Monroe an old experienced Commander with his three thousand old and experienced Scots train'd up for five or six years then last past in the Wars of Ireland By whose assistance it is possible enough that he might not have lost his first Battle not long after his Head which was took from him on the same day with the Earl of Hollands But God owed him and that Nation both shame and punishment for all their â—reacheries and Rebellions against their King and now he doth begin to pay them continuing payment after payment till they had lost the Command of their own Countrey and being reduced unto the form of a Province under the Commonwealth of England live in as great a Vassalage under their new Masters as a conquered Nation could expect or be subject to Fol. 1078. This while the Prince was put aboard the revolted Ships c. and with him his Brother the Duke of York c. the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen the Lord Cuâ—pepper c. In the recital of which names we finde two Earls that is to say the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen which are not to be found in any Records amongst our Heralds in either Kingdom Had he said General Ruthen Earl of Brentford he had hit it right And that both he and his Reader also may the better understand the Risings and Honors of this Man I shall sum them thus Having served some time in the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden he was Knighted by him in his Camp before Darsaw a Town of Pomerella commonly counted part of Prussia and belonging to the King of Poland Anno 1627. at what time the said King received the Order of the Garter with which he was invested by Mr. Peter Yong one of his Majesties Gentlemen Huishers and Mr. Henry St. George one of the Heralds at Arms whom he also Kinghted In the long course of the German Wars this Colonel Sir Patrick Ruthen obtain'd such a Command as gave him the title of a General and by that title he attended in a gallant Equipage on the Earl of Morton then riding in great pomp towards Windsor to be installed Knight of the Garter At the first breaking out of the Scots Rebellion he was made a Baron of that Kingdom and Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh which he defended very bravely till the Springs which fed his Well were broken and diverted by continual Batteries Not long ater he was made Earl of Forth and on the death of the Earl of Lindsey was made Lord General of his Majesties Army and finally created Earl of Brentford by Letters Patents dated the 27 of May Anno 1644. with reference to the good Service which he had done in that Town for the fiâ—st hanselling of his Office So then we have an Earl of Brentford but no Earl of Ruthen either as joyn'd in the same Person or distinct in two Not much unlike is that which follows Ibid. His Commissions to his Commanders were thus stiled Charls Prince of great Britain Duke of Cornwal and Albany Here have we two distinct Titles conferred upon one Person in which I do very much suspect our Authors Intelligence For though the Prince might Legally stile himself Duke of Cornwal yet I cannot easily believe that he took upon himself the Title of Duke of Albany He was Duke of Cornwal from his Birth as all the eldest Sons of the Kings of England have also been since the Reign of King Edward the third who on the death of his Uncle Iohn of Eltham E. of Cornwal invested his eldest Son Edw. the Black Prince into the Dukedom of Cornwal by a Coronet on his head a ring on his finger and a silver Verge in his hand Since which time as our learned Camden hath observed the King of Englands eldest Son is reputed Duke of Cornwal by Birth and by vertue of a special Act the first day of his Nativity is presumed and taken to be of full and perfect age so that on that day he may sue for his Livery of the said Dukedom and ought by right to obtain the same as well as if he had been one and twenty years old And he hath his Royalties in certain Actions and Stannery Matters in Wracks at Sea Customs c. yea and Divers Officers or Ministers assigned unto him for these or such like matters And as for the Title of Duke of albany King Charls as the second Son of Scotland receiv'd it from King Iames his Father and therefore was not like to give it from his second Son the eldest Son of Scotland being Duke of Rothsay from his Birth but none of them Dukes of Albany for ought ever I could understand either by Birth or by Creation Fol. 1094. And so the dignity of Arch-Bishops to fall Episcopal Iurisdiction also Our Author concludes this from the general words of the Kings Answer related to in the words foregoing viz. That whatsoever in Episcopacy did appear not to have clearly proceeded from Divine Institution he gives way to be totally abolished But granting that the Dignity of Arch-Bishops was to fall by this Concession yet the same cannot be affirmed of the Episcopal Iurisdiction which hath as good Authority in the holy Scripture as the calling it self For it appears by holy Scripture that unto Timothy the first Bishop of Ephâ—sus St. Paul committed the power of Ordination where he requires him to lay hands hastily on no man 1 Tim. 5 22 And unto Titus the first Bishop of Crete the like Authority for ordaining Presbyters or Elders as our English reads it in every City Tit. 1. v. 5. Next he commands them to take care for the ordering of Gods publick Service viz. That Supplications Prayers Intercessions and giving of Thanks be made for all men 1 Tim. 2. 1. which words relate not to the private Devotions of particular persons but to the Divine Service of the Church as it is affirmed not onely by St Chrysostom Theophylact and Oâ—cumenius amongst the Ancients and by Estius for the Church of Rome but also by Calvin for the Protestant or Reformed Churches Next he requires them to take care that such as painfully labor in the Word and Doctrine receive the honor or recompence which is due unto them 1 Tim. 5. 17. as also to censure and put to silence all such Presbyters as preached any strange Doctrine contrary unto that which they had received from the Apostles 1 Tim 1. 3. And if that failed of the effect and that from Preaching Heterodoxies or strange Doctrines they went on to Heresies then to proceed to Admonition and from thence if no amendment followed to a rejection from his place and deprivation from his Function 1 Tit. 3. 10. as both the Fathers and late Writers understand the Text. Finally for correction in point of Manners as well in the Presbyter as the people St. Paul commits it wholly to the care of his Bishop where he adviseth Timothy not to receive an Accusâ—ation against
have produc'd those arguments by which some shameless persons endeavoured to maintain both the conveniency and necessity of such common Brothel houses Had Bishop Iewel been alive and seen but half so much from Dr. Harding pleâ—ding in behalf of the common women permitted by the Pope in Rome he would have thought that to cal to him an Advocate for the Stews had not beeen enough But that Doctor was nor half so wise as our Author is and doth not fit each Argument with a several Antidâ—te as our Author doth hoping thereby by but vainly hoping that the arguments alleadged will be wash'd away Some of our late Criticks had a like Design in marking all the wanton and obscene Epigrams in Martial with a Hand or Asterism to the intent that young Scholars when they read that Author might be fore-warn'd to pass them over Whereas on the contrary it was found that too many young fellows or wanton wits as our Author calls them did ordinarily skip over the rest and pitch on those which were so mark't and set out unto them And much I fear that it will so fall out with our Author also whose Arguments will be studied and made use of when his Answers will not Fol. 253. Otherwise some suspect had he survived King Edward the sixth we might presently have heard of a King Henry the ninth Our Author speaks this of Henry Fitz Roy the Kings natural Son by Elizabeth Blunt and the great disturbance he might have wrought to the Kings two Daughters in their Succession to the Crown A Prince indeed whom his Father very highly cherished creating him Duke of Somerset and Richmond Earl of Nottingham and Earl Marshal of England and raising him to no small hopes of the Crown it self as appears plainly by the Statute 22 H. 8. c. 7. But whereas our Author speaks it on a supposition of his surviving King Edward the sixth he should have done well in the first place to have inform'd himself whether this Henry and Prince Edward were at any time alive together And if my Books speak true they were not Henry of Somerset and Richmond dying the 22. of Iuly Anno 1536. Prince Edward not being born till the 12. of October An. 1537. So that if our Author had been but as good at Law or Grammar as he is at Heraldry he would not have spoke of a Survivor-ship in such a case when the one person had been long dead before the other was born These incoherent Animadversions being thus passed over we now proceed to the Examination of our Authors Principles for weakning the Authority of the Church and subjecting it in all proceedings to the power of Parliaments Concerning which he had before given us two Rules Preparatory to the great business which we have in hand First that the proceedings of the Canon Law were subject in whatsoever touched temporals to secular Laws and National Customs And the Laitie at pleasure limited Canons in this behalf Lib. 3. n. 61. And secondly that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in cases of Heresie Lib. 4. n. 88. And if the Ecclesiastical power was thus curbed and feâ—â—ered when it was at the highest there is no question to be made but that it was much more obnoxious to the secular Courts when it began to sink in reputation and decline in strength How true and justifiable or rather how unjustifiable and false these two principles are we have shewn already and must now look into the rest which our Author in pursuance of the main Design hath presented to us But first we must take notice of another passage concerning the calling of Convocations or Synodical meetings formerly called by the two Archbishops in their several Provinces by their own sole and proper power as our Author grants fol. 190. to which he adds Fol. 190. But after the Statute of Praemunire was made which did much restrain the Papal power and subject it to the Laws of the Land when Archbishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command but at the pleasure of the King In which I must confess my self to be much unsatisfied though I finde the same position in some other Authors My reasons two 1. Because there is nothing in the Statute of Praemunire to restrain the Archbishops from calling these meetings as before that Act extending only to such as purchase or pursue or cause to be purchased or pursued in the Court of Rome or elsewhere any such translatations Processes Sentences of Excommunication Bulls Instruments or any other things whatsoever which touch the King against him his Crown and his Regality or his Realm or to such as bring within the Realm or them receive or make thereof notification or any other Execution whatsoever within the same Realm or without c. And 2. because I finde in the Statute of the submission of the Clergy that it was recognized and acknowledged by the Clergie in their Convocation that the Convocation of the said Clergie is always hath been and ought to be assembled always by the Kings Writ And if they had been always call'd by the Kings Writ then certainly before the Statute of Praemunire for that the whole Clergy in their Convocation should publickly declare and avow a notorious falsehood especially in a matter of fact is not a thing to be imagined I must confess my self to be at a loss in this intricate Labyrinth unless perhaps there were some critical difference in those elder times between a Synod and a Convocation the first being call'd by the Archbishops in their several and respective Provinces as the necessities of the Church the other only by the King as his occasions and affairs did require the same But whether this were so or not is not much material as the case now stands the Clergie not assembling since the 25 of King Henry the eighth but as they are convocated and convened by the Kings wâ—it only I only adde that the time and year of this submission is mistook by our Author who plâ—ceth it in 1533. whereas indeed the Clergy made this acknowledgement and submission in their Convocation Anno 1532. though it pass'd not into an Act or Statute till the year next following Well then suppose the Clergy call'd by the Kings Authority and all their Acts and Constitutions ratiâ—ied by the Râ—yal assent are they of force to binde the Subject to submit and conform unto them Not if our Author may be judge for he tels us plainly Fol. 191. That even such Convocations with the Royal assent subject not any for recusancy to obey their Canons to a civil penalty in person or property untill confirmed by 〈◊〉 of Parliament I marvel where our Author took up this opinion which he neither finds in the Registers of Convocation or Records of Parliament Himself hath told us fol. 190. that such Canons and Constitutions as were concluded on in Synods or Convocations before the
issued out of the Chancery which they still kept open But when it came to be debated in the House of Commons it was alledged by some sober men that the counterfeiting of the Great Seal was made High Treason by the Statute of the 25. of King Edward the third To which it was very learnedly replied by Sergeant Wilde that they intended not to counterfâ—t the Old Great Seal but to make a new one On which ridiculous Resolution of this Learned Sergeant whose great Ruff had as much Law in it as his little head the designe went forward but not with any such alteration in the Impresse as our Authour speaks of The Impresse of this New Seal was the same with that in the old the Feathers or Princes Arms being only added in a void place of it to Shew the difference between them that so their Followers might distiâ—guish beâ—ween such Commands as came from his Majesty and such as came immediatly from themselves in his Majesties Name But whereas our Authour speaks in some words fore-going of a Legislative Power which he conceives to be in the Parliament he shews himself therein to be no better a Lawyer then M. Serâ—cant The Legislative power was only in the King himself though legally he was restrained in the exercise of it to the consent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament Fol. 623. lin l◠〈…〉 the one a Cripple the other somewhat like a Lunatick Our Authour speaks this of the Children of M. Iohn Hambden one of the five Members so much talked of the principal Member of the five as our Authour cals him but on what ground he speaks it as I do not know â—o neither is it worth enquiry And though I might leave the Children of M. Hambden under this reproach as an undoubted signe of Gods judgements on him for being a principall Incendiary in that fire which for a long time consumed the Kingdom yet so far do I preferre truth before private interesse that I shall do him that right in his postâ—â—ity which our Authour either out of ignorance easinesse of belief or malice hath been pleased to deny him And therefore the Reader is to know that the surviving children of that Gentleman are not only of an erect and comely stature but that they have in them all the abilities of wit and judgement wherewith their Father was endued though governed with a more moderate spirit and not so troublesomely active in affairs of state Fol. 626. The five and twentieth of August the Earls of Bedford and Holland went from London towards Oxford c. That the said two Eaâ—ls came to Oxford to tender their sâ—bmission to the King is a Truth undoubted sooner then our Authour speaks of but that they were received with favour and forgivenesse may be very well questioned not as in reference to forgivenesse which considering the Kings good nature may be â—asily granted but in relation unto Favour A point wherein our Authour hath confuted himself telling us fol. 639. of the Earl of Holland that he had but slender Reception though he put himself in a posture of Arms with the King in the Field And 〈◊〉 this slender Reception he complain'd in a Letter to the Loâ—d Iermâ—n after his departure wherein he did relate that the King did not shew so much countenance to him as he had seen hâ—m do at the same time to some Câ—mmon Souldiers who had fled from the Enemy to come to him There came to Oxford also at or about the same time the Earl of Clare and found the like cold entertainment It was conceived and by some reported that if the King had shewed good countenance to these three Lords most of the rest would have left the Parliament and repaired unto him But the King considered well enough that not so much the sense of their duty as his successes in the West had brought them thither and that if five or six only of the Lords should be left in Westminster those five or six only would be thought sufficient to constitute a House of Peers as many times there were no more present foâ— the passing of any Ordinance which the Commons should be pleased to commend unto them Fol. 630. And now was the King drawn down before the Town attended by Prince Charles and the Duke of York Prince Rupert and Generall Ruthen c. For the Kings sitting down before Glocester and laying a formal Siege unto it there was given this reason viz. that by the taking of this Town all Wales would be preserved in the Kings Obedience entirely united unto Eâ—gland and free passage given on all occasions and distresses to assist each other And so far the design was not to be discommended But on the contrary it was said that the Kings unhappy sitting down before that Town lost him the opportunity of marching directly towards London and â—â—attering the Faction in the Parliament both which by reason of the affrightments which fell upon them by the taking of Bristol and othâ—r places in the West were ready to give up themselves even to desperation And so much was affirmed by the Earl of Holland when he was at Oxford assuring Sir Iohn Heydon Lieutenant of the Ordinance from whose mouth I have it that the prevailing Members of both Houses were upon the point of trussing up of Bagge and Baggage but that they hoped as some of them told him that N. N. one of great nearnesse to the King an especiall confident of theirs would prevail with him at the last to lay siege to Glocester and not to leave that Town at his back to infest the Countrey Fol. 633. Two Spies sent out long since returned from Warwick giving them News of the March of the Earl of Essex but was not assured he lodging then â—nder a Cloud of disgrace being beaten out of the West But certainly the Earl of Essex could not be under a cloud at that time for being beaten out of the West his preparing to raise the Siege of Glocester happening in the end of August Anno 1643. and his being beaten in the West not happening till the beginning of September Anno 1644. But we must think the Houses were indued with the spirit of prophecy and frowned upon the man before-hand for that which was to happen to him a Twelve moneth after Nor was it any fault of his that Bristol Exceter and so many places of importance had been lost in the West he having no Forces able to act any thing against the King till the Pulpit-men in London preacht him up an Aâ—my for the Relief of Glocester An Army which came time enough to do the work the siege being very slackly followed and having done the work were as desirous to return back to their own Houses But see what hapned by the way Fol. 636. From Cirencester he marches to Chilleton the Cavaliers facing them on Mavarn Hills If so then First The Earl of Essex must be the Ianus of this Age
severally chalenged that Trial against the French King and by Charles of Arragon and Peter de Taâ—â—acone for the 〈◊〉 of Sicilie Either the Author or the Printer is much mistaken here The title to the Realm of Sicilie was once indeed intended to be tried by Combat not between Charles of Arragon and Peter of Tarracone as is here affirmed but between Peter King of Arragon and Charles Earl of Anâ—ou pretending severally to that Kingdom 10. Such another mistake we have Fol. 55. Where it is said that there were some preparations in King James his time intended betwen two Scotch mâ—n the Lord Ree and David Ramsey Whereas indeed those preparations were not made in King Iames but King 〈◊〉 his time Robert Lord Willoughby Earl of 〈◊〉 and Lord great Chamberlain of England being made Lord Constable pro tempore to deside that Controversie Fol. 83. Katherine de Medices Pope Clements Brothers Daughter and Mother of King Charles c. 11 Katheriâ—e de medices was indeed wife to Henry the second and mother to Charles the ninth Frâ—nch Kings but by no means a â—â—â—thers daughter to Pope Clement the seventh For first Pope Clement being the natural son of 〈…〉 who was killed young and unmarried had nâ— brother at all And secondly Katherine de Medeces was Daughter of 〈◊〉 Duke of Vrbin son of Peter de Medeâ—es and Grâ—ndson of Laurence de Medicâ—s the brother of 〈◊〉 before mentioned By which account the father of that Pope and the great Grandfather of that Queen were Brothers and so that Queeu not Broâ—hers Daughter to the Pope Of nearer kiâ— she was to Pope Leo the tenth though not his Brothers Daughter neither Pâ—pe Leo being Brother to Peter de Medices this great Ladies Grand-father Fol. 84. This yâ—â—r took away James Hamilton Earl of Arran and Duke of Castle-herauld at Poictures a Province in France The name of the Province is Poictou of which Poictires is the pâ—â—â—cipal City accounted the third City next to Paris and 〈◊〉 â—ll that Kingdom And such anothâ—r slight mistake we have fol. 96. where we finde mention of the absâ—nce of the Duke of Arran Whereas indeed the chief of the Hamiltons was but Earl of Arrar as he after calls him the Title of Duke being first confâ—â—'d by King Charls upon Iames Marquess of Hâ—milâ—on created Duke Hâ—milâ—on of Arran Anno 1643. The like mâ—â—nomers we have after fol. 139. Where we finde mention of the History of Q. Elizabeth writ by 〈◊〉 whereas 〈◊〉 writ no further then King Henry 8. the rest which follows being clapt to by the publisher of it and possibly may be no other then Camdeâ—s Annals of that Queen in the English Tongue The like I frequently observe in the name of Metallan Metellanus he is called by their Latine Writers whom afterward he rightly calleth by the name of 〈◊〉 fol. 149. Fol. 156. The Leagures with some iustice in Rebellion elect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a degree nearer to the Crown then Navar. Not so but one degree at the least further off the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 called â—harls being the yongest Son of â—harls Duke of 〈◊〉 whereas Henry King of Navar was the onely Son and Heir of Anâ—hoâ—y the eldest Brother So that not oâ—ely the King of Navar but the Princes of the Hâ—use of 〈◊〉 deriv'd from Francis Duke of Anghein the second Brother had the precedency in Title before this 〈◊〉 But being of the Catholick party and of the Royal Hâ—use of Bourbon in which the Rights of the Crown remained and withal a man of great Age and small Abilities he was set up to serve the turn and screen'd the main Plot of the Lâ—aguers from the eyes of the people Fol. 161. Sir Thomas Randolph bred a Civilian was taken from Pembroke Colledge in Oxford Not otherwise to be made good in case he were of that House in Oxford which is now called Pembroke Colledge but by Anticipation Lavinaqueveâ—t Littora as in the like case the Poet has it that which is now called Pembroke Colledge was in those times call'd Broadgates Hâ—ll not changed into a Colledge till the latter end of the Reign of King Iames and then in Honor of William Earl of Pembroke Chancellor of that University and in hope of some endowment from him called Pembroke Colledge Fol. 189. The other Title was of the Iâ—â—ant of Spain In laying down whose several Titles the Author leaves out that which is most material that is to say the direct and lineal Succession of the Kings of Spain from the Lady Katherine Daughter of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster marryed to Henry the third King of Castile and Mother to King Iohn the second from whom descend the Kings of Castile to this very day Fol. 191. Hawkins Drake Baskervile c. Fiâ—e sâ—ne Towns in the Isle Dominica in the West Indies They fired indeed some Towns in Hispanâ—olâ— and amongst others that of Dominica or St. Domâ—ngo But they attempted nothing on the Isle of Dominica which is one of the Châ—rybes and they had no reason that Island being governed by a King of its own at deadly enmity with the 〈◊〉 anâ— conseqâ—ently more likely to be aydâ—d then annâ—yed by those Sea Adventurers A like mistake we had before in the name of Câ—â—mâ—rdin fol. 157. That party who discovered unto Queen Elizabeth the Estate of the Customs not being named 〈◊〉 but Carwâ—rdin Fol. 229. Sr. Thomas Erskin created Earl of Kelly and by degrees Knight of the Garter Not so Knight of the Garter first by the name of Thomas Viscount Fenton as appeares by the Registers of the Order and then Earl of Kelly Thus afterwards we finde Sr. Iohn Danvers for Sr. Charles Dâ—nvers fol. 238. And Iohn Lord Norris for Sr. Iohn Norris fol. 243. And some mistakes of this nature we finde in the short story of the Earle of Essex in which it is said first that Fol. 233. He was eldest son to Waltar Devereux c. created by Queen Elizabeth Earl of Essex and Ewe Not so but Earl of Essex onely as appears by Camden in his Britannia fol 454. If either he or any of his Descendants have taken to themselves the Tittle of Earl's of Ewe they take it not by vertue of this last Creation but in right of their descent from William Boâ—rchier created Earl of Ewe in Normandy by King Henry the fift and father of Henry Bourchier created Earl of Essex by King Edward the fourth Secondly it is said of Robert Earl of Essex the son of this Walâ—er that in 89. he went Commander in chief in the expedition into Portugal Fol. 233. whereas indeed he went but as a Voluntier in that expedition and had no command And so much our Author hath acknowledged in another place saying that Ambitious of common fame he put himself to Sea and got aboard the Fleet conceiting that their respect to his biâ—th and quâ—liâ—y would receive him their chief but was mistaken in that honouâ— Fol. 155. Thirdly it is said of this
Earl of Essex that he went Deputy into Ireland Fol. 234. Whereas indeed he was not sent over into Ireland with the Title of Deputy but by the more honourable Title of Lord Leviâ—enant having power to create a Lord Deputy under him when his occasions or the the necessities of the state should require his absence Fol. 2â—1 The 26. of February 1â—00 was born the Kings third son and Christnâ—â— Charles at Dunferling The Kings third son and afterwards his Successor in the Crown of England was not born on the 26. of February but on the 19. of Noveâ—â—er as is averred by all others who have written of it and publickly attested by the annual ringing of Bells upon that day in the City of London during the whole time of his pâ—wer and prosperity The like mistake we finde in the tiâ—e and day of the Birth of Queen Elizabeth of whom it is â—â—id Fol. 261. 25. That she gave up the Ghost to Gâ—d oâ— that day of her Birth from whom she had it intimating thaâ— she died on the Eve of the same Lady-day on which she was born But the truth is that she was born on the Eve of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary being the seventh day of September and died on the Eve of the Annuntiation being the 24. of March And so much for the History of the Reign of Queen Mary and King Iames her Son as to the Realm of Scotland onely both of them Crowned as Iames the fift had also been in their tenderest infancy But whereas our Author tells us Fol. 8. that Q Mary 〈◊〉 the kingdom to her son who was born a King I can by no means yeild to that I finde indeed that our Saâ—iour Christ was born King of the Iews and so proclaimed to be by the Angel Gabriel at the very time of his Conception And I have read that Sapores one of the Kings of Persia was not onely born a King but crowned King too before his birth for his Father dying withouâ—â—â—ue as the story saith left his wife with child which child the Magi having signified by their Art to be a Male the Persian Princes caused the Crown and Royal Ornaments to be set upon his Mothers Belly acknowledging him there by for their King and Sovaraign But so it was not with King Iames who was born on the 19 of Iune Anno. 1566. and Crowned King on the 24. of Iuly being the 5. day after his Mothers resignation of the Crown and Government Anno. 1567. ADVERTISEMENTS ON THE REIGN DEATH OF KING IAMES Of GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE and IRELAND the first WE are now come unto the Reign of King Iames as King of England or rather as King of England and Scotland under the notion of Great Britain of whose reception as he passed through Godmanchestâ—r the Historian telleth us that Fol. 270. At Godmanchester in the Counâ—y of Notthamptonshire they presented him with 70 Teem of Horses c. beâ—â—g his Tenants and holding their Land by that Tenure But first Godâ—aâ—chester is not in Northampton but in Huntiâ—gtonshire And secondly Though it be a custom for those in Godmanchâ—ster to shew their Bravery to the Kings of England in that rustical Pomp yet I conceive it not to be the Tenure which they hold their Lands by For Camden who is very punctual in observing Tenures mentions not this as a Tenure but a Custom onely adding withal that they make their boast That they have in former time received the Kings of England as they passed in their progress this way with ninescore Ploughs brought forth in a rustical kinde of Pomp for a gallant shew If onely for a gallant shew or a rustical Pomp then not observed by them as their Tenure or if a Tenure not 〈◊〉 from ninescore to 70. all Tenures being â—ixt not variable at the will of the Tenants Fol. 273. This most honorable Order of the Garter was instituted by King Edward the third c. So far our Author right enough as unto the â—ounder and rigâ—â— enough as to the time of the institution which he placeth in the year 1350. But whereas he telleth us withal that this Order was founded by King Edward the third 〈◊〉 John of France and King James of Scotland being then Prisâ—ners in the Tower of London and King Henry of Castile the Bastard expulst and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales called the Black Prince in that he is very much mistaken For first It was David King of the Scots not Iames who had been taken Prisoner by this Kings Forces there being no Iames King of the Scots in above fifty years after Secondly Iohn of France was not taken Prisoner till the year 1356. nor Henry of Castile expulsed by the Prince of Wales till ten years after Anno 1366. By consequence neither of those two great Actions could precede the Order But worse is he mistaken in the Patron Saint of whom he tells us that Fol. 273. Among sundry men of valor in ancient days was Geo. born at Coventry in England c. This with the rest that follows touching the Actions and Atchievements of Sir George of Coventry is borrowed from no better Author then the doughty History of the Seven Châ—mpions of Christendom of all that trade in Knighthood-errant the most empty Bable â—But had our Author look'd so high as the Records of the Order the titles of Honor writ by Selden the Catalogue of Honor publisht by Mills of Canterbury Camdens Britannia or any other less knowing Antiquary he might have found that this most noble Order was not dedicated to that fabulous Knight Sâ—â— George of Coventry but to the famous Saint and Soldier of Christ Jesus St. George of Cappadocia A Saint so universally received in all parts of Christendom so generally attested to by the Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages from the time of his Martyrdom till this day that no one Saint in all the Calender those mentioned in the holy Scriptures excepted onely can be better evidenced Nor doth he finde in Matthew Parts that St. George fought in the air at Antioch in behalf of the English the English having at that time no such iâ—â—eress in him but that he was thought to have been seen figâ—ting in behalf of the Christians Fol. 275. Earldoms without any place are likewise of two kindes either in respect of Office as Earl-Morshal of England or by Birth and so are all the Kings Sons In the Authority and truth of this I am much unsatisfied as never having met with any such thing in the course of my reading and I behold it as a diminution to the Sons of Kings to be born but Earls whereby they are put in an equal rank with the eldest sons of Dukes in England who commonly have the Title of their Fathers Earldoms since it is plain they are born Princes which is the highest civil Dignity next to that of Kings It was indeed usual with the Kings of England to bestow upon
thought it best to stand aloof without ingaging further against this Author in hope that I might have some satisfaction from him either publick or private But understanding that notice had been given unto him of some just cause for my dislike no acknowledgement or reparation following oâ— it I conceived that it concerned me in point of Credit to let him see that I knew as well how to offend an unjust Adversary as to defend my self In the pursute whereof I have carried on the work with that sobriety in it self and such respect unto his person as cannot be displeasing to the Author or any discerning friend of his or unto any equal and impartial Reader His Errors I have corrected rectified his Mistakes and aâ—ded here and there some Observations in the way of a Supplement For which cause I have called these papers by the name of Adverâ—sments that I might use such honest freedom as well in the last as in the first as might conduce unâ—o the bâ—nefit of such as should pâ—cale to read them Hiâ— History is not maâ—e the worâ—e nor the sale thereof retarded by such Additionals and Correctiveâ— as are here preâ—ented Which though he may not thank me for yet I am apt to flattâ—r my self that I may receive some thanks from others Howsoever I shall comfort my self with this that I have not trespassed against good manners or the truth the vindicating of which last hath been the main impulsive to this underâ—aking And being comâ—ortâ—d in that I shall the better indure such censures either of pragmaticalnesse or the love of revenge which may perhaps be laid upon me by such as do not understand me Deleâ—aâ—it tameâ—se Conscientia quod est Aâ—imi paâ—ulum incredibili jucundiâ—ate persusum as Lactantius hath it With which I shut up this Survey and proceed to the businesse ADVERTISEMENTS ON A BOOK Intituled A Compleat HISTORY OF THE LIFE and REIGN OF KING CHARLES From his CRADLE to his GRAVE THE Author of the History which we have before us entitles it A compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charles from his Cradle to his Grave By which the Reader might expect a compleat Account of all the passages of his life not onely from his coming to the Imperial Crown of this Realm but from his first coming into the world In which intervall besides the nature and condition of his education First under Mr. Thomas Murrey and afterwards under the immediat care of King Iames his Father he had the conduct of one of the most weighty Affaires of State that ever was managed by any prince in his fathers life time And if Iames Howel in writing the life of Lewis 13. thought fit to begin his History with the acts of his Daulphinage which could afford no great variety of matter considering he came unto the Crown at ten years of age assuredly the first part of the life of King rash assuming of the Crown of 〈◊〉 and that it gave the Spâ—niards a free passe for his Italiâ—n forces to march towards the Netherlands I shall adventure to lay down the first cause of that Quarrel It was about the year 1â—15 that a designe was put into the head of the Bishop of Spires being an Homager and Feudatory of the Prince Elector Palatâ—â—e to forâ—â—fie the Town and Castle of Vdenheim which by â—om little help of Art added unto the natural strength of the sitâ—ation might be made impregnable In Order wherunto the Bishop inviteâ— the Prince and the Princesse Elizabeth his wiâ—e to a solemn feast and after Dinner shewes him from the top of one of the â—urrets of the Castle the prospect of the â—own and Country adjoâ—ning telling him that if that Town were fortified by Art as well as by nature it wâ—uld be a very strong Bulwark not onely to the States of his Highnesse but unto all the rest of his Neighbours in thoâ—e parts of Germaâ—y and that he had a great desire to proceed to the acting of those thoughts if his Highnesse were but pleaâ—ed to give way unto it The Prince considering very wisely that he was now in his power returned this answer that if the fortifying of that place did startle no other jealousies in the minds of the Neighbouring Princes then it did in his he might go on with it when he pleased which words being taken by the Bishop for a permission and encouragement to proceed in the work it went on accordingly But scarce were the works half finisht when the Duke of 〈◊〉 the Marquesse of Baden and other of the Neighbouring Princes amazed to see such preparations for a war in a time of peace dispatcht their Agents to the Prince desiring to know the reason why he suffered the Bishop to entrench that place which might in tâ—â—e be made use of to their common 〈◊〉 The Prince made answer that the Bishop had no permission from him and that he would send a servant of his to 〈◊〉 the prosecution of the work and to comâ—â—and the casting dâ—wn of that which was 〈…〉 And though he did perform this promise yet the work went forward the Bishop having secretly obtained license from the Emperor as the Lord Paramount of all to proceed therein The Princes hereupon muster up their Forces which under the command of Colonel Obâ—râ—raâ—d a servant of the Prince Electors came before the Town and sent a Trumpet to the Bishop requiring him to give present order for the dismantling of the place or to give them leave to do it for him The Bishop returns no other Answer but that they should go to such a post where they should find a copy of the Emperors Placard in justification of his act touching those Intrenchments But the Souldiers taking notice of no other authority then that which they received from their several Princes made themselves masters of the place the Ports and Circumvallations of it being unfinisht without any resistance and having made all level again disbanded and went home to their several Countries For this contempt of the Imperial Authority the Prince Elector who had the chief conduct of this Action was cited to the Chamber of Spires where the cause went on so fast against him that he was at the point to be Proscribed when the unfortunate Crown of Bohemia was offered to him of which more hereafter But through that spot the Spaniard had free Passage with his Forces of Italy and other parts to pass into the Netherlands to reduce them to obedience No freer passage thorow that Spot if so fair and large a Countrey may be called a Spot then he had before the Spanish Armies finding an uncontroll'd March from the Alps to the Netherlands without touching on any part of the lower Palatinate And so it will be found by any who shall follow the tract of the Duke of Alva conducting an Army of old Souldiers both Horse and Foot some Germâ—n and Burgundian Forces being taken in by the way from the Dukedom
of Millain into Flanders So that if there had not been some other reason why the Spaniards engaged themselves in the Conquest of this Countrey then the opening a free passage for their Armies to march out of Italy into the Netherl it might have remained unconquered by them to this very day But the truth is that both the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria being wholly acted by the Counsels of the Jesuits resolv'd upon some compulsory courses to bring all Germany under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and to that end thought fit to begin with the Prince Elector Palatine as appears by several Letters exemplified in the Book entituled Cancellaria Bavarica as being the chief head of the Calvinian party in the Empire and having made himself doubly obnoxious to a present proscription which Proscription being issued out the Execution of it was committed to the Duke of Bavaria who was to have the upper Palatinate together with the Electoral Dignity the better to enable him to carry on the Design and to the King of Spain as best able to go thorow with it who was to have the lower Palatinate wholly to himself that his Forces might be always in readiness to carry on the War from one Prince to another till the Emperor had made himself the absolute Master of them all From Germany we pass into Scotland where we finde the busie Arch-Bishop so he calls him in a time of high discontentment pressing a full conformity of the Kirk in Scotland with the English Discipline So here and hereupon the credit of hear-say onely but in another place where he rather acts the part of an Historian then of one that is to speak in the Prologue he relates it thus King Iames had a Design not once but always after his coming into England to reform that deformity of the Kirk of Scotland into a decent Discipline as in the Church of England which received Opposition and Intermissions till the year 1616. Where at Aberdine their General Assembly of Clergy made an Act authorizing some of their Bishops to compile a form of Liturgy or book of Common Prayer first for the King to approve which was so considerately there revised and returned for that Kingdom to pâ—actice which same Service Book was now sent for by this King and committed to some Bishops here of their own to review and finding the difference not much from the English he gave command in Scotland to be read twice a day in the Kings Chappel at Holy-Rood House at Eâ—inburgh that the Communion should be administred in that form taken on their knees once a Moneth the Bishop to wear his Rochet the Minister his Surplice and so to inure the people by president of his own Chappel there first and afterwards in all parts for the publick The Scotch Bishops liked it reasonable well for the matter but the maner of imposing it from hence upon them was conceived somewhat too much dependancy of theirs on our English Church and therefore excepting against the Psalms Epistles and Gospels and other Sentences of Scripture in the English Book being of a different Translation from that of King Iames they desired a Liturgy of their own and to alter the English answerable to that and so peculiar to the Church of Scotland which indeed was more like to that of King Edward the sixth which the Papist better approved and so was the rather permitted by the King as to win them the better to our Church And so had it been accustomed to the Scotish several Churches for some years without any great regret and now particularly proclaimed to be used in all Churches c. fol. 221. In all which Narrative we finde no pressing of the Book by the busie Arch-Bishop how busie soever he is made by the Author in the Introduction None having power to carry away his nine parts or any part until the propriâ—tâ—ry had set out his tenth part Our Author speaks this of the miserable condition of the poor Scotish Husbandman under the Lords of new erection as they commonly called them who on the dissolution of Abbies and other Religious Houses to which almost all the Tithes in Scotland had been appropriated iâ—grost them wholly to themselves And were it no otherwise with the poor Husbandman then is here related his condition had been miserable enough it not being permitted unto him in default of the Parsone or his Bailyff to set apart the Tythes in the presence of two or three sufficient Neighbors as with us in England But their condition if I remember it aright was far worse then this not being suffered to carry away their own Corn though the Tithes had been set out in convenient time before the Impropriator had carried his by means whereof they were kept in a most intollerable slavery by these their Masters who cared not many times for losing the tenth part so they might destroy the other nine By means whereof the poor Peasants were compell'd to run swear fight to kill and be killed too as they were commanded From which being freed by the Grace and goodness of King Charls they prov'd notwithstanding the most base and disloyal People that the Sun ever shined on This Bishop John Maxwell Minister of Edinburgh was set up by Laud then Bishop of London who finding him Eloquent and Factious enough placed him a Bulwark against adverse Forces This Bishop the Bishop of Ross he meaneth was by the King preferred to great Offices of Trust both in Church and State That he was Eloquent is confessed by our Author and that he was a learned man appears by his judicious and elaborate Treatise entituled Sacro-sancta Regum Majestas in which he hath defended the Rights and Soveraignty of Kings against all the Cavils of the Presbyterian or Puritan Faction But that he was also Factious was never charged upon him but by those who held themselves to the Assembly at Glasco by whom he was indeed lookt on as a Factious person for acting so couragiously in defence of his own Episcopal Rights the publick Orders of the Church and the Kings Authority According to which Rule or Noâ—ion the generality of the Bishops in all the three Kingdoms might be called a Faction if Tertullian had not otherwise stated it by saying this viz. Cum pii cum boni coëunt non factio dicenda est sed Curia The like unhandsome Character he gives us of Sir Archiâ—â—â— Atchison of whom he tells us That he was of such a◠〈…〉 he means his first coming out of 〈…〉 to all thâ—se afâ—er-Seditions But ceâ—tainly the paâ—â—y whom he speaks of was of no such temper For being of a â—udge in 〈◊〉 made the Kings Sollicitor or Procuratoâ— for the Realm of Scotland he diverâ—â—d the King from 〈◊〉 the intended Act of Revocatâ—on which indeed 〈◊〉 have brought more fuel to the fire then could be suddenly extinguisht advising rather that he should enter his Action in the Courts of Iustice against
over to the King when he was at Oxford about the latter end of the year 1643. But finding his sufferings unregarded and his Person neglected as not being suffered to appear as a Member of the House of Commons when the Parliament was summoned thither he retired again into France to his Wife and Children And secondly He dyed not a profest Catholick but continued to the last a true Son of the Church of England reproacht in his best fortunes by the name of a Papist because preferr'd by the Arch-Bishop a faithful servant to the Queen and a profest enemy to the Puritan Faction For which last reason the Earl of Arundel must be given out to be a Papist though I have seen him often at Divine Service in the Kings Chappel and is so declared to be by our Author also who tells us further That finding his native Countrey too hot for him to hold out he went with the Queen Mother unto Colen fol. 428. as if the Land had been hotter for him or his Zeal hotter then the place had he been a Papist as he was not then for any other Noble Man of that Religion Fol. 320. The English proposed a Cessation of Arms but the Scots as they would obey his Majesties command not to advance so they could not return till they had the effects of their Errand And all this while I would fain know what became of the Irish Army which had been raised in so much haste by the Earl of Strafford with the beginning of the Spring An Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse kept ever since in constant pay and continual Exercise by which the King might have reduced the Scots to their due obedience as the Earl of Strafford declared openly at the Councel Table immediately on the dissolving of the former Parliament yet now this Army lies dormant without acting anything thing toward the suppressing of the Scots exprest in their invading England their wasting the Northern parts of the Kingdom and their bold Demands Which Army if it had been put over into Cumberland to which from the Port of Carick-Fergus in Ireland is but a short and easie passage they might have got upon the back of the Scots and caught that wretched People in a pretty Pit-fall so that having the English Army before them and the Irish behinde them they could not but be ground to powder as between two Mill-stones But there was some fatality in it or rather some over-ruling providence which so dulled our Councels that this Design was never thought of for ought I can learn but sure I am that it was never put into Execution An Army of which the prevailing Members in both Houses stood in so much fear that they never left troubling the King with their importunities till they had caus'd him to Disband it the Scots in the mean time nesting in the Northern Counties and kept at most excessive charges to awe the King and countenance their own proceedings Fol. 334. The Book whilst in loose Papers â—re it was compleat and secured into his Cabinet and that being lost was seized by the enemy at Naseby fight c. Our Author here upon occasion of his Majesties most excellent Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he hath wholly Incorporated part per part in this present History gives a very strange Pedigree of it that being composed before Naseby fight it was there taken with the rest of the Kings Papers and coming to his hands again was by the King committed to the hands of one Mr. Symonds and by him to the Press In all which there is nothing true but the last particular For first That Book and the Meditations therein contained were not composed before Naseby fight many of them relating to subsequent Passages which the King without a very hâ—gh measure of the Spirit of Prophecy was not able to look so far intoâ— as if past already Besides that Book being called The Porâ—raiâ—ure of his Maâ—esty in his Solitudes and Sufferings must needs relate unto the times of his Solitude and therefore could not be digested before Naseby fight when he had been continually exercised in Camp or Counsel and not reduc'd to any such Solitude as that Title intimateth Secondly These Papers were not found with the rest in the Kings Cabinet or if they were there must be somewhat in it above a miracle that he should get them again into his hands Assuredly those men who used so much diligence to suppress this Book when it was published in print and many thousand Copies disperst abroad would either have burnt it in the fire or use some other means to prevent the printing of it to their great trouble and disadvantage Thirdly These papers were not delivered by the King to Mr. Symonds who had no such near access to him at that time For the truth is that the King having not finisht his Conceptions on the several Subjects therein contained till he was ready to be carried away from Carisbrook Castle committed those papers at the time of his going thence to the hands of one of his trusty Servants to be so disposed of as might most conduce to the advancement of his Honor Interest By which trusty Servant whosoever he was those papers were committed to the care of the said Mr. Symons who had shewed himself exceeding zealous in the Kings Affairs by whom there was care taken for the publishing of them to the infinite contentment of all those well affected Subjects who could get a â—ight of them Fol. 372. The loss of his place viz. the City of Arras animated the Portugueses to revolt from the Spanish Yoke and to submit themselvesâ— to the right Heir Duke John of Braganza Our Author is out of this also For first it was not the loss of the City of Arras but the secret practices and sollicitations of Cardinal Richelieu which made the Portuguez to revolt And secondly if the King of Spains Title were not good as the best Lawyers of Portugal in the Reign of the Cardinal King Don Henry did affirm it was yet could not the Duke of Braganza be the right Heir of that Kingdom the Children of Mary Dutchess of Parma the eldest Daughter of Prince Edward the third Son of Emmanuel being to be preferr'd before the Children of Katherine Dutchess of Braganza her younger Sister He tells next of Charls That Fol. 373. The Soveraignty of Utrick and Dutchy of Gelders he bought that of William he won by Arms with some pretence of right But first the Soveraignty of Vtreckt came not to him by purchase but was resigned by Henry of Bavaria the then Bishop thereof who being then warred on by the Duke of Gelders and driven out of the City by his own Subjects was not able to hold it Which resignation notwithstanding he was fain to take the City by force and to obtain a confirmation of the Grant not onely from Pope Ciement the 7. but also from the Estates of the Countrey
a Consideration of the straits he was driven unto by the King which he might easily have prevented by keeping himself in the more open Country of Devonshire where he might have had Elbow room enough on both sides and a Countrey rich enough to furnish him with all sorts of Provisions His Army was every way equal to the Kings if not superior he drawing after him no fewer then 50 Brass Pieces of Ordâ—ances and 700 Carriages and it appears by the number of Arms delivered up by Composition amounting to 8000 in all that his Foot could not consist of less then ten or twelve thousand And for his Horse no fewer then 2500 made a clear escape So that he might have kept the Field and put the King to it in a Battle if there had not been somewhat more in it then our Author speaks of It was therefore thought by some knowing men which understood the state of Affairs that knowing his Horse were gone off without any danger and that his Foot might save themselves by a Composition he was willing to keep the Seas even as before was intimated For partly being discourag'd from pursuing the War by his first success at Edge-Hill and partly coming to know more of the Intentions of such as managed the design then had been first imparted to him he begâ—n to grow more cold in carrying things on unto the utmost then befoâ—e he was Upon which ground as he had neglected the opportunity of marching directly towards Oxford when he had removed the Kings Forces out of Reading so on the defeat of Waller at Lands-Down he writ unto the Houses to send Petitions to the King for Peace as appears by this History fol. 625. For which coldness of his so plainly manifested it was not onely moved by Vassal in the House of Commons that he should lay down his Command but many jeers were put upon him and some infamous Pictures made of him to his great dishonor Considering therefore that on the defeat of Prince Rupert at Marston-Moor all the North parts were like to be regain'd to the Houses of Parliament he was willing to let the King remain as absolute in the West as they were like to be in the North which since he could not do with Honor by hearkning to the Kings fair proffer seconded by a Letter from all the chief Officers of his Army he cast himself into such necessities as might give him some colour to shift for himself and leave his Foot to some Agreement with the King No way but this as he conceiv'd to bring the leading Members of both Houses unto such a Temper as might induce them to meet the King half way in the Road to peace and if this could not do it the coming on of Winter might perhaps cool them into some conditions which the King might be as willing to hearken to as they to offer This I remember to be the summe of such Discourses as were made at that time in and about the Court by men of the best knowledge and understanding in the state of businesses but whether they hit upon the right string or not I am not able to affirm This I am able to affâ—rm that cur Authour is mistaken in telling us that the Earl of Essex did quit his glorious Command upon this occasion For afterwards we finde him in his glorious Command at the fight near Newbery and he continued in it till the Spring next following when by the Ordinance of Self-deniall and the new modelling of the Army under the Command of Sir Thomâ—s Fairfax he was quitted of it All that he did at this time was to qâ—it his Army for which the Houses of Parliament cried quits with him as before is said Fol. 714. The King regains Monmouth and returns to Oxford the 23 of November That Monmouth was regained for the King is undoubtedly true but that it was regain'd by the King is undoubtedly false Our Author in some lines before had left him at Hungerford in the County of Berks and now he brings him thorow the ayr to the taking of Monmouth But the truth is that Monmouth having been betrayed to Massey then Governor of Glocester by Major Kyrl a Garrison of 600 Soldiers was put into it who having a Design to surprize Chepstow left the Town so naked that the Lord Charls Somerset one of the yonger Sons of the Marquess of Worcester taking with him 150 Horse from Ragland-Castle and assisted by some Foot from the Neighboring Garrisons which held for the King fell on the Town on Tuesday morning the 19 of November Anno 1644. and makes himself master of the place before our brave Adventurers at Chepstow heard any thing of it Fol. 719. Next Morning July 2. the Prince advances after them resolving to give them Battle by Noon c. The Battle hear meant is that of Marston-Moor near York between Prince Rupert for the King the Earls of Manchester and Leven better known by the name of Colonel Lesly and the Lord Ferdinando Fairfax commanding over their several Forces fot the Houses of Parliament Concerning which our Author tells us That at first Prince Rupert got the Ground that those in the main Battle were so hard put to it that they â—ell on the Reserve of Scots which were behinde them that the right Wing of the Enemies Horse being as hard put to it by the Princes left Wing committed the like Disorder on the Lord Fairfax his Foot and the Scotch Reserves and were pursued very fiercely by their Conquerors and finally that no Horse being sent to make good the Ground which those who followed the Chace had left the broken Army of the Enemy rallied again and got the better of the day But the Gentlemen of York 〈◊〉 who liv'd nâ—ar the place tell us more then this viz. That Prince Rupâ—rt had not onely got ground at the first and 〈◊〉 the right Wing of the Enemies Horse but so disordered the main Battle that he postest himself of the Canon the three Generals retâ—â—â—ing out of the field with more haste then Honor. And so the News came flying to Oxford reported in divers places by such of the â—nemies Soldiers as had fled out of the field and at Oxford it was entertained with Bells and Bone-â—â—res and the shooting off of all the Ordnance about the Town But Prince Rupert better knowing how to get then pursue Advantages and his â—oldiers busie upon Pillage gave opportunity to Colonel Cromwel who commanded the Earl of Manchesters Horse and who onely had made a fair retreat in the heat of the fight to put new life into the Battle and having put the broken Foot into some good order first gave a check unto the Prince and after pressing hard upon him tuâ—n'd the whole fortune of the Day For which good service Cromwel is cryed up by his party to beâ— the Saviour of three Kingdoms of which the Scots who had done very well that Day and bore the greatest part
of the brunt did afterwards very much complain in a Pamphlet of theirs which they call 〈◊〉 Manâ—â—est How faintly General King carried himself in this Battle hath been shewn already and what became afterwards of Prince Rupert how he squandered away his great Body of Horse the surrendry of York and what eâ—â—e happened in that Country after this Fight is referred to our Author I onely adde that I have heard from some Gentlemen of that County who had command to buâ—y the dead that they found no fewer then the Bodies of Eight thousand Men wâ—â—ch had been killed in that Fight the greatâ—st number which were slain in any one Battle in 〈…〉 Fol. 802. To Blackington House where Colonel Windebank kept a Garrison for the King But by his leave Windebank never kept a Garrison at Blechington not Blackington House but onely was commanded to remain there with a party of Horse and a few Foot-Souldiers the better to keep open the Markets till Woodstock House was fortified and made fit to be garrison'd So far was Blechington House from being held like a Garison that it had not so much about it as a wooden Pale And when Major Windebank the second Son of Sir Francis Windebank had cut down two Trees to make Pallisadoes for defence of the place upon complaint made by the Lady Coghil to Col. William Legg then Governour of Oxford he was commanded to restore them Which notwithstanding he was called before a Court of War for giving up an undeâ—enced place which was impossible to be made good and partly by the eager pursuit of Col. Legg whose Contributions were diminished by Windebanks quartering in that House and some back friend which he and his Father had at Court he was condemned to be shot to death his Fathers Services and Sufferings being qâ—ite forgotten which death he suffered on Saturday the 1. of May with much Christian courage Fol. 719. And having leave to go to the King they cause him c. But the King knew their mindes not to engage for him and so they returned It may be collected from these words that this message was a matter of Lipâ— businesse only the Embassadors not having instructions to engage their Superiours for him nor the King any opinion of the reality of their intentions toward him But in the processe of the businesse we shall finde it otherwise For first Our Authour tels us that they were both 〈◊〉 Kâ—ights and Barons by the King fol. 804. Not both made Knights and Baroâ—s I am sure of that but the one of them a Baron and the other a Knight Baronet that is to say Iohn de Remsworth of Uâ—recht desâ—â—â—ded from the Noble Family De Rede in Cleveland created 〈…〉 by Letters Patents bearing date the 24. of March Anno 1644. and William de Boreel created Baronet on the 22. of March in the same year And secondly This appears more plainly by a Letter of Complaint sent from our New States in England to the old States of Holland In which they tell them how their Ministers had abused their Trust to their prejudice shewing themselves rather interessed persons then publick Agents noâ— satisfied to reproach them to their faces but to glory in it Certainly neâ—ther had the King conferred those Honours on the Embassadours nor the Houses complain'd so much against them if they had been sent hither to no other end but to settle Trade and to see how the Game went which our Authour makes the only reason of their coming And thoâ—gh the King obtained not such helps from the â—tates of the Netherlands as their Embassadours had engaged for yet so much he effected by their mediation that the Houses had not such Assistances from those parts as they had before a matter of no small advantage to the Kings affairs Fol. 806. Whilest Rupert and Maurice with the Horsâ—e and some seâ—ect Foot fetcht off the King from Oxford By which words the Reader cannot but conclude that Oxford was in no small danger and the Kings person in as much which must necessâ—tate the two Princes with all their Horse and a select number of Foot to fetch him off But at that time there was no Enemy near the one nor any danger appearing toward the other The King was at that time in a gallant Condition and had drawn his Souldiers out of their Winter Garisons ready to march into the field attending only till the other part of his Army which was employed about Glocestershire was in readinesse also News whereof beiâ—g brought unto him he went out of Oxford accompanied by the saâ—d two Princes in a more glorious and magnificent manner then ever foâ—merly The precise time wheâ—e of being noted by George Wherton a profesâ—ed Asâ—â—ologer he erected a Scheme according to the Rules of Art And finding the Houses well disposed and the Aspects of the Planets and Constellations to be very favourable he prognosticated that this expedition should prove very fortunate to the King his Successes glorious and his return to Oxford as magnificent as hâ— going out Which being published in Print and disproved by the sad events which followed gave great occasion unto Lilly Culpepper and others of that faculty to deride him for it Men every way as faulty in that kinde themselves as he had been unfortunate in his predictions Witnesse those terrible presagings which they gave us of the Ecclipse happening in the end of March 1652. to the great terrour of of poor people but without any visible effects But above all things witnesse that Observation of M. Culpepper in the end of his Dotages on the Moneths of February foregoing in which he signifieth that if the Emperour died that moneth we must remember who told us of it But for all his great insight into the Stars the Emperor neither died that moneth nor in six years after Thus Augur ridet Augurem as the Proverb is the people in the mean time being deceived and abused by both whilest they make sport with one another Glocester Association in much want received three hundred and fourty Auxiliâ—ries from the Grand Garison Newport pannell oâ—t of Buckinghamshire No such grand Garison neither as to be worthy of that name A Garison had been formed there for the King at the request of Sir Lewis Dives the better to secure his Rents and Tenants in Bedfordshire But bâ—ing found to be too far off to receive Relief if any distresse should fall upon it the Ordnance and Souldiers were removed to â—owcester seven miles from Northampton to restrain the â—nsolencies of that Garison but at the opening of the Sâ—â—rng brought back to Oxford and mingled with the rest of the Army On which deserting of Newport-Pagnell by the Kings Kings Souldiers â— Garison was put into it for the Houses of Parliament till the Kings Souldiers were removed to Towcester to counter-ballance which this Garison had been made at Newport of which there being then no longer use and Glocester standing in need of supply the
ordinary temper And so much was the King startled when he heard of the giving up of that City with the Fort and Castle and that too in so short a time that he posted away a Messenger to the Lords at Oxford to displace Col. Legg a well known Creature of Prince Ruperts from the Government of that City and Garison and to put it into the hands of Sir Thomas Glenham which was accordingly done and done unto the great contentment of all the Kings party except that Prince and his Dependents But Legg was sweetned not long after by being made one of the Grooms of his Majesties Bed-chamber a place of less command but of greater trust Fol. 891. And now the Parliament consider of a Term or Titleâ— to be given to the Commissioners intrusted with their Great Seal and are to be called Conservators of the Common-wealth of England Not so with reference either to the time or the thing it self For first The Commissioners of the Great Seal were never called the Conservators fo the Common-wealth of England And Secondly If they ever had been called so it was not now that is to say when the Kings Seals were broken in the House of Peers which was not long after Midsummer in the year 1646. But the truth is that on the 30 of Ianuary 1648. being the day of the Kings most deplorable death the Commons caused an Act or Order to be printed in which it was declared that from thenceforth in stead of the Kings Name in all Commissions Decrees Processes and Indictments the â—â—tle of Custodes Libertatis Angliae or the Keepers of the Liberties of England as it was afterwards englished when all Legall Instruments were ordered to be made up in the English-Tongue should be alwaies used But who these Keepers of the Liberties were was a thing much questioned some thought the Commissioners for the great Seal were intended by it whom our Authour by a mistake of the Title cals here the Conservators of the Common-wealth others conceiv'd that it related to the Councel of State but neither rightly For the truth is that there were never any such men to whom this Title was appliable in one sense or other it being onely a Second Notion like Genus and Species in the Schools a new devised term of State-craft to express that trust which never was invested in the persons of any men either more or fewer Fol. 892. â—o then the eldest Son and the yongest Daughter are with the Quâ—â—n in France the two Dukes of York and Glocester with the Princess Elizabeth at St. James 's The Prince in the Weâ—t with his Army â— This is more strange then all the rest that the Kings eldest Son should be with his Mother in France and yet that the Prince at the same time should be with his Army in the West of England I always thought till I saw so good Authority to the contrary that the Prince and the Kings eldest Son had been but one person But finding it otherwise resolved I would fain know which of the Kings Sonâ— is the Prince if the eldest be not It cannot be the second or third for they are here called both onely by the name of Dukes and made distinct persons from the Prince And therefore we must needs believe that the Kings eldest Son Christned by the name of Charls-Iames who dyed at Greâ—nwich almost as soon as he was born Anno 1629. was raised up from the dead by some honest French Conjurer to keep company with the yong Princess Henrietta who might converse with hâ—m as a Play-Fellow without any terror as not being able to distinguish him from a Baby of Clouts That he and all that did adhere unto him should be safe in their Persons Honors andâ—â—onsciences in the Scotish Army and that they would really and effectually joyn with him and with such as would come in unto him and joyn with them for his preservation and should employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to his Kingdomâ— in the recovery of his â—ust Rights But on the contrary these jugling and perfidious 〈◊〉 declare in a Letter to their Commissioners at London by them to be communicated to the Houses of Parliament that there had been no Treaty nor apitulation betwixt his Mâ—â—esty and them nor any in their names c. On the receit of which Letters the Houses Order him to be sent to Warwick Castle But Lesâ—ly who had been us'd to buying and selling in the time of his Pedlâ—ry was loth to lose the benefit of so rich a Commodity and thereupon removes him in such post-haste that on the eighth of May we finde him at Southwel and at Newcastle on the tenth places above an hundred Miles distant from one another and he resolv'd before-hand how to dispose of him when he had him there â—o Scotland he never meant to carry him though some hopes were given of it at the first for not onely Lesly himself but the rest of the Covenanters in the Army were loth to admit of any Competitor in the Government of that Kingdom which they had ingrossed whoâ—y to themselves but the 〈◊〉 in an Assembly of theirs declare expresly against his coming to live amongst them as appears fol 〈◊〉 So that there was no other way left to dispose of his person but to â—ell him to the Houses of Parliament though at the first they made 〈◊〉 of it and would be thought to stand upon Terms or Honor The Eaâ—l of Lowdon who lov'd to hear himsâ—lf speak more â—hen â—ny man living in some Speâ—ches made beâ—ore â—he Houses protested strongly against the dâ—livery of their Kings Person into their Power 〈◊〉 what in 〈◊〉 â—â—amy would lie upon them and the whole Nation â—f 〈◊〉 â—hould to 〈◊〉 But this was but a coâ—y of their Countenance onely 〈◊〉 â—â—vice to raise the Marâ—eâ— and make is â—uch money 〈…〉 as they could At last they came to this Agreement that for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds they should deliver him to such Commissioners as the Houses should Authorize to receive him of them which was done accordingly For Fol. 939. The Commissioners for receiving the Person of the King came to Newcastle Iune 22. c. Not on the 22 of Iune I am sure of that the Commodity to be bought and sold was of greater value and the Scots too cunning to part with it till they had raised the price of it as high as they could The driving of this Bargain took up all the time betwixt the Kings being carried to Newcastle and the middle of the Winter then next following so that the King might be delivered to these Commissioners that is to say from Prison to Prison on the 22 day of Ianuary but of Iune he could not And here it will not be amiss to consider what loss or benefit redounded to those Merchants which traded in the buying and selling of this precious Commodity And first The Scots not long before their breaking out