifices and Practices with others of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion to draw and engage 'em under several Pretences and vain Hopes to unite their Arms with theirs tho' we are willing to believe that our said Subjects will have so much Constancy and Judgment as not to suffer themselves to be deceiv'd by such sort of Artifices and for that considering that they peacefully enjoy the full Liberty of the Exercise of their Religion the Benefit of our Edicts and whatever else has been promis'd by Us they will conclude that this enterprise of the English has no aim or end that really tends to the good of their Religion but that it is a voluntary Invasion of our Dominions in Enmity to our Crown and the Honour of the Nation in the Defence of which all true French Men as well Catholicks as those of the Pretended Reformed Religion are equally oblig'd to venture their Lives and Fortunes Nevertheless that our said Subjects may be rightly inform'd of our Intentions upon the present Occurrences and that they may not be circumvented by the Artifices that are made use of to with-draw 'em from their natural Duty We declare that for these Causes and other weighty Considerations Us thereunto moving We have with the Advice of the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother our most Dear and most Beloved only Brother the Duke of Orleance the Princes c. said and declar'd and do say and declare by these Presents the Sieur de Soubise and those of our Subjects of what Quality or Condition soever they be who shall adhere to or join with the English or shall favour or assist 'em directly or indirectly or that shall keep Intelligence Association and Correspondence with 'em in any sort or manner whatever or shall otherwise depart from that Obedience which they owe us Rebels Traitors and Perfidious to their King Desertors of their Countrey Guilty of High Treason in the highest Degree And as such we declare their Goods as well Moveable as Immoveable their Offices and Employments Forfeited and Confiscated to our self and all the Inhabitants of our Cities who shall adhere to the Enterprizes Rebellion and Disobedience of the above named or who shall afford 'em Entrance Passage Retreat or Quartering or shall aid 'em with Arms Victuals Ammunition or any other necessaries guilty of the same Crimes and under the Forfeiture of all Decrees Honours Priviledges Franchises Immunities and Rights which may have been granted to 'em either by the Kings our Predecessors or by our Selves past all Hopes of being ever regain'd It being our Will and Pleasure that they be proceeded against with the utmost Severity of the Law by Imprisonment of their Person Seizure of their Estates Demolishing their Houses Cutting down their Woods and that they shall lose the Benefit of our Edicts and of all Appeals to our Chambers created by the same Unless within eight days after the Publication of this Declaration upon the Coasts of Poitou Saintonge and Aunix they do quit their Rebellion and make their Appearance before our Officers of the Cities of Saintes Niort Fontenay Brouage and others more
seventh of June last And as for the Cities and Persons that submitted to our Obedience before that day they shall particularly enjoy the things contain'd in the Letters Patents which have order'd 'em for that purpose So we command our Faithful and Beloved Counsellours in the Parlament of Tholouse c. And for the more firm and stable endurance of these Presents c. Given at Nimes in July 1629. and twentieth of our Raign Sign'd Lewis And below by the King Phelipeaux Read Publish'd and Register'd c. At Tholouse in Parlament August 27. 1629. Sign'd De Malenfant The End of the second Volume A TABLE OF THE MATTERS A. ACcusations odious 521. For violating the Edicts Ibid. For taking away the Prayer for the King in the 20th Psalm 523. For blaspheming the Holy Things 525. Acts of Injustice at Vitre Dijon Taulignan 424 370 465. Particular Acts of Injustice 465. Affairs Forreign of France in what Condition 314. Aggravation venomous 524. Aire Bishop of his violent Speech 249. Albert de Luines his Original 260 261. His Confidents their Character 262. He Marries into the House of Rohan 264. He Fools the Queen and the Duke of Rohan 319. His notable Artifices to gain Lesdiguieres 382. More of the same 384 385. Made Constable 388. Alets reduc'd 459. Alliance French with Gustavus King of Sweden 471. Alliance double with Spain concluded on 17. Ambrune Bishop of his Speech to the King 339. Amelot Commissioner in Poitou and Santonge 383. He ruins the Churches under the appearance of Honesty 384. d' Ancre Marquiss of hated by the Princes of France 153. They unite against him 154 c. His Death 263. St. Angeli Besieg'd and Reduc'd 309. The Priviledges of the City abolish'd 310. An attempt upon it 122. Prevented by the Duke of Rohan 123. Annexes the occasion of great Injustice 469 489. Annexes of the Dauphinate 495. Advice of the Commissioners of the Dauphinate upon 'em 498. New Vexations about 'em 505. Order of the Intendant of Poitou concerning 'em 516. St. Antonin tak'n by Assault 334. Apology of the General Assembly 424. Arminians favour'd by the Court 372. Arnoux the Jesuit invective against him 301. His Dilemma 302. Banish'd the Court 319. He succeeds Cotton 272. Artifices of the ancient Enemies of the Reformed 41. To undermine the steadiness of the Assembly of Saumur 53. Artifices against Chamier 66. Assemblies why they refus'd to break up before their Papers were answer'd 303. Assembly of the Clergy began at Paris remov'd to Poitiers thence to Bourdeaux 320. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 406. Of Notables 433. Assembly at Anduse translated to Nimes 459. Of the Clergy at Paris 464. Assembly of the Clergy 521. Assembly general allow'd for Chastelleraud 22. Remov'd to Saumur 23. Assembly at Saumur and the Quality of the Deputies 26. Commissioners from this Assembly to the King 44. The Assembly sends Deputies to the Court 47. Gives Reasons for not choosing six Deputies 52. In which they persist 53. Nominates Commissioners 60. The Assembly resolves to break up 65. They draw up Regulations 69. Assembly at Castle-jaloux 92. Assembly at Rochel 138. General Assembly leave to hold one at Grenoble 160. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 183. Assembly at Grenoble 201. Sends a Deputation to the King 203. Removes to Nimes 212. They mistrusts the Lords 214. They send Deputies to the King for a Peace 232 c. Remov'd to Rochel 235. They send Deputies to Loudun 236. Assembly of Rochel send Deputies to the King 264. And receive an Order to break up 265. Assembly of the Clergy at Paris 274. Assembly at Castle-jaloux and Tonneins repair to Orthez in Bearn and are proscrib'd 308 309. Assembly of Orthez remov'd to Rochel and breaks up 322. Another Assembly at Loudun Ibid. c. Assembly of the Clergy at Blois 330 c. Constancy of the Assembly of Loudun 335. Assembly at Anduse 357. Assembly at Gergeau 358 c. Other Assemblies in Anjou and Bur. gundy 360 c. General Assembly at Milhau 361 c. Assembly at Rochel declar'd unlawful 365. Assembly at Rochel 380. Duplesses and Moulin solicit the breaking of it up 390. Affairs of the Assembly of Rochel 393 c. Defends it self in Writing 410. Reply'd to by the Jesuites 413. Irreparable faults committed by 'em 417. The State of it 428. Assignations ill paid 375. Attempts upon the Cities of Security 300. B. BAilliages establish'd with little exactness 270. Basnage the Reformed Minister 482. Bearn forc'd Conversions there 433. the King will have Bearn treat separately 47. Articles in favour of Bearn 85. The State of Bearn falsly represented 276. Reunion of it to the Crown 279. An Argument upon the Reunion of it 280 c. Answer to it 285. The Edict of the Reunion publish'd 286. The Bearnois endeavour to ward off the Blow 289. The State of Religion in Bearn 290. Their Writings answer'd 297. Their extream despair 307. More of the Bearnois 313. The whole form of the Government alter'd 346 c. Violences committed there after the Kings Departure 348. The Affair of Bearn cross'd a thousand ways by different Artifices 351. All manner of Succours refus'd to their Deputies 352. Bearn subdu'd 405. Bellujon censur'd by the Assembly 56. Beraud Minister of Montauban 481. Berger a Reformed Counsellour at Paris turns Roman Catholick 162. Breticheres his Politick design 328. Bishops of Languedoc side with the Duke of Orleans 492. Bishops of Albi and Nimes degraded for Rebellion 493. Bishop of Orleans's Speech to the King 521. The Bishop of St. Flour's Speech 529. Bishop of Mompellier his Rights over the Vniversity 152. Blasphemies pretended 427 440. The occasion of a World of unjust Acts 448 450. Bodies of the Reformed digg'd up again 402. Books prosecuted 451. Books that made a noise 85 87. Bouillon Marshal his Letter 313. He treats with Count Mansfield 340. His Proposals to the Duke of Rohan about it 341. Publishes an Edict in favour of the Reformed 417. Bouillon Duke of the Son changes his Religion 517. He ruins himself for Love of a Lady Ibid. Bouillon the Father soon gain'd at Court 8. He endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde 17. Gain'd by the Queen 23. His Inconstancy about Presidentship 28. Discontented seems reconcil'd to the Duke of Sulli and Interests himself for Senevieres 30 31. Dangerous Counsel imputed to him 55. His strange Advice 58. Made a Commissioner by the Assembly but refuses it 60. Breaks with the Duke of Rohan 118. Reconcil'd 150. He seeks to be reveng'd upon the Queen 180. He labours with the Reformed to joyn with the Reformed 182. Writes to the King 412. He refuses the Place of General 416. Buckingham Duke jealousies between him and the Cardinal 416. He compleats the Ruin of the Reformed 418. Burials disturb'd 439. The Right of Burial violated 446. Of Gentlemen Founders of Churches 431. C. COcherat Minister of Quilleboeuf 513. Candal Duke of embraces the Reformed Religion 215. Castres Vexation of Officers
Exercise and the Right of the Church 511. Oppression continu'd 501. Orleans Duke of commences a Civil War 492. P. PAmiers City of goes to Law with Bishop 392. Papers of the Reformed General 366. Answers to 'em 367. Of the Clergy of Saintes 385. Full of Malice 386. Calmly answer'd by the Court 402 404. Papers answer'd by the Court 113. General Paper of the Assembly of Grenoble 207. Answer'd 208. Papers of the Clergy favourably answer'd 291. Parlaments encroach upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers 114. The Parlament ordains the continuance of the Exercise of the Reformed Religion 224. Their Acts of Injustice 302. Parpailler the Original of the Word 347. Pau the Parlament there forbid the Exercises 425. Payment of Ministers 406. Peace Proposals of it renewed 342 The Court would have the King grant it to have a Lord and Master Ibid. Three several Persons give their Opinions upon it 343. Peace agreed before Mompellier 352 353. Honourable for the Duke of Rohan 355. All the Cities accept it 357. Ill observ'd by the Court Ibid. Peace discours'd of 401. Concluded between the King and the Reformed 411. Peace made with the Reformed 459. Perron Cardinal his Harangue to the third Estate 171. Petit's Project about the Reunion 476. Du Plessis his Death 379. Elected President of the Assembly of Saumur 30. He fortifies Saumur 44. His wise Counsel 58. Trick put upon him to get Saumur out of his hands 421. Politicks Bloody of the Catholick Clergy in France 315. Pons Regulations there against the Reformed 539. Pope his Brief to Lewis XIII 316. Precautions to prevent disorder 4. Precedency adjudg'd to the Catholicks 434. To the Catholick Counsellours of the Chamber of Guyen 503. To the Catholick Counsellours of the Chamber of Castres 514. Priests and Monks changing their Religion 442. Priest converted his Children 452. A Priest put to Death for bewitching his Nuns 505. Privas Besieg'd and Betray'd 454. The Kings Declaration upon the taking of it 457. Re-establish'd 498. The Castle retaken 377. Puimirol laught at for his Loyalty 314. Puisieux a new Favourite Adviser of Horse proceeding against the Reformed 359. His Favour short 360. His Promise to the Nuncio 363. Q. QUeen Mother hates Cardinal Richlieu 460. Withdraws into Flanders 471. Queen Regent Characters of Her 30. Offended with the Duke of Rohan 124. She Consents to the removal of Rochebeaucour 137. The Princes discontented with Her Regency 153. She prepares to Assemble the General Estates 166. She takes a Progress with the King 203. She escapes from Blois 319. Her scruples 339. She forms a powerful Party 340. Her Forces defeated procure a Peace 343. Question to insnare the People 526. R. REconciliation of the great ones Projected 132. Regency given to the Queen 5. Reformed unfortunate every where 315. Quitt their Habitations 326. Accus'd of Piring the Bridges of Paris Ibid. Of Firing the Gaol of Lion 327. They reassume fresh Courage 332. Disarm'd 350. The exercise of their Religion forbid 368. A singular Artifice us'd to oblige 'em to call themselves Pretended Reformed 369. Their Condition impared by the Commissioners at Gergeau Remorentin and Tours 382. The Reformed dissatisfi'd with the Kings answers 405. They send Deputies to the King 427. Who remonstrate Ibid. And return with the Kings Answer 427. In great Consternation Ibid. Fear'd at Court 488. Faithful to the King 493. The Condition of the Reformed 5. Who are dreaded and yet afraid Ibid. They fall into a fond Opinion of safety deceiv'd by the Court Artifices 10. They take part with the House of Guise in a Quarrel 94. They abhor the Name of Pretended Reformed 109. Their Strength in the County of Avignon 110. They obtain Gergau instead of Grenoble but dissatisfi'd desire Grenoble again 182 183. Reformed disarm'd at Bourdeaux 223. Inclin'd to the Queen Mothers Service 328. Their faults and the cause 344. Begun to be us'd as Rebels 366. All manner of Justice refus'd 'em 377. To be destroy'd root and branch 397 c. The Peaceable Reformed disarm'd 419 c. Regulations for Villiers le Bel and the Dauphinate 420. Regulations of Vnion 72. Relapsers remarkable Orders against 'em 415. De Retz Cardinal 329. Reunion projected 472. Inclinations of the Ministers towards it 475. And of the People 476. Difficulties that obstructed it Ibid. The issue of it 479. The Truth of it Ibid. Richelieu Cardinal his Maxims 388. His designs of which he is forc'd to delay the Execution 410. Jealousies between him and Buckingham 416. His backside 417. Conspiracies against him 419. He takes a Journey into Italy with the King 453. His Project of Reunion 473. He oppresses the Publick Liberty 491. Much a do to guard himself from Conspiracies 497. His Death 451. Rieuperieux summon'd by the Council 422. Rochechouard particular acts of Injustice there 423 468. Rochel hard press'd by Land and Sea 351. The Priviledges of it disputed 400. Excepted by the King out of the Peace 408. The ruine of it sworn and the King strives to put particular Laws upon it 408 409. Accepts the Conditions somewhat mollifi'd 411. The Condition of it 420. Still blockt up 437. The Irresolution of the Inhabitants 440. They intercept a Pacquet of Court Letters Ibid. Rochel Resolves and Publishes a Manifesto 441. Surrendred 443. Refuses to submit to the English 444. How the Inhabitants were dealt by 446. General Assembly conven'd at Rochel 255. The Circle of Rochel sends Deputies to the King 257. Rohan Duke of 317. Detain'd Prisoner at Mompellier 363. Releas'd 364. He advises the Reformed Cities what to do 366. Meditates great designs 395. Enterprize of Rohan and Soubife Ibid. His Politick Devotions 398. Seconded by his Wife 399. He Publishes a Manifesto 441. Personal Enmity between him and the Prince of Condè 451. Decrees and Declarations against him 453. He treats with Spain 457. He retires out of the Kingdom 463. Accus'd of the ruin of the Churches 467 Serves the King in Italy 494. Breaks with the Duke of Bouillon 118. Differences between him and Rochebeaucour 131 His high Pretensions 136. Reconcil'd to the Duke of Bouillon 150. Engages in the Queens Party 338. His Death 413. Royan surrender'd to the King 332. S. SAcriledge pretended 428. Sancerre seiz'd by the Reformed 250. Saumur an Attempt of the Sheriffs of that Place 151. Scholars of the Academy of Saumur run themselves into a Premunire 496. Forbidden 534. Schomberg Marshal 329. Schools forbid at Rouen 426. At St. Foi Ibid. Order'd distinct Ibid. 448. Sedition at Paris 324. At Orleans 347. At Lion Ibid. The Violence of it 349. At Paris 89. At Rochel 133. At Milhau 173. At Belestar 174. Sedition at Pau against Renard the Kings Commissioner 309. At Tours 406 c. Sessions Grand Sessions in Poitou 507. They put the Churches into great affrights Ibid. And make an important Decree Ibid. Sick People tormented by the Monks 416 417. Visited by the Priests 452. Soubife defeated 332. Solicits for succour in England 351. His succour cast away in
Names of Pretended Reform'd Religion Complaints concerning the Commissioners Resolution no longer to send particular Deputations to the Court Force of the Reform'd in the County of Avignon Gratification New Declarations upon the preceeding Which gives no satisfaction Cahiers answer'd * Petitions or Addresses * Injunction Enterprises of the Parliaments upon the Jurisdiction of the Chambers Severity of the Chambers of the Edict The Corps of a Reform'd Gentleman taken out of the ground again by the order of a Commissioner Favours granted to the Reformed of la Tierache Division of the Duke de Rohan and the Marshal de Bouillon and the sequel Abuse the Deputies which injoyn obedience The Court makes use of the Doctrine of Patience Ministers Pentioners Wiles and Injustices of the Court. Enterprise upon St. John d'Angely The Duke of Rohan prevents it notwithstanding orders from the Court to the contrary The Queen is offended and things seem to incline to a War * Speaker of the Commons Apperance of accommodation Vnder which the Troubles continue Endeavours us'd to involve du Plessis in the same Who remain in quiet Assembly of the Circle at Rochel Prospect of Reconciliation among the great ones Sedition at Rochel It s origina â— And its violence Negotiations for an accomodation High pretentions of the Duke de Rohan The Queen consents to it only preserving some appearences for her self The Duke beiâ—â— exasperated by new inâ—uries refuses â—â— accept them The Assembly meets at Rochel And charge the Deputies General with new Articles Resolution taken at Court Chevauchee But ill perform'd New Declaration Remarks upon those frequent Edists The Circle Assembles again Rochel seperates from the rest Which puts an end to the troubles Verbal promise to tolerate Provincial Councils Declaration of the Marriages resolv'd upon with Spain What offends the true French men 1613. Ferrier abandons the Ministry Is receiv'd Counsellor at Nimes And is Excommunicated Diligence of the Consuls to save Ferrier Writing on both sides Appollogies of Ferrier And his end Reconcilement of the Duke de Rohan and the Marshal de Bouillon Attempts of the Sheriffs of Saumur * Petitions or Addresses 1614. Equity of the Chamber of the Edict of Paris Rights of the Bishop of Mompellier upon the Vniversity Discontents of the Princes The Duke of Rohan enters into it Artifices of the Marshal de Bouillon Retreat and Manifesto of the Princes Their precipitation is blam'd 〈…〉 A Peace is made Injury done to the Prince of Conde at Poitiers Cities of Surety opened to the King National Synod The King of England's Letters Council of the Lower Guyenne Mutual Subordination of the Assemblies Brief of leave for a General Assembly Letters from the Lords Pecuniary Affairs * Taxes Exemption of Tailles for the Ministers Places of Surety Berger a Reformed Counsellor at Paris turns Roman Catholick Reformed of Gex Churches nâ—â—t as eâ— settled Condition of the Reform'd in the County of Avignon Liberality's of the Synod Colleges Bearn â—â—ents Oath of Vnion Letters to the King and Queen The Queen prepares to Assemble the Estates General Declaration the King 's Majoritty Overture of the States * The Commons The Clergy and Nobility unite against the third Estaete Reform'd in the States Independency of Kings Whose Cause is betra'yd by the Clergy and by the Court it self Passion of the Clergy Harangue of Cardinal du Perron Why the Heriticks are tollerated Distinctions of the Cardinal His Conclusion * Peâ—ion or Address 1615. Reflections * House of Commons The third Estate Persists Character of Miron President of the Chamber of that Order The Court silences the Third Estate Illusive Decree of the Clergy And their shameful Prevarications Inequality of the Prince of Conde Preseverence of the Clergy in that Doctrine Sedition at Milhau The Bishop of Lucons Speech * Petition or Address Sedition of Belestat Cah er of the Clergy Leave Permission Continuation of the Cahier Articles propos'd aâ—â—ect â—…â—aâ—nst the Reform'd * Chief Justices Sequel of the said Articles * Places in which the Reform'd were allowed to perform the publick exercise of their Religion Conclusion of the Câ—…her Propositions disliked by the Nobility Declaration of the King Which does not Cure the Evil. New intrigues To which they ingage the People * Petition and Addresses The Parliament And the Reform'd Why Solicet to â—…ain another plaâ—â— instead of Grenoble And obtain Gergeau Which they are not satisfyed with And desire Grenoble again And the Court Consents to it Assembly of the Clergy â—…ur of the â—… And of the Prince of Conde The Prince of Conde invites the Assembly of Grenoble to joyn with him Diversity of Opinions The Kings Progress The General Assembly â—â—nds Deputies to the King â— Pâ—… The Deputies are adjourn'd to Poitiers The Queen gets to her Journeys end without Opposition Particular Petition of the Assembly * Petitions or Remonstrances * In which the Judges were half Catholicks and half Protestants * Oblats or Secular Monks General Petition * The Commons * Answers Petition * Petitions The Answers of the Court give no satisfaction They amuse the Deputies * Petitions The Deputies Communicate their fâ—aâ—s to the Assembly * Petitions or Addresses Lâ—â—â—â—guires keeps a great Awe over tâ—â—â— The Assembly removes to Nimes Against his Will The Assembly mistrust the Lords Lesdiguieres and Chatillon are ingag'd in the interest of the Court. The Duke of Candale Embraces the Reform'd Religion His Levity The Reform'd are hated by the Favourites The Duke d Epernon hates them Mortally The Treaty of Union between the Assembly and the Prince of Conde Which revives the Princes Party Letters Declaration which confirms the â—â—dâ—cts After a very Argumental Preface Effect of the Declaration The Reform'd dâ—â—arm'd at Bourdeaux The Consistory discontinues the Publick Exercise of their Religion Two Advocates declare it to the Parliament 1616. The Parliament ordains the Continuation of the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion The Consistory cites both the Advocates after the Conclusion of the Peace They appeal to the Parliament * A Chamber composed of Catholick and Protestant Judges The Consistory suspends them publickly from the Communion A severe Decree The Advocate-General Passion The Ministers disown the things alledg'd by the Advocate-General Absurdities * Chambres Miparties in which the Judges were half Catholicks and half Protestants Ridiculous Pretensions * Cene. A continuation of the ill Will of the Parliament * Chamber-Mipartie in which the Judges are part Catholics and part Protestants A False Decree of Inrollment of a Declaration against the Prince Propositions of peace * Petitions oâ— Addresses 1615. The Lower Languedoc remains peaceable The King of England offers his Mediation for a peace The Council of France refuses the said Mediation 1616. Conference and Peace of Loudun The removal of the General Assembly to Rochel The Assembly sends Deputies to Loudun Disingenuity of the Court. The Assembly is almost compell'd to accept a Peace Edict of Blois * Remonstrances and
Demands * The Commons Private Articles * A Land Tax and heavy Imposition upon the People Inrollment and Modifications of the Edict * Petitions and Remonstrances * Petisions or Addresses * Petitions or Demands The Prince Authorizes himself at Court. The Queen puts the Prince of Conde in Prison Which occasions great disturbances The Reform'd seize Sancerre * Places that were annex'd to â—â—â—ers Declaration upon the Edict of Peace The Duke d'Epernon makes War against Rochel Privileges of the said City The Duke's Preâ—â—nsiens 1617. Rochel applies it self to the King and makes an ill defence Importance of his Enterprise The Circle Assembles at Rochel And Convenes a general Assembly The Deputies of the Circle are ill receiv'd at Court Kâ—asâ—ns to prove that the Assembly is necessary Extremities to which the Male-contents are reduc'd The King's Temper Original of the Fortune of Honore Albert de â—uines * Pigriesches It has been question'd whâ—ther he was a Gentleman The Character of his Confidents Death of the Marshal d'Ancre Alteration of Affairs Luines Marries into the house of Rohan The Assembly of Rochel sends Deputies to the King And receives an Order to break up * Petitions and Demands They obey and resolve to protect the Churches of Bearn Their Petitions National Synod at Vitré Deputation to the King Letters to the General Assembly and their Answer The Churches of Bearn and Auvergne disturb'd The Count of Sancerre exerts Hostilities against the City Churches of the Country of Foix. * In which the Judges were part Catholicks and part Reform'd And those of Provence ill us'd Permission given to the Ministers to assist at Political Assemblies Places of Bailywicks establish'd with little Exactness * Towns or Villages in which the Publick Exercise of the Reform'd Religion was to be perform'd in the said Bailywicks Rogueries of the Converted Moors The Bishop of Lucon retires from the Queen Disgrace of Cotton the Jesuit Arnoux succeeds him A Sermon Preach'd at Court by him The Ministers of â— Charenton's Answer Against whom Informations are given Pamphlets on both sides The Bishop of Lucon Writes against the Ministers Assembly of the Clergy The Bishop of Macon's Speech Jacobins turn'd out of Montpelier They refuse to suffer a Jesuit Preacher The State of Bearn falsely represented The Effect of that Speech A Decree authorising the Jesuits to Preach in Montpelier * Petitions or Addresses A Decree of Restauration of the Ecclesiastical Estates that had been formerly confiscated in Bearn Re-union of that Country to the Crown which is oppos'd by the Estates La Force And Lescun Deceit of the Court. Dissertacion upon this matter Suspension of Homage * Ill Clerk Inconveniences attending the dis-union and Advantages of the Union By whom the Re-union was pretreated Motives of the Opponants And their Answer to the Dissertation The Edict of Re-union publish'd The Clergy obtain a Decree of Restauration Which declares that the Deputies have been heard and the Writings seen Subtilty of the Clergy A Violent Speech * Petition The Bearnois endeavour to Ward the Blow Remonstrances of Lescâ—n Libels The State of Religion in Bearn Lescun only obtain Words The Cahiâ—â— of the Clergy is favourably answer'd * Petition or Address 1618. The Effect of those Advantages is prosecuted without Inequalities of La Force The Countryof Bearn pursues in this Opposition Writings on their behalf Why the Clergy would not take the said Reimplacement for themselves An Answer to the Writing of the Bearnois A Continuation of the said Answer Enterprises upon the Cities of Surety The Exercise of the Reform'd Religion hinder'd in divers places Injustices of the Parliaments Jesuits * Cities Towns and Castles granted to the Reformed for their safety by the Edicts Burial * Petition or Remonstrance Answers to the Cahiers Illusive Remedies 1618. Extream Dispair of the Bearnois The Assembly refus'd at Casteljaloux And at Tonneins They repair to Orthez And arâ— proscrib'd Seditino at Pau. Maliae of the Commissioner Presages and Devotions Craft of the Council First and final Mandamus directed to the Soveraign Council of Bearn Follow'd by Decrees of that Council * Petitions or Demand Sentiment of some particular Persons upon those Affairs Disposition of the great ones State of Forreign Affairs Dangerous Consequences of the aâ—vice of the Moderate An Apology for the Conduct of the Bearnois * Laws of the Bar. Artifices of the Bishops of the Country Remarks upon the Bishop of Macon's Speech Difficulties against the Reimplacement Against Tithes Prescription * For. Conclusion 1619. The Queen Mother makes her Escape from Blois The Prince of Conde is set at liberty The Assembly of Orthez Transfer'd to Rochel Takes the King's part And breaks up Another Assembly allow'd at Loudun Why the Reform'd have so often renew'd the same Demands * Pâ—tâ—tiâ—â— The Court refers the Complaints to the General Caâ—… Resolutions and Oaths of the Assembly * Petitions and Demands Substance of the General Cahier and other Articles of Complaints The Assembly forbids to suffer Jesuits and other Monks to Preach in the Cities of Surety * Petition or Address Decrees of divers Parliaments to the contrary Deputations Letters and Remonstrances to the King The Reform'd were inclin'd to the Queen-Mother's Service A Dismal Answer And the Effect of it Opposition of the Catholicks to the Establishment of a Collâ—ge at Charenton Assembly of the Clergy Exemption which is granted them of pleading in such Tribunals where all the Judges are Reform'd Reiterated Orders to the Assembly of Loudun to break up 1620. Expedient of Accommodation An unexpected Declaration against the Assembly * In which the Judges were part Catholicks and part Reform'd The Prince of Conde deceives the Reform'd Affected diligence of the Attorney General The Assembly remains firm The Negotiations are râ—sâ—m'd The Assembly Obeys upon the parole of the Prince of Conde and of the Favourite Effect of the Separation of the Assembly New Intrigues against the Favorite The Duke of Rohan ingages in the Queens Party Scruples of the Queen Mother Power of the Party she forms Useful Advice of the Prince of Coâ—de and ill Council of 〈◊〉 Bishop 〈◊〉 Lucon The Bishops Reasons Defeat of the Queen's Forces follow'd by 〈◊〉 Peace The King 's unexpected Journey in Bearn Faults of the Reformed and the Cause thereof The King proceeds notwithstanding Remonstrances He arrives at Pau. Makes himself Master of Navarreins He takes the Oath Alteration of the whole Form of the Government Suppression of the Captains of the Parsans How the Reform'd of the Country were us'd Abuses and Threatnings Wickedness of the Bishops Cruelties of Poyane Different Relations of the Kings Journey National Syned of Alets Political Regulations The Ministers deputed for the Syned of Dordrecht give an account of the reasons that have stopt them 〈◊〉 Bearn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They resolve to depute to the King All manner of Succors is refus'd to the Deputies of Bearn Important considerations evaded News of consequence supprest 1618. Treachery of
some Ministers unpunish'd Troubles of Privas And their Original Accommodation broken by the Lord. The Place iâ— deposited Violences of the Garrison and Galumâ—â—es against the Inhabitants Assembly at Anduse Chatillons behaviour Chaâ—… Attaâ—kâ—d Invectives against the Synod of Alets Assembly of Gergeau Important Propositions 1. Whether they should Vote by Heads or by Provinces 1610. Deliberations of the Assembly Other Assemblies in Anjou and in Burgundy Divers Complaints of the Reform'd in those Provinces General Alarm of the Churches after the Alteration of the Churches made in Bearn Assembly at Milhau Oppos'd by the Deputies of Lesdiguieres and of Chatillon Effect of the Promisâ—â— made to the Assembly of Loudun Councellors receiv'd in the Parliament of Paris Leitoure taken from Fontrailles The Brief expedited for the Keeping of the Places of Surety is not given The Interest of Favas Precipitates the return of the Assembly at Rochel Declaration which makes it pass for an Unlawful Assembly The Prince of Conde and the Favourite fail in their Garrantee to the Beform'd A suppos'd Letter written in the Duke de Mombason's Name They begin to use the Reform'd as Rebels 1620. The Ecclesiasticks are seiz'd upon at Montauban Which the Consuls excuse And the Catholicks aggravate The lâ—ke Transactions elsewhere Character of Masuier Who writes to the King with Malice Division of the Judges of Castres about the Inrollment of the Declarations Trouble at Nimes occasioned by a Jesuit Circle of the Lower Languedoc assembled at Lunel 1621. Retaking of the Castle of Paivas All manner of Justice refus'd to the Reformed Which are reduc'd to Despaire Undâ—rhand Dealing of Chatillon with Mommotency Order from the Court injoyning both Parties to disarm Taking of Walons Sâ—â—â—e and Taking of Wals. 1621. Walonsâ—s â—s retaken anâ— restâ—r'd Assembly of Rochel Lesdiguieres falls out with the Assembly The small Affliction he had for his Râ—â—â—â—ion He Marries Mary Vignon Contrary to the Discipline of the Reform'd Of which he makes a publick acknowledgment Notable Artifices of the Duke de Luines to gain him Double Commission to prâ—vaâ—t with him What Empire Deagean gains over Lesdiguieres Feign'd Deputies of Religion Bressieux order'd to ruin the works of Deagean Buliion succeedes iâ— it better than he Lesdiguieres does not hearken to his friends Notable Guile of Deagean Luines is made Constable Lesdiguieres remains at Court Mediation of the Dukes de Rohan and de la Trimouille Of which Favas ruins the Project Du Plessis and du Moulin sollicit the Assembly to break up Du Moulin in danger of being secur'd Coldness of James the I. about the Affairs of the Palatinat Du Moulin writes to him and his Letter falls into the hands of the Council of France Effect of those Letters to the Assembly Difficulties which stâ—pt the Negotiations New Conditions of Accommodation Seven Articles which the Court agrees upon To amuse the Reformed The Duke de Luines is little inclin'd to it But the Queen The Prince of Conde Puisieux The Clergy The Pope The Spaniards make the King resolve upon War Some are 〈…〉 destroying Root and Branch * Partisans or such as Farm the King's Revenues And others for sparing the most Peaceable Reasons of the first Advice Reasons â—f â—â—e Second Which is followed Reasons publish'd to blind the Reform'd New Difficulty about the time of beginning the War How those Difficulties were remov'd The King goes unexpectedly from Paris And removes the Offices fâ—r the Receits of his Revenues out of the Reform'd Cities Settlement of War drawn in the middle of the Negotiation of Peace New Troubles in Bearn The Duke d'Epernon is sent thither Cowardize of the People of Orthez La Force retires All Bearn is subdu'd Sedition at Tours And elsewhere The Court stops the Progress of it The Sedition is renew'd Punishment of some of the Criminals Which dazles the Reform'd New Declaration The General Assemblâ— dâ—fâ—nds it â—â—lf in Writing Particulars of their Complaints The Marshall de Bouillon writes to the King Reply of the Jesuits to the Writing of the Assembly The Assembly draws a Project to defend themselves Division of the Provinces into Circles The Marshal de Bouillon refuses the Place of General Irreparaâ—… General of the Circles Seat of the Assembly The Peaceable Reformed are disarmed Wâ—â—â—â— câ—â—sâ— a great Dâ—â—â—â—tion Trick put upon Du Plessis to get Saumur out of his hands They amuse him with Promises even in Writing Reproaches made to him by the Assembly The King's Declaration against the Cities of Rochel and of St. John d'Angeli Which obliges the Reform'd to renounce the Party of the Assembly in Writing Self-interested Baseness of all the Governors of the Towns of Surety The King dâ—molâ—shes the Fortisications of the Cities that are delivered up to him Apology of the General Assembly Invective against the Jesuit Arnoux Why the Assemblies refus'd to break up before their Papers were answer'd A violent Answer to â—â— in the King's Name Forcing away of Children Catholics dispens'd with granting their Church-Yards at their owa Charges Tilenus writes against the Assembly of Rochel Siege and reducing of St John d'Angâ—â—i Priviledges of the City abolish'd Marshal de Bouillon's Letter The King marches into Guyenne Siege and taking of Clairac A Breif from the Pope to the King The Reformed unfortunate every where La Force defends the Place The King raises the Siege Passionate Harangue of the Bishop of Rennes The Story of Dominic de Jesus Maria. 〈◊〉 at Paris The Church of Charenton burnt The Reformed quit their Habitations They are accus'd of setting fire to the Bridges of Paris The Circle of Languedocâ—â—sâ—â—ss â—â—sâ—â—ss Chatillon The great Confusion in the Circle 1622. The King returns to Paris A remarkable Writing of Jeannin a ivâ—sing Peace The Reasons for the War more prevalenâ— The Reformed reassume fresh Courage The King leaves Paris His Success in Poitou And Guyenne where he treats with la Force Sediion against the Catholics Remarks upon the style of this Harangue Desolation of the Church of Foix. Attestations given the Monk Villarte He forbids the Reformed to quit their Habitations Count Mansfeild treats with the Reformed Mansfeild gain'd by the Court. Negotiations of Peace reuew d. The Siege of Mompellier Success of the War in divers places Chatillon made Marshal of France Sedition at Orleans The Original of Parpaillots Of the word Hust Violence of the Seditior the Reformed disarm'd Soubise sollicits for Succor in England The Treaty concluded with an Edict Right of Parlaments * That is to walk barefoot and bare-headed through the Street with a burning Taper in their hands to some publick place and there to acknowledg their Offence The Advantages of 〈◊〉 Peace All the Cities accept the Peace Ill observ'd by the Court. The King return to Paris The Bishop of Luson made a Cardinal The Character of that Prelat How he received the News of his Prâ—â—otion Excessive Flatteries 1623. The Duke of Rohan detain'd Prisoner General Papers Uncertain Answers Exercise of Religion forbid * The
too much Honesty and if they judg'd by what d'Ossat says of him he was a Prince of a strange Character and who had always some contrivance in his Head against the Peace of Europe In the mean time the Reformed were Assembled at Sainte Foye where they were not satisfy'd with naming Deputies General but where they Treated on many things that regarded the General and the particular of Churches A little while after there was a Paper presented to the King the first Article of which after having Congratulated him upon the Peace of the Kingdom and upon the Birth of the Dauphin demanded a Re-establishment of the Edict in the state it had been Granted at Nantes and this demand was supported with a pretence that the King had promis'd this Re-establishment as soon as the Affairs of the Kingdom could permit it The Chief of the other Articles demanded that the Parlaments which had not verify'd the Edict but under certain Modifications should be oblig'd to take 'em off That some Immunities should be Granted to Colleges that the Reformed should found in pursuance of the Liberty which the Edict gave ' em That the Counsellors which were plac'd there should be oblig'd to serve in the Chambers of the Edict many years and that but half of 'em should be chang'd every time some Change was desir'd They were not Answer'd upon this Paper till in the Month of March in the year following and the Answers were first resolv'd on with the Deputies and about three Weeks after reported to the King who approv'd of ' em The first Article was absolutely deny'd 'em under pretence that there was no great matter in it that these little Changes were made for the common good and to facilitate the Execution of the Edict that the Advice of the Principal of the Reformed had been had as being call'd to the Deliberations that had been made upon these matters that they could not be revok'd and that there was no promise given to do it It may be judg'd by this either that those promises were not made but by people whom the King was not afraid to disown as there are always at Court Managers of business by whom she puts people in hopes of an event for which she has no mind to be answerable or that the Reformed had taken for serious promises certain windy Words which were giv'n 'em to put 'em in Heart that things might Change and that then they would cause Restoration to be made 'em of what the present Juncture constrain'd 'em to suffer 'em to be depriv'd of 'em Or that in fine the Reformed at the Court had invented these promises as a secret to keep off the Reproach of having so easily consented to these Changes Upon the other Articles they had all the satisfaction given that they could desire But because they ask'd the Liberty of continuing their Assembly under the pretence of the Difficulties the Parlament made of Executing the Edict the King declar'd in his Answers that he had given such Orders for the redress of 'em that this continuation of the Assembly was needless But they set forth much larger Papers at Sainte Foy and without stopping long at the repeated denial that the King had made to resettle the Edict in the same State that it was settled in at Nantes they did not forbear to demand again a little after the same things by Retail which they cou'd not obtain in Gross This is the reason that in demanding the Execution of the Edict throughout the whole Kingdom such as it had been verify'd at Paris they had hopes one day to repair those breaches which the Council had made therein Insomuch that they seem'd not to accept it but on condition Many Provinces were Nam'd in these Articles to which the Court had sent no Commissioners others where they had not been but in the Capital Cities many particular Places where the Exercise was not granted but under certain Restrictions as I have already observ'd They complain'd that in judging the Right of Possession acquir'd by the Edict of 1577. they limited themselves strictly to the 17th of September having no regard to the Proofs of the Exercise that was had in the same month before and after that day if it had not been likewise prov'd that it was had precisely upon that day This almost reduc'd the Reformed to a Non-plus and made an illusion of this Right because that the 17th of September fell that Year on a Tuesday a day wherein the Reformed cou'd not have had their Public Exercises but in a kind of Hazard It was demanded that in the places where the Commissioners Nam'd the Kings Judges for their Sub-Delegates those Judges should be oblig'd to take an adjoyn'd Partner of the Reformed whom the Reformed themselves shou'd appoint to labour diligently together and Scot free in the Execution of the Commissioners Orders They complain'd that in many places the Catholics wou'd not suffer the Reformed to Inhabit That they drove the Tradesmen out of certain Towns That they wou'd not allow 'em as Journey-men in their Shops That they spoke Injurious things to 'em unpunish'd when they went to their Exercises That the Preachers in their Sermons The Advocates in their Pleadings took the same Liberty without being repress'd That the Royal Judges in many places did not do Justice in the Abuses committed their Persons That in many Diocesses they caus'd 'em to be Inroll'd and put certain marks on their Houses to distinguish 'em from those of the Catholics That wherever there were yet any Colleges of Jesuits in the Kingdom that is to say in the Jurisdiction of the Parlament of Tholouse and Bourdeaux they had found out another manner of distinction causing the Houses of the Catholics to be mark'd with the Cross or Garlands of Flowers to the end that those might be better taken notice of that wanted such Ornaments That at Vervins they put a Minister out of the Town who travelling that Road arriv'd there upon Easter-day and that they refus'd so much as to give his Horse Stable-Room 'T was a Complaint that in several places the Judges hinder'd 'em from Building Churches tho the Exercise were there permitted That in many others that were Nam'd the Exercise likewise was hinder'd either through the opposition of the Lords of the Places or by the Orders of the Commissioners It was reported upon this occasion that at Aubenas where the Marquis of Montlaur committed a Thousand Violences tho the Commissioners had caus'd the Steeple the Bell and the Church-yard to be Surrender'd to the Catholics and left the Town-house to the Reformed for their Exercises the Jesuits had built a Chappel against the Wall through which they had made a hole that they might see all over the place that they caus'd a Bell to Ring during the Exercise and that they had set up a Cross over the Entry It was demanded That the Lords might enjoy the Right of their Precincts and Jurisdictions and
his side 〈…〉 make a show of his Power and to render himself considerable to the United Princes He prevail'd with the Provincial Council of the Lower Guyenne to Conveâ—… an Assembley at Tonneins of three Deputys of every oâ—… of the other Councils and the Letters of it were dispatch'd towards the end of March The day on whiâ—… they appointed the Assembly to meet was the same tâ—… had been taken to hold a National Synod in the same Plaâ—… Insomuch that had those two Assemblys concurr'd in 〈…〉 same Resolutions it might be said that the Reform'd 〈…〉 never taken such general ones We will observe 〈…〉 where why it did not succeed I will only say that 〈…〉 Princes only making use of the Duke de Rohan's goâ—… Will to render themselves the more formidable to 〈…〉 Queen they concluded a Peace in the presence of â—…tefontane his Envoy to whom they daily gave a thousaâ—… Assurances that they had no thoughts of it The Sumâ—… of Money that were offer'd them made their Swoâ—… drop out of their Hands They obtain'd the usual 〈…〉 of Grace and the greatest thing they got was a promâ—… to Assemble the Estates Amboise was delivered up 〈…〉 the Prince of Conde as a Place of Surety The other profited by it according to their Quality The oâ—… Duke of Rohan paid the Scot and got nothing but tâ—… Queens Indignation by it The Duke de Vendome held â—ut longer than the rest and the Queen was foro'd to â—o into Bretagne to reduce him to Reason This Treaty being concluded at Ste. Menehould on the â— 5th of May was forth with put in Execution but the Peace which was but just concluded had like to have been broken by an affront the Prince of Conde receiv'd at Poiâ—…ers He was disatisfy'd with the Bishop to whom he â—nt some smart Letters by a Gentleman of his Retinue The said Gentleman was ill us'd by the consent and perhaps at the Instigations of the Bishop The Prince being inform'd therewith in a Journey of which no body knew the Secret resolv'd inconsiderately to go to Poitiers to revenge that affront Whereas he was only Arm'd with his Quality at that time and not very well attended â—e was not much in a Condition to be fear'd and therefore the Inhabitants shut their Gates against him and refus'd him Enterance This seem'd to be done by the Bishop's Credit but it was thought that he had receiv'd secret orders from the Queen about it Moreover some Persons some which were Ingag'd in the Princes Interests were turn'd out of the City whereupon he did whatever lay in his Power to Assemble his Friends and to lay a kind of Siege before that Insolent City But he could hardly Assemble Men enough to annoy the Inhabitants a little whom he hindered from going to and fro by keeping of some Passages He neither had time enough nor means to renew his Correspondence which the Peace had broken and the Queen being gone from Paris with her Forces the fear of her marching against him oblig'd him to remove from before Poitiers He was forc'd to submit that affair to Justice and to suffer Commissioners to be nominated to examine it and the Bishop was sent for to Court as it were to be reprimanded for his proceedings It was not so much to punish him as to put him in safety and the Queen having brought the King to Poitiers improv'd that occasion to put her Creatures in the Chief Imployments there in order to secure that City to herself The Reform'd resolv'd in that Progress to show the King that he was as much Master of the places of Surety as of all the other Cities of his Kingdom He was received with his Forces in all those where he came Moreover he was invited to come through such as he seemd to avoid on purpose left it might create some jealousie Soon after the Treaty of the Princes the Reform'd held a National Synod at Tonneins Several affairs were handled in it which neither related to their Doctrine nor Discipline They receiv'd Letters from the King of England who embrac'd all occasions to concern himself with Divinity as much as he neglected to mind the general affairs of Europe The Subject of his Letters was a dispute between Tilenus and du Moulin who accus'd each other of Error about the Mistery of the hypostatick Union Besides Tilenus had Sentiments that were not very Orthodox about the concurrence of Grace with humane Will The Marshal de Bouillon who did esteem him and who had call'd him to Sedan to give a reputation to the College he had founded there declared himself publickly his Protector which gave a great deal of discontent to the Churches That affair occasioned several Conferrences after which Tilenus was finally abandon'd and left the Churches of France in quiet untill he took upon him to write against the Assembly of Rochel during the Civil Wars As soon as the Synod received the King of England s Letter they resolv'd to open it but before they read it they resolv'd lest their keeping a correspondence with a foreign Prince might offend the Court to send a Copy of it to Rouvray one of the Deputies General who remain'd with the King while la Miletierre was come to Tonneins to the end he should show it to the Ministers incase it should create any jealousie in them and they protested at the same time that incase the said Letter did mention any thing but what related to Religion they would not treat about it without express leave from the King It was a medium which seemed to reconcile the divers pretentions of the Court and of the Synod The Court would not allow the Reform'd to keep any Communication â—ith Foreigners and the Synod thought that they ought to â—ave the freedom of that Correspondence in things which â—…lated to their Doctrine Therefore they thought that â—…ey should satisfie the Court by keeping within those bounds â—…d by tying their own hands in affairs of another â—ature The Council of the Lower Guyenne was oblig'd to give â—…e Synod an account of the Convocation they had made which I have spoken of That way of proceeding was not â—…proved of every where because it exceeded the bounds 〈…〉 the regulation made at Saumur That the Province had â—…t a sufficient grievance to have recourse to that remedy That even in that case it would have been sufficient to invite the Deputies of five adjacent Provinces and â—…ally That since a General Assembly was expected which â—…e Deputies General endeavour'd to obtain leave for the â—…d Convocation could not be look'd upon as necessary They â—…ledg'd reasons for it which freed them from a Censure The Church of Pujols in the precinct of the Assembly of Agen â—hich is part of that Province had refus'd to submit to â—…e resolutions of that Council Complaints were made â—f it in the said Assembly where after having heard the â—arties they had censured the disobedience of
of the Prince of Conde's Advice march'd with speed into Normandy with such Forces as were ready near his Person and while the Remainder of his Forces were assembling he Subdu'd that Province without any Resistance Prudent Governor of the Castle of Caer was the only Person who seem'd to have a mind to defend himself but he did it only to be intreated and in few days he deliver'd bp the Place to the King As soon as all things were quieted on that side the King's Forces march'd towards Anger 's where the Queen found her self on a sudden as it were Invested unprovided and surpriz'd not knowing what to resolve upon Therefore a Peace was propos'd every body endeavouring by that Negotiation to gain time and to find Means to deceive the contrary Party But the King's Forces having accidentally and perhaps unwillingly defeated the Queen's at Pont de Cé the Treaty was broke off and that Princess was oblig'd to accept such Conditions as were offer'd her that is to submit at the Discretion of an Enemy who was not near so Powerful as herself her Friends were forc'd to lay down their Arms and all she could obtain for them was a General Pardon The King finding himself Arm'd thus without any Enemies to oppose him and having moreover gather'd the remains of the Forces the Queen's Friends had been oblig'd to disband in Guyenne he resolv'd all of a sudden to make use of them in order to force Bearn to obey which was not ready to oppose him He march'd towards Bourdeaux with speed without declaring his Design The Reform'd either not being jealous of it or wanting a Pretence to take up Arms by reason that the six Months in which the Court had promis'd to satisfie them were not as yet expir'd did nothing to put a stop to that Expedition La Force being surpriz'd by that unexpected Journey and having made no use of his Time could neither put himself in a Posture of Presence nor get any Assistance out of the adjacent Provinces which were astonish'd at the Sight of a Royal Army Therefore he came to the King at Bourdeaux to persuade him to after his Resolutions by Remonstrances He added Promises to oblige the Bearnois to obey provided no Violence were us'd But whether the Court did not trust him or whether the Clergy expected more from the King's Presence than from the Good-Will of the People the King continu'd his March La Force met him again at Grenade and brought him formal Proofs of the Obedience of the Estates He renew'd his Remonstrances he represented to the King what Dangers he was going to expose his Person to in a Country in which the Roads are very dangerous and Troublesome where there is nothing but Heath and Mountains and where Torrents and Floods are continually met with and where the Passages being difficult at all times were much more difficult yet at the beginning of Winter But all prov'd ineffectual The King refus'd their Submissions and his Reasons could not move him Therefore he was forc'd to go back without having obtain'd any thing The Memoirs of that Time accuse him of having neither known how to obey nor yet to defend himself and it is most certain that in all that Affair the Reform'd did nothing but by halves they dreaded the Rreproach of being Aggressors so much and of renewing the Civil Wars without a Lawful Cause that since the time the Catholicks had begun to trouble them by a thousand Disputes they had not been able to fix upon a certain Resolution ever ready to satisfie themselves with Words when the Court gave them good ones and to feed themselves with Hopes whenever they were flatter'd with the specious Name of Royal Faith Several among them were sensible that the Court had form'd the Design to destroy them and that they only troubled them by a thousand small Vexations sometimes harder to bear than great Injustices in order to incline them to a Rising which having no apparent Cause might give them a reasonable Pretence to oppress them But that very Consideration prevail'd with them not to take Arms in order to frustrate the Designs of their Enemies by their Patience So that this Disposition of Honest Men afforded those who were Corrupted by Pension or Promises from the Court a fair Field to make them neglect the Expedients and loose the Opportunities to defend themselves For which reason their very Enemies have reproach'd them that considering they were People who had acquir'd the Reputation of great Politicians by the Success of their Affairs during several years notwithstanding all the Forces and Artifices that had been oppos'd against them they did not know how to improve their Advantages and that they suffer'd with too much Blindness and without seeking out a Remedy the Preparations of their Ruin which were making before their Eyes The King continu'd his March as far as Preignac and there receiv'd the Remonstrances which du Faur and de Marca Councellors at Pau came to make to him in the Name of the Soveraign Council to obtain an Audience for the Churches according as he had been pleas'd to prescribe it himself But it prov'd ineffectual and he answer'd them that since they had not been able to oblige the Bearn is to obey him he was going to do it himself He perform'd it accordingly and he made his Entry at Pau on the 15th of October Two days after it he came to Navarreins a strong Place which might have sustain'd a long Siege had the Governor been pleas'd to defend it But de Salles who was a very ancient Gentleman being desirous to obey caus'd the Garison to march out to receive the King with more Respect and the Inhabitants following his Example repair'd to their Arms only to give a greater Air of Triumph to the Entry of their Soveraign The only Reward de Salle receiv'd for that Submission was the Loss of his Government without any Recompence for it and that he saw the Survivorship thereof taken away from a Nephew of his to whom it had been granted and the Baron de Poyane a Catholick was put in his Room with a Garison of the same Religion The King came back to Pau after it where he had summon'd the Estates of the Country and as if his Council had design'd to Instruct him how to make a Jest of his Faith and Word they allow'd him to take the usual Oath to the Estates before he receiv'd that of his Subjects but he began to violate it the same day It is remarkable that during the Course of that Expedition the King only advis'd with three Persons viz. the Duke de Luines du Vair Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and the Jesuit Arnoux his Confessor The very same day on which he swore to observe the Laws of the Country grounded upon the Consent of his Predecessors and of the Estates he gave the Presidentship of that Assembly to the Bishops and Abbots
them with the resentment they ought to have at the Publick breach of a Promise of which they had been as it were Guarantees and Depositorys Chatillon made fair promises which he did not keep and when he had obtain'd a Place from them which made him to be fear'd at Court he obtain'd what he pleas'd there and fell out with the Churches for their Service But Lesdiguieresâ—efâ—s'd â—efâ—s'd to hearken to the Propositions of the Assemby There pass'd a long Commerce of Letters between them by which they insensibly exasperated each other and finally proceeded to invectives and Reproaches on both sides Among the Letters which the Assembly had written to him while they were at Loudun there was one in which they offer'd the Place of General of the Reform'd to him to keep him an Army of 20000 Men and to pay him 100000 Crowns a Month and to give him sufficient surety for the payment of the same in any Protestant City of Europe he should be pleas'd to pitch upon But he was no longer in a Condition to receive those Offers and the Court had engag'd him with greater hopes Notwithstanding he still profess'd the Reform'd Religion he was already a Catholick at the Bottom since he had promis'd to be so His secret practises with the Jesuits the preferring of Crequi a Catholick Lord to the most Illustrious Alliances of the Reform'd his affecting always to make a separate body from the rest Joyning with the Churches when he stood in need of them and forsaking them when they wanted his Assistance were good Reasons to show that Religion was not his predominant Passion Moreover he had lately given a sensible Proof of it Mary Vignoa with whom he had led a very scandalous Lite for many years whose Husband it was thought he had caus'd to be Kill'd either to injoy her with more freedom or to hinder that Jealous injur'd Man from destroying his Wife Govern'd him absolutely After her being a Widow she turn'd her Lust to Ambition and omitted no means to become his lawful Wife after having so long been his Mistress She had two Daughters by him which she was in hopes of marrying to Soveraigns if she could cover the Defect of their birth by Marriage Lesdiguieres was amus'd with the same hopes So that this Woman found it an easie task to obtain what he passionately desir'd himself He Marry'd her and being sensible that all Persons of Honour would blame that Action he was the first that turn'd it into Railery It is one of the Maxims of those that resolve to do unaccountable things They prevent peoples looking upon their Behaviour as Infamous by using them not to speak of it as of a serious thing The said Marriage was directly opposite to the Discipline of the Reform'd which did expresly prohibit a Man's Marrying a second Wife after having committed Adultery with her during a first Marriage Moreover it was Celebrated in the Roman Church upon the Account of Mary Vignon who had Power enough to prevail with him to do it The Truth is that he made Publick Reparation for it But that did not hinder people from judging that he might easily have avoided that false step and that Mary Vignon would have made no difficulty in order to become Duchess de Lesdiguieres to be Marry'd by a Minister if he had desir'd it Besides the Reform'd did not like the prospect this New Marriage gave him for the Establishment of his Family The Catholick Religion was always put at the Head of all the hopes the Catholicks him with And whereas the favour of the Court was necessary for his designs they did not fail to insinuate to him that he might expect a great deal more from it by turning Catholick than by remaining steady by a scruple of Honour to the profession of a Religion that was run down and which they had resolv'd to blot out of the Memory of Men. On the other hand Luines had designs in which he was in hopes Lesdiguieres would be of Use to him and therefore in Order to gain him he flatter'd him with the Dignity of Constable Not that he design'd to give it him But aspiring to it himself he durst not venture to ask it in his own Name for fear of a denial That great Office which plac'd almost all the Regal Authority in the hands of a Subject had not been fill'd since the Death of the last Duke de Mommorency to whom Henry the Fourth had given it The design of introducing Arbitrary Power did not suit with the great Authority of a Constable Therefore the Court design'd to oppress it and it was actually abolish'd in the begining of Cardinal de Richlieu's Ministry It had been vacant about seven years when the Duke de Luines undertook to â—â—ve iâ— dispos'd of again But in order to meet the less difficulty in it he resolv'd to revive it under a Name more Illustrious than his own not doubting but after that he would easily find a way to get it for himself He certainly was very well acquainted with the foible of Lesdiguieres to unâ—…take to abuse him as he did And had he dar'd to put the same Trick upon the Duke d'Epernon he would never have been Constable In Order thereunto he pitch'd upon two different Men â—â— whom he gave two different Commissions The one was 〈◊〉 persuade Lesdiguieres to turn Catholick in hopes of being made Constable The other had Orders to represent to him that that Grandeur would create him a World of â—nemies and that he would do better to persuade the â—â—ing to give it to his Favourite and to rest satisfy'd with certain advantages which would be granted to him to make him amends for the said Refusal The Commission of the â—â—rst was known to the King who was not as yet acquaintâ—…d with the pretentions of the Duke de Luines But that of the second was only known by the said Duke who was unwilling the King should be acquainted with that â—eereâ— Intrigue Besides he only gave it to stop the Progress of the 〈◊〉 which succeeded better and faster than he desir'd The 〈◊〉 that was imploy'd about the Duke de Lesdiguieres was the same Deagean who had serv'd the Duke de Luines to incense the King against the Queen his Mother and against the Marshal d'Ancre The King repos'd a great Confidence in him ever since that Affair an I sometimes gave him private Commissions without the knowledge of his Favourite As he had done after the Queen Mother made her escape out of Blois He made use of him to write to the Bishop of Lucon to repair to that Princess and to dispose her to an Accommodation Deagean relates it himself tho' other Memoirs do not speak of it as of a thing done without the Dukes knowledge But if what Deagean says about it be true it was enough to make the Favourite his Enemy A Man that had a Genius for Affairs who was Subtle
Dissembling Ambitious and Bold was capable of doing to much with an easie Prince who repos'd some Confidence in him to be agreeable to Persons who had neither Wit nor Experience enough to oppose him Therefore the Duke took a pretence to send him to Lesdiguieres to remove him from the Court and in Order to keep him at Grenoble a Place of first President of the Chamber of Accounts was bought for him in that City under pretence that it would hinder people from penetrating into the real Motives of his abode in that Province Altho Deagean was very sensible for what reason he was confin'd in Dauphine yet he accepted the Commission that was given him relying perhaps more on the Gratitude of Lesdiguieres than he had reason to trust to the Duke de Luines And flattering himself that he wou'd promote his own Fortune the better by opposing the Protection of a Constable against the Jealousies of a Favourite The success can never be unhappy when matters are well dispos'd Deagean easily persuaded Lesdiguieres to change a Religion which he little matter'd But in Order to render his Sollicitations the more Powerful he made use of the Wiles they us'd to practice There still remain'd a Scruple of Honour in Lesdiguieres which persuaded him that it was a shame for a Man of his Age to change his Religion But he remov'd it by private Conferrences by reason that Publick ones made too much Noise and that Deagean had no mind to make any He got Ministers whom he had gain'd to meet him at Lesdiguieres as if it were accidentally and whom he seem'd not to know that the meeting might seem undesign'd Those Traytors after some feign'd resistance never fail'd to yield to Deagean's Reasons and to give him a fair pretence to press Lesdiguieres to overcome those little Scruples Le Visconte Professor at the College of Dâ— who was an Italian and who had been a Fryar was one of them He suffer'd himself to be vanquish'd in a Conference after which he confess'd Ridiculously that it was impossible to Answer Deagean's Arguments That Comedy was Acted so grosly that it was impossible for Lesdiguieres not to perceive it It was pleasant to see Deagean who had pass'd the best part of his Life in the Dignity of Clerk of the Finances to become a Champion in a dispute of Religion and without using any other Arguments but certain Vulgar Sophisms repeated over and over to reduce all of a sudden Persons of some Reputation and better Vers'd than himself in matters of Controversie to confess that his Reasons were convincing Nevertheless those Artifices acquir'd Deagean so great an Empire over Lesdiguieres that he Govern'd him as he pleas'd and that when the General Assembly offer'd to create him General of the Churches to maintain him an Army of 20000 Men and to pay him 100000 Crowns a Month and to give him sufficient security for the payment of it in any Protestant City he should be pleas'd to chuse the said Deagean dissuaded him from accepting of the said Offers and even dictated the Answer he made upon that Subject He did the same with all the Letters Lesdiguieres writ to the Assembly This great Credit of Deagean had like to have broken the measures of the Duke de Luines who intrusted the second Commission I have mention'd to the Marquess de Bressieux which tended to cross the Negotiation of Deagean and to persuade Lesdiguieres to yield the Dignity of Constable to that Favourite upon which Condition he was allow'd not to turn Catholick This New Deputy was order'd by an Article of his Instructions to obtain a promise from Lesdiguieres before he did reveal his Commission to him that he would conceal it all from Deagean But he could never prevail with him to do it and for fear of worse he was oblig'd to stick to the Terms of the first Commission and to content himself with pressing Lesdiguieres to turn Catholick But the Duke de Luines imputing to the Marquess who perhaps was not inclin'd to pursue so great a Cheat the ill success of his design imploy'd Bullion in the same Intrigue who prevail'd so far upon Lesdiguieres as to perswade him to come to Paris to renounce the Constableship and to yield that Dignity to the Duke of Luines to advise the King whom he said he would oblige to Raise his Favourite to that high Place and finally to serve against the Churches still professing the Reform'd Religion Lesdiguieres resisted a little at first but finally he was so good as to consent to all and was not asham'd to serve in the Quality of Marshal General under a Constable who was hardly any thing of a Souldier The Duke d'Epernon more resolute and more haughty than he refus'd to Obey either and whereas he had the art to keept the Court in awe of him the Court was oblig'd in order not to lose him to give him the Command of a small Body without receiving Orders from any Body Such Low and such abusive Wiles were practis'd to obtain this consent from Lesdiguieres that had not his Mind and Heart been weaken'd by Age it is not to be believ'd that he would ever have submitted to such unworthy proceedings The best friends he had among the Reform'd being acquainted with what pass'd by reason that the Duke de Luines had had the cunning to Publish it to raise difficulties upon that Affair omitted no means to raise his Courage again and to make him sensible how shameful it was for him to Sacrifice his Religion and his Honour towards the Ambition of the Duke de Luines But those who possess'd his Reason made him pass over all those considerations and he only seign'd to persevere in the Reform'd Religion to deceive those that had still some confidence in him The Catholick Zeal will undoubtedly appear very tractable in this Affair But at the same time it cannot be deny'd that the Roman Church alone knows to what degree treachery and Hypocrisie may be carry'd innocently and within what bounds they are to be kept to make them part of the service of God What Deagean did to remove the Scruples of Lesdiguieres about Religion is so singular upon that Subject that it deserves a Place in History Among the Ministers he had brib'd there was one of the Lower Languedoc in whom Lesdiguieres repos'd a great deal of Confidence who had been his Chaplain and who had secretly abjur'd the Reform'd Religion He acquainted Deagean with all his Masters secrets and told him the Reason for which Lesdiguieres express'd in a certain Conjuncture a little more repugnancy to pleasure the Court than he was wont to do The cause of that little disgust was a certain Suspicion which was given him of some designs form'd against the Reform'd in Dauphine in which he was to be involv'd When Deagean had Learn'd that secret it was easie for him to destroy the Suspicions of Lesdiguieres whose mind he turn'd as he