a General of an Army should not have Courage that is void of Iudgment so neither ought he to have too much Flegm or too much Speculation because it is to be feared that the foresight of many Inconveniencies which may happen but which do not may hinder him from attempting Things which would succeed in the Hands of others who are less Speculative and more Daring Politcical Test. par 2. sect 4. c. 9. Arminius a This young Man saith Paterculus was of a robust Constitution had a quick Apprehension and a delicate and penetrating Wit beyond what is to be imagined of a Barbarian Considering that nothing is more easie than to destroy those who fear nothing and that overmuch Confidence is the most ordinary cause of great Misfortunes he communicates his Design at first to very few People but afterwards to many more And this Resolution was so immediately followed with the Execution of it that Varus having neglected the first Advice of Segestes had not time to receive a second from him ch 118. Charles Duke of Burgundy committed the same Error that Varus did and perished like him by refusing to give Audience to a Country Gentleman named Cifron who came to discover to him the Treason of the Count de Campobasso and by not crediting the Intelligence which Lewis the Eleventh sent him by the Lord de Contay his Ambassador in France that this Count was selling his Life Whereby you see saith Commines that God infatuated him on this occasion Memoirs l. 4. â— ult l. 3. c. 6 â— For Segestes though he was drawn into the War by the general Consent of his Country-men yet he liv'd in perpetual Discord with Arminius and the bad Understanding betwixt them was increas'd by a particular Offence for Arminius had taken away by force his Daughter Thusnelda betroth'd already to another Thus the Father-in-Law and Son were equally hateful to each other and those mutual Ties which commonly beget Friendship were now the Provocations to the most bitter Enmity 5 As Princes seldom marry but by Interest not for Love Alliance is so far from being a Band of Friendship betwixt them that it opens a Gap to new Pretensions which grow into Quarrels and afterwards into Wars The last Duke of Burgundy hated Edward King of England and the whole House of York against which he assisted the House of Lancaster whence came his Grandmother by the Mother's side and yet at last he married Margaret Sister to Edward only to strengthen himself against King Lewis the Eleventh But as this Alliance was not made but by State-Interest and that both of them might gain their Ends the Duke notwithstanding hated Edward on whom he made biting Iests and Edward offer'd Lewis to joyn with him and to bear part of the Charges if he would continue the War against the Duke Commines l. 1. c. 5. l. 3. c. 4. l. 4. c. 8 11. of his Memoirs XLIX Germanicus on this Account commanded out Cecina with Four Legions Five thousand Auxiliary Soldiers and some Companies of Germans rais'd in haste from some Places on this side the Rhine He himself conducted a like Number of Legions but double the Number of Allies and having built a Fortress on the old Foundations which his Father had laid and which were yet standing he march'd with great speed against the Catti leaving behind him Lucius Apronius with Order to take care that if the Rivers should overflow by any sudden fall of Rains yet the Ways might be kept in repair and continue passable For in setting forward he found the Waters so very low and the Ways so dry a Thing uncommon in that Climate that he found no difficulty in his March but he feared in his return it might be otherwise He came so suddenly upon the Catti that the old Men the Women and the Children were either kill'd at first or taken Prisoners and the young Men forc'd to swim the River of Adrana b Now the Eder who attempting afterwards to obstruct the Romans in the building of a Bridge over it were repuls'd by their Arrows and their Engines These Hopes failing and their Propositions for Peace being also rejected some of them came over and submitted to Germanicus the rest forsaking their Cantons retir'd into the Fastnesses of their Woods Germanicus having burn'd Martium c Now Marpurg the Capital City of Hesse their Capital Town ravag'd all the Low-lands and took his March backwards to the Rhine the Enemy not daring to attack his Rear as their Custom is when they â—eign to fly rather through Stratagem than Fear The Cherusci d The People of Brunswick and of Thuring were desirous to have succour'd their Friends thâ— Catti but they were apprehensive of Cecina who caâ—ry'd far and near the Terrour of his Arms. On the contrary the Marsi having presum'd to charge him were vigorously repuls'd and entirely routed L. Some time afterwards there came Deputies from Segestes to desire his Assistance against his Country-men who had besieg'd him for Arminius had there the stronger Party because he had advis'd the War 1 As there is nothing subject to greater Iealousie nor more difficult to preserve amongst powerâ—ul Neighbours than Liberty they who advise War appear to have a greater Affection for their Country than those who advise Peace and consequently have more Credit amongst their Fellow-Citizens It was by this Method that Maurice Prince of Orange who looked on the Treaty of 1609. as the Ruine of his Authority in Holland where he aimed at the Sovereignty found means to destroy Iohn Barnevelt who had been the principal Promoter of this Treaty by perswading the People by Pamphlets that this great Man was corrupted by the Spanish Gold and held Intelligence with this King for the reduction of the United Provinces to his Obedience it being the common Practice of Barbarians only to love and esteem those Persons who are Fierce and Daring and more especially in unquiet Times Segestes had added to the Deputies his Son Segimond though the Mind of the young Man was wholly averse to that Employment 2 When a Subject is conscious that he is guilty of Tâ—eason he ought not to trust to the Prince's Clemency if he hath not good Security of it If my Mother was my Iudge said Alcibiades I would not trust her with much greater Reason they who have the Prince for Iudge and Party ought to take good Security before they surrender themselves into his Hands The Cardinal Alphonso Petrucci was no sooner come to Rome but Leo the Tenth caused him to be arrested and afterwards strangled in Prison altho he came thither under the Security of the Pope's safe Conduct whereof the Spaâ—ish Ambassador was Guarantee The Landgrave of Hesse was cheated by the Confidence he reposed in Charles the Fifth with whom he had two Electors and several other Princes of the Empire for Intercessors for the Year in which all Germany revolted being created Priest of
by the Graecians is a mere Fable and that the Persians gave a Relation of Xerxes's and Darius's Expeditions against Greece very different from what the Greeks themselves do but he carries his Point farther and as an Instance how little any History can be depended upon he tells you That of the most Eminent Greek Writers some make the Sea-Fight of Salamis to have been before that of Platea and others place it after Now it were I think a sufficient reply to all this Objection if a Man should urge That some Falshoods there are very reconcileable with Human Infirmity and such as according to the Distinction of the Schools though not true are yet no Lyes because they are utter'd in the Integrity of the Man's Heart But then as for the Impostures charged upon Tacitus by Tertullian and the Reproach of one of the most Scandalous and Profligate Authors extant cast upon him by Budâ—us their true Meaning is not to load him with such Accusations of Falshood as simple Ignorance or Inadvertency might acquit or excuse him in or the too easie Credit given to Mistakes generally receiv'd might be alledg'd in mitigation of But their Intention was to expose his impious Misrepresentations of the Christians the Scoffs and insolent Railleries against our Holy Religion attack'd by him in its very Foundations laid in the Old Testament his ridiculing the Miracles of Moses and reviling the Iews with Worshipping the Image of a Wild Ass. And these I acknowledge are Calumnies full of true Pagan Venom and such as no Man can be too severe in condemning But then I must take leave to urge withal that if this Author must be thrown aside in resentment for what he hath said to traduce the True GOD and the Christian Worship he must be banish'd in a great deal of Good Company For the same Rule will oblige us to burn almost all the Heathen Authors very few of whom are clear of endeavouring to blacken us by such kind of vile Aspersions The same Reply may serve to take off that Sâ—nâ—â—nce pronounc'd against this Author by Casaubon who in his Preface to Polybius affirms the Reading of Tacitus to be the most dangerous Study that Princes can employ themselves in by reason of the many ill Characters to be met with in his Works There is indeed a very ill Custom to which Casaubon is too much addicted That I mean of never bestowing a Man's Pains upon any Author without lowering the Reputation of all besides to gain more Credit and Authority to that One and however he might think fit to treat Tacitus upon this occasion we know that at other times he hath not been sparing in Commendations of him 'T is true his History now extant relates the Actions of the Worst and Wickedest Princes that perhaps ever were and it is our great Misfortune that those other Books of it which contain'd the Reigns of Emperours as eminently Good such as Vespasian Titus Nerva and Trajan are lost But at this rate no History in the World no not even that of the Bible it self can escape Censure if the exposing Ill Examples to publick View must be thought to deserve it For all treat of Bad as well as Good Men and require a Reader 's Iudgment and Care to distinguish between that part of the Account which ought to be imitated and that which ought to be avoided I cannot absolutely deny but in the Times of Tertullian there might be reason to apprehend some Danger from the bitter Invectives of Pagan Writers because the World was not then cleansed from Errours as now blessed be God by his Grace it is But I can by no means be brought to think that any Mischief is capable of being done by them now when every body sure is proof against such Calumnies and not in a condition to receive ill Impressions from any thing which the Infidelity they livâ—d in then might put them upon writing against the Gospel and its Doctrines Indeed without taking all this Pains Tacitus might have been left to stand upon his own Legs the general Esteem of his Works being more than enough to bear down all the Authorities we have been considering though no Arguments from the Reason of the thing had been brought to confute them But if it were necessary to balance one Authority against another besides the universal Consent and Approbation of Learned Men I am able to produce Two of weight sufficient to cast the Scale clearly on the other side The first is that of Tacitus the Emperour who in that highest Elevation this World is capable of did at Two hundred Years distance after this Historian's Death glory in the same Name and valued himself upon his Descent from so Great and Worthy an Ancestor As Marks of the Honour he bore to his Memory Statues of him were by his Order set up in the Libraries and Ten Transcripts of his Books made constantly f How little â—ffâ—ct this Order had is plain from the great part of Tacitus his Woâ—ks now lost Nor indeed was there time for any great good to come of his intended Respects for Tacitusâ— â—eign'd but Six Months every Year that so they might be preserv'd and handed down from one Age to another as we find they are now to ours The second is the Great Duke Cosmo de Medicis whose Memory will always live in Honour as long as Politics and Good Government to speak in the Language of his own Country continue to be cultivated and respected This Prince singled Tacitus out from the rest of the Historians as the Person most capable at once of forming his Iudgment and giving his Curiosity the most solid Satisfaction But to the Suffrage of Princes and Emperours we may indeed add the general Voice of Mankind For what can be a greater Testimony in his Honour than the Pains all Nations have taken to translate Tacitus into their own Language Besides his Annals and History he hath left us a Treatise concerning the different Sorts of People who inhabited Germany in his Time and their respective Manners and Customs as also the Life of his Father-in-Law Agricola Somâ— there are who father upon him the little Tract concerning the Causes of the Corruption and Decay of Latin Eloquence which others rather think to be Quintilian's But Lipsius seems to go upon better grounds when he thinks it cannot belong to either of them As for the little Collection of Facetiae which Fulgentius Planciades quotes under Tacitus his Name they are so manifestly supposititious that scarce any body but that wretched Grammarian was ever impos'd upon by them The genuine Compositions of Tacitus do very easily distinguish themselves both by their Matter and their Form By the former of which in agreement with Scaliger I am to understand the Diction or Manner of the Author and by the latter the Substance of Things treated of He is particularly remarkable for inserting Speeches upon all occasions sometimes only obliquely and hinting the
People under Subjection who desire to live free Infine it is to preserve the shadow and appearance of Liberty to obey â—hose willingly who have the power to force us to it Libertatis servaveris â—mbram says Lucian si quicquid jubeare velis Neither were the Provinces any ways unwilling to admit these Alterations as being weary'd out with the continual dissentions of the Senators among themselves and the Covetousness of their Magistrates against whom it was in vain to seek the Protection of the Laws Which either through Force or Cabals or Bribery were become of no effect As for the rest Augustus to strengthen his Authority advanc'd Claudius Marcellus the Son of his Sister and yet very Young to the Dignity of the Pontificat and that of Edile g That is to say an Aedile for there were Aediles taken out of the Common People who were not permitted to ride in the City with a Chariot or to sit in an Ivory-Chair But this distinction which was odious to the People was afterwards abolished and all the Aediles were Curules They had the oversight of the Government of the City of Publick Games and of the Reparation of the Temples and of all things relating to the Worship of the Gods And also honour'd with two Successive Consulships Marcus Agrippa a Man of mean Parentage 2 The Prince who would be well served ought to honour Virtue wheresoever it is â—ound and to look upon him as the most Noble who is the best able to assist him to govern well A single Person saith Coâ—â—ines is sometimes the Cause of preventing great Inconveniencies to his Master although he be not of Noble Birth provided that he has only Sense and Virtue Ch. 5. Lib. 5. of his Mem. Cabrera says that Philip the II. in conferring Offices and Military Honours preferred Spill'd Blood to Hereditary Blood Ch. ult Lib. 2. of his History but an expert Soldier and the Companion of his Victories and not long after Marcellus being dead he Marry'd him to his Daughter Iulia. He also gave Tiberius Nero and Claudius Drusus the Command of Armies though but the Sons of his Wife Livia and that his own Family was yet flourishing with Heirs For he had already adopted into the Iulian Family Cajus and Lucius his Grandsons by Agrippa and his Daughter And had earnestly desir'd though with a seeming repugnance 1 It is enough to guess that a Prince does not Refuse a thing in good earnest because he makes no resistance to accept it when it is offered him again with greater importunity The more Popes affect to shew in the beginning of their Pontificate little inclination to call their Relations to the Administration of Affairs the more the Cardinals the Ambassadors and the Courtiers are importunate to persuade them to that which they knew they desire Vid. Reflection 6. of Ch. 7. that they should be made Princes of the Youth and design'd Consuls while yet they wore the Pretext Robe h Praetexta Robe edg'd with Scarlet which Children of Quality wore from the time of the Reign of Lucius Tarquinus Sirnamed Priscus or the Old they left it off at 17 years of Age. In a short time after Agrippa's Death his Sons follow'd him either through the Force of an immature destiny or through the Treachery of their Mother-in-Law Livia 2 The Death of Princes is frequently imputed to those who have the greatest Advantage by it As Livia desir'd to reign even after Augustus's death she was suspected to have poyson'd Lucius and Caius to make way for her Son Henry Duke of Orleance and Catherine de Medicis his Wife were supposed to be the true Authors of the Death of the Dauphine of France because his Death secured the Crown to them One of them as he was going into Spain to command the Armies there and the other as he was returning from Armenia and ill of a Wound which he had receiv'd And as Drusus was not long e'er this deceas'd Tiberius only was remaining Who from thence-forward was regarded as Successor to the Sovereignty Augustus adopted him i According to Paterculus Tiberius was adopted by Augustus in the Consulship of Aelius Catus and of Caus Sentius the 27th of Iune 〈◊〉 Rome 754. Hist 2. Ch. 103. and made him his Collegue in the Empire and the Tribunitial Power He sent him also to make his Publick Appearance in all the Armies that he might be known to the Soldiers and all this at the open Sollicitations of Livia who now no longer manag'd her affairs by Intrigues and secret Artifices as formerly she had done For she had gain'd so great an Ascendant over her Husband now in his declining Age 1 It is rarely seen that a Prince growing old maintains his Authority to the last Tacitus saith that the Power of an Old Man is precarious precarium seni imperium brevi transiturum Hist. 1. For under the colour of relieving his Old Age his Wife or his Son or his Minâ—â—ters assume the Government Duke Philip being grown Old Commines saith that his Affairs were so manag'd by the Lords of Crouy and of Chimay that he restor'd to the King the Cities upon the River of Some at which the Count his Son was much troubled for they were the Frontiers of their Lordships The Count call'd a great Council in the Bishop of Cambray's Palace and there declar'd the whole House of Crouy mortal Enemies to his Father and himself insomuch that they were all of them forc'd to fly These proceedings were very displeasing to Duke Philip but his great Age made him bear it with patience Ch. 1. 2. Lib. 1. of his Memoirs That which also adds much to the Diminution of the Authority of an old and infirm Prince is that there being no more to be hop'd for from him he is abandon'd by his Servants that to satisfie her desires he had banish'd Agrippa Posthumus his only remaining Grandson into the Island of Planasâ—a This Youth 't is to be confess'd had been ill Educated was of a rude Behaviour and valu'd himself too brutally on his strength of Body but otherwise was free from any apparent Vice The Emperor had also BRUTUS and CASSIUS Paterculus saith that never any Persons had so favourable a Fortune in the beginning as Brutus and Cassius nor so short liv'd a one Brutus was but 37 years old when he died Cassius was a better Captain Brutus a â—etter Friend the one had more Vigour the other more Honesty And as it was more advantageous to the Common-Wealth to have Augustus for its Master than Anthony it would likewise have been more agreeable to obey'd Brutus than Cassius They both kill'd themselves the latter frighted by a Company of People who came to bring him News of the Victory believing that they were Enemies the Former a few days after in despair plac'd Germanicus the Son of Drusus at the Head of Eight Legions which were quarter'd towards the Rhine 1 It
this Family within thirty years last past Memoirs L. 8. Ch. 14. Thus the Author of the Satyr Menippe had reason to say that the House of Austria do as the Iews and lie with one another like May Bugs They allow'd him to have suffer'd the Luxury of Quintus Atedius and Vedius Pollio 8 Princes are reproach'd not only with their own Vices and Irregularities but also with those of their Ministers and their Favourites For people suppose they have the Vices which they tolerate in persons who are in their Service or their Favour his Minors and also of having given himself up to be govern'd by Livia 9 Where is the Difference saith Aristotle in being govern'd by Women or by Men who leave the Management of affairs to Women Polit. Lib. 2. Ch. 7. a heavy Burden to the Common-Wealth and a worse Step-mother to the Family of the Caesars That he had made himself a Fellow to the Gods commanding Temples to be dedicated to him as to a Deity with the Pomp of Images Priests and Sacrifices That for the rest he had appointed Tiberius to succeed him 10 A Prince who voluntarily chuses a bad Successor instead of augmenting effaces the Glory of his Reign for his Memory becomes as odious as his Successor's person To leave a good one saith Cabrera after the younger Pliny is a kind of Roman Divinity Hist. Philip II. Lib. 1. Ch. 8. If some of the better actions of the most moderate Princes are ill interpreted after their Deaths as Tacitus sheweth by the Example of Augustus whom they railed at with so much Liberty they have Hatred enough to bear without loading themselves also with that which the choice of an unworthy Successor draws upon them not out of any Affection which he bore him nor out of any Consideration for the Publick Good but only to add a Lustre to his own Glory by the Foyl of that Comparison as having a perfect Insight into his Nature and knowing him at the bottom to be Proud q Dio and Sueton don't differ much from Tacitus Suspicio saith the first quosdam tenuit consulto Tiberium ab Augusto satis â—um qualis esset cognescenâ—â— successorem ordinatum quo magis ipsius gloria floreret Lib. 56. Nec iâ—â—ud ignore saith the other aliquos tradidisse Augustum etiam ambitione tractum ut â—ali successore desiderabilior ipse quandoque fieret In Tib. cap. 23. So that P. Bouhours censures all at once these three Roman Historians when he speaks thus Is it probable that Augustus preferred Tiberius to Agrippa and Germanicus for no other Reason but to acquire Glory by the comparison which would be made of a cruel and arrogant Prince such as Tiberius was with himself his Predecessor For although Tacitus puts this in the Mouth of the Romans 't is visible enough that the Reflection is his own as well as that which he makes on the same Augustus for having put in his Will amongst his Heirs the principal Persons of Rome of whom the greatest part were odious to him that he had put them in I say through Vanity to make himself estemed by Posterity Dialogue 3. de sa manier de bien penser If this Reflection is Tacitus's own it ought to be attributed likewise to Dio and Sueton who are esteemed nevertheless true and well-informed Historians And consequently we may say of Pere Bouhours what Raphael dalla Torre said of Strada on occasion of the Censure of this Passage of History and many others that he knew better how to accuse Tacitus than to justifie Augustus For although Sâ—eton saith Raphael declares in the place forementioned that so sinister an Opinion is not agreeable to the Goodness of Augustus yet in stead of confuting it by any Reason he confirms it by the Knowledge which he owns Augustus had long before of the Evil Qualities of Tiberius 〈…〉 Livia veteres quosdam ad se Augusti codicillos de acerbitate intolerantia morum ejus è sacrario protulit atque recitavit And by the Words which he saith Augustus spoke after the last Discourse which he had with Tiberius crying out Unhappy is the People of Rome who 〈◊〉 to fall under such heavy 〈◊〉 Sueton therefore may say as much as he will that he cannot believe that so prudent a Prince could be willing to choose a Successor of so Tyrannical a Temper to make himself the more regretted but seeing he consellâ—â— that Augustus knew the Ill-Nature of him that he chose he ought at least to have given us some pertinent Reason to excuse so bad a Choice câ—p 4. of his Astrolabe of State and 11 In Princes the Vices of the Man don't unqualifie him for good Government Thus Augustus made no scruple to demand the Tribuneship for Tiberius although he knew he had many Personal Vices because he knew he had the Virtues of a Prince to ballance them Commines after having observed in several places of his Memoirs all the Vices of Lewis the Eleventh his Inquietude his Iealousie his Levity in Discourse his Aversion to great Men his Natural Inclination to Men of mean Birth his Insincerity his Cruelty concluded notwithstanding that God had made him wiser and more virtuous in all things than the Princes who were contemporary with him because without flattering him he had more of the Qualities requisite to a King than any Prince that he had â—ver seen lib. 6. cap. 10. And speaking of Iohn Galeas Duke of Millain he saith That he was a great Tyrant but Honourable l. 7. c. 7. Cabrera speaking of Cardinal Henry King of Portugal saith That he had the Virtues of a Priest and the Faults of a Prince which was as much as to say That he wanted the Qualities that are necessary to a King cap. 24. lib. 12. of his Philip Iâ— There have been saith the same Author Princes and Governours who notwithstanding great Vices have been Venerable for having had Qualities that deserve Reverence as Eloquence Liberality Civility the discernment of good and bad Counsels the Art of governing Cities and commanding Armies and other Natural Virtues resembling Moral ones whence arise great Advantages which make the Persons who are the Authors of them highly Esteemed and Respected It is for this Reason that some have said by way of Proverb A bad Man makes a good King A severe Prince who doth not violate Natural and Divine Laws is never called a Tyrant The Imperious Majesty of King Francis I. although it was excessive was more useful than the Sweetness and Humanity of his Son who authorised Vice and Licentiousness and who by the Gifts and Favours which he conferred on Flatterers converted the Publick Good into Private Interest and left the People to the Mercy of Great Men and never punished the Injustice of his Officers cap. 8. lib. 2. of the same History Cruel For not many Years before Augustus requesting the Senate once more to confer the Tribunitial Power on Tiberius r
to revolt against your Emperor I will either restrain you within your due Obedience if you suffer me to live or I will hasten your Repentance by my Death n Because of the Revenge which the Prince will take of it XIII In the mean time they proceeded with their Work which they had already rais'd to the height of their Shoulders when at length their Obstinacy being conquer'd by his Courage they gave it over Blesus who was a Master of Well-speaking 1 Eloquence in the Mouth of a General is a powerful means to suppress a Sedition especially when he speaks Ex tempore as Blesus did But it must be a masculine nervous and vehement Eloquence and without Art for according to Tacitus Soldiers have not the subtilty nor delicacy of Gown-men In Agricola represented to them That their Demands ought not to be carri'd to the Emperour by way of Sedition 2 How just and necessary soever the Demands be which Subjects make to their Princes they ought to present them with Respect and Submission otherwise the Circumstances totally change their Nature i. e. of a good Cause they make a bad one and they are so far from deserving to be heard favourably that they ought to be rigorously punished for their Insolence that their Predecessors had never offer'd any thing of that Nature to former Generals nor they themselves to the Divine Augustus that they had ill tim'd their Purpose to give new Troubles to a Prince oppress'd with the weight of his Affairs now in the beginning of his Reign 3 A Prince hath never more Business than in the beginning of his Reign for besides that his Authority is unsettled he his employed in drawing up the Plan of his Government which is an Affair of great difficulty A Politick Spaniard said That no Prudence nor Sagacity was sufficient for the beginning of a Reign and that the case of Princes at their Accession to the Throne is much the same with that of Travellers who meeting divers Paths know not which to take for fear of losing their way Gratian in his Ferdinand To be short what Tacitus makes Blesus say That it was ill-timing their Business to address to a Prince whilst he was oppressed with the Weight of Affairs teaâ—â—es Ambassadors that there are Times which are not proper to negotiate â—â—cessfully with the Princes with whom they are resident and that they ought to watch Opportunitieâ— when the Prince is in a good Humour that if notwithstanding they would make such Demands in the midst of Peace which the conquering Side in a Civil War had never presum'd to ask from their Commander yet why would they transgress the Limits of Respect and violate Discipline by taking Arms Why nam'd they not their Deputies for whom they might draw up their Instructions in his Presence At these Words they answer'd with a general Cry That the Son of Blesus who was one of the Tribunes was the most proper Man to take upon him that Commission and to require a Discharge for all when their sixteen Years 4 There is nothing more dangerous for a Subject than to take upon him the Commissions of Rebels for it is in some sort to espouse their Interests against those of the Prince And besides the Prince hath always reason to take it ill that his Subject will Capitulate with him Charles the Fifth seeing Don Pedro Laso at the Head of the Deputies of the People of Tâ—ledo who had made an uproar told him That he would punish him immediately but that he considered whose Son he was And he was very near cutting off the Head of Anthony Vasquâ— d'Avila for undertaking to deliver a Letter of the Communeros i. e. of the Seditious of Tordesillas Doâ— Iuan Antonio de Vera in the Epitome of his Life The Prince of Salerna of the House of Sanseverino lost the Favour of this Emperour and afterwards his Principality and his Reputation for having undertaken an Embassy from the City of Naples which had made an Insurrection against the Viceroy Don Pedro de Toledo in 1547. The Duke d'Alva having Notice given him that a Trumpeter had brought him a Letter from the Rebels of Flanders commanded him to be hanged immediately And this is the Answer â—aith Bernardin de Mendoza which Kings and other Sovereign Princes and their Ministers ought to give to Ambassadors which are sent to them by Subjects in Rebellion to teach them not to Treat with them as Equals it belonging only to Princes to send Ambassadors and Trumpeters Besides there ought to be no Communication between the Officers of a Prince and those of Rebels for Malecontents seeing that Rebels have the liberty to Treat and to Negotiate with safety are encouraged thereby to Revolt also to endeavour to make their Condition better His Memoirs of the Wars of the Low-Countries l. 4. c. 3. The same Duke being General for Charles the Fifth in Germany answer'd a Page and a Trumpeter who came to declare War in the Name of the Princes of the League of Smalkald That they deserved to be hanged but that the Emperour was pleased to pardon them and reserve the Punishment for their Masters Vera's Epitâ—â—ne of the Life of Charles V. of Service should be expir'd and that they would send him fresh Instructions when that first Article was accorded When young Blesus was set forward on his Iourney they were somewhat calm But the Soldiers grew more haughty on the account of that Deputation which shew'd that they had carried that by Violence which by other Methods they could never have obtain'd XIV In the mean time those Bands of Soldiers o There was the great and the little Manipulus or Band. The little one called Contubernium as much as to say a Company that lies in one Chamber and had but ten Men but the great one consisted of a Hundred or a Hundred and twenty Each great Band had two Centurions who commanded each sixty Men as our Captains Each Cohort had three Bands These Companies were called Manipuli i. e. Manualis herbarum fasciculus because they carried a Bottle of Hay or a handful of Grass for their Ensign such as the Kings of Sweden and Poland of the House of Wasa bore in their Arms. The Emperours changed this Ensign into a Hand fixed on the point of a Pike The little Band had a tenth Man or Decurio which was as a Corporal with us who before the Sedition had been sent to Nauportum p It was a City of Panâ—onia called now Laubac in Carniola a little Province of Hungary to repair the Ways and Bridges and for other Occasions receiving Notice of what had pass'd in the Camp laid hold on the Ensigns plunder'd the Neighbourhood and Nauportum it self which was in the nature of a Municipal Town q That is a City which enjoyed the Privileges and Franchises of the Roman People contemn'd revil'd and even beat their Centurions who endeavouâ—'d to
a Master by the Punishment of those who were Authors of the Mutiny 4 Rebellions require an unrelenting Physician that immediately cures by cutting and burning for otherwise the Cure will be long and difficult Princes therefore never pardon the Ringleaders of a Revolt or a Sedition because they who sin without Example are alone more â—lpable than all those who follow their Example and consequently deserve less Compassion Besides there would be no Seditions or Rebellions if there were no Incendiaries forasmuch as the multitude sees only by Trust. XXIV Drusus whose Nature inclin'd him to Severity 1 Of all Counsels which are given Princes those appear to them to be the best which are most agreeable to their Tempers When a Prince is cruel or severe and also affronted by Disrespect it is in vain to advise him to Clemency Cardinal Spinosa and Prince Rui Gomez found it not convenient to send the Duke of Alva Governour into the Low-Countries because in their Opinion his Rigour would exasperate the Minds of that People whereas they ought to have been softned but as it was in this very Particular that the Duke resembled and pleased Philip the Second he was preferred before the Duke of Feria Gomez Figueroa whom the Cardinal and the Prince proposed and who being equal to Alva in Quality in Prudence in greatness of Courage and in Civil and Military Experience surpassed him in Moderation and in Liberality and was also more beloved by the King Cabrera's Hist. l. 7. c. 7. caus'd Vibulenus and Percennius to be brought before him and commanded them to be put to Death 2 It is the Fate of the Heads of Seditions and Rebellions to be the Victims of their Party sooner or later they are Delivered up to the Prince or the Magistrate to wash away with their Blood the Stain of the common Treason There is nothing more dangerous saith the Florentine Proverb than to hang the Bell about the Cat 's Neck And this is what they do who by a false Bravery or rather by a fatal Rashness put themselves at the Head of a Party which upon the first Check or the first Alarm will fell them fox aâ— Amnesty Many relate that they were slain and buried in his Tent 3 If the Duke of Alva had put the Earls of Egmont and of Horne to Death in Prison the Flemmings might perhaps have had less Compassion for them and less Resentment against him and the Prince This Execution saith Sir W. Temple put them beyond all Patience so that one may say that the end oâ— the Lives of these Lords was the beginning of the Troubles which spâ—â—t so much Blood in Europe and which cost Spain a good part of these Provinces Remarks on the United Provinces cap. 1. to keep the Execution secret others say that their Bodies were cast out of the Camp to serve for an Example and remain a Spectacle to their Companions Enquiry was made afterwards for the other Promoters of the Sedition and many flying here and there for shelter were discover'd and kill'd by Centurions and Soldiers of the Guard some of them were deliver'd up by their own Comerades as a Pledge of their Fidelity The Disquiets of the Mutineers were yet more augmented by an over-early Winter with continual Rains and Storms so furious that they durst not stir out of their Tents to meet in Assemblies and hardly were they able to keep their Colours which the fierceness of the Winds threatned every moment to bear away Add to this That they were still in apprehension of the Wrath of Heaven and their guilty Minds suggested to them that the Planets were not eclips'd in vain or that the Tempests roul'd without Presage over the Heads of Rebels 4 Nothing hath a greater Force on the Multitude saith Quintus Curtius than Superstition how inconstant and furious soever they be they will always obey the Divines better than their Governours if once their Minds be struck with false Images of Religion lib. 4. that there was no other Remedy remaining for their present Evils but to abandon a profan'd Camp an unfortunate Abode and to return to their Garisons after they had expiated their Crime The eighth Legion remov'd first and was soon follow'd by the fifteenth The ninth oppos'd themselves to this Departure crying out The Answer of Tiberius was to be attended there but being surpriz'd with Fear as being left alone they prevented the Necessity of being forc'd to Obedience So that all Things being compos'd in a settl'd Calm Drusus went immediately for Rome without longer waiting for the return of the Deputies XXV Almost at the same time and for the same Reasons the Legions in Germany rebell'd 1 Nothâ—ng gives greater opportunity to an Army â—â—at hath great 〈◊〉 to Revolt than the Absence oâ— a General The fâ—rther off Punishâ—â—â— is the less they fear it 〈◊〉 was then in the 〈◊〉 and their Mutiny had in it the more of Insolence because they were in greater Numbers and all of them concluded that Germanicus would never submit to the Government of another but that to prevent Subjection he would Head those Legions 2 〈…〉 to believe 〈…〉 who hath his Sword in his 〈◊〉 and Soldiers entirely 〈◊〉 to his Service will not 〈…〉 to be deprived of a 〈◊〉 that of Right belongs to 〈…〉 if he who 〈…〉 be odious both 〈◊〉 the common People and the 〈…〉 was It is rather 〈◊〉 than Moderation to 〈…〉 of Power may 〈◊〉 excused but never want of Courage especially in a Person who ought to inspire others with it by whose means he might put himself in a condition of reducing all others to his Party â—â—ere were two Armies encamp'd on the Banks of the 〈◊〉 that on the upper paâ—t was commanded by Caius Sâ—lius in Quality of Lieutenant-General that on the â—ether by Aulus Cecina Their common General was â—ermanâ—cus who at that time was busied in Gaul about gathering the Tributes But those who were under Silius protracted the time of declaring themselves till they saw what Fortune would beâ—al the Army of Geciâ—a 3 The Revolt of a Province or oâ— an Army ought to be carefully concealed from other Armies and Provinces for fear leâ—t such an Example should draw them to Revolt likewise It was for this Reason that the Burgundians having been defeated their Duke who saw all his Affairs grow worse and worse and his principal Servants desert him and go over to Lewis the Eleventh caused a Report to be spread in Picardy and in Flanders that his Army of Burgundy had had the better Commines's Memoirs l. 3. c. 3. where the Sedition began from the Twenty first and Fifth Legions which also drew into their Party the Twentieth and the First for they were quartered together on the Frontiers of the Ubiens c The Country of Collen living in Idleness 4 There is nothing more contrary to Military Discipline than Idleness saith Paterculus Res disciplinae inimicissima
not destroy by their Complaints Lewis Sâ—orsa Duke of Milain beheaded Cecco Simoneta his Secretary of State for saying to him Thet he could not defend Milain against the French but by the good-will of his People because his Counsel gave him to understand that his Minister was too popular Now-a-days Princes have no jealousie in this Particular of Tiberius The Quarrels betwixt the Women contributed not a little to this Enmity For Livia behav'd herself with the Loftiness of a Mother-in-Law to Agrippina and Agrippina carry'd it somewhat too resentingly towards Livia but her known Chastity and the Love she bore her Husband to whom she had born many Children wrought so far upon her Soul that though naturally haughty and inflexible she contain'd herself within the Bounds of what was Virtuous and Laudable XXVIII But Germanicus the nearer he approach'd to the height of Sovereignty the more eagerly he strove to maintain Tiberius in Possession 1 The next Heir of a Crown or of a Principality ought according to all the Rules of good Policy to shew himself the most zealous in the Service of the reigning Prince As he hath more to lose he hath more to fear and consequently he ought to be more complaisant and submissive than all others Strada attributes the cause of all the Misfortunes of Francis Duke of Alenson to the Envy which he had conceived against his Brother Henry the Third For want of considering that he was the Heir Apparent of the Crown and as it were upon the point of being adored on the Throne seeing his brother had no Children he could not bear that the casual order of Birth had made Henry his Sovereign Thus looking on his Fortune only on the worse side he lived in a continual Agitation equally a Burden to his Brother and to the State so that being desirous to Command whatever it cost not caring in what Country he put himself at the Head of the Rebels in Flanders who invited him rather to be the Pretext of the War than to make him their Prince and who hastned his Ruine by the eager Desire which de discovered of imposing the Yoke on that People who had not shaken off that of the King of Spain but that they might live as a Free-State l. 5. of the Second Decad of his History he caus'd him to be recogniz'd by the Neighbouring Provinces e By the Sequani now the French Counties and by the Belgâ— who are the â—â—mings of the Sequani and Belgae and when he was inform'd that the Legions were tumultuously up in Arms he made all possible Expedition in his Iourney to them They met him without the Camp with dejected Eyes as in sign of their Repentance But as soon as he was enter'd the Camp resounded with confus'd and jarring Clamours Some of them taking his Hand as it were to kiss it put his Fingers into their Mouths to make him sensible that they had lost their Teeth Others shew'd him their decrepid Limbs and Shoulders bending under the weight of Age. As they were all mingled in a Crowd and without Order he commanded them to draw up in their several Companies under pretence that they might with more convenience hear his Answer and to separate their Colours that he might distinguish every Cohort by its proper Ensign They obey'd him but as slowly as possibly they could 2 It is a Degree of Rebellion for People to deliberate whether they shall obey they do not seem to have been willing to obey who have a long time deliberated whether they shall obey or no Qui deliberant desciverunt Tacit. Hist. 2. Then beginning his Oration with the Praises of Augustus 3 As the Memory of Augustuâ— was pleasing to them he gained their Good-will by beginning with his Praises And as they loved not Tiberius whose Humour was wholly different from that of Augustus he made them favourable to him by putting them in mind that they had a great Share in the Glory of his Exploits he descended to those of Tiberius but above all enlarging on those Exploits which he had perform'd with them in Germany He set before them the Universal Consent of Italy the Fidelity of the Gauls and the Concord of all the other Provinces of the Empire And thus far he was heard with a respectful Silence or at least with little or no Disturbance XXIX But when he came to ask them what was become of their Obedience and of their ancient Discipline where were their Tribunes and what they had done with their Centurions They stripp'd themselves naked to shew him by way of Reproach the Scars of the Wounds and the Bruises of those Blows which they had receiv'd from their Officers and afterwards speaking all at once they complain'd of their scanty Pay and the intolerable Price with which they were forc'd to purchase their Exemption from Duties and the Miseries they suffered in 1 Indeed all this is worthy of Compassion but Seditions and Revolts are evermore inexcusable and consequently Punishment is absolutely necessary for fear lest Impunity open the Gate to Licentiousâ—ess Good and Evil are so contrary that they ought not to be put in the Ballance against one another They are two Enemies betwixt whom there ought to be no Quarter nor Exchange given If one deserves Reward the other doth Punishment and both of them ought to be treated according to their Merit Chap. 5. of the Second Part of the Politick Testament Otherwise the Hopes which every one will have of obtaining Pardon in consideration of past Services will make them not care how they offend 〈◊〉 who had defended the Capitol against the Gauls whence he was honoured with the Name of Capitolinâ—s and of Protector of the Peâ—ple notwithstanding he recounted the long Services which he had done his Country and shewed the Scars of Three and thirty Wounds which he had received in several Fights the Romans condemn'd him to Death as soon as his Adversaries had proved that he aspired to Regal Power There is an indispensable Necessity of proceeding thus according to the Opinion of Machiavel in his 22 th châ—p of l. 1. of his Discourses and of Scipio Aâ—â—â—nirato in the 7 th Disc. of l. 2. of his Commentary on Tacitus And it is also the Opinion of Tacitus himself who saith That the City of Treves effaced by its Revolt all the Merit oâ— the great Services which it had done to the Romans Hist. 4. labouring Night and Day on their Retrenchments in providing Forage for their Horses and Beasts of Burden and heaps of Faggots or Fascines and what other Employments are invented to keep the Soldiers in exercise when no Enemy is near A fierce Clamour of the Veterans arose who having serv'd the space of 30 or 40 Years besought Germanicus to take Pity on them and not suffer them to die in the Hardships of Warfare but to give them their Discharge and wherewithal to subsist afterwards in their Age 2 In a State
imitation of the Titian Priests formerly instituted by Titus Tatius t These Priests or Knights were instituted in Romulus's Reign after thâ— Union of the Sabines with the Romans who received the Sabines as Fellow-Citizens and Companions whom the Day before they had Enemies as Tacitus saith Eodem die hostes dein cives habuerit Ann. 11. This Tatius was King of the Sabines and was admitted a Partner in the Sovereignty of Rome by Romulus who gave him the Capitol and the Quirinal-Hill for his Habitation But his Death which happen'd a little time after reunited the Regal Power in the Person of Romulus who thereby remained King of the Romans and of the Sabines to preserve the Religion of the Sabines Twenty one of the Principal Men among the Romans were drawn by Lot of which Number were Tiberius Drusus Claudius and Germanicus 1 The Orders of Knighthood are not esteemed otherwise than they are confined to a small Number of Knights This small Number ought also to consist of Persons illustrious for their Birth or for their Merit for otherwise the Great Men look on themselves to be disgraced in being associated with them and consequently the Prince deprives himself of an easie way of rewarding them Tacitus saith That the Generals of the Army perceiving that the Senate of Rome granted the Triumphal Ornaments for the least Exploits in War believed that it would be more Honourable for them to preserve the Peace than to renew the War which would equal to themselves all those to whom the Prince's Favour should procure a Triumph to be decreed Ann. 13. In Portugal it was pleasant to behold the Taylor and the Shoemaker of King Alphonso the Sixth to wear the Habit of Christ although in truth they were as worthy of it as most of those to whom the Count of Castelmelhor sold it Then it was that the Augustinian Games began to be disturb'd by the Contention of the Stage-Players and different Factions arose concerning the Preference of this or that Actor u Cabrera well observes that the Spectacles and the publick Games were the Cause that the People of Rome who were before contented to obey the Magistrates and the Laws thought fit to desire to have a Share in the Government For taking upon themselves licentiously to Applaud what gave them the greatest Pleasure as if they had been capable of Iudging prudently they began to perceive that the Players set a great Value on their Approbation and that their Favour gave them Reputation So that after they knew the Power which they had in the publick Feasts they came to slight the Nobles and the Magistrates and afterwards to create Tribunes Aediles and Quaestors At last they introduced the Plebeians into the Consulship and the Dictatorship and made them thereby equal to the Patricians L. 10. c. 22. of his History So that we have no Reason to wonder if Tiberius who was so well skilled in the Arts of Government had an Aversion to Spectacles and all popular Concourses Augustus himself had been much addicted to these Divertisements out of his Complaisance to Maecenas who was desperately in love with the Pantomine Bathyllus Besides that he was himself no Enemy to those Entertainments and knew it was becoming of a Gracious Prince to enter into the 2 As there are certain Days in the Year which the Fathers of Families spend in Rejoycings with their Children it is very reasonable that there should be also some on which the Prince should live as in a Family with his People Tacitus saith That Nero who was otherwise a very bad Prince made Feasts in the publick Places and shewed himself through the whole City as if all the City had been his Hoâ—se Ann. 15. Wise Princes saith Cabrera assist at the publick Plays to gain the Affection of their Subjects and these Plays or Spectacles are assigned to certain Days to mitigate the ordinary Discontents of the People by Diversions which deceive their Trouble Cap. 1. lib. 9. of his History Commines saith That Princes who divide their Time according to their Age sometimes in serious Matters and in Council at other times in Feasts and Pleasures are to be commended and the Subjects are happy who have such a Prince His Memoirs l. 6. c. 4. Pleasures of his People x Strada saith That Octavius Farnese Duke of Parma and Son-in-Law to Charles the Fiâ—th was a great Observer of this Maxim and thereby was as much beloved by the People as any Prince of his Time Laxamentis popularibus ipse se privato non absimilem immiscebat effecitque ut inter principes ea tempestate populorum studiis ac benevolentia claros meritò haberetur Lib. 9. dec 1. Burnet saith That Elizabeth Queen of England was a perfect Mistress of thâ— Art of insinuating herself into the Hearts of the People and although she was suspected of being too much a Comedian she succeeded notwithstanding in her Designs and made herself more beloved by her People by little Complaisances and Affectations to shew herself and to regard the People as she passed the Streets than many Princes have done by scattering Favours with both Hands History of the Reformatiâ—n p. 2. l. 3. Tiberius was of a Temper wholly different but he durst not yet subject a Multitude 3 A Prince upon his coming to the Throne ought to make no alteration in Things which he finds to have been of long Establishment the People parting with old Customs with great diffiâ—ulty If the Memory of his Predecessor is dear to the People he ought to conform himself to his manner of Government at least until his Authority be well established He must lead the People through long Turnings and do it so that they may go where he would have them without perceiving whither they are going Lewis the Eleventh had like to have lost all by desiring to undo all that his Father had done When he came to the Grown saith Commines he disappointed the best and most eminent Knights who had faithfully served his Father in the recovery and settling of the Kingdom But he oftentimes repented afterwards that he had treated them so by acknowledging his Error for thence sprang the War called The Publick Good which was like to have taken from him his Crown C. 3. of l. 1. and c. 11. of l. 6. of his Memoirs When he died he therefore advised his Son not to do as he had done Elizabeth Queen of England at her coming to the Crown acted directly contrary to Lewis the Eleventh for she employed most of the Ministers of her Sister Queen Mary by whom she had been ill Treated and although in her Heart she was already entirely a Protestant she was notwithstanding Crowned by a Bishop of the Church of Rome and ordered Karn who was Mary's Ambassador at Rome to make her Compliments to the Pope Burnet's History Part 2. l. 3. Mariana saith That Emanuel King of Portugal made some difficulty to recall the
discrimine Lib. 5. Cyropaed were breaking in upon them they rush together to the Gates and chiefly to the Decumane u The Camp which was always of a square Figure had four Gates the greatest of which was called the Decumane and served for a Postern through which the Soldiers passed who were carried to Punishment It was opposite to the Praetorian so called from the Praetorium or the General 's Tent which always stood towards the Enemy The other two Gateâ— which were on the two Sides were called Principales which was the farthest from the Enemy and consequently the most secure Cecina found it was a false Alarm but not being able to retain the Soldiers either by Authority or Prayer 2 When Foresight and Counsel have preceded the Danger Fear is easily overcome but when Fear hath prevented Foresight and Counsel Advice and Exhortations will hardly find place though he took hold upon their Arms to stop them he laid himself across the Gate and block'd up the Issue 3 If it happens saith Onâ—sander that a vain Terrour or even a reâ—sonable Fear hath seized the Spirits it is then that a General ought to shew the Soldiers an assured Countenance and uâ—shaken Courage Stratag cap. 13. There is nothing that more perplexes the Prudence of a General than these kind of falsâ— Alarms in which the disorder'd Minds of an ignorant Multitude are not easily recovered oâ— their Surprise I observe in the Memoirs of Commines that a Squib which fell on a Window where Charles of France the Duke of Berry and Charles Count of Charolois were talking together was like to have confounded and disorder'd all the Princes and Lords who were in League against Lewis the Eleventh if Mr. Iohn Boutefeâ— who threw it had not come and declared that it was he and had not thrown three or four more in their Presence to take away the Suspicion which they had of one another L. 1. c. 5. through the Horrour which they had to pass over the Body of their General x Don Iuan Antonio de Vera relates an Action exactly like this done by Fredrique Enriquez Admiral of Castille at the Battel sought betwixt the French and the Spaniards near Pampelune In the Epitome of the Life of Charles the Fifth And at the same time the Tribunes made it evident to them that their Fear was groundless LXI After this being assembled in the Place of Arms y Tacitus calls this place Prinâ—ipia Cecina desir'd them to hear him with Silence and Attention and to consider well the present Iuncture of Affairs He told them there was no other Hope of Safety remaining but in their Courage which also they were oblig'd to manage with Prudence that their Safety was to continue in their Camp till the Germans should approach near it being allur'd with the hope of Victory then all at once to sally out upon them from every Side This Onset said he will open you a Passage to the Rhine whereas if you should fly you have to cross many other Forests and to pass over many Morasses more deep than these and after all remain expos'd to the Fury of your Enemies When on the other side if you are Victorious in the Battle you shall not only assure your Safety but obtain Immortal Honour In sine he set before their Eyes whatsoever they held dearest in the World their present Friends their absent Relations and the Reputation they had gain'd in Arms but pass'd over in silence the Miseries they had already suffer'd and those which they were yet to suffer After this he distributed amongst the bravest Soldiers without Partiality the Horses of the Tribunes and Lieutenants and amongst the rest his own with Order to those Horsemen to begin the Charge and for the Infantry to sustain them LXII Neither were the Germans less unquiet betwixt their Hopes of Victory and their Desire of Booty they were also divided in their Councils 1 It is rare for two Generals to agree well together in one and the same Army especially when they are both Men of great Parts and Experience as Arminius and his Uncle were The Protestants who were in League against Charles the Fifth lost the Battel of Meissen because Iohn Frederick Elector of Saxony and Philip the Landgrave of Hesse who commanded in conjunction the Army of this League were both too great Captains and besides of too different a Humour to yield to one another This Battel was fought the 24th of April ann 1547. The Turks had not failed of taking Malta ann 1565 if Piali the General at Sea would have held good Correspondence with Mustafa the General at Land For Arminius was of Opinion to leave the Passage open to the Romans that marching thence they might oppress them afterwards in other Marshes which lay before them and involve them yet in greater Difficulties Inguiomer on the other side advis'd to besiege them in their present Camp which they should be able to force suddenly and with ease that they should take more Prisoners and lose nothing of the Plunder And this Advice as the more daring was most to the humour of the Barbarians 2 Amongst barbarous People the most violent and rashest Persons have always the greatest Credit for Delays seem to them a sort of Slavery Barbaris quanto quiâ— audacia promptus tanto magis fidus Ann. 1. Barbaris cunctatio servilis statim exequi regium vidâ—â—ur Ann. 6. At break of Day they issued out of their Forests and being arriv'd at the Roman Camp they cast Faggots into the Ditch and throw in Earth upon them to facilitate their Passage to the Rampart then attack the Palisade z The Outworks of the Camp had three Things viz. a Ditch Fossa a Rampart of Earth Agger and a Palisade all round made of great Stakes Vallum where there appear'd but few Defendants as if our Soldiers had been seiz'd with Fear But when the Germans were just upon the Rampart Cecina gave the Signal and sounded to the Charge The Romans fally'd out with a dreadful Clamour and attack'd the Germans crying out They had them now without their Woods and on stable Ground unprotected by their Marshes that the Gods would do Iustice to their Valour by giving them an equal â—ield of Combat for the decision of their Quarrel The Enemies who expected an easie Conquest over a handful of Men and those too half disarm'd and quite dishearten'd were terrifi'd with the sound of Trumpets and the clattering of Arms and slain almost without Resistance 3 It seldom happens that an Army which is commanded by two Generals comes off Victorious The Roman Armies were almost always defeared by Hannibal when he had to do with two Consuls whereas he was always beaten or at least hindred from being Victorious when a Dictator was at the Head of the Roman Army As long as the Command of the Army was divided betwixt Monsieur de Tâ—renne and the Maâ—eschal de
believes himself most obliged and according to the Testimony of Commines Lewis the Eleventh was of the same Opinion The Reason of this is because Men do that more heartily which comes purely from Free-will than that which they are obliged to do by a Motive of Gratitude Anthony Perez saith That it fares with the great Obligations which a Prince hath to his Subject as with those Fruit-Trees whose Boughs are broken by being overladen and that to have performed extraoâ—dinary Services to his King is a sort of Obligation which ruines the Favourite Sejanus who was well acquainted with the suspicious Temper of Tiberius 5 There is nothing which a Favourite or a chief Minister ought to take more Pains about than throughly to know his Prince's Humour for without this it is impossible that his Favour should last long or that he should not fall a Victim to his Enemies Cabrera saith That the Prince of Eboli was not so great a Statesman as the Duke of Alva his Rival but withal that he far better understood his Master's Humour And it is to this Knowledge that he attributes the good Fortune of this Prince to keep the Favour of Philip the Second to the last moment of his Life He preserved it saith he because he kept him company without being troublesom to him and without importuning him when he was inclin'd to Solitude He always bore him a great Respect and this Respect always increas'd as his Favour and the Obligations which he received He discharged the Duties of his Place without Artifice and without Constraint He digested and prepared with care what he had to Negotiate and spoke his Opinion with a natural Modesty and hearkned with Attention to his Master's Answer without ever dilating in impertinent Discourses He spoke advantagiously of those whom the King loved and by a handsom and prudent Dissimulation he seemed to understand no more than what the King was willing to tell him He kept every thing secret which the King said to him and if others spoke of it he was the last that did it himself When he went to Court he moderated his Train and never clothed his Domesticks in richer Liveries than the King 's and when he reprimanded any one in the King's Name he avoided speaking with Heat and keeping a wise Mean he inveighed against the Fault and not against the Person 〈◊〉 History l. 7. c. 7. l. 10. c. 1. 〈◊〉 Perez saith That the Duke oâ— Alvâ— one Day speaking to him of this Favourite expressed his Opinion of him in these words The Lord 〈…〉 of whose Party you are so great a Favourer is not one of the ablest Statesmen that we have had but as for the Art of understanding the Nature of Kings I acknowledge he hath been so great a Master that how great soever all 〈◊〉 that are here are we meet with the 〈◊〉 where we think to have the 〈…〉 a Letter to a great Favouâ—â—â— The Result of all which is 〈…〉 or a Minister who 〈◊〉 only beloved by his Prince is bettâ—â— establish'd than he who is highly esteem'd by him was not wanting to foment these Discontents 6 A prudent Minister and who 〈◊〉 the Reputation of his Prince 〈◊〉 to avoid nothing more than 〈…〉 Disquiets and his Ieaâ—â—â—â—â— This is so dangerous a 〈◊〉 in Princes and carries them 〈…〉 troublesome Resolutions and oftentimes so unjust that there 〈…〉 Care taken to calm the Agitation of their Minds Happy are the Kings who have Ministers of such a Temper as was Don Antonio de Toledo Grand Prior of Leon who having received an Order to bring a Cassette in which were the Letters and secret Papers of Don Carlos tore all those which might prejudice this young Prince and his Friends before he put them into the Hands of Philip the Second Cabrera's History l. 7. c. 22. but bury'd the Seeds of them deep under Ground 7 When Princes dissemble their Resentment it is a sign that they are meditating a cruel Revenge The Constable of St. Pol who had so much Wit was so weak as to believe Lewis the Eleventh reconciled to him after the Interview at Noion for if the Hatred was so great before it was still greater on the King's side who was ashamed that he had spoken with his Servant with a Bar betwixt them Commines's Memoirs l. 5. c. 11 12. and remov'd from sight that they might shoot up in their appointed time and produce the Fruits which he desir'd LXIV Germanicus who was embark'd already with his Legâ—ons intrusted Publius Vitellius with the Command of the Second and the Fourteenth that he might bring them back by Land thereby to lighten his Transport Vessels lest they should knock upon the Sands or lie a Ground the Water during the Ebbs being extreamly sholy upon those Seas At the beginning Vitellius who coasted the Shores found no Inconvenience in his March because the Soil was dry and the Tide moderate But after the Breeze began to blow and the Sun was in the Equinox 1 According to Onosander Generals of Armies ought to undeâ—stand Astronomy â—nerrantium per noctem supra terras siderum Imperatori peritiam aliquam inâ—sse oportet Strategiei c. 39. And Polybius as great a Politician as an Historian saith That a General of an Army cannot take just Measures neither by Sea nor Land if he doth not well understand the Summer Solstice and the Equinoxes Debet perspicue cognoscere solstitium aestivale aequinoctias intermedias dierum noctium tam auctiones quam diminutiones sic enim duntaxat secundum rationeâ— commensurare potest quae tam mari quam terra perficienda sunt Lib. 9. Christopher Columbus saved his Army which was perishing by Famine by the Prediction which he made of an Eclipse to an Indian King who refused to furnish him with Provisions Pagliari Observation 74. at which time the Seas begin to swell and grow tempestuous all the Campaign was floated on the sudden and the two Legions in apparent danger of being lost The Sea and Land bore the same Figure the firm Earth was not to be distinguish'd from the moving Sands nor the fordable Passages from the Deep The Billows bore away the Soldiers and devour'd them dead Bodies of Men and Horses were seen floating confusedly with the Baggage on the Waves The Brigades were mix'd with one another some of the Soldiers were wading up to the Waste in Water others to their Shoulders and always one or other their Footing failing were carried to the bottom Their Cries and mutual Encouragements avail'd them nothing against the Fury of the Waves which suck'd them in and swallow'd them no distinction was to be found betwixt the Cowards and the Brave the Prudent and the Fools the Cautious and the Bold all were equally overpower'd by the violence of the Seas and Winds At length Vitellius having sav'd himself on a rising Ground shew'd the way of Safety to the remains of his wreck'd Legions They pass'd
disturb by flattering some and libelling others that order of Government which hinders their Advancement to Offices and Honours Ch. 8. of the Second Part of the Pol. Testament as he was he accommodated himself so well to the Cruelty of Tiberius at first by secret Memoirs which he gave him and afterwards by open Accusations which he brought against the greatest Men of Rome that becoming as powerful with the Prince as hated by the People he serv'd for an Example to many others who like him rising from Poverty to Riches and from Contempt to formidable Greatness split at length upon that Rock to which they had driven others He accus'd Marcellus to have spoken with too great License of Tiberius An inevitable Crime because the Informer picking out all the infamous Actions of the Prince the Person accus'd was believ'd guilty of saying that which was notoriously true He added That a Statue of Marcellus had been plac'd higher than any of the Caesars and that he had taken off the Head from and Image of Augustus and plac'd in the room of it the Effigies of Tiberius 3 When the Witness depos'd all the Ill that was either said or believed of himself he shewed no Displeasure at it lest he should be thought to confirm the Truth of those Reports if he had appeared concerned at them but as soon as any mention was made of an Injury done to Augustus he immediately vents his Anger against Marcellus thus under pretence of what had been done to the Statue of his Father revenging the Aâ—â—ront which he took to be offered to himself Pro Augusto conquerâ—ns 〈◊〉 dolorem proferebat Further a great many People use the Images and Pictures of Princes to the same purpose to which Signs or Bushes are hung out at Taverns and I remember I my self have heard it said That Onosrio Camaiano President of the Apostolical Chamber treated with great Respect the Portraiture of Pius the Fifth his Friend and Benefactor as long as that Pope lived but as soon as he was dead he orders the Head to be eraz'd and that of his Successors to be put in its place Obs. 162. I doubt not many have obâ—â—erved oftner than I what happened a â—ew years since upon the Death of a great Minister whose Portraitures gave place to those of his Collegue in a great many Houses in Paris but after this they were changed At these Words Tiberius without breaking into Choler cried aloud That he would deliver his Opinion in open Senate concerning this Affair and that with a solemn Obtestation f For in Matters of great Importance the Iudges were wont to swear That they judg'd according to their Conscience using this Form Ex animi sententia or else this Si sciens fallam ita me Diespiter bonis ejiciat ut â—gâ— hunc lapidem The Oath was made on the Altar oâ— Iupitâ—r Lapis of Iupiter to oblige the rest to the same Sentence 4 A Prince who desires to be well advised must take care not to give his own Opinion first because none will dare to contradict that If he speaks first it is a sign he expects Approbation and not Counsel and therefore it is dangerous for him to declare his own Iudgment Upon this account Philip the Second seldom asâ—isted at his Council of State Because saith he to Antonio Perez the Presence of the Prince intimidates the Spirits restrains the Passions and makes the Counsellors speak by Form like Preachers from the Pulpit whereas being by themselves they Dispute they Heat and Provoke one another and shew without reserve their real Tempers and Interests This serves much for the Information of the Prince who on the contrary if he be present is in hazard to disclose his Sentiments and to argue with his Subjects as with Equals A thing incompatible with Majesty which is supported by outward Respects in the same manner as the Pontifical Ornaments procure to Prelates the Veneration of the People Perez in his first Spanish Letter A certain Italian Prince said That when a Prince knows not what to resolve upon he must hearken to the Advice of his Council and speak his own Sense last but that on the contrary if his Resolutions be fully fixed he should give his own Opinion first that so none may presume to oppose it As there were yet some small Remainders of the ancient Liberty tho now expiring Cneius Piso demanded of him In what Place he would give his Suffrage For if you speak first added he I have no more to do than to follow your Sentence but if you deliver your Opinion last of all my Vote by misfortune may have been opposite to yours Tiberius amaz'd at this unexpected Boldness and suddenly mollified out of shame to have been surpriz'd in that Transport of his Passion suffer'd the Accus'd to be acquitted from the Charge of High-Treason 5 It happens but too often that Princes suffer for over-talking themselves Commines chap. 10. of the First Book and ch 10. of the Fourth Book of his Memoirs When a Sovereign falls into Passion says a Spanish Cavalier he should call to mind that Emperour whom his Confessor oblig'd to promise never to have any Command put in Execution so hastily as not first to allow himself time to say over all the Letters of the Greek Alphabet Don Carlos Coloma in his Tenth Book of the Wars of Flanders Another speaking of Charles the Fifth who contrary to his Oath granted a Pardon to the Duke of Cleveâ— says That he never broke his Word but when it had relation to something of Cruelty Don Iuan Ant. de Vera in the Abridgment of his Life Moreover Prince Ruy Gomez de Silva had reason to say That Words uttered in heat of Dispute and unpremeditated are more regarded by Princes than all Remonstrances whatever Chinas y varillas arrojadas al descuyâ— do ob ran mas que lansas Ant. Perez in a Letter entituled To a Grand Privado and remitted him to the common Magistrates to be try'd for his Management of the publick Treasure LXIX Not satisfi'd to assist only at the Iudiciary Proceedings of the Senate he frequented also the Inferior Court g With what Gravity saith Paterculus did Tiberius assist at the Tryals of Causes not as a Prince but as if he had been a meeâ— Senator or Iudge Ch. 129. of his Second Book where he sate on one side of the Tribunal 1 Those Princes very much deceive themselves saith Pliny the younger in his Panegyrick who think they cease to be Princes if at any time they condescend to do the Office of a Counsellor or Iudge There are some says Pagliari who blame Pope Clement the Eighth for going in Person to visit the Courts of â—udicature the Parish-Churches Convents and even the very Cells of the Monks as if so much Diligence and Concern were beneath the Dignity of the Supream Bishop As for my self I believ it was a matter of great trouble to this
for trying the Government of a Woman named Erato whom they soon laid aside 2 Gynecocracy is the Worst of all Governments For this Sex saith Tacitus is not only weak and voluptuous and consequently unfit for the Management of Affairs of State but besides is Cruel Untractable and desirous infinitely to extend its Power if its Ambition be not restâ—â—in'd The Prophet Isaiah Ch. 3. threatens the Iews with the Government of Children and with that of Women as with two equal Curses So that we are not to wonder if 〈◊〉 is so odious in those very 〈◊〉 where Women have right of Succession nor why divers Nations have for ever excluded them from the Throne and thus being in an unsettled and confus'd Condition 3 Anarchy is the most miserable Condition that a Kingdom oâ— a Common-Wealth can fall into and it is the only plague that can make the loss of a Female Government regreted For it is impossible for Civil 〈◊〉 to subâ—ist without a Master and without Laws And this is the râ—ason that Anarchy hath been always of short duration and rather without a Master than in Liberty they offer the Crown to exil'd Vonones 4 A State however it changes the Form of its Government sooner or later will return to that which it had in its Original The first Goverâ—ment to a Body-Politick is what the Natural Air is to a Humane body But as soon as Artabanus threatned him and it appeared that there was little reliance on the Armenians and as little expectation of assistance from the Romans who could not defend him unless they would engage in a War against the Parthians he retires to Creticus Silanus the Governor of Syria who although he had invited him set a Guard upon him as soon as he came leaving him however the Title and the State of a King 5 It is not the Royal Title or 〈◊〉 that make a King but the Authority The Majesty is in the Functions not in the Ornaments and it is 〈◊〉 this reason that the Title of 〈◊〉 dâ—d not belong to the Senate oâ— Rome although it had all the exterior Marks of it as the Rods the Purple Robe the Ivory-Chair c. but to the People in whom the Supreme Power resided Witness the Form of Words which was pronounced with a loud voice at the opening of all the Assemblies Velitis Iubeatis Quirites which is the Appellation they gave the People in their Assemblies Cabrera saith that Philip II. having marry'd Mary Queen of England and received from his Father the Renunciation of the Kingdom of Naples on the score of this Marriage took it very ill that his Father kept the Administration and the Revenues of it and the more because he was hereby King of Naples and of England only in Title and Name There were also some Englishmen who gave him no other Title but that of the Queens Husband Chap. 5 and 7. Lib. 1. of his History The Earls of Egmond and Horn having been arrested by the Duke of Alva without the privity of the Dutchess of 〈◊〉 Governess the Low-Countreys this Princess who saw that the Duke besides his large power had secret Orders which leâ—t her 〈◊〉 more than the Name of Governess desir'd leave of Philip II. to retire out of these Provinces saying that it was neither for his Service nor her Honour whom he was pleas'd to call his Sister to continue there with a Title without Authority Strada Lib. 6. of Hist. 1. Decad. How he endeavour'd to escape from this Pageant-Royalty we will relate in its proper place 6 A Prince who is dispossess'd of his Dominions doth not willingly continue in the hands of him who hath goâ— possession of them how well soever he is treated by him For this is to adorn with his presence the Conqueror's or the Usurper's Triumph Ferdinand the Catholick assigned Lands and Revenues to Boabdiles whose Kingdom of Granada he had Conquered or Usurped but this Prince soon passed into Africk For saith Mariana those who have seen themselves Kings have not constancy or paâ—ience enough to lead a Private Life Ch. 18. Book 25. of his History of Spain V. But these troubles in the East were no unwelcome News to Tiberius since they gave him a fair Pretence to draw off Germanicus from the Legions that had been accustom'd to his 1 How great soever the Fidelity of a Subject appears to be to whom an Army or a Province hath offered the Sovereignty it is prudence in a Prince under some specious pretence to remove him from this Army or Province for feaâ— lest the Infidelity of others and opportunity may at last inspire him with a desire to accept what may be again offer'd him The Mutineers of Germanicus's Legions had offer'd Germanicus their service being resolved to follow his Fortune if he would seize the Empire Ann. â— and consequently Tiberius had reason to be jealous of the Fidelity of Germanicus and of the Affection which these Legions had for him and Agâ—ippinae who was continually giving them largesse The Satisfaction which the Neapoliâ—ans had in the Goveâ—nment of Gonsalo Hernandez whom they styled by way of Eminence the Great Captain was the principal Cause of the Resolution that Ferdinand the Catholick took to make him return into Spain with hopes of being rewarded with the Office of Grand Master of the Order of St. Iamâ—s which was the highest Honour in the Kingdom command m Philip II. dealt with his Nephew Alexander Farnese almost after the same manner He sent him into France to the assistance of the League whilst his presence was absolutely necessary in the Low-Countreys where he had begun to re-establish the Royal Authority having obliged the Arch-Duke Matthias to return into Germany the Duke of Alonson into 〈◊〉 the Earl of Liecester into England and the Prince of Orange into Holland For his absence gave the Rebels new strength and was the Cause that they recovered a great part of what they had loâ—t So that Don Carlos Coloma had good reason to say that Philip II. acted herein against all the Rules of Policy Lib. 2 and 3. of his Wars of Flanders and to expose him at once to Hazards and Treachery in Provinces where he was a Stranger But the more he was hated by his Uncle and loved by the Soldiers the more he endeavoured to put an end to this War by a Decisive Battel in order to which he consider'd well with himself the Methods of Fighting and what had succeeded well or ill with him after three years War in this Country He found that the Germans were always beaten in pitch'd Battels and on even Ground that their advantages lay in Woods and Marshes in short Summers and early Winters That his Soldiers were more troubled at their long marches and the loss of their Arms than for the Wounds they had receiv'd That the Gauls were weary of furnishing Horses That his long train of Carriages was much exposed to
three Muâ—al and fourteen Civick had never but one Obâ—idional Crown The Civick was of Oak or Holm and was given for saving the Life of a Citizen and killing him who was going to take it away The Mural and the Camp or Trench Crâ—â—m was given to those who first mounted the Breach or Forced the Enemy's Camp Which was represented by Battlements or Pallisadoes engraved on these Crowns They who obtain'd an Ovation i. e. The lesser Triumph wore a Myrtle Crown on their Heads Paterculus saith that Agrippa Son-in-Law to Augustus was the first Roman who was honoured with a Naval Crown Hist. 2. Ch. 87. This sort of Crown had for distinction the Beaks of Ships engraved round it whence it was called Corona 〈◊〉 The Romans saith Cobrera used Crowns of Grass and Wood and rings of Iron to exclude mercenary rewards by separating Profit from Glory and to engrave the Love of Virtue on their Hearts with the graving Instrument of Honour Ch. 12. of the 8th Book of his History Rewards of this kind saith a Modern Author have no bounds because the Royal Power is a Fountain whence new Honours and new Dignities incessantly spring as Rays of Light every moment emane from the Sun which are so far from exhausting that they increase its light Chap. 9. of the Politicks of France and other Military Hâ—nours 1 It is not the matter of the Gift which is regarded in these rewards but the Opinion which Men have of them Their Esteem is not paid to the Mettal of the Collar of the Crown or of the Cross but to the Reason for which they are given Thus it signifies little whether these Exterior Marks be of Gold Silver Brass Wood or Stuff These are Arms of Inquest which by exciting the Curiosity of those that see them draw Respect and Admiration on him that wears them T. Labienus having given Golden Bracelets a Military Gift which Soldiers wore on the left Arm to a Trooper who had perform'd some great actions Scipio said to this Trooper for whom he had a great Esteem You have the share of a rich Man as much as to say You have not the share of a Soldier The Trooper blushing at this Raillery went and threw this Present at the Feet of Labienus after which Scipio his General having sent him Bracelets of Silver he esteem'd himself highly honour'd therewith An instance that it is easie for Princes to reward their Soldiers and Servants â—t a Cheap Rate and that brave Men set a Greater Value upon that which honours them than upon that which enriches them Sebastian King of Portugal presenting a Sword set with precious Stones to the young Duke of Pastrana the Son of Ruy Gomez de Silva Prince of Eboli this Duke who was but fifteen years old immediately unsheath'd it and touching the Blade without regarding the precious Stones said It is very good Cabrera Chap. 10. Lib. 11. of his Philip II. To conclude Princes give what value they please to things and Iron and Lead are more precions in their hands when they know how seasonably to make use of them than Gold is in the hands of Subjects If the shameful Hair of a Lady of Bruges hath served for the Occasion and Institution of an Order of which the Kings of Spain and the Emperors of Germany think it a Glory to wear the Collar what is there so Base and Vile which may not furnish Princes with an inexhaustible Fund wherewith to recompence Great Men. which Armenius ridicul'd as base prizes of Slavery X. Whereupon they begin to be hot Flavius extols the Roman Grandeur and the Power of the Emperor His Severity towards those that are Conquer'd and his Clemency towards those that submit and that his Wife and his Son were well treated Arminius on the other hand insists on the Rights of his Countrey their ancient Liberty the Tutelar Gods of Germany and adds that it was their common Mother's request as well as his own that he would at last chuse rather to be the General of his own Nation than the Deserter and the Traytor of it They proceeded by degrees to bitter reproaches 1 The Interviews of Great Men do rather exasperate than sweeten their Spirits for there is always something said either by themselves or by those that accompany them whence they take an occasion to part Enemies and had certainly come to blows notwithstanding the River was betwixt them had not Stertinius ran and held Flavius who in a Rage 2 Even those who have renounc'd their Honour and who glory in their Wickedness are offended when they are call'd Traytors Flavius had patiently endur'd the cutting Raillery of Arminius who had reproach'd him with being a Slave of the Romans irridente Arminio vilia servitii pretia but so soon as his Brother call'd him Traytor he could no longer dissemble and had it not been for Stertinius who stopt him by main force he was going to revenge the Affron I cannot omit here the Answer of one Iohn Bravo when he was on the Scaffold to be beheaded at these Words of the Sentence a estâ—s Cavalleros por traidores which the Executioner pronounc'd with a loud Voice he cry'd out You Lie in that and all those who make you say it A Heat which did not indeed discover a Contrite Heart but it shew'd at least one that was but little stained with the Guilt of Treason Which are the words of Don Iuan Antonio de Vera in the Epitome of the life of Charles the Fifth call'd for his Horse and Arms. Arminius on the other side with a Menacing Countenance was heard to Challenge us to a Battel for he spake several words in Latin having formerly serv'd in the Roman Army as a Commander of some Auxiliaries of his own Nation XI The next Day the German Army was drawn up in Battel on the other side of the Weser Germanicus thinking it not prudence in a General to hazard the Legions 1 A good General ought never to hazard a Battel till he hath put all things in good order To begin to be in a Condition not to be Conquer'd is to begin to Conquer Lewis XI saith Commines understood this Point very well He was slow in Undertaking but when once he undertook he took such care for every thing that it was a very great chance if he did not succeed in his Enterprize Lib. 2. Cap. 13. Prosper Colonna and the Duke of Alva who took him for his Patern would never give their Enemies Battel till they were sure of gaining it Ste thâ— first Note of the 40th Article of the first Book Henry the IV. having sent to demand Battel of the Dukes of Parma and Maine the first answered the Herald they are the Words of Chancellor de Chiverny that the King of Spain had sent him to prevent the Alteration of the Catholick Religion in France and to raise the Siege of Paris As for the Former he had already done it and for the Latter
brake in but those who were to force the Works found almost as much resistance as if they had been to scale a Wall Germanicus perceived that they fought with great disadvantage so near and therefore causing the Legions to retreat a little he order'd the Slingers and the Engineers l These Engines threw pieces of Stone of Lead of Wood and Dartâ— whose Iron Points were two or three foot long with their Stones and Darts to beat off the Enemy from their Works And they no sooner began to play upon them but they galled them extremely and disâ—odg'd them especially those that were in sight This Post being taken Germanicus at the Head of the Praetorian Cohorts broke into the Wood where the Germans made a stout Resistance They were shut in by a Morass behind them and the Romans by the River and the Hills so that both were under a Necessity to stand their Ground and no hopes but in their Valour nor safety but in Victory 3 Nothing makes an Army more invincible than a Necessity either to Conquer or to Die Count Maurice of Nassaw being just going to fight the Battel of Newport sent back all the Ships which had brought his Army to Flanders telling his Soldiers that they must either cut their way through the Enemy or drink up all the Water of the Sea Which was followed with a Victory so much the more Glorious as the Army of Arch-Duke Albert was much stronger than his Iuly 2. 1600. XXI The Germans were not inferior to the Romans in Courage but their disadvantage lay in their Arms and in the Manner of the Fight for they being very numerous and couped up in strait Places had not room to wield their long Pikes nor was their Agility of Body of any use to them when they were forced to a standing Fight without moving scarce a Foot Whereas our Soldiers who were armed with Breast-plates and who had their Hands guarded with the Hilts of their Swords made terrible thrusts at the large Bodies and the Naked Faces of the Enemy and opened themselves a way by the Slaughters that they made Arminius now began to flag being either fatigued with continual labour or disabled by a fresh Wound but Inguimerus did his utmost to rally the Forces and wanted rather Fortune than Valour 1 Fortune may rob great Captains of Victory but not of the Glory which is due to them when they have acquitted themselves well of their Duty We ought not to judge of them by the Success which is oâ—tentimes the Effect of meer Chance but by their Conduct which shews their Ability or their Insufficiency Notwithstanding the Admiral Gasâ—ar de Coligny had lost four Battels he was so far from losing his Reputation thereby that Charles IX was even obliged to â—ue to him for Peace so well was the Court satisfy'd that his Courage was much greater than the Malignity of his Fortune Germanicus that he might be the better known took off his Helmet and desir'd them to give no Quarter telling them That they had no need of Captives and that there was no way of ending the War but by the entire Excision of the Nation 2 When two Nations have been Engag'd in many Quarrels there is always either open War betwixt them or Preparations for War and whatsoever Peace they patch up good Faith or Confidence is never found amongst them Aut bellum inter â—os populos aut belli preparatio aut infâ—da pax Paterculus Hist. 1. For the hatred saith the same Author lasts longer than the Fear and the Victorious Nation never ceases to hate that which is conquer'd although it has no more to fear from them until it is entirely extinguished Odium ultra metum durat ne in victis quidem deponitur neque ante invisum esse deâ—â—nâ—â— quam esse desiit Ibidem Towards the Evening he retir'd with one Legion out of the Fight to prepare a Camp and the rest pursued the Enemy with a great Slaughter till Night As for the Cavalry they drew off without any advantage on either side XXII Germanicus having made a Speech in praise of his Victorious Army erected a Trophy of Arms with this loâ—ty Inscription The Army of the Emperor Tiberius having conquer'd the Nations which are betwixt the Rhine and the Elb have consecrated this Monument to Mars to Iupiter and to Augustus He made no mention of his own Name 1 A wise Minister ought to dissemble his own Glory and refer all to the Honour of his Prince The Duke of Alva having caused his Elogium to be put on the Pedestal of a Statute which he had erected for himself at Antwerp with these Words in the Close Regis optimi Ministro fidelissimo positum Ruy â—omez de Sylva a Favourite of King Philip II. said very smartly That the Character of the most Faithful Minister agreed very ill to him who robb'd his Prince of his Glory Strada Lib. â— of his first Decad. Cabrera adds That Cardinal Spinoza and Ruy Gomez said that to make this a Monument of the Duke's Fidelity he ought to place King Philip's Statue there instead of his own Ch. 12. Lib. 8. Aubery du Maurier observes farther That Alva having built the City of Antwerp with five Basâ—ions he called four of them after his own Name and Titles viz. The Duke Ferdinand Toledâ— and Alva and the fifth Paciotti which was the Name of the Ingineer without making any mention of his Prince whose most faithful Minister he call'd himself In his Memoirs of Hollâ—nd There is an Example in the second Book of Samâ—el which ought never to be forgotten by Ministers to whom the Prince commits the Command of his Armies or the Direction of his Affairs Ioab David's General having reduc'd the City of Rabbah to a Necessity of Surrendring it self wrote to David in these Words I have â—ought against Rabbah and the City is reduc'd to extremity Now therefore gather the rest of the people together and Encamp against the City and take it lest I take the City and it be called after my Name Ch. 12. Cardinal d'Ossat speaking of Hilary of Grenoble a Capuchin-Fryar who boasted thar he had an absolute Power over the Mind of Henry IV. Although said he he had given such Counsel to the King it was more decent for a good Servant such a one as he would pass for to have concealed himself in it and to have left the praise of it to the Goodness and Prudence of his Majesty Letter 251. either to avoid Envy or because he thought his own Conscience was Theatre enough 2 Virtue hath its reward in it self and the Wages of a good Action is to have done it Seneca Epist. 81. He ordered Stertinius to march against the Angrivarii unless they would immediately submit which they did and by accepting what Conditions were imposed on them obtain'd their Pardon XXIII The Summer declining some of the Legions were sent back by Land into
Condition of Mortals and God on the contrary sooner or later lets them see that their Hopes are Vain and Wicked and to kindle his Ambition reminds him at the same time of his Illustrious Ancestors that Pompey was his Great Grandfather Scribonia Augustus's first Wife his Aunt and the Caesars his Kinsmen 2 Bâ—hold here what is incident to most great Mens Children their Governors foment their Ambition instead of giving a Check to it they entâ—â—tain them with nothing but their Noble Extraction with their gâ—eat Alliances with the Pretensions of their Family which are very often imaginary and with the great Estate they have in reversion the Prospect of which plunges them in Luxury and sometimes reduces them to a shameful Poverty They puff them up with the Titles of your Hâ—ghness and your Seâ—enity which in a little time will grow as common as those of Count and Marquis which are now taken by the Sons of Faâ—mers of the King's Revenues and such upstarâ— Men Insomuch that iâ— this Abuâ—e continues one may say in â—rance and Italy what was said to the Emperor by an Italian Ambassador who went from his Court in very â—ll Weather That there was no need to fear either Rain or Thunder since his Imperial Majesty had fill'd the World with so much Serenity persuades him to a more Splendid way of Living to borrow Money to support it and that he might have the greater Evidence against him becomes himself a Companion in his Debaucheries and a Surety for his Debts XXVIII As soon as Catus got witnesses enough and some of them Libo's Slaves who were ready to corroborate his Evidence he gave Tiberius by the means of Flaccus Vescularius a Roman Knight who had his Ear some account of the Person and of the Matter which he had to discover and desir'd that he might himself have access to him Tiberius did not slight the Discovery but refus'd to admit him into his presence 1 It is a Niceness becoming the Prudence of Princes to have no communication with Traytors Guicardin commends it as a Noble Resolution of a Spanish Lord who would not lend his Palace to lodge the Duke of Bourbon Constable of France who was come to Madrid I can reâ—use your Majesâ—y nothing said he â—o Charles V. but I do acclare that if the Duke of Bouâ—bon lodges in my house I will burn it as soon as he hath left it as a Place infected with the Contagion of his pâ—rfidiousness and consequently not fit to be ever inhabited by Men of Honour Lib. 16. of his History of Italy And it is for this Reason that they raze to the Ground the Houses of Traytors and sow the Place with Salt that nothing may grow there seeing whatsoever was to be said on either side might as well be communicated by the intercourse of Flacâ—us In the mean time he honours Libo with the Praetorship takes him to his Table discovers not the least anger or strangeness in his Countenance or in his Words so dextrous was he in concealing his Resentments and when he might have stop'd him in his courses he chose rather to let him go on that he might know all 2 There is nothing more dangerous than the Silence of Princes with respect to those whom they hate For this Silence as Commines observes well emboldning those who are in fault to attempt imprudent things gives the Prince an opportunity to take a full Revenge on them Cap. 1. ult Lib. 3. And speaking of Lewis XI and of the Duke of Burgundy The King saith he more effectually made War against him by lettiâ—g him alone and by secretly raising Enemies against him than if he had declar'd against him for had the Duke seen a Declaration against him he would have quitted his Undertaking and so have prevented all that which afterwards came upon him Lib. 5. Cap. 4. By a contrary Reason a Prince can never do a greater Favour to his Subject than to admonish him of his Faults or to prevent him from committing them Nothing can be more kind than what Cardinal de Richelieu did to a Page of his who was a Relation of the Messieurs de Marillaâ— Having asked this Page Wâ—ether these Gentlemen knew that he was in his service the Page answer'd No but that he intended to go and see them with the first Opportunity not knowing that they were the declar'd Enemies of his Master The Cardinal who had a Kindness for this Youngman said to him Don't do it if you would have me continue my kindness to you but never speak a Syllable of this that I have now said to you for if you do you must never expect any thing from me Memoirs 〈◊〉 C. de R. concerning the Ministry of the Cardinals de Richelieu and Mazarine But to return to the Honour which Tiberius did Libo to admit him to his Table and to give him a Praetorship I may say that there are Princes who dissemble their resentments as Horace's Eutrapelus who gave rich Cloths so those whom he would destroy knowing that these Cloths would puâ—â—â— them up and make them forget their Duty Epist 18. Book 1. Until one Iunius who had been sollicited to raise Infernal Spirits by Spells discover'd the Matter to Fulcinius Trio an Eminent Promoter and one that was ambitious of making himself famous by Villanies 3 There are People of such corrupt Minds that they had rather perpetuate their Names by detestable actions than lead an obscure Liâ—e which will never be spoken of after their â—eaths Tacitus saith Ann. 11. that the Greater the Inâ—amy is the more Charms it hath for great Villains Such a one was Cabrino â—onduli Lord of Cremona who as he went to Execution told his Confessor and those also that were present that he repented of nothing more than of having let slip one brave opportunity which was of throwing headlong from the top of the 〈◊〉 of a Castle Pope Iohn XXIII and the Emperor Sigismund who went up alone with him saying that this Action would have made him been talk'd of for ever Paâ—â—â—us Iovius in the Elogy of Philip Maria Duke of Milan He immediately draws up an Accusation against the Criminal goes to the Consuls requires the Senators to be assembled The Senators are summon'd with this Notice that they were to consult about a Criminal Matter of great Importance XXIX In the mean time Libo puts on a Mourning Habit and accompany'd with some Ladies of the Greatest Quality in Rome goes from House to House to intreat their Relations that they would appear in his behalf but they excus'd themselves upon different pretences but all from the same Fears 1 There is a Proverb which saith That the Unfortunate have no Kindred Insaelicium nulli sunt affines On the Day of his Tryal being much enfeebled with Grief and Fear or because as some say he would be thought sick he was brought in a Litter to the Door of the Senate-House where leaning on his
Brother in the most submissive manner he begs Pardon of Tiberius who appear'd not in the least mov'd thereby By and by the Emperor reads the Accusations and the Names of their Authors with such temper that he seemed neither to extenuate nor aggravate the Crimes XXX Besides Trio and Catus there came also two Accusers more Fonteius Agrippa and C. Livius amongst whom there was some dispute which of them had the Right to accuse him but when they could not agree amongst themselves and Libo came without an Advocate Livius declar'd that he would exhibit the several Crimes wherewith he was charged Of which one was That he had consulted with the Astrologers whether he should ever be rich enough to cover the Appian way from Rome to Brundusium with Money and the rest were much of the same nature Ridiculous and Pitiful Only there was a Writing in Libo's hand upon which the Accuser insisted very much wherein were the Names of the Caesars and of some Senators with Dangerous and Mysterious Notes added to them Libo disowning it 't was thought â—it to put some of his Slaves who knew his hand to the Question But because it was forbidden by an ancient Decree of the Senate to examine a Slave by torture against the Life of his Master Tiberius who was ingenious at inventing new Laws 1 There are occasions wherein the Prince for the Safety of his Person or for the Repose of his People is constrain'd to accommodate the Laws to the Necessity of his Affairs Politicians pretend that the Laws consist not in words but in the Sense which the Publick Authority gives them and that they have no force but as far as the Prince lends it them who is the sole legal Interpreter of them Howsoever that be a good Prince ought as much as is possible to avoid coming to new Examples of severity therein for whatsoever the Cause or the Colour may be the Novelty of the procedure makes him pass for Cruel The action of Pope Sixtus-Quintus who order'd a Youth to be put to Death who was under Seventeen years old telling the Governor of Rome that he would give him ten of his own years that he might be of the Age requir'd by the Laws * Leti lib. 1. part 2 of his Life this Action I say ought rather to be forgotten than imitated order'd Libo's Slaves to be sold to the Publick Register that they might be examin'd against him by torture without infringing the Law 2 It ill becomes Princes to use certain tricks and shams of Art to put a colour upon Frauds and real Injustice The manner of the same Sixtus-Quintuâ—'s dealing with the Author of a Pasquinade upon his Sister Donna Camilla is another action that did no honour to his Pontificate We have promis'd you your Life and 1000 Pistols said he to this Unhappy Man and we freely give you both for coming and making the Discovery your self but we reserv'd in our mind a Power to have your â—ongue and both your Hands cut off to hinder you from speaking or writing any more Lâ—ti lib. 2. part 2. of his Life It is of him that the Pagliari speaks in his 210 Observation where he saith We have seen in our days a Prince who did not invent new Laws but who extended the old ones to all cases which he had a Mind to comprehend under them saying that this was the Intention of the Prince who made them althoughâ— these Cases were not expressed in them Not only all Germany but also all Europe detested the Fraud which Charles V. put upon the Landtgrave of Hesse by the help of one word of the Treaty wherein his Ministers slipt in a W instead of an N so that in the Copy which the Landtgrave signed it was written Euvige whereas the Minutes or the rough Draught had Einige which entirely alter'd one of the Essential Conditions of the Treaty which was that the Landtgrave stipulated to be sent back without any Imprisonment ohne einige ge fangus whereas the Emperor on the contrary having caus'd him to be arrested by the Duke of Alva said that by the Treaty he was obliged only not to hold him in perpetual Imprisonment as the Word Euvige signifies Heiss. li 3. part 1. of his History of the Empire Don Iuan Antonio de Vera endeavours to 〈◊〉 Charles V by saying that the 〈◊〉 had no reason â—o 〈…〉 that a Promise to exempt him 〈◊〉 perpetual Imprisonment 〈…〉 that he was 〈…〉 But this doth 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 to the Letâ—◠〈…〉 written in it yet he can't he excused from breaking his Word seeing he knew that the Landtgrave and his Mediators Maurice Duke of Saxony and the Elector of Brandenburgh had agreed and capitulated for the Contrary Upon which Libo having desir'd that he might have time given him till the next Day for his answer went home and sent by the Hands of his Kinsman P. Qâ—irinius his last Petition to the Emperor whose Answer was that he must address himself to the Senate XXXI In the mean time his House was beset with Soldiers who made such a Noise in the Porch as if they desir'd to be taken notice of so that perceiving what he was to expect he was Melancholly at this last Feast which he had made to take his farewell of Pleasure and called for some body to kill him laid hold on his Servants and put a Sword into their Hands but they trembling and drawing back threw down the Light that stood on the Table and the Horror of the Darkness suiting with his design he immediately gave himself two stabs in the Belly His Freed man hearing him groan as he fell ran to him and the Soldiers retired at the sad Spectacle The Accusation was still prosecuted in the Senate with the same Heat However Tiberius swore that he would have interceeded with the Senate for his Life notwithstanding his Guilt had he not prevented him by a Voluntary Death XXXII His Estate was divided amongst the Accuâ—ers and his Praeâ—orship was given to some of the Senate before the Assembly was held for the Election of Officers At the same time Cotta Messalinus moved that Libo's Image might not be carry'd in the Procession of the Funerals of his Kindred Cneius Lentulus that none of the Family of the Scribonii might take the Sirname of Drusus 1 The Names of Traytors ought to be bury'd in Eternal 〈◊〉 To bear their Name is to partake of their Infamy with them and in some sort to approve of what they have done Iohn II. King of Portugal giving to Emanuel who afterwards succeeded him in the Throne the Conâ—iâ—cation of the Duke of Viseu his Brother's Estate made him take the Title of Duke of Beja instead of that of Viseu that this young Prince might not bear the Name of a Trayâ—or who would have kill'd his King Mariana Cap. ult Lib. 24 of his History And since that time there have never been any Dukes of Viseâ— notwithstanding Emanuel and
his Son Iohn III had a great many Children The Family of Valieri at Venice is as they say a Branch of the ancient Family Faliers which changed the first Letter of their Name to shew that they detested and execrated the Memory of the Doge Marin Falier who was beheaded for attempting to make himself Sovereign of the State Pomponius Flaccus that a Publick Day of Thanksgiving might be appointed for this Deliverance Lucius Publius Gallus Asinius Papius Mutilus and Lucius Apronius that an Oblation might be made to Iupiter to Mars and to Concord and that the 13th of September being the Day on which Libo kill'd himself might be observ'd as an Anniversary Festival I have given the Names and the Flattering Opinions of these Men to shew that this is no new Evil in the Common-Wealth The Senate also made a Decree to banish Astrologers and Magicians out of Italy of which number Lucius Pituanius was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Stone Publius Martius according to the ancient Custom s Which was to whip the Criminal before his Head was cut off was executed without the Esquâ—line Gate the Consuls having first pronounced Sentence on him with sound of Trumpet XXXIII In the next Assembly of the Senate Q. Haterius who was a Consular Person and Octaviâ—s Fronto who had been Praetor spoke much against the Luxury of the City and a Decree pass'd that for the time to come none should be serv'd at their Tables in Vessels of Massy Gold nor should Men wear t A very Rich and Costly Silk much different from ours in which the Great Men of Rome so magnificent in their Habits would have thought themselves poorly clad Indian Silk Fronto went farther and mov'd that Silver Plate Furniture and the Number of Servants should be regulated by sumptuary Laws for it was yet customary for the Senators to propose any thing else which they thought for the Good of the State as well as to give their Opinion on the Matter already propos'd Gallus Asinius oppos'd this saying That the Empire being enlarg'd the Wealth of Private Persons was also proportionably Encreas'd and that this was no new thing but agreeable to the Manners of our Ancestors There was quite another manner of living in the Age of the Scipio 's than what had been in that of the Fabricii and yet both suitable to the Condition of the Common-Wealth at those several times When That was little the Romans liv'd in little Houses but after that was raised to such a pitch of Glory it was but fit that its Citizens should make a greater Figure That there is no way to determine what is Excess or Moderation in Plate Equipage and in those things which are for the conveniency of Life but from the Riches of the Possessor That the Laws had made a Distinction betwixt the Revenues of Senators and Knights not for any natural difference that was betwixt them but that those who were in the greatest Places and highest Stations might be best accommodated with every thing that might contribute to the Satisfaction of the Mind or the Health of the Body 1 It is but just that Princes who have so great Cares and such laborious Employs should have Diversions in proportion to their Toyls that there may be such a Consort betwixt the Mind and the Body that one might not be a Burthen to the other The nature of Affairs of State saith M. the Cardinal de Richelieu so much the more requires an unbending of the Mind as the weight thereof is heavier than that of all other Affairs and the strength of the Mind and the Body being limited continual labour would in a little time exhaust them It allows all sorts of honest Diversions which do not take off the Persons who make use of them from those things whereunto they ought principally to apply themselves The first Part of his Politick Testament Sect. 5 Ch. 8. But it is not with the Pleasures of Princes as with those of the Common People it is their Mind that measures them and not their Body They keep a certain Mean by the help of which the Mind grows stronger and more vigorous in not applying themselves either to any business or pleasures but such as are necessary to maintain a good Habit of Body and consequently to continue still Princes For in effect they are not so when Health fails them seeing that Affairs are not dispatch'd Audiences not given their Designs broken or suspended and every thing is at a stand upon the failure of the first Movement Whereupon follow Complaints Murmurings Change of Minds Tyranny in the Ministers and Despair in the Subjects In short nothing is wanting to a Prince who hath Health since without it there is no true Pleasure and with it any labour is supportable Cap. 1. Lib. 9. of his History And in another place he saith that it is Health that makes great Kings whereas Sickness makes Subjects of them And from this Principle he concludes that Princes ought not to have much commerce with Women the Frequency of which enervates the Vigour both of the Mind and Body and is the Cause that most of them die in the Flower of their Age Lib. 4. Cap. 2. And speaking of the Dukes of Ioyeuse and Epâ—rnon who drew Henry III. to a Soft and Voluptuous Life under a Pretence of taking care of his Health he saith That on the contrary there have never been any Princes who have liv'd longer than those who have employ'd their Minds most about the Affairs of Government lib. 12. cap. 11. Witness Charles-Emanuel l. Duke of Savoy and â—hristian IV. King of Denmark both of them the most laborious Princes of Europe and both threescore and ten years old Happy was that King of Portugal Alphonso who having spent some days successively in hunting met with Counsellors at his return who took the Liberty to tell him that at the Hour of his Death God would not require an account of him of the Beasts and Birds which he had not kill'd but of the Men whose Prayers and Complaints he should have neglected to hear * In a Spanish Treatise Entituled Audiencia de Principes Words that deserve to be Engraved on the Hearts of Princes unless they would have the Greatest Men be oppressed with a greater Weight of Cares and be expos'd to more Dangers and not be allow'd the means to sweeten their Lives and secure their Persons Gallus with these specious Colours gain'd and easie assent from Persons whose Inclinations lay the same way which however was no better than a Confession of their Vices 2 Men are always of that opinion which is most agreeable to their Manners and by this Maxim we may make a good Iudgment of their Manners by their Opinions Laâ—dibus arguitur vini vinâ—sus Homerus saith Horace Ep. lib. 1. Ep. 19. Tiberius added That this was not a time for Reformation and that if any dissolution of Manners appeared the State should not want
this reason proved that his King was the least of all Kings seeing that all the Palatines of Poland were Kings And it was in this Sense that the last Duke of Burgundy said unpleasantly that for one King that there was in France he wish'd there were six Commines Chap. 8. Book 3. of his Memoirs Whence it follows that the fewer great Men that there are in a State the Greater is the Prince of it Hortalus having plac'd his our Children before the Door of the Senate who met that day in the Palace instead of delivering his Opinion on the Matter which was under debate he deliver'd himself to the Senate in these words casting his Eyes sometimes on the Statue of Augustus and sometimes on that of Hortensius placed amongst the Orators I should never my Lords have troubled you with these Children whose number and tender Age you see had not my Princes commands prevail'd with me against my own Inclinations My Ancestors have indeed deserv'd to live in a late Posterity but when by reason of the Changes and Calamities of the times I was not able to raise an Estate 2 Tacitus confirms here what he hath said in the Preface to the first Book of his Annals that Flattery which insinuates it self into Courts corrupts brave Minds and he takes notice farther that it is much more difficult to arrive at honours in a Monarchy than in a Republick Indeed Hortalus made heâ—e an odious Comparison betwixt the ancient Republick in which Eloquence stoâ—risâ—ed and the Government of Tiberius whereby he seemed to say that Eloquence expired with Liberty By these words varietate temporum he offended Tiberius who desir'd to pass for a Popular and a Republican Person especially in thâ— Senate where he made as great a shew of modesty as he was able or to gain the Affections of the Peopleâ— or to acquire Eloquence which hath been the Hereditary Riches of our Family I was contented if my narrow Fortune 3 A single Life is the most commodious Seat and the most honourable cover of Poverty Gaston Duke of Orleance had reason to â—ay of the Marriage of two Persons of Quality who had very little Estate that Hunger and Thirst had marry'd one another would preserve me from Contempt and from being a Burthen to others It was in obedience to Augustus that I marry'd and behold here the Posterity of so many Consuls and Dictators which I do not mention to reproach any man but to move coâ—passion These Children Caesar may hereafter under your auspicious reign and the influences of your favour arrive at Honours but in the mean time I beseech you rescue them from Poverty as they are the Grand-children of Hortensius and the Foster-children of Augustus 4 It is seldom seen that a Prince shews favour to his Predecessor's favourites for he looks upon them as the Creatures of another And besides he can no more suffer others to share with him in Acknowledgments than in Authority And it is for the same Reason that most Princes make little account of the Recommendations which their Fathers make to them at their Death in favour of their Ministers or other Servants whom they have loved XXXVIII The Favour which the Senate seem'd to have for him was a Motive to Tiberius to oppose him 1 He that would obtain Favours from a Prince ought to beware of asking him before those whose presence may seem to impose a Necessity on him to grant them It was the Error which Hortalus committed who trusted more to the Protection of the Senate than to the Compassion of Tiberius as he did in the following words If all that are needy should begin to come hither and beg Money for their Children the State would be soon exhausted 2 The Prince who knows not how to deny knows not how to reign If he gives to all who ask of him he must give a thousand People who deserve to have nothing given them If I gave to all who ask of me said Philip II. I should soon ask my self Cabrerâ— Cap. 26. Lib. 1â— of his Life By being too liberal Men are reduc'd to an incapacity of being so at all Therefore a Prince who would be respected and well serv'd ought never to suffer the Sources of his Bounty to be drein'd for Men are more forward to do service for the Good they expect than for that which they have receiv'd and they never satisfy'd When our Ancestors gave the Senators a Liberty sometimes to make a Digression from the Matter in Hand and instead of giving their Opinions upon that to propose somewhat else which they thought would be more for the Publick Good they did it not with an intention that the Publick Debates should be interrupted by Private Affairs or that such things should be propos'd which must draw on the Prince and Senate certain hatred from the Petitioners if the Request be denied or from the People if it be granted 3 The People like a Frugal Prince better than a Liberal one for they always believe that he is Liberal aâ— their Expence and that he would be more sparing if he did not reckon on recruiting himself out of their Pursesâ— Nor can these be call'd Petitions but unseasonable and importunate Demands 4 A Prince who gives to deliver himself from the Importunity of those who ask draws upon himself that of a thousand People who never durst have ask'd any thing of them had they not known his Weakness Besides they are not oblig'd by what he gives being persuaded that he would not give it if â—e had resolution enough to reâ—use it Commines speaking of Henry IV. of Castile saith That this King was very weak of pusillanimous for he gave away his whole Estate or suffer'd it to be taken from him by any one that would or could take it I have seen him abandon'd by his Servants and the Poorest King I ever saw Memoirs Lib. 2. Cap. 8. Indeed there is not a more Noble Error in a Prince than Bounty but withall there is not a more Dangerous one if it be not regulated by reason The Spanish Commentaries on Commines speaking of that instruction which Lewis XI gave his Son Qui nescit simulare nescit regnâ—re adds that Charles VIII stood in great need to have been taught another Rule which his Successor Lewis XI made his Principal Maxim of State Nescit regnare qui nescit negare i. e. He that understands not how to Deny understands not how to Govern There is no doubt but that if this King and Don Henry IV. of Castile had govern'd themselves they would have been better govern'd than they were by their Favourites Cap. 34. When the Senate is met about other business for a Man to rise up and press their Modesty with a Story of the Number and Age of his Children and then to turn upon me with the same importunity and as it were to break open the Treasury which if we exhaust by
to proceed from Humility and from a Desire not to be known and that the more he deny'd himself to be Don Sebastian the more obstinate they were in believing it he cunningly confirm'd in their Error those who would not be cur'd He rose at Midnight to give himself discipline and beg'd leave of God to discover himself to his Subjects and to return to the â—hrone of his Ancestors An Artifice which succeeded as he desir'd with those who were within hearing For they being persuaded after this that he was the True Sebastian stuck not to publish it every where In fine all the People â—â—ocking about him to kiss his hand he acknowledg'd that he was Don Sebastian and eat in publick with all the Royal Ceremonies in the little City of Rezeira or Elzera And some days after he had the Confidence to write a Letter to the Arch-Duke Cardinal Albert Viceroy of Portugal in which he commanded him in rough terms immediately to quit his Palaces because he was coming to take possession of his Throne The Arch-Duke sent Diâ—go de Fonseca with some Forces to the Place Alvarez had about a thousand Men which after some resistance were defeated and as he fled the third Day through Rocks he was taken and carried with his two Companions to Lisbon where his hand being first cut off he was Hang'd and Quarter'd Herrera c. 18. and 19. of the same Book It is not amiss to observe here by the way that the Incredulity of the Portuguesâ— about the Death of King Sebastian was grounded upon that of King Cardinal Henry who would never dwell in the Palace Royal at Lisbon out of respect to Sebastian whom he believed to be yet alive For before his Coronation he dwelt in the House of the Duke of Bragansa and after it he took for his Palace the House of Martin Alphonso de Sousa near the Cordeliers Cap. 4. and 6. of a Relatiâ—â— Entituled La Entrada de Don Filippe 〈◊〉 Reine de Portugal After which by means of his Accomplices he gives out that Agrippa was alive which they whisper'd first in cautious and ambiguous Words as they usually do obnoxious Reports but it soon spread among the Credulous Multitude and was readily entertain'd by turbulent Spirits who are always dispos'd for Revolutions 2 They who hate the Present Government have not a fairer occasion to Embroil the State than that of a Counterfeit Prince who sets up against the True one When Don Antâ—onio Prior of Crato was not able to succeed his Uncle King Cardinal Henry he always countenanc'd the Belief which the People had that King Sebastian was alive to raise a general Insurrection against Philip Iâ— About the Evening-twilight he went to some little Towns but would never appear publickly nor stay long in a Place because Truth is confirm'd by Sight and Continuance and Imposture gains credit by Precipitation and uncertain Abode he commonly came to a Place before he was expected and left it as soon as he was known to be there that he might prevent too curious Observation or at least leave them in suspence XL. In the mean time it was generally reported through Italy that Agrippa was by the special Providence of the Gods preserv'd alive It was believ'd at Rome that he was already come to Ostia 1 People easily belive that to be true which they desire should be so for Desire when it is not guided by Reason finds probability in the most impossible things and he was all the subject of Discourse in their private Cabals Tiberius unresolv'd whether he should chastize the Slave by force of Arms or leave the Peoples Credulity to be undeceiv'd by time â—luctuated betwixt Hope and Fear 2 On such Occasions where the People side with the Male-contents it is prudent and safe to Fear It is an honour saith Commines to â—ear what one ought and to provide well against it Those who win have always the Honour cap. 5. lib. 3. 9. of lib. 5. If Diego dâ— Fonseca had punish'd the Portuguese Gentleman Herrera calls him Don Diego de Melo who entred Arzille by the Name of King Sebastian and who had been that day at the Battel of Alâ—asar they would possibly never have thought â—it to have reviv'd him again to impose upon the World Cabrera cap. 9. lib. 12 and Herrera cap. 14. lib. 8. of their Histories sometimes considering that nothing was to be slighted 3 Great Conâ—â—agrations arise from little Sparks whosoever extinguishes one of them knows not what a Fire he hath prevented but to know that if he leaves one of them unextinguish'd he will find himself it may be in such extremity as he is not capable to remedy C. 8. Part 2. of the Politick Testament and again that not every thing was to be fear'd At last he commits the Conduct of the Business to Salustius Crispus who order'd two of his Creatures some say they were Soldiers to go to Clemens and pretending to know his whole Affair to engage their Lives and Fortunes in his Service and as a Pledge of their Fidelity to present him with a Sum of Money They punctually execute their Orders after which having found a Night when he was unguarded they seiz'd him with a strong Party of Soldiers which they had ready and hurry'd him away to Rome gag'd and bound It is said that when he was brought before Tiberius and ask'd by him How came you to be Agrippa He answer'd As you came to be Tibetius He could not be brought to discover his Accomplices nor durst Tiberius suffer him to be executed publickly 4 There are Occasions wherein it is dangerous to proceed according to the ordinary Forms of Iustice. A publick Punishment had been more Honour than Shame to this Counterâ—â—it Agrippa whom the People did not look upon as an Impostor but 〈◊〉 a Man who design'd to revenge his Master's Death And besides possibly the People might not have been idle Spectators of his Execution If Iohn II. King of Portugal had reâ—erâ—'d the Duke of 〈◊〉 to the ordinary Course of Iustice he would it may be have given success to this Duke's Conspiracy who had almost all the Great Men his Accomplices or at least he would have run the 〈…〉 General Insurrection but commanded him to be put to Death in a secret Part of the Palace 5 A Prince who causes Criminals â—o be eâ—ecutâ—d in 〈◊〉 exposes himself to the Suspicion and Reproach of having put them to Death unjustly Wherefore all Executions ought to be Publick either for Example or for the Honour of the Prince unless it be some matter which the People ought not to know or some Person on whose behalf they may desire to make an Insurrection Don Iuan de Vega answer'd a Lady of Palermo who offer'd a hundred thousand Ducats that her Husband might not be Executed at the publick Place La justicia no tiene lugar si no se haze en su lugar that is Iustice
takes not place if it be not done in its Place Gracian Discourse 30 of his Agudeza When there is a great Number of People involv'd in a Conspiracy or any attempt against a Prince or State and consequently that it requires a long Inquiry to discover them all it is more expedient for him to dissemble that he may not irritate Wasps All Punishment which is extended far how just foever it be passes not for an Act or Iustice nor for Example but for a Butchery and makes the Prince hated as Sanguinary and his Body to be privately carry'd out And although he was inform'd that several Courtiers and Senators had assisted him with their Counsel and Money yet no farther enquiry was made z A Courier who was carrying Letters from several Protestant Princes and Lords of Germâ—ny to the Landâ—grave of Hâ—sse being taken by some 〈◊〉 of Charles V. they found among his Dispatches a Memorandum of Succours which they offer'd him in order to continue the War against the Emperor but this Prince without reading any more than the Title threw it into the Fire judging as Iulius Caesar who would not read the Letters sent to Pompey from the Nobility of Rome that the most agreeable way to Pardon was voluntarily to be ignorant of the Offence Epitâ—â—e of his Life by Don Iuan Ant. de Vera. XLI Towards the End of this Year a Triumphal Arch was erected near Saturn's Temple for the recovery of the Eagles by the Conduct of Germanicus and under the Auspices of Tiberius a Temple was dedicated to Fo rs Fortunae a Tacitus saith Aedes Fortis Fortunâ— There was at Rome a Fortune named Fâ—rs Fortunae as if one should say Casual Fortune or Fortune which decides the Lot of War With which may agree Prosperous For 〈◊〉 which Rodolph the Master gave her This Goddess had a Temple first at Rome under the Reign of Servius Tâ—lliâ—â— and receiv'd then Gifts of those who liv'd on their Rents without being of any Trade in the Gardens near the Tiber which Iulius Caesar bequeath'd to the People of Rome A Chapel to the Family of the Iulii and Statues to Divine Augustus in a Place call'd the Bovillae 770 Years after the Building of Rome XLII IN the Consulship of C. Caelius and L. Pomponius on the 26th of May Germanicus triumph'd for his Victories over the Cherusci Chatti Angrivarii and the rest of the Nations lying betwixt the Rhine and the Elb. Spoils Captives and Pictures of the Mountains Rivers and Battels were carried before him as if the War had been ended because he would have made an end of it had he not been Countermanded but the Comeliness of Germanicus's Person sitting in his Triumphal Chariot with his Five Children added much to the Splendor of the Show and the satisfaction of the Spectators But secret Fears allay'd the Ioy of those who consider'd that the Favour of the People had not been fortunate to his Father Drusus that his Uncle Marcellus was snatch'd from their Affections in the Bloom of his Youth and that the Love of the People of Rome was commonly fatal and an Omen of short Life to those they lov'd 1 A Great Man who hath the Favour of the People and cultivates it by popular actions as Germanicus did and his Father had done is always hated by his Prince either because such a Subject seems not to stand in need of his Favour or because a Man who hath the People at his Devotion exposes himself to a thousand Suspicions which his Rivals have opportunity to raise and foment in the Prince's Mind Insomuch that this Great Man must fall soon or late if he continues at Court or amongst the People whose Idol he is Every body knows what the Battel of Barieades May 12. 1588. cost the Duke of Guise when the Parisians declar'd so openly for him that Henry III. was forc'd to leave the City To conclude as the Hatred of the People is the reward of the Prince's Favourites the Hatred of the Prince is reciprocally the reward of the Peoples Favourites XLIII Tiberius gave the People three hundred Sesterces b About thiry five Shillings in our Money a Man in Germanicus's Name and nominated him for his Collegue in the Consulship c It is to be observ'd That all the Collegues of Tiberius's Consulships came to Unfortunate Ends Quintilius Varus by Despair Germanicus and Drusus by Poyson Piso Governor of Syria and Sejanus by the Sentence of the Senate but after all this he was not believ'd to be sincere in his Affection to him 1 When the Prince is hated his sincerest actions are mis-interpreted but above all the Caresses and Honours which he doth to a Great Man whom the People knows or imagines that he doth not love and the less when it was known that he resolv'd to send him from Court pretending it was for his Honour and in order to it contriv'd Occasions or laid hold on the first that offer'd Archelaus had reign'd fifty years in Cappadocia and was hated by Tiberius d Dio saith that when Archelaus was accused by his Subjects before Augustus Tiberius pleaded his Cause in the Senate So that Tiberius might 〈◊〉 him for his Ingratitude Lib. 14. because he had never paid him any respect during his retreat at Rhodes 2 Commines saith that most People have naturally an Eye to aggrandize or to save themselves and this is the Reason that they easily range themselves on the strongest side Memoâ—rs l. 1. c. 9. which Archelaus did not omit out of any neglect of Tiberius but by the Directions of the Principle Favourites of Augustus who were of Opinion that it was not safe for him to hold any correspondence with Tiberius whilst C. Caesar was living and had the Government of the East 3 The Counsel which Augustus's Ministers gave Archelaus was according to all the Rules of Policy and so much the more because that Caius Caesar had also two Brothers and that they were all three younger than Tiberius Notwithstanding this Counsel was the principle Cause of this King's ruine An instance that Humane Prudence serves for the sport of Fortune which to speak with Polibius often takes delight to give the greatest Actions of Men an issue directly contrary to what they design'd Hist. 2. All that Archelaus could have done was to have carry'd himself after such a manner towards these two Princes as to have honour'd Calus as the Principal and Tiberius as Subordinate which would not have given â—ealousie to Caius nor have affronted Tiberius who had not himself retir'd to Rhodes but that he might not by his presence obscure the Glory of the Grandsons of Augustus who were enter'd on Employments In fine Evils that are very remote and not certain ought not to hinder a Prudent Man from making his advantage of the present Conveniencies for if one must take into consideration all accidents that may happen one what can one ever resolve
of Brutus and Cassius and who after he had Liberty to come to Rome never vouchsaâ—ed to put in for any Office 4 It is not always a sign of Modesty not to sue for Offices and Honours on the contrary it is often a sign of Pride and Presumption for there are people who have so great an Opinion of themselves that they hold it for a Dishonor to have Competitors and there are others who believe themselves to be so necessary to the State that the Prince will be constrain'd to offer them what they would not ask As Albert Walstein obstinately refus'd the Generalship of the Emperor's Armies that he might be forc'd to accept that which the Extremity of the Affairs oblig'd the Emperor to offer him until he was courted by Augustus to accept the Consulship But he had not only his Father's Spirit but the Nobility and Riches of his Wife Plancina to exalt him f She was the Daughter of Munatius Plancus a Consular Person who is mention'd in the 33 Chapter of the First Book of these Annals insomuch that he would scarce yield to Tiberius and thought himself much above his Sons Nor did he believe that the Government of Syria was given him for any other Reason but that he might be a Check on Germanicus 5 A Governor of a Province who â—nows that another Governor his Neighbour is hated or suspected by the Prince never fails to make his Court at the Expence of his Collegue either by heightning the Suspicions of the Prince or by raising Complaints which may hasten the ruine of him whom they design to sacrifice But besides of what use to Germanicus was that absolute Power which the Senate decreed him since he had an imperious Supervisor that was inflexible and charged with orders altogether contrary to his Commission Germanicus had the Name and Show of Governor and Piso the Power Don Diego de Mendoca speaking of the sending of Don Iohn of Austria into Granada saith that his Commission was so large that it extended to every thing but that his Liberty was so strictly restrain'd that he could dispose of nothing Great or Small without the Consent of those of his Council nor even without an Order from Philip II. The War of Grenada Lib. 2. Cap. 26. Thus most Princes use Great Men who for the most part saith Commines go only to prepare the Feast and commonly at their own Expence and many believ'd that Tiberius gave him secret Instructions to this Purpose It is certain that Augusta out of an Emulation too incident to some of her Sex encourag'd Plancina to teaze and contend with Agrippina 6 A Proud and Imperious Woman as Plancina was never obeys more willingly than when the Prince commands her to mortifie her Rival All Ladies to whom Princes have given the like Commissions have always well acquitted themselves therein The Court was divided by the secret Favour which they had for Germanicus or for Drusus Tiberius loved Drusus as his own Son but others had the greater Affection for Germanicus as well because of Tiberius's Aversion to him 7 There is almost always a certain Antipathy betwixt the Prince and his Subjects whence the Subjects love the Persons whom the Prince hates and he reciprocally loves those who are hated by his Subjects Iâ— the Quarrel which happen'd betwixt Lewis of Bourbon Count of Soissons and Charles of Vaudemont afterwards Duke of Lâ—rain who gave him a Box o' the Ear in the Presence of Lewis XIII every one having declar'd in favour of the Count the King declarâ—d for Vaudement Memoirs of the Reign of Charles IV. Duke of Lorrain by the Marquis of Beauvau as because he was of more illustrious Extraction by the Mother's side by whom Anthony was his Grandfather and Augustus his Great Uncle whereas Pomponius Atticus g Vipsania the Mother of Drusus was the Daughter of Agrippa and Grand-Daughter of Pomponius Atticusâ— the Great Grand-father of Drusus who was no more than a Roman Knight seem'd to Disgrace the Images of the Family of the Claudii Besides Agrippina the Wife of Germanicus had the Advantage of Livia Drusus's Wife in fruitfulness and reputation but this Emulation betwixt their Relations and their Dependants made no manner of Impression on the two Brothers who continu'd Constant and Unshaken in their love 8 If the Children of Sovereign Princes knew what prejudice they do themselves by their Misunderstandings and their Quarrels they would beware of Engaging thereinâ— M. de Guise saith Queen Margaret was not sorry for the Divisions which he saw break out in our Family hoping that he should gather up the Pieces of the broken Vessel Lib. 1. of his Memoirs Anthony Perez saith in one of his Letters that Prince Ruy Goâ—ez said That he knew by his own Experience how much it concerns Courtiers to stop their Ears against Reports and Calumnies if they will keep their Friends and avoid making themselves Enemies The Count de Brion saith M. de Mâ—ntresor suffer'd himself to be prepossed although we were very near Relations and had always liv'd friendly together When I was advertis'd of it I took him aside and acquainted him that I was very well inform'd of what had been told him of me That if Monsieur committed his Secrets to him I should be extremely glad of it but that I thought he ought not to take it ill that his Royal Higness did me the sâ—me honour that in fine it would be shameful for him to suffer himself to be surpriz'd by the Artifices of Persons who had always deceiv'd their Master and to break with his Kinsman and his Friend who had never given him any occasion of complaint He own'd to me that the thing was true and we afterwards liv'd in an entire Friendship XLV Not long after Drusus was sent into Illyria to gain the Affections of the Army and Experience in Arms 1 It is Machiâ—vel's advice That a Prince apply his Mind wholly to the Art of War as being the only one that is of importance for him to understand Ch. 4. of his Prince For States are not preserv'd by Cowardice but by Arms. Non enim ignavia magna Imperia contineri Ann. 15. Philâ—bert-Emanuel Duke of Savâ—y Nephew to Charles V. wrote on a time to Philip II. who was not of a Warlike temper that indeed War was not one of those things that was to be desir'd but that it nearly concern'd great Princes to understand the Management of it and that therefore he ought to be pleas'd to find in the beginning of his Reign an occasion to make War that he might gain betimes the Reputation of a Powerful and a Formidable Prince and might learn although at great Expences what is an Army Squadron Battel Siege Artillery Ammunition Baggage Spies Guides and a thousand Necâ—â—sities which must be provided for Cabrera cap. 1. lib. 4. of his History Tiberius thinking that he would wear off in the Camp 2 There
is no greater Spur than that of Military glory Especially to Princes who are naturally inclin'd to be dazled with the splendid Titlâ— of Conquerors Commines saith that after the Battel of Montlâ—ery the Count of Charolois who before that day had never been useful in War nor ever lov'd any thing that belong'd to it entirely chang'd his Humour and became so Warlike that he pursu'd it as long as he liv'd desiring above all things to tread in the Steps of those ancient Princes who are so famous for it Cap. 4. Lib. â— and Cap. 9 Lib. 5. of his Memoirs the Debaucheries he had been us'd to in the City and himself would be safer when the Legions were under the Command of his two Sons He was furnish'd with a Pretence by the Suevi who came to desire assistance from him against the Cherusci for when these Nations were deliver'd from the Fear of a Foreign Power by the retreat of the Romans they according to their Custom turn'd their Arms against one another h When in a Civil War amongst the Athenians many were for Banishing or Extirpating all the Contrary Faction We ought not to do it said another for we shall have nothing to exercise our selves upon out of an Emulation of Glory The two Nations were equally match'd in Power and their Generals in Valour but the Title of King drew upon Maroboduus the hatred of his Country-men whereas Arminius was ador'd as the Patron of Liberty and one that fought for it 3 The Defence of Liberty is the most specious Pretext which Boutefeus and Male-Contents have always had to kindle a War in their Countreys The People have been gull'd with it a hundred thousand Times and they will be gull'd with it a hundred thousand times more before they will be disabus'd For they give more credit to Words than Actions and they judge not of Good and Evil but by those false Idaeas thereof which they give them who take to them of Liberty for no other end but to make them more pliable to be led into Slavery Quia apud eum verba plurimum valent bonaque ac mala non sua natura sed â—oâ—ibus seditiosorum aestimantur libertas speciosa nomina praetexuntur Tac. Hist. 4. XLVI Wherefore not only the Cherusci and their Allies who had before serv'd under him took Arms for him now but the Suevi Semnones and Lombards who were the Subjects of Maroboduus revolted to Arminius 1 The People never love their Prince so much how Good and Valiant soever he be but they love Liberty more Nullam tantam potestatem cuiquam dari posse ut non sit gratior potestate libertas Plin. in Paneg with which additional forces he would certainly have been Victorious had not Inguiomer with all that were under his Command gone over to Maroboduus which he did for no other reason but because he look'd upon it as a Dishonour 2 There is no tye so strong which Iealousie doth not break The Duke of Mayne would never hearken to the Proposal which was made to him for chusing the Young Duke of Guise his Nephew King of France As he desir'd to be so himself saith Colonna he was it may be more afraid of the Crown on the Head of his Nephew than to see it on the Head of a Prince of Beâ—rn so true is it that Envy is stronger and more obstinate than Hatred After said he that I have sustain'd the whole Weight of the League is it â—ust that another should gather the Fruits of my Labours Must I be reduc'd to beg the Government of a Province I who have govern'd and defended the whole Kingdom at the price of my Blood Is it because my Nephew isâ— Young and un-married that they would give him the Crown of France and the Infanta of Spain My Eldest Son is 17 years old and for his Person not unworthy so high a Dignity Let them make him King if they will not have me for in this Case I will content my self with the Honour of being his Governor and of commanding the Armies of the most Serene Infanta Lib. 6. of his History of the Wars of Flanders He saith that these were the very Expressions which the Duke of Maine us'd in his private Conferences with the Count Charles of Mansfield and the Duke of Feria It was thus that the Uncle and the Nephew weakned and by degrees ruin'd the Union and good Understanding that was necessary for them to maintain their Party Memoirs de Chiverny for an Uncle that was in years to be commanded by a young Nephew i During the War of Paris there was the like Iealousie betwixt the Duke of Bâ—aufâ—rt and Nemours who although Brothers-in-Law could never agree with one another Diego de Mendoza â—â—ith that Gonsalo Fernandâ—â— de â—ordoua stiled by way of Excellence the Great Captain would never serve under his Brother Don Alphonso d' Aguilâ—r one of the most renowned Captains of Spain Guerra de Grenada Cap. 2 Lib. 1. The two Armies with equal hopes on both sides rang'd themselves in Battel not as the Germans us'd to do in little separate Parties which roved up and down and skirmished without Order or Discipline for by their long Wars with us they had learn'd to follow their Colours 3 A Warlike People ought never to make frequent or long Wars with the same Neighbours for fear of training them up to War This was heretofore the Maxim of the Lacedemonians and is at this Day of the Turks Philip II. King of Spain had time to repent that he had not follow'd the Counsel of Don Gomez Figureâ— Duke of Fâ—ria who would not have had him carry the War into the Low-Countrys saying that he ougâ—t to reduce these Provinces by gentle methods for fear of teaching them to handle Arms and make War on their Prince Strada Lib. 6. of the first Decad. From the very beginning of the Troubles of the Low-Countreys Cardinal Granvelle had advis'd Philip to extinguish this War as soon as he could either by a Battel or by a Treaty of Peace for fear this People should come to know their Strength â—ore-telling that if once they knew it he would never be able to keep them in Obedience Pio Mâ—tio consideration 259. Lib. 1. of his Commentary on Tacitus to obey the Orders of their Generals and to keep a Reserv'd Body to succour the rest as there was occasion Arminius took a Review of his Army and as he rode through it he put them in mind of their Recover'd Liberty of the Enemies Legions which they had cut in pieces and part of whose Arms and Spoils some of them had now in their hands He called Maroboduus a Coward 4 It is a Reproach often cast upon Great Captains That they know not how to fight but it never lessens their Reputation when they are known to be Persons who will hazard nothing unseasonably This Reproach was sometimes cast on the Famous
Duke of Alva either by the Duke of Guise or by the Prince of Orangâ— and by several others but they could never make him change the Method and his Constancy in despising the Censures and the Railleries of his Enemies was the Principal Cause of his Good Fortune and his Glory For he that hath the Profit of the War saith Commines hath all the Honour of it and he ought never to run the Hazard of a Battel who can avoid it Cap. 2. Lib. 2. and c. 4. l. 4. of his Memoirs Whereâ—ore the Answer very well became the D. of Alva which he made to the Duke of Guise That he would not play a Kingdom against a Coat of Cloth of Gold l. 9 of the History of the Union of Portugal with Castille And Alexander Duke of Pâ—rmâ— answer'd a Trumpeter who offer'd him Battel from Henry IV. That it was not his Custom to fight when it pleas'd his Enemies only when he thought it fit D. Carlos Coâ—oma Lib. 3. of â—is Wars of the Low-Countries Count Peter Ernest of Mansâ—ield saying to a Trumpeter That he wonder'd that his Master who was Young and full of Vigour kept himself always close and cover'd within his Intrenchments the Trumpeter answer'd him ingeniously That Maurice did so that he might one Day become as Experienc'd a Captain as his Excellency of Mansfield Memoirs of Aubery du Maurier who understood not how to fight a Battel and who skulk'd in the lurking Holes of the Wood Hercinia until he had basely bought the Alliance of the Romans whereby he was become a Traytor to his Country and a Slave to the Roman Emperor 5 It doth not become Princes and Generals of Armies to utter reproaches against one another Those who have force in their hands ought never to use this kind of Revenge which is sit only for Women and which also more dishonours him that attacks than him that is attack'd Besides words which wound a Man's Honour are never forgiven A Lie given the Sâ—igâ—eur a Himbercourt Amâ—asâ—adoâ—â—rom the Duke of Burgundy câ—st the Constable of St. Pol afterwâ—rds his Life For this Reason saith Commines Princes and those whâ— are in great Places ought to 〈◊〉 to whom they offer such 〈◊〉 for the Greater they aâ—e the more sensible are the Affronts which they 〈◊〉 inasmuch as those who are affronted think and with reason that the Authority of the Person who affronts them casts a greater Blemish on their Honour Cap. 11. Lib. 3. of his Memoirs and therefore ought to have no more quarter given him than Varus had In the Conclusion he desir'd them to remember the many Battels they had fought by the Event of which and by the Expulsion of the Romans in the End it was sufficiently evident on whose side the Victory rested XLVII Nor was Maroboduâ—s wanting to extol himself or lessen the Enemy and taking Inguiomer by the Hand In this Person you see said he all the Glory of the Cherusci and to whose conduct are owing all the Successes they ever had Arminius himself hath neither Prudence nor Experience and takes that Glory to himself which is not his due because he perfidiously surpriz'd three Legions and their unwary General which action cost Germany dear and turn'd to his own Dishonour seeing his Wife and Children are yet in Slavery But when Tiberius invaded us with twelve Legioâ—s I defended the Honour of Germany and made Peace on equal Terms and we have no reason to repent of what we havâ— done seeing it is now at our choice whether we will have a Lasting Peace with the Romans or begin the War again with them on even ground Besides the Encouragement of these Speeches each Army had their peculiar Reasons to animate them for the Châ—rusci and Lombards fought either for their Ancient Glory or for their New-gotten Liberty 1 In Guiccardin's Opinion there is more Courage and Fury in those who recover their Liberty than in those who defend it Lib. 18 of his History of Italy And I think it is because they who recover their Liberty have â—elt Oppression and have therefore a greater Resentment than those who having not yet lost their Liberty have not tried the Severities of Tyranny and of Slavery Thus the Lombards had a double Motive to animate them to fight that of the Common Defence and that of their Private Revenge for according to Paterculus Maroboduâ—â— was not contented with a Regal Power regulated by the Laws and Customs of the Country but would have one that was entirely Absolute and Despotick Hist. 2. Cap. 108. and the other side to enlarge their Dominions They never fought with greater Fury nor with more equal Success the right Wings of both Armies were broken and it was expected that the Fight would have been renew'd had not Maroboduus retreated to the Hills which was a sign of Consternation after which his Army being weakned by Desertion 2 The loss of a Battel saith Commines hath always a long and sad Train for him that loses it for it often happens that the Vanquish'd People entertain a contemptible Opinion of their Master fall into Mutinies and Contrivances against him make insolent Demands and desert him if they don't obtain them Cap. 2. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs And speaking of the Battel of Granson lost by the Duke of Burgundy What damage saith he receiv'd he that day for acting on his own Head and despising counsel What damage receiv'd his Family thereby and in what a Condition is it to this Day How many People became his Enemies and declar'd themselves who the Day before temporis'd with him and pretended to be his Friends Gelasius Duke of Milan who three Weeks before had sent him a solemn Embassy to make an Alliance with him against Lewis XI renounc'd this Alliance to make one with Lewis Renatus King of Sicily who design'd to make the Duke of Burgâ—ndy his Heir and who was going to put him in possession of the County of Provence dispos'd of it in favour of his Nephew Lewis XI His Sister the Dutchess of Savoy who was entirely in the Interests of the Duke and whom Lewis therefore call'd Madame de Bourgogne reconcil'd her self to him and utterly abandon'd the Duke Nuremberg Francfort and several Imperial Cities more declar'd against him and they thought that to do him all the Mischief they could was to procure their Pardons So much did the World change after this Battel he retir'd into the Country of the Marcomanni whence he sent Ambassadors to desire succours of Tiberius 3 How Haughty and Courageous soever Princes are a reverse of Fortune humbles them as well as other Men. When they are concern'd for their own Preservation or Defence their Point of Honour always gives place to their Interest Paterculus saith that Maroboduus had exalted his power to such a Degree that he was grown formidable to the Romans and that without openly attacking them he gave them sufficiently to understand that he wanted
hinder it There was amongst the Gotones a Young Nobleman named Catualda who having been banish'd by Maroboduus attempted now to take his Revenge on him in his declining Fortune 3 Observe Tiberius's Policy After he had made use of Maroboduus to give a Check to Arminius the sworn Enemy of the Romans he made use of Catualda to ruine Maroboduus and afterwards of Maroboduus's Faction to expel Catualda whereby he compleated the ruine of Germany King Lewis XI saith Commines better understood this Art of dividing Nations than any other Prince whom I ever knew He spared neither his Money nor his Pains not only towards the Masters but also towards the Servants Lib. 2. Cap. 1. With a Hundred and twenty thousand Crowns of Gold he divided the D. of Burgundy from the Dukes of Normandy and Brittany and forc'd his Brother to renounce his Right to the Dutchy of Normandy for a Pension of twenty thousand Crowns Cap. 5. And in order to it enters the Borders of the Marcomanni with a good Force and having corrupted the Principal Men of the Countrey to joyn him he forces the Palace and the Castle that stood near it where were found the ancient Spoils of the Suevi and Cooks and Traders of our Provinces whom first Freedom of Commerce afterwards desire of Lucre and at last Forgetfulness of their own Country had transplanted from their Habitations into the Enemy's Soil LXIV Maroboduus being deserted on all sides had no other refuge but to the Mercy of the Roman Emperor Wherefore passing the Danube where it waters the Province of Norica e Now Bavaria he wrote to Tiberius not as a Fugitive or a Petiâ—ioner but like one that had not forgot his former greatness 1 How Unfortunate soever a Prince be it always becomes him to remember his past fortune neither to do nor say any thing which may give People reason to believe that he was unworthy of the Rank that he held or worthy of the Evils that he endures Iohn Frederick Duke of Saxony falling into the hands of Charles V. spoke to him to give order that he should be treated as a Prince of the Empire and so far was he from humbling himself to the Emperor who spoke to him in menacing terms that he put on his Hat and answer'd That it was in vain that his Majesty went to fright him and that by becoming his Prisoner he did not cease to be a Prince That although several Nations had courted him as one who had been lately so renown'd a King to make their Countries his retreat yet he preferr'd the Friendship of the Romans to all their Offers Tiberius answer'd him That he should have a Safe and Honourable retreat in Italy if he thought fit to stay but if it should be more for the advantage of his Affairs to go elsewhere he should go with the same Liberty that he came 2 There is no Prince who doth not rejoyce to receive another into his Dominions for besides the Honour of the Hospitality he may draw thence very great advantages in due Time and Place And consequently 't is no wonder if ordinarily their Departure is not so free as theiâ— Entrance If the late Duke of Orleans had not deceived the Marquis d'Aytone President of the Council of State of the Low-Countrys he had run a great risque of continuing a long time in the hands of the Spaniards to serve as a Pretence for War against France But he afterwards told the Senate that he had been a more Formidable Enemy than ever Philip was to the Athenians or Pyrrhus or Antiochus to the Romans 3 The more Illustrious the Conquer'd is the more Glorious is the Conqueror If I had made no resistance said Caractacus to the Emperor Claudius my Defeat and your Victory would never have been talk'd of Ann. 12. His Speech is yet extant wherein he extoll'd the Greatness of his Person the Fierceness of the Nations that were subject to him and what measures he had taken to destroy so Dangerous and so near an Enemy to Italy f Paterculus saith that Maroboduus had so far enlarged his Power that he was become formidable to the Roman Empire that all the Male-contents who withdrew themselves from obedience to the Romans fled for Sanctuary to this Prince who maintain'd an Army of 70000 Foot and 4000 Horse That he had reduc'd under his Obedience all his Neighbours either by Force by making continual War on them or by Treaties which obliged them to declare for him that he was in particular formidable by the situation of his States which had Germany on the Front and on the Left Hand Pannonia on the Right and Norica on the Back so that they fear'd him on all sides as a Prince who was ready to fall upon them Add hereto that his Frontiers were not but 200 miles or a little more distant from the Alps which serv'd as Boundaries to Italy Cap. 108. 109. The last Duke of Lorrain seems to have follow'd the Steps of Maroboduus as they may easily observe who will compare them together Maroboduus was kept at Ravenna to awe the Suevi with the fear of his return 4 There is nothing that Rebels are more afraid of than to fall again under the Power of a Prince whom they have dethron'd The People of Liege who upon the Instigation of Lewis XI had revolted from the Duke of Burgundy seeing their City besieged by these two Princes in person purposed saith Commines to hazard all for as they knew that they were undone and that if they must die in the Execution of such an Enterprize which was to make a Sally out of the Town with the Bravest of their Men and to kill the King and the Duke in their houses they should at the worst have a Glorious End and they wanted but little of having succeeded in their Design His Memoirs l. 2. c. 12. Thus nothing is more advantageous to a Prince who hath dangerous and unsteady Neighbours who have revolted than to give their Prince a Retreat to awe them by the Fears of his Restoration if they should at any time grow Insolent But he stirr'd not out of Italy for the space of Eighteen Years and he was conscious that he had lessen'd his Glory by setting too great a Value on Life 5 A Prince who hath long survived the loss of his Kingdom gives occasion to People to believe that he is little affected therewith and that consequently he had not the Qualities which were requisite to make him worthy to possess it nor the Courage which was necessary to keep the Possession of it Don Pio Mutio becomes an Advocate for Maroboduus against Tacitus who ascribes to a Poorness of Spirit the Care which this King took to prolong his Life Let us leave saith he this Itch of Dying to the Stoicks and use the Means to preserve that Life which God hath given us to assist our Relations and our Friends and to
Eyes what will afterwards become of my Miserable Wife and my Poor Children 1 It is common enough for Princes and Great Men to fore-sâ—e and fore-tell at their Death the Misfortunes that will beâ—all their Children Germanicus prophesy'd Piso thinks the Poyson works too slowly and is impatient till he becomes the sole Master of the Province and the Legions But Germanicus is not yet sunk so low but that he is able to hinder the Murderer from enjoying the Prize of his Villany 2 He that hath not power enough to defend himself against Oppression has oftentimes Friends eenough courageously to revenge him after his Death Which ought to be consider'd by those who find themselves supported by favour make trial of their Power on Great Men. For sooner or later the Oppression is returned upon themselves Hereupon he writes a Letter to Piso wherein he renounc'd his Friendship 3 There is not now-a-days so good faith amongst Men Dissimulation and Double-dealing are become so much the Mode that People are generally so far from openly renouncing the Friendship of those who have disoblig'd them that on the contrary they make greater expressions of it than ever that they may more securely ruine them The Friends of this Age saith Anthony Perez have the Figure of Men but the Heart of Wild Beasts Kostroâ— humanos corasoâ—es de fieras and some add that he commanded him to leave the Province Nor did Piso make any longer stay but took Ship However he made the Ship sail but slowly that he might the sooner come back if Germanicus 's Death should make way for his return to Syria LXXII Germanicus after some little hopes of recovery â—lagg'd again 1 Let Princes be never so sick Flatterers make them almost always hope that they will recover They deceive them to the very moment that they depart to give an account to God without any one being concern'd for their Salvation in this one thing more unhappy than the most misâ—rable Subject they have Don Carlos Colona speaking of the sudden Death of Alexander Duke of Parma saith That he knew not that he was dying but by the Countenance of his Servants and Physicians * Lib. 5. of his History of the Wars of Flanders intimating that this Prince understood that by their Eyes which he ought to have known from their Mouths and perceiving that his end was drawing on he spake to this Effect to his Friends that stood about him If I had dy'd a Natural Death I might justly have complain'd of the Gods for ravishing me in the Bloom of my Youth by an untimely Death from my Parents my Children 2 A good Father as Germanicus was could not have a greater Trouble at his Death than to leave a Wiâ—e and Children whom he lov'd tenderly to the mercy of his Enemies and my Country but now being taken off by the Treachery of Piso and Plancina 3 It is very hard for private Persons who are accus'd by a Prince â—hat is the People's Favourite to shelter themselves from the Storm which so heavy an Accusation draws upon them I leave my last desires with you Acquaint my Father and my Brother what Cruelties I have suffer'd and with what Perfidiousness I have been treated and how that at last I end a most miserable Life by the worst kind of Deaths 4 Poyson is the Plague of Princes for it is almost the only kind of Death against which it is impossible for them to guard themselves what cautions soever they make use of against the Treachery of their Domestick Officers And thence it is that People ordinarily attribute their Death to Poyson and that they themselves are so often troubled with suspicions of being poyson'd To this purpose I remember I have read in the Relations of a Venetian Ambassador at Rome that in the Pontificate of Urban VIII an Italian Gentleman told a Iesuite in Conâ—ession that he had poyson'd five Popes which is the more wonderful because the Nephews whose whole Fortune depends on the Continuance of the Pontificates of their Uncles watch with Argus's Eyes for the Preservation of him whose Death reduces them to a private Condition They whose good Fortune depended on mine or who were ally'd to me by blood way even they who before envy'd my Glory will lament 5 Those who have Envy'd us in Prosperity or during our Lives freely pity us in Adversity or at least aâ—ter our Death because they have the Glory of appearing generous when they have nothing more to fear my hard Fatâ— that after all the Successes I have had and the Battels I have escap'd I should at last fall by the Treachery of a Woman 6 Nothing seems stranger than that a General of an Army should dye by the Hands of a Woman after he hath pass'd his whole Life in Battels and Dangers Notwithstanding this Misâ—ortune hath befallen many great Captains God having permitted it so to be to punish their Pride by an humbling Death You will have opportunity to complain to the Senate and to demand Iustice. The great Duty of Friends is not to shew their Affections to the Dead in Fruitless Lamentations 7 It is decent for Women to weep saith Tacitus but Men have a greater Duty to perform which is to remember Faeminis lugere honestum est viris meminisse In Germania It is not said a great Orator to the Regent Anna of Austria by useless Complaints and superfluous Grief that a great Soul like your Majesty's ought to express her Pâ—ety and her Love to the Ashes of her Husband it is by Executing his Orders it is by proposing to your Imitation the Image of his Virtues it is by couragiously conducting the Fortune of the State Ogier in the Preliminary Epistle to the Funeral Oration of Lewis XIII but to remember what he desir'd and execute what he left in charge Strangers will weep for Germanicus But it is your part to revenge my Death if you lov'd me rather than my Fortune 8 In the Life-time of Princes it is very difficult to distinguish their Faithful and Disinterested Servants from those that are not so because the Favours they are capable of doing are apt to make it be believed that all who adhere to them adore the Fortune and not the Person but after their Death it is known by the Duties that are paid them and by the Execution of their last Desires who were worthy or who were unworthy of their Affection and Favours Set before the Eyes of the People of Rome my Wife the Grand-Daughter of Augustus with our six Children Compassion will be on your side that accuse 9 When the Iudges are touch'd with Compassion for the Accusers there are no hopes of Mercy for the Accused especially if they are Persons who have been long hated as Piso and Plancina were for their Arrogance and though they should pretend secret Orders for their Villanies 10 Many Violences
and Excesses are committed in remote Provinces of which the Governors and Principal Ministers would be hard put to it to shew their Orders These Ofâ—â—cers deserve double Punishment First for the abuse of their Power and Secondly for the Danger to which they expose the Prince by authorising with his Name and pretended Will such Acts of Injustice as make him pass for a Tyrant which is an Injury to him that can't be repair'd but by an Example that is capable to undeceive the People they will either not be believed or not acquitted His Friends taking him by the right Hand as he was ready to expire swore they would lose their own Lives but they would revenge his Death 11 The Christian Religion commands us to pardon the Injuries that are done to our selves but it doth not forbid us to avenge those that are done to our Friends when Iustice and the Laws are on their side The Gospel obliges us to the First and Civil Society to the Latter LXXIII Then Germanicus turning himself towards his Wife he beseech'd her That if she had any regard to his Memory and to the Interest of their common Children she would lay aside her haughty temper and submit her Mind to the severity of her Fortune lest at her return to Rome she should by a Vain Emulation exasperate those who were too powerful for her 1 We ought never to have any Competition with the Prince's Favourites or Ministers It is better to retire from Court than to enter the Lists with them If the Prince saith Cabrera hath chosen any one of those whom he loves to be his Chief Minister we ought to honour him according to the Rank which he holds and according to the Influence which he hath on his Prince It is advantageous to make him a Friend and on the contrary it is dangerous to judge whether he deserves the Place and Authority which is given him Remember the Brazen Image which Amasis King of Aegypt caus'd to be worshipp'd that was made of a Bason wherein he was wont to wash his Feeâ— and those words of Tacitus We adored the Collegue of your Consulship and him who represented your Person in the Administration of the Empire For otherwise there is no security for high Birth nor for great Merit which have always been suspected and hated by Favourites And it is not enough to say I will live at Court without Ambition without any Pretensions without Employment and without having any thing to do with any one for none that hear this believe any thing of it His History Lib. 7. Cap. 7. He adds that the Duke of Alva put in for the Government of the Low-Countries for no other reason but to get off from the Level with Cardinal Espinosa and Prince Râ—y Gomez whom â—avour made equal to him in Esteem and Credit although they were inferior to him in abilities Notwithstanding Cardinal Briconcet the Chief Minister of King Charles VIII had very small abilities and understood nothing at all of Military Affairs however saith Commines who knew much more of it than he when I was ill-treated in the beginning of this King's Reign I durst not intermeddle that I might not make any of those my Enemies to whom he gave Authority Memoirs Lib. 8. Cap. 5. It is with Men as with pieces of Money on which Princes set what value they please end consequently we must receive them according to their currency and not according to their intrinsick value Thus much he spoke publickly and something more in secret 2 When we speak of Princes we must speak of them with the utmost Caution It is not enough to distrust the Ears of those who are present we ought also to distrust their Eyes who read in the Countenance and the Looks all that of which they make a Mystery to them soon after which he expir'd to the great regret of the Province and the adjacent Countreys Foreign Kings and Nations Enemies as well as Allies lamented him 3 The most glorious Apotheosis of a Prince is to be lamented by his Subjects and honour'd with the Praises of Foreign Nations the Former for his Clemency and the Latter for his Courtesie His Presence and his manner of Speaking were graceful and drew respect and although he retain'd an air of Majesty 4 A General of an Army should have an aspect mingled with Sweetness and Severity for Soldiers contract a sort of Fierceness which often carries them to Sedition if they are not restrain'd by an air of Authority which strikes an awe upon them The Roman Historians have observed That this Mixture in Hannibal was the Foundation of his Greatness and Reputation suitable to his high Birth and Character yet he never incurr'd Envy nor the Suspicion of Arrogance LXXIV His Funerals were not solemniz'd with Images and Pomp but with publick Praises and the Commemoration of his Virtues 1 The Name of Princes is always immortal by reason of the Greatness of their Office which is the Cause that all their Actions good or bad are written on the Records of Posterity But there is this Difference betwixt those who have abused their Power and those who have discharged the Duties of their Station that the Memory of the Former is Inâ—amous for ever whereas that of the Latter is always Glorious and Triumphant So they need not raise Pyramids and Mausolaeums if they have been Virtuous for the Memory of their Virtues in Eternal and their Monuments are as many in number as there are People who read their History and as there are Princes who follow their Example And there were some who compar'd him with Alexander 2 In all times Warlike Princes and Great Captains have been compared with Alexander as if there was not a more perfect Model to propose for Arms than this Conqueror He must saith a Learned Prelate be found in all our Panegyricks and it seems by a sort of Fatality glorious to his Name that no Prince can receive Praises but he must have a share in them M. de Meaux in the Funeral Oration of Lewis Prince of Coâ—de for his Beauty and his Age the Manner of his Death and the Nearness of the Places where they dy'd For they were both very Handsome and of Illustrious Birth Neither of them lived much above thirty Years and they both died in a Foreign Country by the Treachery of some of their own People m Strada reports That the Flemmings compared Don Iohn of Austria the Son of Charles V. with Germanicus for Beauty and Gracefulness for Years which were 33 for Exploits in War performed by each in divers places bordering on Holland for having been both suspected by their Princes and for having ended their days by an untimely Death History of Low-Countrys Deâ—ad 1. Lib. 10. But Germanicus was courteous to his Friends moderate in his Pleasures contented with one Wife 3 Chastity is a Virtue so much the more praise-worthy in Princes â—s
Difficulties more than the Prudence many would value him for Dans ses Memoirs The Bishop of Beauvais said Cardinal Mazarine was not an able Man because he understood not the Revenues Memoirs de M. de la Chastre and therefore not to be admitted a Candidate for the Government of Asia The Senators on the other side look'd on Lepidus as a Moderate Man more worthy Praise than Blame and his Father leaving him a small Estate his Living without reproach they â—udg'd a Credit rather than Disgrace He was therefore sent into Asia and for Africk they referr'd the Nomination to Tiberius XXXV Upon this Severus Caecina propos'd their prohibiting Women going with their Husbands to their Governments Often declaring how happily he lived with his Wife by whom he had six Children and that he had advised nothing for the Publick but what he observed himself not suffering his to go out of Italy though he had commanded abroad forty Years He added It was with very good Reason our Ancestors forbid it That the Company of Women was burthensome and injurious by their Luxury in Peace and Fear in War 1 There is nothing more contrary to that Application is necessary for Publick Affairs than the Engagement of those to Women that have the Administration As a Woman lost the World nothing is more capable of hurting States than that Sex when they have those in their Power that govern they make them do what seems good to them and consequently what is ill The best Thoughts of Women being always bad in them that are guided by their Passions which is commonly their Reason when Reason it self should be the only Motive to animate and actuate those that manage publick Affairs Sect. 5. du c. 8. de la premier Partie du Testament Politique du Cardinal de Richelieu and made a Roman Army like the Barbarians going to War z The Latin is ad similitudinem barbari incessus because it was the Custom of Barbarous Nations to carry their Wives with them to the Wars as Tacitus remarks Ann. 4. Adsistentes plerisque matres conjuges Ann. 14. Brittaâ—â—orum copiae animo adeo fero â—ut conjuges quoque testes victoriae secum traherent And in his account of Germany Feminarum ululatus audiri vagitus infantium Hi â—uique sanctissimi testes c. That Sex was not only weak and unable to Labour but they got the Ascendant Cruel Ambitious and Arbitrary That Women have lately been seen to march among the Soldiers and commanding the Centurioâ—s were present at their Musters and Exercises That they should consider when any have been charged with Corruption much was objected to their Wives That the greatest Villains in the Provinces have applied to them who have undertaken and transacted their Affairs From hence it is two are courted and two Iudgment Seats That formerly they were restrain'd by the Oppian Laws but have broke through those Ties they govern not only their Families but the Courts of Iustice and the Armies 2 Since Interest is that commonly makes Men behave themselves ill in Office Ecclesiasticks are generally preferable to others says Cardinal Richelieu not as being less subject to Interest but as having neither Wives nor Children are free from those Ties engage others Chap. 7. de la seconde partie du Testament Politique XXXVI Few agreed with him many interrupted 3 'T is always dangerous speaking of Reformation for there are ever more that fear than desire it Cardinal Richelieu declar'd he durst never begin a Reformation of the King's House because he could never do it without encountering the Interest of many that were constantly near the King and in that Familiarity with him they would dissuade him from what was most necessary in the State to prevent the Regulations of his Family that would be very profitable to him Chap. 7. de la premier partie du meme Testament saying That was not the Matter before them a Because not propos'd by the Consuls nor the Prince to whom it belong'd to propose Matters that were to be consider'd and therefore what Câ—cina offer'd was not to the purpose and he was not considerable enough himself to undertake a Reform of Pro-consuls and other great Magistrates that went to govern the Provinces yet Tacitus says in two places of his second Book that it was allow'd them to quit their Subject they were upon when they had any thing to offer more important to the Publick and that was commonly practis'd by the Senators Erat quippe adhuc frequens senatoribus si quid e rep crederent loco sententiae promere And three Pages after A majoribus concessum est egredi aliquando relationem quod in commune conducat loco sententiae proferre and Caecina not a Censor of weight enough for such an Affair And Valerius Messalinus Messâ—la 's Son b Messala Corvinus of whom Quintilian says Cicerone miâ—ior dulcior in verbis magis elaboratuâ— Diâ—logo de Oratoribus who had much of his Eloquence reply'd Many hard Customs of their Ancestors 1 There are things Convenient and Necessary at one time that may be Pernicious at another Those that have the Government of States whether Princes or Ministers should accommodate themselves to the Present which commonly has no agreement with the Past. All Politicians agree in this Machiavel says That the Occasion of every Man 's good or bad Fortune consists in his correspondence and accommodation with the Times Which is the Reason why a Prince's Fortune varies so strangely because she varies the Times and he does not alter the way of his Administration Chap. 9. l. 3. of his Discourse The Duke of Rohan says almost the same thing in his Epistle before his Interest des Princes Dedicated to Cardinal Richelieu That there is no immutable Rule in the Government of States Upon Revolutions in States a Change even in Fundamental Maxims is necessary to govern well Therefore those that in these Matters observe more Examples of what is past than present Reasons necessarily commit great Errors had been changed for others better and more agreeable That the City was not besieged as formerly nor the Provinces in Arms and some Regard should be had to the Satisfaction of the Women who are so far from being troublesome to the Allies they are not so to their Husbands They share with them in all Conditions and are no inconvenience in time of Peace 'T is true we should go to the Wars without Incumbrances but when we return what Comfort more Commendable than that a Man enjoys with his Wife 'T is said some Women have been Ambitioâ—s and Covetous What shall we say of the Magistrates themselves most of them have their Failings will you therefore send none to the Provinces But the Wives have corrupted their Husbands are therefore single Men uncorrupt c If Pilate had taken his Wife Claudia Procula's Counsel who sent a Message to him to the Iudgment-Hall to have
a Care how he condemn'd the Innocent His Wife sent unto him saying Have thou nothing to do with that Iust Man Matt. 27. He had never given up Iesus Christ to the Iews If there were many such Wives as this Procula it were to be wish'd all the Governors of Provinces would carry their Wives along with them The Oppian Laws were once in force the State of the Common-Wealth requiring them but after their Rigour was moderated because that was judged Expedient 2 When a Government is first fram'd 't is reasonable to make the most perfect Laws Humane Society is capable of but Prudence admits not the same is an ancient Monarchy where Imperfections are grown Customary and where some Disorders are made a Part of the State In which Case we must submit to such Infirmities and be content rather with a moderate Rule than to establish one more severe and less agreeable because the Severity of it may give Disturbance Sect. 1. Chap. 4. de la premiere Partie du Testa Polit. 'T is in vain to cover our own Miscarriages with other Names for if the Wife does amiss it is the Hâ—sband's d 'T is in vain says Ablaâ—court we cover our own Faults with other Names and that Womens Failings are often owing to their Husbands Fault 3 The foolish Vanity of Husbands that encourage their Wives in extravagance of Cloaths is the first Occasion of their Faults Those who maintain the same when they find their Allowances not sufficient are glad to make use of a Lover's Purse This is the Fact and you may see who is to blame Besides for the Failings of one or two it is not reasonable to deprive all Husbands these shares in their Prosperity and Adversity and to leave a Sex naturally weak expos'd to their own Wanton Desires and the Lusts of others 4 If Extravagance was laid aside it would not be difficult to remedy the Vices of Women For as they are more given to Vanity than Love and the greatest part love Men only as they supply their Vanity and Ambition if Extravagance which is the Incentive was once gone 't is certain their Disorders would cease too and Chastity and Modesty succeed them But the general Depravation of Manners gives us no room to hope for so great a good For if their Husbands presence is scarce sufficient to keep them Virtuous what shall become of them when an Absence of many Years separates like a Divorce We should take care of the Disorders abroad and not forget those may happen at home Drusus added something of his own Marriage and that Princes often visit the remotest Provinces That Augustus had several times carried Livia with him to the East and West 5 A Prince can offer nothing better to justifie himself than the Example of a Predecessor universally approved That he had been in Sâ—lavonia and was ready to go into other Countries if necessary but should do it with reluctancy if he was to be separated from his dear Wife 6 When Princes are young and undertake long Voyages they can have no better Company than their Wives who may prevent their falling into Debauches if they have Beauty and Complaisance For without those advantages 't is impossible they should have Power enough over their Husbands to restrain the Natural Inclination to Voluptuousness and Children So Caecina 's Advice took no Effect 7 A Prince need only give his Opinion for that is generally follow'd by those that sit in Council with him XXXVII At the next Meeting of the Senate Tiberius's Letters were read which gently reproved their casting all the Cares of the Government 8 Princes Hearts and Tongues seldom agree when you hear them speak you would think they were very Modest but when you see what they do 't is always the contrary Tiberius complain'd the Senate should leave it to him to name the Pro-consul of Africk and yet accepted what he seem'd to refuse He offer'd two to them to leave a Liberty of Choice but in effect they had no Choice since he propos'd Sejanus's Uncle for one whose Fortune they worshipp'd upon him nominated M. Lepidus and Iunius Blaesus one of them to be chosen Pro-consul of Africk Both were heard Lepidus earnestly excus'd himself 9 A good Courtier will avoid a Competition with the Relations of a Favourite or Chief Minister On such Occasions there is more Safety and more Honour to give way than to be a Competitor for want of Health his Childrens Age and a Daughter he had to marry considering too that Blaesus was Sejanus's Uncle and therefore sure to carry it 10 Whatever Merit a Pretender may have he ought never to flatter himself that he shall prevail against a Comperitor that hath the Prince's Favour or the first Minister's There is almost the same Difference betwixt Merit and Favour as the Divines make betwixt Sufficient and Effectual Grace The Duke d'Alva had Merit and the Prince d'Eboli Favour in the year 1558. both ask'd for the Dutchy of Bais in the Kingdom of Naples from whence the Duke drove out the French Army This Service was fresh and many former Services spoke for the Duke but the Competition of the Prince d'Eboli hindred Philip II. giving this Recompence to one to whom he and his Father had so much Obligation So true is the Maxim of Lewis XI That a Prince naturally loves those more that are obliged to him than those to whom he is obliged Commines Chap. dernier du Livre 3. de ses Memoires Yet it is an ill Omen for a Prince when he that is most considerable for his Merit is not also most considerable in Favour Merit ought to ballance and when Iustice is on one side Favour cannot prevail without Injustice Chap. 7. de la seconde Partie du Testament Politique Blaesus seem'd to refuse too but less earnestly and was heard favourably by the Flatterers XXXVIII Then many secret Complaints were made for every Villain that could lay hold on Caesâ—r's Image might freely reproach honest men 11 A Prince should never let any Man make use of his Name or Authority to do Injustice Lewis XI says Commines oppâ—ess'd his Subjects but would never suffer any Favourite or other Person to do it Sixtus Quintus sent Bellochio his Gentleman and old Servant to the Galleys for setting the Annulus Piscatoris to a Brief he would not grant It was a Brief that commanded one to sell Bellochio's House who had a Mind to build a stately Palace there Leti libro 3. della Seconda Parte della vita di Sisto and raise Envy against them Even Freed-Men and Slaves were feared insulting their Masters e Pliny the younger speaks of this Misfortuâ—e of Masters when he sayâ— to Trajan You have delivered us from Domestick 〈◊〉 and have 〈◊〉 last extinguished as I may call it Bâ—llum Sâ—â—vile Philostratus mentions a Master that was Condemned as Impious and Sacrilegious for
of Burgundy in Latin Augustâ—dâ—num and Hedâ—â— the Standard-Bearers striving who should make most haste the Common Soldiers said they would march Night and Day and if they could but see the Enemy would answer for Victory 5 When Soldiers have a great desire to fight a General should not let it cool for it is almost always a Presage of Victory Twelve miles from the City Sacrovir appear'd with his Troops in the open Field drawn up in a Line of Battle The Cuirassiers in the Front his own Troops in the Wings and those that were ill-arm'd in the Rear Among the Principal Officers Sacrovir was on Horse-back riding through their Ranks Magnifying the Exploits of the Gauls and how oft they had beat the Romans laying before them how honourable their Liberty would be if they were Conqueâ—ors and how insupportable their Slavery if Conquer'd 6 Those that fall into the hands of their Prince against whom they have rebell'd should expect to be treated with extreme Rigour Which makes Princes for ever lose those States they might recover if the Rebels despaired not of a sincere Pardon Which made the Hollanders persevere in their Resolution rather to drown themselves and their Country in the Sea than be Subject again to Philip II. concluding what his Resentment would be from the Cruelty of the Duke d'Alva his Minister XLVIII His Harangue was not long 7 Short Harangâ—es are best for Soldiers who can give no long attention nor weigh the Reasons are urg'd Nothing makes greater Impression upon them than this Imperatoria Brevitas whereby they retain all that is said to them Such was the Speech of Hen. IV. of France one day when he was going to give Battle I am King says he and yoâ— are Frenchmen and you cannot thâ—â— but Conquer nor pleasing for the Legions drew near in Battle Array and the Citizens and the Peasants unskill'd in War could neither see nor understand what they were to do On the contrary though Silius might have spared his pains through the Assurance he had of his Men yet told them That it was a shame for them who had conquer'd the Gâ—rmans to be brought against the French as if they were their Equals One band lately reduc'd the Rebels of Tours a few Troops of Horse those of Treves a small Number of theirs those of the Franche Comtâ— These of Autun are richer but weaker and more enervate with Pleasures Conquer them then and look after those that fly The Army answer'd with Acclamations and at the same time the Horse compass'd the Enemy and the Foot engag'd their Front The Wings made little Resistance except the Cuirassiers whose Armour was Proof against the Swords and Arrows which oblig'd our Soldiers to fall on with their Axes and Hatchets as if they were to make a Breach in a Wall Some knock'd them down with Poles and Forks and these Poor Men unable to help themselves 1 There arâ— no worse Arms than those a Man cannot stir in Saul having armed David with his Armour he put an Helmet of Brass on his Head put on his Coat of Mail and girded his Sword upon his Armour but when David had try'd these Arms that they were too heavy for him he said unto Saul He could not go with them and took only his staff in his hand and five smooth stones hâ— had chose out of the Broâ—k and put in his Scrip to conquer Goliah 1. Sam. 17. were left for Dead on the Ground Sacrovir retires first to Autun then for fear he should be deliver'd to the Romans goes with a few of his trustiest Friends to the next Village where he kill'd himself and the rest one another having first set fire to the Place that they might be burnt XLIX Then Tiberius writ the Senate an Account of the Beginning and Ending of the War neither adding nor lessening the Truth ascribing the good Success to the Courage and Fidelity of his Lieutenants and his Counsels And gave Reasons why neither He nor Drusus went to the War magnifying the Greatness of the Empire and that it was not fitting for Princes to leave Rome which governs the rest for the Rebellion of one or two Cities But now that the State had no longer cause to fear any thing he would go and settle that Province The Senate decreed Vows and Supplications for his Return with other Honours Cornelius Dolabella when he endeavour'd to exceed others fell into an absurd Flattery proposing Tiberius should return in Triumph from Campania Upon which he writ to them that after he had conquer'd warlike Nations and receiv'd or refus'd so many Triumphs in his Youth he wanted not Glory so much as to accept vain Honours 2 When Princes have acquir'd a solid Reputation they despise false Honours because their Glory needs it not and what their Flatterers give them serves only to blemish the Good Opinion of their true Merit Therefore Alexander threw into the River Hydaspes the History of the Victory he gain'd of Porus telling the Author when he read it to him it was very rash in him to insert false Exploits as if Alexander had not true ones sufficient to recommend him without Lying Prusias King of Bithynia was despis'd by the Senate of Rome for desiring an Harangue full of Flattery upon a Victory the Romans gain'd in Macedonia in his old Age for taking the Air near Rome L. About the same time he desir'd the Senate Sulpicius Quirinus 3 There is no Kindness more sincere than that Princes shew after the Death of those Ministers who have served them well The Portuguese accuse Philip II. of Ingratitude because he did not forbear according to the Custom of their Kings on the like Occasions appearing in Publick that Day the Duke d'Alva died that conquer'd the Kingdom of Portugal for him And Henry IV. was commended by all the Court of Rome and all the Princes of Italy for celebrating the Obsequies of Cardinal Toledo in the Church of Nostre Dâ—me in Paris and of Nostre Dame in Rouen he having chiefly promoted his Absolution And 't is a wonderful thing says the Wise Cardinal d'Ossat that out of Spain from whence came all the Opposition to so good a Work God should raise a Person of so great Authority to Procure Sollicite Direct Advance and Perfect what the Spaniards most deprecated Letters 24 and 80. might have publick Funerals He was not of the Noble and ancient Family of the Sulpicii but born at a Free City q In Latin 't is render'd Municipium called Indovina and having served Augustus well in the Wars r The Latin has it impiger militia acribus ministeriis was honoured with the Consulate and after with a Triumph for taking the Castles of the Homonadenses in Cilicia Then being Governor to C. Caesar in Armenia he made his Court to Tiberius at Rhodes 1 To be heartily loved by Princes we should court their Friendship in their
55 An. U.C. 806 the Daughter of Claudius and makes an Oration in behalf of the Trojans and the Inhabitants of Bolonia The Emperor Claudius is Poysoned by his Wife Anno Ch. 56 An. U.C. 807 The Thirteenth Book contains the Actions of four Years Consuls Nero Claudius and L. Antistius Vetus Q. Volusius and P. Cornelius Scipio Nero Claudius Augustus 2 o and L. Calpumius Piso Nero Claudius Augustus 3 io and Valerius Messala NEro begins his Reign well Anno Ch. 57 An. U.C. 808 He removes Pallas the Freed-man He procures his Brother Britannicus to be Poysoned Nero's Lewdness Anno Ch. 58 An. U.C. 809 Pomponia Graecina accused of Christianity or Anno Ch. 59 An. U.C. 810 of Iudaism Nero's Amphitheatre Provision is made for the Security of Masters against the Attempts of their Slaves Artaxata the capital City of Armenia is taken Anno Ch. 60 An. U.C. 811 by Domitius Corbulo The Cincian Law against mercenary Pleading or against those who plead Causes for Reward Sabina Poppaea Nero's Wife who had every thing but Vertue Nero hath Thoughts of remitting all Taxes A Design of joyning the Rivers Moselle and the Arar The Catti beaten by the Hermunduri The Fourteenth Book contains the Actions of four Years Consuls C. Vipsanius and L. Fonteius Capito Nero Cladius Augustus 4 o and Cossus Corn. Lentulus C. Caesenius Paetus and C. Petronius Turpilianus P. Marius Celsus and L. Asinius Gallus Anno Ch. 61 An. U.C. 812 NEro's Incest with his Mother Agrippina Agrippina's Death Nero a Fidler and a Poet. Domitius Afer the Orator dies Anno Ch. 62 An. U.C. 813 The Olympick Games instituted at Rome A Comet Domitius Corbulo the Roman General possesses himself of Armenia Laodicea not far from Colossis is ruined by an Earthquake Anno Ch. 63 An. U.C. 814 Seventy thousand Romans slain by the Britains London famous for its Merchants and Trade The Britains a while after are beaten by Suetonius Paulinus Anno Ch. 64 An. U.C. 815 Burrus Captain of Nero's Pretorian Bands and Seneca's great Friend dies Seneca is aspersed with Calumnies Musonius the Philosopher Persius the Poet dies Novemb. 14th Nero puts away Octavia and takes Poppaea again The Death of Pallas the Freed-man The Fifteenth Book contains the History of somewhat more than three Years Consuls C. Memmius Regulus and Verginius Rufus C. Lecanius Bassus and M. Licinius Crassus P. Silius Nerva and Atticus Vestinus A War with Vologeses the King of the Parthians Anno Ch. 65 An. U.C. 816 in which Domitius Corbulo is the Roman General Poppaea hath a Daughter Tiridates is constituted King of Armenia being placed before Nero's Statue The Conflagration of Rome continues six Days Anno Ch. 66 An. U.C. 817 The Christians are fasly charged with it Nero's new House A Conspiracy against Nero. Lucan the Poet dies with courage The Consul Lateranus is put to Death Seneca receives his Death with great Constancy April 30th The Sixteenth Book contains the Actions of one Year Consuls C. Suâ—tonius Paulinus and L. Pontius Telesmus POppaea big with Child dies of a Kick which she receives from her Husband Nero in his Rage A great Plague rages at Rome Anno Ch. 68 An. U.C. 819 Ostorius Scapula is destroyed by Calumny Nero puts to Death Bareas Soranus and Thraseas He sets the Diadem on the Head of Tiridates King of Armenia ********* The History of the remaining part of this Year and of the two following Years viz. 820 821 is wanting The First Book of the History contains the Actions of a few Months Consuls Ser. Sulpicius Galba and T. Vinius IUlius Vindex Governor of the Gauls and Galba revolt The Senate declare Nero a publick Enemy who at last kills himself Anno Ch. 71 An. U.C. 822 The Emperor Galba is sent for from Spain Galba Adopts Piso. Piso is Slain the fourth Day after his Adoption Galba resumes five hundred and fifty Tuns of Gold of what Nero had given away Otho Emperor Otho kills Galba Aulus Vitellius is chosen in Germany Vitellius marches towards Italy The Second Book The Occurrences are of the same Year but new Consuls A Counterfeit Nero in Asia Vitellius enters Italy He defeats Otho in a Battle The Death of Otho Vespasian is encouraged to take upon him the Empire The Third Book contains the History of the same Year LUcilius and Caecinna desert Vitellius Vitellius's Forces are defeated by Vespasian's Cremona destroyed Vitellius is taken and put to Death The Fourth Book Part of the Occurrences are of the same Year part in the Consulship of Consuls Vespasian Aug. 2 o and Ti. Flavius Vespasian THe Senate for Vespasian Helvidius Priscus Comotions in Germany Celer condemned Anno Ch. 72 An. U.C. 823 Vespasian cures a Blind and a Lame Man The Fifth Book contains the History of that same Year TItus Besieges Ierusalem A very false Account of the Iews and their Rites The Prodigies preceeding the Destruction of Ierusalem A War in Germany BOOKS Printed for and Sold by MATTHEW GILLYFLOWER at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-hall FOLIO'S CAbala or Mysteries of State and Government in Letters of illustrious Persons in the Reigâ—s of Henry the VIII Queen Elizabeth King Iames and King Charles The Third Edition with large Additions The Compleat Gard'ner or Directions for the right Ordering of Fruit-gardens and Kitchen-gardens with the Culture of Oranges and Melons Made English by Iohn Evelyn Esq The Compleat Horseman discovering the surest Marks of the Beauty Goodness Faults and Imperfections of Horses with the Signs and Causes of their Diseases the true Method both of their Preservation and Cure with the regular Use of Bleeding and Purging Also the Art of Shooing Breeding and Backing of Colts with a Supplement of Riding By the Sieur de Sollâ—ysell Querry to the French King Made English from the 8th Edition by Sir Iohn Hope Kt. Adorned with Sculptures Aesop's Fables English'd by Sir Roger L'Estrange Kt. The Works of the Famous English Poet Mr. E. Spenser Brownlow's Entries of such Declarations Informations Pleas in Barr c. and all other parts of Pleading now in use with Additions of Authentick Modern Presidents inserted under every Title The Commentaries of Iulius Caesar with judicious Observations By Clement Edmunds Esq To which is now added The Duke of Rohan's Remarks a Geographical Nomenclator with the Life of Caesar and an Account of his Medals OCTAVO'S The Essays of Michael Serginor de Montaign English'd by Charles Cotton Esq In Three Vol. Tables of Forbearance and Discompt of Mony By Roger Clavel Gent. Plutarch's Morals English'd by several Hands In Five Vol. Châ—â—â—on of Wisdom Made English by Dr. Stanhope In Two Vol. Puffendorf's Introduction to the History of Europe The Roman History from the Building of the City to the Removal of the Imperial Seat by Constantine the Great containing the space of three hundred fifty five Years For the Use of his Highness the Duke of Gloucester In Two Vol. The Third Edition By Laurence Etchard A. M. An Abridgement of Sir Walter Raleigh's History of
the World according to his own Method both as to the Chapters and Paragraphs in his larger Vol. with his Premonition to Princes The Life of Cardinal Richlieâ— In Two Vol. A new Voyage into Italy In Two Vol. By Maximilian Misson Adorn'd with Sculptures now Reprinting with large Additions A new Voyage into the Levant by the Sieur du Mont with Sculptures The Life of Monsieur Colbert The Compleat English Physitian or The Druggist's Shop opened Explicating all the Particulars of which Medicines are made with their Names Natures Preparations Vertues Uses and Doses and above 600 Chymical Processes By W. Salmon The Compleat Guide for Iustices of the Peace In two Parts The First Containing the Common and Statute-laws relating to that Office The Second Consisting of the most Authentick and useful Presidents By Iohn Bond of Gray's-Inn Esq The Second Edition enlarg'd and continu'd down to this time with a Table referring to all the Statutes relating to a Iustice of the Peace By E. Bohun Esq A View of all the Religions in the World from the Creation till these times To which is added The Lives Actions and Ends of Notorious Hereticks with their Effigies in Copper-plates The Sixth Edition By Alexander Ross. Emblems by Fr. Quarles The Elements of Euclid Explain'd in a New but most Easie Method with the Use of every Proposition through all Parts of the Mathematicks By Fr. de Chales Now made English and a Multitude of Errors Corrected The History of Scotland containing the Lives of Iames the I II III IV V with Memorials of State in the Reigns of Iames the VI. and Charles the I. By W. Drummond The Faithful Register or The Debates in four several Parliaments viz. That at Westminster Octob. 21. 1680 that at Oxford March 21. 1680 and the two last Sessions of King Iames. THE TRANSLATORS Vol. I. Book I. of the Annals Book II. Book III. VOL. II. Book IV. V. VI. Book XI Book XII XIII XIV Book XV. XVI VOL. III. The End of Nero and Beginning of Galba Book I. of the History Book II. Book III. Book IV. Book V. Notes on the 5th Book and Chronological Table The Life of Agricola An Account of the Ancient Germans By Pag. Mr. Dryden 1 Mr. William Higden A. M. 161 William Bromley Esq 289 Dr. Fearn 1 William Hart Esq 223 Sir F. M. 249 Mr. G. C. 377 Sir Henry Savilâ— I Sir H. S. 27 Dr. ... 97 Sir Roger L'Estrange 201 Mr. I. S. 297 Mr. Dennis 353 Mr. William Higden A. M. 37â— Iohn Potenger Esq Mr. R. THE ANNALS OF Cornelius Tacitus Book I. Vol. I. By Mr. DRYDEN ROME was govern'd at the first by a viz. Romulus its Founder who according to Tacitus rul'â—â— with Absolute Power Romulus ut libitum imperitaverat Ann. 3. Numa who Establish'd a Form of Divine Worship with High-Priests South-Sayers and Priests to perform the Ceremonies of the Sacrifices Numa religioâ—ibus divinâ— jure populum dâ—vinxit Ibid. Tullus Hostilius who taught the Romans the Art of making War and for this purpose Instituted Military Discipline Ancus Martius who adorn'd the City and Peopled it with the Sabines and the Latins whom he had Conquer'd and Built the City of 〈◊〉 to be a Port for the Romans Tarquin I. who built the Cirque and distinguished the Senators and the Knigâ—ts by exterior marks of Honour such as the Ivory Chair call'd in Latin Cella Curulis the Gold Ring the Purple Robe call'd Trabea the Pretexta or the Robe edg'd with Scarlet Servius Tullius who according to Tacitus was the Chief Law-giver of the Romans Praecipuus Servius Tullius sanctor legum fuit Ann. 3. took into the City the Quirinal the Esquiline and the Viminal Hills and caus'd his Laws to be engraven on Tables of Stone and Tarquin Sirnam'd the Proud who having ascended the Throne by Incest and by the Murder of Servius Tullius whose two Daughters he had Married and endeavouring to maintain himself in it by Violence and Terror was with his whole Family expell'd Rome Kings b Tacitus always opposes Liberty to Regal Power Res dissociabiles principatum libertatem In Agricola Haud facile libertas domini miscentur Hist. 4 a Master and Liberty are incompatible Tarquinius Prisâ—us says he Lib. 3. of his Hist. had laid the Foundation of the Capitol and afterwards Servius Tullius and Tarquin the Proud built it one with the Giâ—â—s of the Allies and the other with the Spoils of the Enemies but the Glory of finishing this great Work was reserved for Liberty As for Iuâ—â—us Brutus he was not only Author of the Consulship but also the first who Exercis'd it and with so great Zeal for his Country that not being content with having banished Collatine his Collegue only because he was of the Royal Family of the Tarquins he caus'd his own Sons to be beheaded who endeavoured to restore them to the Throne The two Magistrates on whom was transferr'd the Authority which the Kings had were call'd Consuls to signifie that they ought to assist the new Common-Wealth with their Counsels and not to Govern it according to their humour as the Kings had done Liberty 1 When once the Regal Power begins to degenerate into Tyranny the People aspire to Liberty and when once a Brutus appears that is a Head who is capable to give it they seldom fail to shake off the Yoke not only of the King who Tyrannizes but also of the Regal Power for fear there come another King who might Tyrannize also Occultior non Melior and the Consulship were introduc'd by Lucius Brutus the c The Dictator was a Sovereign Magistrate but whose Power lasted no longer than the Danger lasted which threatned the Common-Wealth so that he was no more than the Trustee of the Sovereign Authority The first whom the Romans created was in the War against the Latins who had given the Tarquins Protection his Name was Titus Lartius or Lâ—rgius He was call'd Dictator ab edicendo or ab edictando i. e. because he had authority to make Edâ—â—ts or because he was not chosen by the Suffrages of the People nor by the Scrutiny of the Senate as other Magistrates were but only Dictus named by the Consul and afterwards proclaimed by the People He was therefore named by the Consul saith Machiavel 〈◊〉 34. Lib. â— of his Discourses because as the Creation of a Dictator was a sort of a Dishonour to the Consul who from being chief Governor of the City became thereby subject as the rest to a Superior Power the â—â—â—ans would have him chosen by the Consuls themselves to the end that 〈…〉 as the City should stand in need of one they might be the more 〈◊〉 to chuse him and to have the less reluctance to obey him the Wounds which we voluntarily give our selves being far less sensible than those which others give us He had power to depose the Consuls witness Cincinnatus who deposed the Consul Minutius he suspended the Functions
well my great Folly but I did not perceive it till I was near the Bulwark Memoirs l. 1. c. 13. Meaning Parcâ—ment who amidst all his Iollity suspected nothing but as soon as he perceiv'd the Treachery he in vain conjur'd him by the Sacredness of his Character as a King 3 Consanguinity Honour and all the Essential Duties of Civil Society are feeble Ties for Princes for they have commonly no other Rule of their Conduct but their Interest and the present Possession of all that is agreeable to them They pretend that there are Privileges which belong only to them and that what is call'd Breach of Faith in Private Men and Subjects ought to be call'd Policy and Reason of State in Transactions between Princes Princes saith Mariana have a Custom to love their Profit better than their Word and their Duty they steer their Course that way where they see the greatest Hopes without being concern'd what Iudgment posterity will pass upon them His Hist l. 15. c. 18. In short we may say of all Princes what was said in Portugal of King Cardinal Henry That as scrupulous as he was he had two Consciences one for what he would have and another for what 〈◊〉 would not Cabrera's Hist. l. 12. c. 12. The same Historian observes as an extraordinary Thing and which many Princes would have stuck at That Philip going into Flanders entrusted the Person of Don Carlos the Sole Heir of the Spanish Monarchy with the Infanta Maria his Sister and with Maximilian King of Bohemia whom she had married Lib. 1. Cap. 2. by the Common Gods of their Family and by the Rights of Hospitality to desist Having thus made himself Master of all Thrace he wrote to Tiberius that he had only prevented the Treachery of Cotys who was plotting his ruine and at the same time strengthen'd himself with New Levies both Horse and Foot under pretence of making War on the Scythians and Bastarnians LXVII Tiberius answer'd him with a great deal of Temper That if he had used no Fraud he might safely rely on his own Innocence but that neither himself nor the Senate could distinguish Iustice from Wrong before they had heard the Cause and that therefore he should deliver up Cotys and by proving the Injustice with which he charg'd him vindicate himself Latinius Pandus Propraetor of Maesia sent these Letters into Thrace by the Soldiers who were to receive Cotys But Rhescuporis fluctuating betwixt Fear and Anger and chusing rather to be guilty of an accomplish'd Villany than of an Imperfect one 1 Great Crimes saith Tacitus are begun with Danger but when they are once begun there is no other remedy but to compleat them Ann. 11. and 12. For saith Machiavel a Man never escapes out of one Danger but by another Danger History of Florence Lib. 3. orders Cotys to be murther'd g Alphonso XI King of Castile dealt with Iohn Lord of Biscay after the same manner as Rhescuporis did with Cotys He invited Iohn to an Enterview in the City of Toro with a Promise to give him in marriage his Sister the Infanta Elconor and to take all suspicion from him he removed from his Court Garci Lasso de la Vega his Chief Minister who as Iohn said was his Mortal Enemy When Iohn was at Toro he invited him to come and Dine with him on All Saints Day Iohn went thither without Arms and without Fear by reason of the Festival and was slain in the midst of the Rejoycings of the â—east and gave out that he had kill'd himself Notwithstanding this Tiberius alter'd not his measures but acted the same Part towards him insomuch that after the Decease of Pandus of whom Rhescuporis complain'd that he was his Enemy 2 It is the common Pretence of Great Men who will not come to Court when they are call'd thither by the Prince to impute their Disobedience to the Fear they have of being oppress'd by his Ministers or by his Favourites Thus the Constable St. Pol excus'd himself to Lewis XI for appearing before him in Arms and with the Precaution of a Rail betwixt them saying That he had not done it but to deâ—end himself against the Count de Damartin his Mortal Enemy Commines he made Pomponius Flaccus h With what Prudence saith Paterculus did Tiberius draw Rhâ—scuporis to Rome who had murther'd Cotis his Nephew and Copartner in the Throne In this Affair he made use of the conduct of Pomponius Flaccus a Conâ—ular Person who was sitted to execute with success whatsoever was desir'd of him that might be done with Honour and who by an unaffected Virtue merited Glory rather than sought for it Lib. 2. Par. 129. Governor of Maesia who was a well-experienc'd Soldier and an intimate Friend of the Kings and therefore the fittest Person to circumvent him 3 There is no Friendship which is proof against the Fear of losing the Prince's Favour or the Hopes of gaining it The Order to apprehend the Mareschal de Marillac was carried by one of his near Relations who besides was God-son to his Brother the Keeper of the Seals The Case of Lobkovits Chief Minister to the Emperor was singular who having no tie of Kindred or Friendship with Prince William of Furstemberg now Cardinal gave notice to the Pope's Nuntio of the secret Sentence of Death given against him and which was to have been Executed inter privatos parietes to the end that he might demand him in the Name of the Pope as being under his Iurisdiction as a Bishop Which indeed sav'd this Prelate's Life but was the occasion that Lobkovits was accus'd of holding Intelligence with France and that he was taken off by Poison Memoirs de Chev. de R. LXVIII Flaccus arriving in Thrace prevail'd with him by great Promises to enter our Frontiers notwithstanding his Guilt made him suspicious 1 Suspicion and Distrust are learn'd in the School of Wickedness And according to Tacitus it is very difficult to surprize People who have been a long time wicked Ministris tentare arduum videbatur mulieris usu scelerum adversus insidias intentae Ann. 14. and sometimes to hesitate A strong Guard pretended for his Honour 2 A Prince who has taken refuge in the Dominion of another ought to look upon all those who are appointed to wait upon him when he goes abroad as so many Spies The more Honour this Train doth him in appearance the less Liberty he hath and this is what Henry Prince of Conde one day complain'd of to the Count de Fuentes Governor of Milan who had him guarded with wonderful care under pretence that Kings having long hands it would be easie for Henry IV. whose Indignation he had incurr'd to have him carried away from Milan it self iâ— the Count did not watch for the safety of his Person It is well known how much the Spaniards were troubled at the Manner of M. the Duke of Orleans's retiring from Brussels although the
Marquis d'Aytone said That the only disâ—atisfaction he had about it was that his Higness had depriv'd him of the Means of rendring him the Honour that was due to a Prince of his Rank which would have been more for the Dignity of his Person and the Satisfaction of his Catholick Majesty Memoirs of Montresor was sent to attend him and the Tribunes and Captains by intreaty drill'd him on and the farther he went the Closer they guarded him so that he perceiv'd at last there was no remedy but that he must go to Rome where he was accus'd by Cotys's Wife before the Senate and condemn'd never to return to his Kingdom Thrace is â—new divided betwixt his Son Rhoemetalces who was known to have been an Enemy to the Violences of his Father and the Children of Cotys But these being Minors the Administration of their State until they should come of Age was committed to Trebellianus Rufus who had been Praetor after the Example of our Ancestors who sent M. Lepidus into Aegypt to be Guardian to the Children of Ptolomy i Ptolomy Philopator Father to Ptolomy Epiphanes who succeeded him at the Age of five years The Romans sent Lepidus into Aegypt to oppose the Ambitious Designs of Antiochus Sirnam'd the Great King of Syria and of Philip * This was Philip Father to Perseus the last King of Macedonia King of Macedonia who design'd to have shar'd betwixt them this Young Prince's Kingdom Rhescuporis was carried to Alexandria where he was put to death for attempting to make his Escape though possibly this Crime was forg'd against him LXIX At the same time Vonones who being as I have said confin'd in Cilicia having corrupted his Guards under colour of going a Hunting 1 Besides that Hunting is good for Princes for the Health of their Bodies and being an Image of War it teaches them that Art by way of Diversion it is also of advantage to them to be Hunters because of the favourable Opportunities that this Exercise gives them when they are in the hands of their Enemies endeavour'd to make his Escape into Armenia and thence to the Albanians and the Heniochians and from thence to the King of the Scythians who was his Kinsman Leaving therefore the Sea-coasts he takes the By-ways of the Forests and with all the speed that his Horse could make posts towards the River Pyramus But the Country People having had notice of the King's Escape broke down the Bridges and the River being not Fordable he was taken and bound on the Banks of the River by Vibius Fronto General of the Horse and an Evocate k Evocati were Veteranes who were listed anew but without being obliged to the Military Offices so call'd quia militia deâ—uncti rursus aâ— ipsam revocâ—bantur named Remius who before had the Guard of him run him through the Body with his Sword as if it had been in revenge of his â—light which made it more credible that he was privy to his Escape and that he kill'd him to prevent his Discovery of it LXX Germanicus at his return from Aegypt found all the Orders which he had Establish'd amongst the Legions or in the Cities laid aside or revers'd 1 Nâ—w Ministers saith Anthony Perez are wont to do as New Engineers who to change the Design of those who went before them demolish the Works which they had begun and consume the Prince's Money in unnecessary Expences In the Aphorisms of his Relations which drew from him some hard words against Piso who was designing ill things against him At last Piso was preparing to quit Syria but the Sickness of Germanicus staid him and when he heard of his recovery and that Publick Thanks were return'd to the Gods for it he sent his Guards to disperse the People of Antioch who were solemnizing the Thanksgiving to force away the very Victims from before the Altars and to put an End to the Ceremonies After which he went to Seleucia l The Capital City of Mesâ—potamia seated on the Tygris to expect the Issue of the Relapse which Germanicus fell into whose suspicion that he was poyson'd by Piso much increas'd his Distemper 2 Commines had good reason to â—ay That Suspicions are the greatest Diseases of Princes and which much shortens their Lives Cardinal de Richeliâ—u paints Priâ—ces to the Life when he says that they believe their Suspicions as Oracles and do as Magiciaâ—s who make themselves drâ—nk in their false Science for an Event the knowledge whereof they owe to Chance In an Apology for his Conduct towards Queen Mary de Medicis There were found in the Floor and the Walls the Remains of Humane Carcasses dug-up Charms and Sorceries and Germanicus's Name engrav'd on Plates of Lead Bones half burnt and beâ—mear'd with Gore and other Witchcraâ—ts 3 There are many People who that they may pass for Men of great Sense believe nothing of all that which Historians and other Authors speak of Magicians and Sorcerers â—ut the Holy Scriptures and the Authority of the Church which Excommunicates and Anathematises them every Sunday in Parish-Churches will not suffer us to doubt of the Truth thereof And consequently Princes and Magistrates can never proceed with too much rigour against these publick Pests It is observ'd in the Iournal of the Reign of Henry III. that in the Reign of Charles IX impunity had multiply'd this Vermine to the Number of thirty thousand Persons However we must not believe that Sorcerers have all that Power to Hurt and Kill which some ascribe to them Henry III. lived still notwithstanding all the Wax-Images which they pricked in the Place of the Heart during the Masses of 40 hours which those of the League caus'd to be said in the Parish Churches of Paris The some Iournal 1589. by which Souls as it is believed are devoted to the Infernal Gods Some were also accus'd to have been sent by Piso to observe the Progress of his Distemper 4 The Curiosity of knowing the Progress of the Diseases of Princes is almost always fatal to those who inquire after it As nothing afflicts Princes more than the approaches of Death so nothing gives them greater Indignation against Great Men than a certain Imprudent Hastiness that discovers that they expect a New Reign M. the Duke de la Rochefocault makes a Reflection which agrees well with this Subject If saith he the Parties which the principal Persons of the Realm made some for the Queen and others for Monsieur did not discover themselves more it was because the King's recovery which seem'd to be in a fair Way made them fear lest he should be inform'd of their Practices and should look upon it as a Crime in them to be so careful before-hand to Establish their fortunes after his Death LXXI As these things came to the Ears of Germanicus they added both to his Fears and his Anger If my Chamber said he is beset If I must expire before my Enemy's