the King with his determination The King thereupon seised into his hands the Bishops liberties appointed a new Chancellour new Justices and other officers of Durham Hee writ also to the Pope in favour of the Prior who delivering the Kings Letters himselfe the Pope adjudged him a sober and discreet man what ever the Bishop had reported of him and restored him to his place during the Bishops disgrace for this contempt the King tooke â—hree Mannors with the Church of Symondbury from the Bishopricke with divers Castles and Lands forfeited to him by Iohn Bayliol King of Scots and others The Bishop at last submitted himselfe and bought his peace Anno Dom. 1298. in the battell of Foukirke betweene the English and Scots this Bishop of Durham Anthony Beake led the second battell of the Englishmen conâ—isting of 39. standards who hasting forth to be the first that should give the on â—et when his men approached neere the enemies the Bishop commanded them to stay till the third battell which the King Edward the first led might approach But that valiant Knight the Lord Ralph Basset of Draiton said to him My Lord you may goe and say Masse which better becommeth you than to teach us what wee have to doe for wee will doe that which belongeth to the order and custome of warre About the yeare 1318. at the importunate suite of the Kings of England and France the Pope gave the Bishopricke of Duâ—ham unto one Lewes Beaumont a Frenchman borne and of the blood Royall there hee was lame of both his legges and so unlearned that hee could not read the Bulls and other instruments of his consecration When hee should have pronounced this word Metropoliticae not knowing what to make of it though hee had studied upon it and laboured his Lesson long before after a little pause Soyt pur dit saith he let it goe for read and so passed it over In like sort he stumbled at In aenigmate when hee had fumbled about it a while Par Saint Lewis quoth hee il n'est pas curtois qui ceste parolle ici escrit that is by Saint Lewes he is to blame that writ this word here Not without great cause therefore the Pope was somewhat strait laced in admitting him He obtained conâ—ecration so hardly as in foureteene yeares hee could scarce creepe oâ—t of debt Riding to Durham to be install'd there hee was robbed together with two Cardinals that were then in his company upon Wiglesden More neere Derlington The Captaines of this rour were named Gilbert Middleton and Walter Selby Not content to take all the treasure of the Cardinals the Bishop and their traine they carried the Bishop prisoner to Morpeth where they constrained him to pay a great ransome Gilbert Middleton was soone after taken at his owne Castle of Nitford carried to London and there drawne and hanged in the presence of the Cardinalls After this one Sir Iosceline Deinvill and his brother Robert came with a great company to divers of this B. of Durhams houses in the habits of Friers spoyled them leaving nothing but bare walls and did many other notable robberiesâ— for which they divers of their company were soone after hanged at York This B. stood very stoutly in defence of the Liberties of his See recovered divers lands taken away from Anthony Beake his predeâ—essor and procured this sentence to be given in the behalfe of his Church quod Episcâ—pus Dunelmensiâ— debet habere forisfacturas guerrarum intra libertates sicut Rex extra that the Bishop of Durham is to have the forfeitures of warre in as ample sort within his owne Liberties as the King without Iâ—mediately after this Bishops death in great hast but with no great good speed the Covent of Durâ—am proceeded unto the Election of a new Bishop the old being yet scarcely buried and they made choise of one of their owne company a Monke of Durham This election the Arch-Bishop of Yorke confirmed yea the matter grew so forward as the same Arch-bishop was content to give him consecration also All this while the Kings good will was not sought no nor which was a greater oversight as the world then went the Popes neither The King therefore not onely refused to deliver possession of the Temporalties unto this elect but also laboured the Pope ex plenitudine potestatis to conferre the Bishopricke upon a Chaplaine of his named Richard de Bury the Deane of Wells Partly to pleasure the one that requested partly to displeasure the other for not requesting he did so and commanded the Bishop of Winchester to consecrate him which being performed at Chertsey soone after Christmasse the King presently invested him in the temporalties belonging to that See Now was the Monke a Bishop without a Bishopricke having no other home he was faine to returne to his Cloyster and there for very griefe as it is supposed within a few dayes after dyed This Richard dé Bury at what time Edward of Windsor Prince of Wales fled into France with his Mother was principall receiver of the Kings Revenewes in Gascoigne Their mony failing he ayded them secretly with a great summe of that he had received for the King It had almost cost him his life he was so narrowly pursued by some of the Kings friends that got understanding of it as hee was glad to hide himselfe in a steeple in Paris the space of seven dayes The Queene we know was then contriving an open rebellion and plotting a mischeivous treason against her husband King Edward the second whom she shortly after seised upon in an hostile manner and afterwards caused to be deprived and murthered so that this Prelates furnishing of her thus with the Kings owne monies to further this her designe was high Treason at the least Not to mention how the Pope upon King Edward the third his request consecrated Thomas Hatfield his Secretary Bishop of this See without any regard or examination of his worthinesse being a man altogether illiterate and that when some of the Cardinalls tooke exceptions against him saying that he was not onely a meere lay man but a fellâ—w of light behaviour and no way fit for that place how the Pope answered that if the King of England had requested him for an Asse at that time he would not have denyed him and thereupon made this Aâ—se a Bishop Iohn Fordham Bishop of Durham Anno 1388. was by Parliament banished the Court as a pernicious instrument and corrupter of King Richard the second a Traytor a flatterer a whisperer a slanderer and wicked person Iohn Sherwood the 52 Bishop of Durham Solliciter of all King Edward the fourths causes in the Court of Rome fell off from his Masters Sonne King Edward the fifth to that bloody usurper Richard the third at whose Coronation this Bishop of Durham went on the one side of him and the Bishop of Bath on the other the Arch-bishop of Canterbury
neglected and thereupon would that all such of the Clergie as were deprehâ—nded in any Robbery Murther Felony burning of houses and the like should be tryed and adjuged in his temporall Courts as Lay men were Against which the Arch-Bishops resolution was That Clergie-men so offending should be tryed onely in the Spirituall Courts and by men of their owne Coat who if they were convict should at first be onely deprived of their Oâ—fice and Benefice but if they should againe be guiltie of the like they should be adjudged at the kings pleasure In this maine controversie betweene the Crowne and the Mitre the Arch-Bishop stood so peremptory on the immunities of his Clergie and See as that he challenged from theâ— Crowne to the Kings great offence the custody of Rochester Castle and other Forts which the King for securing his State had resumed into his owne hands The King finding himselfe to be hereby but a demi-king deprived of all Soveraignty over one halfe deale of his Kingdome and perceiving Beckets stiffenesse in thus contesting with his Soveraigne to be no wayes mollifiable by whatsoever his old favours or fresh perswasions notwithstanding resolved to put nothing in execution which should not first be ratified and strengthned with the consent of his Bishops Who thereupon assembling at Westminster the King tooke both offence there at the Arch-Bishops thwarting his desires and occasions to establish sundry Articles which hee called his Grandâ—athers Customes peremptorily urging Becket to yeeld thereunto without any such reservation as saving in all things his order and right of the Church wherewith hee would have limited his assent The points in those ordinances which he principally stucke at as appeares by his owne Letter to the Pope were these 1. That none should appeale to the Bishop of Rome for any cause whatsoever without the Kings license 2. That it should not be lawfull for any Arch-Bishop or Bishop to depart the Realme or repaire to the Pope upon his summons without the Kings license 3. That no Bishop should excommunicate any man holding of the King in chiefe or put any other of his Officers under interdict without the Kings license 4. That Clerkes criminous should be tryed before secular Iudges 5. That it should not be lawfull for a Bishop to punish any one for perjury or faith-breach 6. That the Laity whether the King or other should hold pleas of Churches and Tithes c. These points so neerely touched the Papall Soveraigntie and Church-liberties that the resolute Metropolitane mainely opposed his whole power against them The King being as resolute to enforce him to subscribe to them both to â—nlarge his Soveraigne authority and to exempt his estate by degrees from dependancie on any externall Government as lineally claiming from absolute Soveraigne Antecessors At last Pope Alexander very desiâ—ous to keepe the Kings love though secretly wishing well to Beckets attempts sent one Philip his Almoner to compose the controversie by whom the Pope and Cardinalls required the Arch-Bishop to promise the King to keepe his sayd Ordinances absolutely without any savings or exceptions Whereupon Becket seeing his Scrupulositie thus disapproved by his Soveraigne by all his Brethren the Biâ—hops and the Court of Rome it selfe hee rode to Woodstocke to the King and there promised that he would keepe the sayd Lawes Bâ—na fide and without male engin The King thereupon supposing now all contradictions would cease called an Assembly of the States at Claâ—endon to collect and enact those Lawes where Becket relapsing from his former promise to the King sayd He had grievously sinned in making that absolute Oath and that he would not sinne any more At which the King was so vehemently inflamed that hee threatned banishment and destruction to him and his But at last the Arch-Bishop being overcome by perswasions of divers Nobles and Bishops sware before the King Clergie and people in the word of a Priest and sincerely that he would observe the Lawes which the King intituled Avitae And all the Bishops Abbots Priors and whole Clergie with all the Earles Barons and Nobilitie did promise and sweare the â—ame faithfully and truly to observe and performe to the King and his Heires for ever But when the King not so contented would have him to subscribe and fixe his Seale to an instrument in which these Customes and Lawes were comprised as every one of the other Bishops had done bâ—fore him he once againe starting from his faith did absolutely refuse it alledging that hee did promise to doe the King some honour in word onely but not with an intent to confirme these Articles being 16. in number neither would he subscribe or seale them unlesse the Pope by his Bull did first confirme them The King hereupon sent two Embassadours to Rome to the Pope to crave his allowance of those Lawes and to pray that the Legantine power of England might bee committed to the Arch-Bishop of Yorke Becket being so farre from seeking to pacifie the Kings displeasure as dayly hee provoked him more and morâ—â— The Pope knowing the cause to bee his owne more than Beckets rejected both these suites Becket having dealt so with him beâ—ore-hand that hee would doe nothing to his prejudice and withall absolved him and the other Bishops from their Oath of Allegeance to their Prince Whereupon the King commanded Becket to bee condemned in dammages â—or a Manor which Iohn de Marshall claimed and in the Parliament of Northampton demanded an accounâ— of him of 30000. pound which came to his hand during his Chancellorship which hee excusing and refusing punctually to answer the Peeres and Bishops condemned all his movables tâ— the Kings mercy After which the Prelates â—hemselves by a joynt consent adjudged him guilty of perjury for not yeelding tempoâ—all obedience to the King according to his Oath disclaiming all obedienâ—e to him thence forward as to their Arch-Bishop Becket the next day whiles the Bishops and Peeres were consulting of some fâ—rther course with him caused to be sung before him at the Altar The Princes sit and speake against mee and the ungodly persecute me c. And forthwith taking his silver Crosier in his owne hands a thing strange and unheard of before enters armed therewith into the Kings prâ—sence though earnestly disswaded by all that wished him well Wherewith the King enraged commanded his Peeres to sit in judgement upon him as on a Traytor and perjured person and accordingly they adjudged him to be apprehended and cast in prison as such a delinquent The Earles of Cornewall and Leicester who sate as Judges citing him forthwith to heare his sentence pronounced hee immediately appealed to the See of Rome as holding them no competent Judges whâ—reupon all reviling him with the name of Traytor and perjured person he replyed That were it not for his function he would enter the Duell or Combat with them in the field to acquit himselfe from Treason and perjury and so speeding from the Court departed into Flanders disguised
to the Pope But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince wherein you sweare that you shall be faithfull and true and beare unto him above all creatures love and favour to live and to dye with him and to open him all manner of Counsells that may be hurtfull unto his grace Now it is well knowne that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour and conversation And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince nor let it and why because you be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince by you that the Pope had handled in counsell against our Prince Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace whether I say true or falseâ— and yet must I be accused of Treason And why because you are sworne to the Pope and I am true to the King It followeth I will helpe to defend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome against all men saving mine order And in your new Oath now in our days made is added The regalls of Saint Peter What and in all men be contained your Prince you must needes defend him And why because ye be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men now must you forsake one of them and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince and sticke to the Pope for of your Oath made to your Prince you have been oftentimes assoiled And as your Law saith the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe But of your Oath made unto the Pope there is no absolution neither in heaven nor earth Neither was it ever read heard nor seene that there could be any dispensation for it Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written and by all the Bulls that ever were granted and by all the experience that ever was used and if I be found false let me be blamed and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncharitably but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason thus long and shamefully used agâ—inst my Prince which is necessary to be knowne And I am compelled by violence to declare both my conâ—ession and learning in this cause For men hath not beene ashamed to report that I would which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne and not able to kill a Cat though I would doe my utteâ—most to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince whom as God knoweth I doe honour worâ—hip love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart and am not satisfied because it is no more This I speake afore God Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true and if I were not so true in my heart it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully and untruely with their Prince yea against both Gods law and mans law The very truth is I can suffer through Gods grace all manner of wrongs injuries and slanders but to be called an hereticke against God or a Traytor against my Priâ—ce he liveth not but I will say he lyeth and will be able so to prove him if I may be reported by my workes or deedes by my conversation or living or by any thing that ever I did and I dare say as much of my self notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me But unto my purpose the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope another contrary to their Prince And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children And I poore man must be condemned and all my workes for Heresiâ— and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason And why because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend seeing that he was never no King but a Fisher All the world knoweth that Regalia belongeth to Kings and to like power of Kings Why are you noâ— rather sworne to defend Peters net and his Fisherie the which things hee both had and used and never regalls But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them But what meane you by that sentence Saving mine order why say you not saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith you may not defend these things with weapons But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this thus to delude with words all the whole world Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe there is no men sooner in Armes than you are if you call Armes Harneys Bylles and Glaves swords and gunnes and such other things Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spenser was in Armes to defend Popâ— Vrban it were but folly to recite examples In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace and the Bishops of England for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King Wherefore the King required an Oath and a confirmation of the Bishops as concerning those Articles prerogatives But answere was made of the Bishops that those prerogatives cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scripâ—o contentis were of none effect nor strength because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome unlesse the King gave licence And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popesâ— calling out of the Realme without the Kings assent And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge And because the King would heare matters as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes And because that it was against the See of Rome and the dignity of the same that a Bishop should be convented afore the King Briefely they would not be under the King but this addition should be set unto it Salvo honore Dei Ecclesiiae Romanae ordine nostro that is we will be under your grace saving the honour of God of the Church of Rome and of our order the cause why they did except these things was this as they themselves grant For Kings received their authorities and power of the Church but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops nor absolve any of them nor to judge of tithes nor of Churches neither yeâ— to forbid Bishops the handling of any spirituall cause Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince They will make it against Gods honour to obey their King and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face that his power is of them But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops or Bishops before Kings you shall finde
that God had long admitted Kings or any Bishops as you take him was thought of Doth not the Holy Ghost command that we should honour King Also in another place Let all men bâ— under the higher powers for the power is of God and he that resâ—steth resisteth the power of Gods Ordinance Here Paul saith that Kings power is of God of Bishops Furthermore what reason is it to defend the Popes Prerogative against your Princes Is not your Prince nearer and more naturall unto you then this wretch the Pope But here is a thing that maketh me to marveile When you sweare to the Pope saving your order is as much to say as you shall not use no weapons but else you shall be ready and obedient in all things But when you shall sweare to your King then saving your order is as much to say as you have authoritie to confirme Kings and to be their fellowes and neither to be obedient unto them nor yet to answere to any Justice before them but clearely to be exempted and they not to meddle with you except they will give you some worldly promotion If I would use my selfe as uncharitably against you as you have handled me doubtlesse I could make something of this that should displease you How would you cry and how would you handle me poore wretch â—f you had halfe so much against me as this is but I will let you passe God hath preserved me hitherto oâ— his infinite mercy against your insatiable malice and no doubt but he will doe the same still I will returne to your Oath It followeth I shall come to the Synod when I am called unlesse I shall be lawfully let But why doe you not sweare to compell the Pope to call a Councell seeing that it hath beene so often and so instantly required of him by many Noble Princes of Christendome yea seeing that al Christendom such was their desire of Reformation doth require with great sighes an order to be taken and set in the highest Articles of our faith but unto this you are not sworne And why because it is against your holy Pope of Rome for it there were a generall Councell both he and you doe know that there must needes follow both over him and you a streight reformation Therefore after my Counsell say that you cannot come for you be lawfully let It followeth I shall honourably entreate the Popes Logaâ— both going and comming and in his necessity I shall helpe him I pray you see and provide well that he goe not a begging as Peter did And see also that he neither preach nor teach but pill and poll with all mischiefe and unshame fastnesse And whyâ— because you are sworne this to maintaine It followeth I shall visit yearely my selfe or by some other messenger the Pope of Rome unlesse I â—e dispenced with of them I pray you what pertaineth this to the Office of a Bishop yearely to visit Rome Christ and the most of his Apostles were never at Rome and yet they were meetly good Christian men But I reade in the traditions of the Turke that certaine of them must yearely visit their Mahomet From whom I thinke you have taken this custome Your owne Law saith that unto this clause must these Bishops all onely be bound that be immediately underneath the Pope Now are not you such for you sweare an oath to the King that you will immediately take your Bishopricke of him and hold it all onely of his grace Wherefore then doe you here sweare against your owne Law And also against your Oath made to your Prince Moreover you know that there was an old custome in the dayes of King Henry the second that no Bishop should goe out of the Realme without the Kings Licence Are you not bound to keepe this custome but answere that the Pope hath dispensed with you and that you are not bound to keepe any obedience toward the acts that your Prince maketh Moreover I marvaile sore that you be all so straightly sworne of so long time and never one of you that ever went in my dayes to discharge this Oath And why because you are dispensed with But were it not as good to leave it out of your Oath at first seeing you intend not to keepe it as afterward to dispence with you for it No forsooth for then the Pope could not bind you to come to Rome at his pleasure and betray your King and all his Counsailes But in your Oath that is newly made and that you have sworne last is added that if the Pope be on this side the mountaines then you shall visite him every yeare but if he be beyond the mountaines then every three yeares Oâ—â— that knew not your practise and the circumstances of youâ— facts that hath beene done would little suspect this addition but the very truth is there is a mischievous and abominable treason in it against Princes For if it chanced the Emperour or else any temporall Prince neere unto Rome to fall at variance with the Pope then did the Pope straight runne into France that is to say on this side the Mountaines where you must visite him yearely And why because your God is in distresse and hath conceived a deadly hatred against a Prince and cannot bring it to passe without your helpe and counsell Whereâ—ore you must come yearely And also he must know through your betraying how your Prince is minded and whether he be addicted to his contrarie part or not If he be you must betray his Counsell and that yearely and why because the Pope is on this side the Mountaines But and if he be in Rome and hath all Princes neckes under his girdle yet is it sufficient that you come every third yeare For you can at once comming devise as much Treason as Princes shall avoyd in five yeares But what belongeth this unto a Bishop that the Pope is on this side the mountaines or beyond If he be bound by Gods Law yearely to visite the Pope then must you visite him wheresoever he be though he were either with God or the Devill and if you be not bound by Gods Law what a presumption is it of him to bind you yea what an over-sight is it of you to let your selfe thus to be bound and what a wickednesse is it of you so straightly to keepe this Oath to the which you are not bound by Scripture against your obedience made to your Prince which is commanded by Gods Word But I pray you what example hath either he or blessed Saint Peter to bind by vertue of an Oath the other Apostles yearely to visit him at Rome All the world may perceive that this Oath is invented of insatiable covetousnesse that the Pope and you have toward honours and dignities And that is well declared by these words that follow in your Oath The possessions of my Church I shall not sell give lay to
him when hee went Embassadour to the Emperour That hee proclaimed open warre by an Herauld against the Emperour without the Kings privitie that he had sent Gregory of Cassido a Knight into Italy to make a new League betwene the King and the Duke of Farrar without the kings knowledge That being almost rotten with the French Pox he preâ—umed to breathe with his stinking and rotten mouth in the kings face That he set his Cardinalls Hat on the kings Coyne and that he exported an infinite Masse of Money out of the kingdome into Italy that he might most impudently compasse the Papacie with other particulars fore-cited All which together with the Cardinalls attainder in the Praemunire Mr. Tyndall saith were done only in policie by the Cardinall to bleare the eyes of the World withall because nought worthy a Traytor was done unto him it being seldome heard or read that so great a Traytor was so easily put to death or punished because Sir Thomas Moore his chiefest Secretary one nothing inferiour to his Master in lying faining and bearing two faces in one hood and the chiefest stale wherewith the Cardinall caught the kings Grace whom he called to the confirmation of all that hee intended to perswade was made Chancellour in his place because his Bishopricke of Durham was bestowed on one of his old Chaplaines and chiefe Secretaries his fast friends and because as soone as the Parliament brake up the Cardinall had his Charter of pardon and got him home and all Bishops got them every Fox to his hole leaving their Attournies yet behinde them thinking to come again themselves as soon as the constellation was some what over-run whereof they were afraid But however it were either in policie only or earnest it turned to reality at last For the Cardinall thus put from the Court and his Chancellorship nothing abating his pride or spirit to beard the king flater the people appointed to be installed at York in great pomp inviting all the lords and Gentlemen in the countrey to accompany him from Cawood to Yorke complaining likewise by degrees to many of the great injuries the king had done him to stirre up the people to sedition inveighing likewise very bitterly in his Letters to the Pope and other Forraigners against the king which railing Letters and reproaches of his comming to the kings Embassadors eares they acquainted the king therewith The king acquaintâ—d with these his Seditious and disloyall practises and understanding of his intended pompous installment at Yorke commanded the Earle of Northumberland to arrest him at Cawood of High-Treason which hee did about the beginning of November 1536. The Cardinall wondering at this sudden arrest stood first upon his termes of contest with the Earle telling him that hee was a Cardinall a Member of the Court of Rome and the Popes Legate not subject to any mans or Princes arrest on whom to lay violent hands was a great wickednesse but at last fearing the successe and the Earles power submitted himselfe against his will The Earle hereupon removed his followersâ— seized on all his plate and goods brought him to Sheffield Castle where he delivered him to the High Sheriffe of Shropshire to be conveyed to London Thither the Captaine of the Guard and Lieutenant of the Tower with certaine Yeomen of the Guard were sent to fetch him to the Tower at which the Cardinall was sore astonied and fearing the worst grew sicke upon it whereupon he willingly tooke so much quantitie of a strong purgation that his nature was not able to beare it and thereof dyed at Leicester Abbey the 27. day of November his body lying dead was blacke as pitch and so heavie that sixe could scarce beare it Furthermore it did so stinke above the ground that they were constrained to hasten the buriall of it in the night season before it was day At the which buriall such a tempest with such a stinke there arose that all the Torches went out and so he was throwne into the Tombe and there left By the ambitious pride and excessive worldly wealth of this one Cardinall writes Master Fox all men may easily understand and judge what the state and condition of all the rest of the same Order whom we call Spirituall men was in those dayes as well in all other places of Christendome as specially here in England whereas the Princely possessions and great pride of the Clergie did not onely farre surpasse and exceed the common measure and order of Subjects but also surmounted over kings and Princes and all other Estates as may well appeare by hâ—s doings and order of his Story above described In which I have beene the more prolix because it notably paints out unto us the ambitious trecherous â—lye practises and designes of our Prelates with the ordinary wayes whereby they creepe into Princes favours as likewise their insolent behaviour and strange perfidiousnesse when they are growne great and is a lively patterne of the Bishops practises in our age who tread in these his foot-steps and follow them to an haires breadth I would therefore advise them to remember his last words as well as imitate his Actions with which I shall close up his Story If I had served God as diligently as I have done the King he would not have given me over in my gray haires But this is the just reward that I must receive for the paines and study that I have had to doe him service not regarding my service to God so much as the satisfying of his pleasure Edward Lee who succeeded him in his Arch Bishopricke in the great Rebellion of the North An. 1535. and 1536. joyned with the Rebels against his Prince some say it was against his wil but certain it is that the Abbots priests and Clergi-men were the chief cause ring-leaders in this Rebellion the principall pretence wherof was the reformation of religion the abolishing of the heresies of Luther Zuinglius Wicklif and other Protestant Writers the removing of Cranmer other hereticall Bishops and Privie Counsellors the restoring of and Prioriâ—sâ— and all points of Popery formerly maintainedâ— with the confirmation of the priviledges of this in speciall that Priests might not suffer for any treason or felony unlesse they were first degraded Now the Abbots Priests Monkes and Clergie being the stirrers up and chiefe Captaines of this Rebellion upon these points of Religion and priviledge of the Church which mainely concerned the Clergie it is likely the Arch-Bishop was as forward as any of the rest in this Insurrection and that he accompanied and encouraged the Rebels not out of 〈◊〉 or constraint as hee afterwards pretended but willingly though â—he King pardoned him as he did all the other wilfull Rebels Some of them making a new insurrection were afâ—erwards taken and executed as Traytors to the Crowne among which number Paâ—law Abbot of Whaley in Lincolnshire Iohn Castlegate and William Haydocke Monkes of the same house Robert Hobs Abbot
used there to preach before the King and Prelates fâ—eely told him That if hee did not remove from him Peter Bishop of Winchester and Peter de Rivallis he could never be in quiet The King did hereupon a little come to himselfe and Roger Bacon a Clergie-man also of a pleasant wit did second Roberts advise telling the King that Petrae and Rupes were most dangerous things at Sea alluding to the Bishops name Petrus de Rupibus The King therefore as hee had the happinesse in his mutabilitie to change for his more securitie taking that good advise of Schollers which he would not of his Peeres summons a Parliament to be holden at VVestminster giving the World to know withall that his purpoâ—e was to amend by their advise whatsoever ought to be amended But the Barons considering that still there arrived sundry strangers men of warre with Horse and Armourâ— and not trusting the Poiâ—â—ovine faith came not but presumed to send this message to the King that if out of hand he removed not Peter Bishop of Winchester and the Poictovines out of his Courtâ— they all of them by the common consent of the Kingdome would drive him and his wicked Counsellours together out of it and consult about creating a new Soveraigne The King whom his Fathers example made more timerous could easily have beene drawne to have redeemed the love of his naturall Liege-men with the disgrace of a few strangers but the Bishop of VVinchester and his Friends infused more spirit into him Whereon to all those whom hee suspected the King sets downe a day within which they should deliver sufficient pledges to secure him of their loyalty Against that day the Lords in great numbers make repaire to London but the Earle Marshall admonished of danger by his Sister the Countesse of Cornewall â—lyes backe to VVales and chiefely for want of his presence nothing was concluded The King not long after is at Gloster with an Armie whither the Earle and his Adherents required to come refused the King therefore burnes their Mannors and gives away their inheritances to the Poictovines This Rebellion had not many great Names in it but tooke strength rather by weight then number the knowne Actors were the Earle Marshall the Lord Gilbert Basset and many of the inferiour Nobles The Bishops arts had pluckt from him the Kings brother and the two Earles of Chester and Lincolne who dishonourably sold their love for a thousand Markes and otherwise as it seemed secured the rest Neverthelesse they may well bee thought not to have borne any evill will to their now forsaken confederate the Earle Marshall who tooke himselfe to handle the common cause certainely hee handled his owne safety but ill as the event shall demonstrate The Earle hearing these things contracts strict amity with Lewelin Prince of Wales whose powers thus knit together by advantages of the Mountaines were able to counterpoise any ordinary invasion To the kings ayde Balwin de Gisnes with many Souldiers came out of Flanders The king now at Hereford in the midst of his Forces sends from thence by VVinchesters counsell the Bishop of Saint Davids to defie the Earle Marshall How farre soever the word defie extends it selfe sure it seemes that the Earle hereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation by which hee was tyed to the king and freed to make his defence the king notwithstanding after some small attempts and better considerations did promise and assume that by advise of counsell all that was amisse should at a day appointed bee rectified and amended About which time Hubert de Burgo having intelligence that the Bishop of VVinchester who was a Poictovine plotted his death escaped out of the Castle of Devises where hee was prisoner to a Neighbour Church but was haled from thence by the Castle-keepers The Bishop of Sarisbury in whose Diocesse it hapned caused him to be safe restored to the same place from whence by the Earle Marshall and a troope of armed men his friends hee was rescued and carryed into VVales The king at the day and place appointed holds his great Counsell or Conference with the Lords but nothing followed for the peace of the Realme it was not an ordinary passage of speech which hapned there betweene the Lords and Bishop of VVinchester For when the English Bishops and Barons humbly besought the king for the honour of Almightie God to take into grace his naturall Subjects whom without any tryall by their Peeres hee called Traytors the Bishop offended it seemes at Peeres takes the words out of the kings mouth and answers That there are no Peeres in England as in the Realme of France and that therefore the king of England by such Justiciars as himselfe pleaseth to ordaine may banish offenders out of the Realmeâ— and by judiciall processe condemne them The English Bishops relished his speech so sharply that with one voyce they threatned to excommunicate and accurse by name the kings principall wicked Councellours but VVinchester appealed Then they accursed all such as alienated the heart of the king from his Naturall Subjects and all others that perâ—urbed the peace of the Realme Matthew VVestminster writes of this Peter de la Roche that hee was more expert in Military than Scholasticall affaires That the king by his Counsell removed all English Officers out of his Court and precipitately cast away all his Counsellours as well Bishops as Earles Barons and other Nobles of his kingdome so as hee would beleeve none but this Bishop whom hee adored as his God and his Darling Peter de Rivales Whence it came to passe that expelling all Gardians of Castles almost through all Englandâ— the King committed all things under the custodie of this Peter Then this Prelate drew into his confederacie Stephen de Segrave too much an enemie both to the kingdome and Church who had given most detestable counsell formerly to Stephen the Popes Chaplaine to the inestimable dammage of the Church many wayes and Robert de Passelewe who with all his might and with effusion of no small summe of money had plotted treason and grievances at Rome against the king and kingdome This man kept the kings treasure under Peter de Rivalis and so it came to passe that the Reines of the whole kingdome were committed to Strangers and base persons others being rejected Yet Godwin for the honour of his Rochet magnifies this Prelate for his notable Wisdome so as the Counsell of England received a great wound by his death though it and the whole Realme received such prejudice by his life The Earle Marshall writes Speed encreasing in strength and hatred against such as were the kings reputed Seducers makes spoile and bootie on their possessions and after joyning with the power of Leoline Prince of Wales puts all to fire and sword as farre as Shrewesbury part whereof they burnt to Ashes and sackt the Residue The king then
at Gloster for want of sufficient forces departed thence sorely grieved to Winchester abandoning those other parts as it were to waste and ruine It therefore seemes that hee was not growne stronger or richer by the displacing of Hubert Earle of Kent and the rest and by taking new into their roomes who commonly bite and sucke hard till they have glutted themselves if at least-wise there bee any satietie in Avarice whereas the old and ancient Officers having provided in a manner for the maine chance have the lesse reason to be grievous Therefore the Lyons skinne not being large enough for the Bishop of VVinchester and his factious purposes they peece them out with the Foxes case an inevitable stratageme is devised The Earle Marshall had in Ireland all the ample Patrimonies of his Grandfather the famous Strongbow To make that member of his strengths improfitable if not also pernicious they devise certaine Letters directed to Maurice Fitz-Gerald Deputy Justice of Ireland and other principall men who held of the Earle In them they signifie that Richard once marshall to the King of EngIand was for manifest Treason by the judgement of the Kings Court banished the Realme his Lands Townes and Tenements consumed by fire other his Hereditaments destroyed and himselfe for ever disinherited that if upon his comming thither they did take him either alive or dead the King did give them all the Earles Lands there which now were forfeited by vertue of his attainture and for assurance that the sayd gift should continue firme and good they by whose advise the King and Kingdome were governed faithfully undertooke To these letters which the Monkes call bloody they caused the King to set his Seale as they themselves also did theirs Vpon receipt of which lines the parties signifie backe under the Seale of secresie that if the contents of those letters were confirmed by the Kings Letters Patents they would performe that which they desired The Letters Patents be made accordingly and having fraudulently gotten the great Seale from Hugh Bishop of Chichester Lord Chancellor who knew not thereof they make them authenticke with the impression The Kings minde therefore being still exulterated towards the Earle Marshall he grievously charged Alexander Bishop of Chester that hee had too much familiarity with the Earle affirming that they sought to thrust him from his Throne the Bishop to cleare himselfe from so haynos a sâ—andall put on his Episcopall habit and solemnely pronounceth all those accurst who did but imagine a wickednesse of so foule a nature against the Majestie or person of the King and thereupon by the intercession of other Prelates he was received into grace The King was then at Westminster where Edmond the Archbishop of Canterbury elect with other his Suffragan Bishops bewayling the estate of the Kingdome present themselves before him telling him as his loyall leigemen that the counsell of Peter Bishop of VVinchester and his complices which now he had and used was not sound nor safe but cruell and perillous to himselfe and his Realme First for that they hated and despised the English calling them Traytors turning the Kings heart from the love of his people and the hearts of the people from him as in the Earle Marshall whom being one of the worthiest men of the Land by sowing false tales they drave into discontentment 2. That by the councell of the same Peter his father King Iohn first lost the hearts of his people then Normandy then other lands and finally wasted all his Treasures and almost England it selfe and never after had quiet 3. That if the Subjects had now beene handled according to Justice and Law and not by their ungodly councells those present troubles had not hapned but the Kings lands had remained undestroyed his treasures unexhausted 4. That the Kings Councell is not the Councell of peace but of perturbation because they who cannot rise by peace will rayse themselves by the trouble and disinherison of others 5. That they had the treasure Castles Wardships and strengths of the Kingdome in their hands which they insolently abused to the great hazard of the whole estate for that they made no conscience of an Oathâ— Law Justice or the Churches Censures Therefore we O King said they speake these things faithfully unto you and in the presence both of God and man doe counsell beseech and admonish yoâ— to remove such a Councell from about you and as it is the usage in otâ—er Realmes governe yours by the faithfull and sworne Children thereof The King in briefe answered hereunto that he could not sodainely put off his Councell and therefore prayed a short respite till their accomps were audited Meane while the behahaviours of the Marshalline faction having this backing at Court grew more and more intollerable for while the King was at Huntingdon the Lord Gilbert Basset and others set fire upon Alckmundbury a Towne belonging to Stephen de Segrave the flames whereof were seene of the Owner being then with the King at Huntingdon they also tooke Prisoners upon the Welch Marches and according to the Law of warre which saith one is lawlesse did put them to their ransomes Nothing had hitherto preserved the King more than that he could without great griefe forgoe any Favorites if hee were meerely pressed the contrary quality whereof hath beene the cause of finall desolation to so many Princes for albeit the choyce of Counsellours ought to be free yet by common intendment they should be good or howsoever they are or are not it is madnesse to hazard a Crowne or lose the love of a whole Nation rather than to relinquish or diminish a particular dependant the rights of amity ought neverthelesse to remaine inviolable but in such distance that the publike be not perverted or interverted for a private The King therefore in this point not unfortunate commanded Bishop Peter to betake himselfe to his residence at VVinton without once medling in affaires of State but against Rivalis his Treasurer he was so vehement that he sware hee would plucke out his eyes were it not for reverence of holy Orders commanding also the Proictouines to depart the Realme never to see his face Then are the Archbishop of Canterbury with the Bishops of Chester and Rochester sent into VValls to pacifie things there but the Earle Marshall had now crost the Seas into Ireland to take revenge for the spoyles and displeasures which his hired enemies had made in his Lands there by whose plots according to that secret agreement he was finally taken and died of a wound given him in the backe as he with admirable manhood defended himselfe The Archbishop of Canterbury with the other Bishops repaired to the King at Glocester upon their returne from Leoline Prince of VVales who pretended he could not conclude till the King had received into grace such of the banished Nobility with whom himselfe had beene confederate during the late displeasures The
Treasure for that otherwise it was impossible the King should be fallen so farre behind hand whereupon hee was charged with the receit of 1109600. pound which amounted to more than a million of pounds besides a hundred thousand frankes paid unto him by Galeace Duke of Millaine for all which a sodaine account is demanded of him divers other accusations and misdemeanours were likewise charged against him and by meanes hereof Iohn a Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster questioning him in the Kings Courts for these misdemeanours William Skipwith Lord chiefe Justice condemned him as guilty of these accusations procured his temporalties to be taken from him and to be bestowed upon the young Priâ—ce of Wales and lastly commanded him in the Kings name not to come within twenty miles of the Court This happened in the yeare 1376. The next yeare the Parliament being assembled and Subsidies demanded of the Cleargy the Bishops utterly rufused to debate of any matter whatsoever till the Bishop of Winchester a principall member of that assembly might be present with him By this meanes Licence was obtained for his repaire thither and thither hee came glad he might be neere to the meanes of his reâ—titution But whether it were that he wanted money to beare the charge or to the intent to move commiseration or that he thought it safest to passe obscurely he that was wont to ride with the greatest traine of any Prelate in England came then very slenderly attended travelling through by-wayes as standing in doubt of snares his enemies might lay for him After two yeares trouble and the losse of ten thousand markes sustainâ—d by reason of the same with much adoe he obtainâ—â— restitution of his temporalties by the mediation of Aliâ—â— Piers a gentlewoman that in the last times of King Edâ—â—rd altogether possessed him Returning then unto Winchester he was received into the city with solemne procâ—â—sion and many signes of great joy Soone after his returne King Edward diedâ— and the Duke hoping bâ— reason of â—hâ—â—oung Kings nonage to workâ— some mâ—sâ—hiâ—fe unto this Bishop whom of all mortall men he most hated perhaps not without just reason began to rub up some of the old accusationsâ— with addiâ—ions of new complaints But the King thought good to be a meanes of reconciling these two personages and then was easily entreated under the broad Seale of England to pardon all those supposed offences wherewith the Bishop had heretofore beene charged This Bishop earnestly desiring to be made Bishop of VVinchester the King himselfe expâ—obrated to him the exilitie and smalenesse of his learning hee being no Scholler at allâ— but a surveyer of his buildings at first though laden with multitudes of pluralities to whom VVickham answered That albeit he were unlearned yet he was abâ—ut to bring forth a fâ—uitfull issue which should procreate very great store of learned men which was understood of those most ample Colledges he afterwards buâ—lt both at Oxford and VVinchesteâ— for which good works alone his name hath since beene famous and himselfe extolled above his deserts in other things which were but ill at best This Prelate having obtained divers goodly promotions which he acknowledged to have received rather as reward of service then in regard of any extraordinary desert otherwiseâ— he caused to be engraven in VVinchester Tower at VVinsor these words VVickhamâ— whereof when some complained to the King as a thing derogating from his honour that another should â—eeme to beare the charge of his buildings and the King in great displeasure reprehended him for it He answered that his meaning was not to ascribe the honour of that building to himselfe but his owne honour of preferments unto that buâ—lding not importing that VVicham made the Tower but that the Tower was the meanes of making VVickham and raising him from base estate unto those great places of honour he then enjoyed The Pope was now growne to that height of tyranny that he not onely placed but displaced Bishops at his pleasure And his meanes to do it was by translating them to some other Bishoppricke peradventure nothing worth at all Hee translated Henry Beauford from Lincolne to Winchester Iune 23. 1426. and made him Cardinall of S. Eusebius This Bishop was valiant and very wise Pope Martin the fiftâ— determining to make warre upon the Boâ—emians that had renounced all obedience unto the see of Rome made this Cardinall his Legate into that Country and appointed such forces as he could make to be at his commandement Toward the charges of this voyage the Cleargie of England gave a tenth of all their promotions and furnished out foure thousand men and more with this power he passed by France doing there some service for his Prince and Country into Bohemia the yeare 1429. There he remained certaine moneths behaving himselfe very valiantly till by the Pope he was discharged In his youth he was wantonly given and begate a base daughter named Iane upon Alice the daughter of Richard Earle of Arundell About the yeare of our Lord 1425. there fell out a great devision in the Realme of England which of a sparkle was like to have growne to a great flame by meanes of this Henry Beauford Bishop of Winchester Son to Iohn Duke of Lancaster by his third wife for whether this Bishop envied the authority of Humphry Duke of Glosterâ— Protector of the Realme or whether the Duke disdained at the riches and pompous estate of the said Bishop sure it is that the whole Realme was troubled with them and their partakers so that the citizens of London were faine to keepe dayly and nightly watches and to shut up their shops for feare of that which was doubted to have insued of their assembling of people about them The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Quimbre called the Prince of Portingale rode eight times in one day betweene the two parties and so the matter was staid for a time but the Bishop of Winchester to cleare himselfe of blame so farre as hee might and to charge his Nephew the Lord Protector with all the fault wrote a Letter to the Regent of France The 25. day of March a Parliament began at the Towne of Leicester where the Duke of Bedford openly rebuked the Lords in generall because that they in the time of warre through their privy malice and inward grudges had almost moved the people to warre and commotion in which time all men ought or should be of one minde heart and consent requiring them to defend serve and to dread their soveraigne Lord King Henry in performing his conquest in France which was in manner brought to conclusion In this Parliament the Duke of Glocester laid certaine Articles to the Bishop of Winchesters charge First Whereas hee being Protector and Defendor of this Land desired the Tower to be opened to him therein Richard VVoodvile Esquire having at that time the charge of the keeping of the Tower refused his desire and kept the same Tower against himâ—
Synode who upon his pennance and absolution gave Guliple to his Church Aquod the sonne of â—ouâ—f falling out with this Bishop drave him and his men into the Church of Landaffe For which hee was excommunicated by him and to bee absolved was glad to give Pennoun with the Church of Lantilâ—l and certaine other Lands Loumarch the sonne of Carguocaun was excommunicated by Gulfridus the 20 Bishop of this See in a full Synod for violating certaine priviledges and invading the goods of his Church but upon his humble submission on his knees to the Bishop with many teares and his offer to acknowledge his offence and to suffer any punishment the Bishop would impose upon him The Bishop upon restitution of all the goods he had taken and the gift of Treficarn pont absolved him Assac the sonne of Mâ—rchiud having treacherously slaine one Gulayguni being excommunicated for it by this Bishop gave Segan to his Church to expiate the murther and for the soule of the slaine Sâ—â—lferth Hegoi and Arguistil the sonnes of Belli fell at variance in words with Nudd the 21 Bishop of this See and proceeding at last from words to blowes committed divers outrages upon his Land and Family but quickly remembring themselves fearing excommunication they asked pardon and submitted themselves to pennance After which performed they gave unto the Church for further confirmation of their unfeigned repentance the territory of Iulius and Aaron King Brochvaile the sonne of Mouric and his Family fell at variance with Civeilliauc the 22 Bishop of Landaffe and his Family to whom they offered some injury wherewith the Bishop being moved assembled all his Clergy together even to the inferiour degrees intending to excommunicate Brochvaile and all his family as forfeited to him and execrable to God before all the people in a full Synod for this injury which Brochvaile hearing of sought for pardon and remission which he could not obtaine from the Bishop upon any termes unlesse he would suffer a Canonicall judgement The cause being discussed the Bishop was adjudged to receive from him an Image of his face both in length and breadth in pure gold and that amends should be made by him to the condigne honour of his Family and Nobility of his parentageâ— which sentence Borchvaile was forced to redeeme by giving the Towne of Tref-Peren with six other pieces of Land to the Bishop and his Church One Pater being the 25 Bishop of this See Anno 955. A certaine Country fellow meeting a Deacon with a sword by his side asked him what a Coward should doe with Weapons and striving to take away the sword cut the Deacons finger whereupon the Deacon killed him and when he had done tooke Sanctuary in the Church of Saint Iarman and Saint Febrie Thereby sixe of King Gurialls houshould although there wanted not many that sought to defend the man in regard of the place he was slaine even at the very Altar of the Church These sixe men were delivered at the City of Gwentonia now Caerwent into the hands of Pater the Bishop who kept them in straight prison sixe moneths and then forced them to give all their Lands and Livings to Landaffe besides seven pound of silver to the Church which they had polluted Mouric King of Glamorgan was excommunicated by Ioseph the 28 Bishop of this Diocesse for putting out the eyes of Etgum in a time of truce to have his absolution he gave to the Bishop Paniprise Another time he was faine to give Gulich Fabrus and foure pound of silver unto the Bishop beside other great gifts to the Canons upon this occasion Hee had broken the Sanctuary of the Church of Landaffe by taking away thence violently the wife of his enemy and hurting some of the Bishops servants For so doing he was publiquely excommunicated by the Bishop in a Synod and by these gifts made way to obtaine his absolution Caratuc one of his company in the last recited action was forced to give Henriu in Wencia Riugallan the sonne of Rum being excommunicate for an assault made upon the Bishop and his men gave Riu Drein and the third part of the Wood of Yuisperthan to be absolved Cutguallam the sonne of Guriat strooke one in the Consistory in the presence of Ioseph the Bishop who kept him the said Catguallam in prison till he had made amends for that fault by giving the Church of Saint Brides Calgucam the King of Morganuc and his family was solemnly excommunicated by Herewald the 29 Bishop of Landaffe in a Synod of all his Clergy who thereupon cast downe all the Crosses and Reliques to the ground overturned their Bells and stopped up all the doores of the Churches with thornes so as they continued for a long time without divine service and pastors day and night the King and his Family in the meane time being sequestred from the society of all the faithfull and all because one of the Kings followers being drunke had laid violent hands upon Bathutis the Bishops Physitian and Kinsman on Christmas day Anno 1056. Whereupon the King though innocent upon his submission to the Bishop to obtaine his absolution was enfâ—rced to give Henringumna in the presence of all the Clergy people to this Bishop and his successors free from all secular regal services After which one Gistni excommunicated for a rape committed by a Nephew and follower of his upon a Virgin whom he tooke violently out of the Church of Landaffe was forced to give Milne to the Bishop and his Successors to obtaine absolution By these instances wee may partly discerne by what undue meanes Bishops at first obtained their large Temporalties and Revenues even by enforcing Kings and great persons to buy out and expiate their offences by endowing their Sees with Lands and Manors without which they could not purchase their absolution and we likewise learn hence that Bishops in those dayes excommunicated none but in a Synod with the suffrage of all their Clergy Edmund de Bromfeild the 48. Bishop of Landaffe for procuring and bringing in the Popes Bulls of Provision to make him Abbot of Bury contrary to his owne expresse Oath and the Statutes of the Realme was for this his contempt and disobedience committed to the Tower by King Richard the second where he lay prisoner a long time neither durst the Pope yeeld him any assistance to justifie his owne Bull. The late Bishops of this See as Feild and others have beene so notoriously peccant that I need not mention them wherefore I shall passe on to the Bishops of Bangor Bishops of Bangor MAuritius the third Bishop of Bangor most undutifully refused a long time to doe homage to the King of England for his Bishopricke held of him but at last was perswaded to doe it Robert of Shrewsbury joyning with Leolin Prince of Wales against King Iohn his Soveraigne was taken prisoner by the
King in his owne Cathedrall Church and ransomed for 200. hawkes after this dying he was buried not in the Church-yard but in the market place of Shrewsbury by his owne appointment Richard the 10. Bishop of Bangor excommunicated David ap Lhewelin Prince of Wales for that contrary to his Oâ—th he took his Brother Gryffith prisoner who was content upon the Bishops word to goe to his Brother and when he saw that course would not reforme him he never lin complaining first to the King of England then to the Pope that he so incensed them as the one excommunicated him the other made warre upon him untill he delivered his said Brother into the Kings hands who caused him to be kept in the Tower of London till he endeavoring there to escape by misfortune brake his necke The Prince hereupon so wasted the Bishopricke that in the yeare 1248. this Bishop and the Bishop of Saint Asaph were forced to beg their bread Whereupon this Bishop came to the Abbot of Saint Albanes desiring that the Bosome of Mercy might be opened unto his poverty and he abiding there untill his Bishopricke wasted and spoiled with continuall warre should recover some better estate might together with his Chaplaine there breath and rest themselves from those calamities wherewith they had beene long afflicted in like sort as heretofore the Bishop of Hereford had done who was honorably entertained there almost the space of twenty yeares Richard Young the 22. Bishop of Bangor for some contempt and disobedience against the King and confederating as is likely with that Rebell Owen Glendor was imprisoned two or three yeares till the Pope Anno 1404. translated him to Rochester by his Bull. Lewis the 23. Bishop of Bangor Anno. 1408. joyned with the Earle of Northumberland the Lord Bardolfe and others in open Rebellion against King Henry the fourth The Earle was slaine in battell in the field the Lord Bardolfe mortally wounded and their heads set upon London Bridge The Bishop was likewise taken prisoner in the battell but obtained pardon from the King because he had no Armes upon him when he was taken though the incendiary of the other two and as great a Traytor as they but the Abbot of Hayles was hanged because hee had borne Armes in that Rebellion So happy are Traytorly and Rebellious Bishops as to scape scot free in their Treasons and Rebellions when all other sorts of men have execution done upon them Arthur Bulkly Bishop of Bangor and Iohn Lewis Vicar of Llain-geynwina were attainted in a Praemunire at the prosecution of William Whorewood the Kings Attorney for suing for the right of Patronage and Tithes of the said Church and for severall summes of money due on bond for Tithes in this Bishops Ecclesiasticall Court which had no cognisance of them being temporall and belonging only to the Kings Civill Courts to the derogation of the imperiall Jurisdiction of the King and his Crowne and subversion of the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme And hereupon judgement was given against them according to the Statute This Bishop sold away five faire Bells out of the Steeple of his Cathedrall Church which maâ—d the Musicke there Should I rip up the scandalous lives and Actions of some of the late Pilates of this See one of whom published The Practise of Piety which some say he never writ though neither he nor any of his successors did ever much practice it in their lives or should I recite the vile complaints of late against one of them in 2 or 3 late Parliaments I should be over tedious and pollute my paper with such beastly actions as would cause chast eyes to blush and turne their aspect from them Wherefore I shall passe them over in silence he being gone to answer them before the supreame tribunall informing you only that he imposed Armies upon his Clergy and provided an Armory for them to be kept in within his Cathedrall at Bangoâ— And so I post on to Assaph Diocesse Saint Assaph IOhn Trevaur Bishop of Saint Assaph pronounced the sentence for deposing King Richard the second in which instrument he is first named as appeares by this ensuing Copy of it In the Name of God Amen We Iohn Bishop of Saint Assaph chosen and deputed speciall Commissaries by the three states of this present Parliament representing the whole body of the Realme for all such mattersâ— by the said estates to us committed Wee understanding and considering the manifold crimes hurts and harmes done by Richard King of England and misgovernance of the same by a long time to the great decay of the said Land and utter ruine of the same shortly to have beene had not the speciall grace of our God thereto put the sooner remedy And also further more adverting that the said King Richard by acknowledging his owne insufficiency hath of his owne meere voluntaâ—y and free will renounced and given over the rule and governance of this Land with all rights and hâ—nours unto the same belonging and utterly for his merits hath judged himselfe not unworthily to be deposed of all Kingly Majesty and Estate Royall We the Premisses well considering by good and diligent deliberation by the power name and authority to us as aforesaid committed pronounce decerâ—e and declare the same King Richard before this to have beene and so to be unprofitable uâ—aâ—le unsuffiâ—ient and unworâ—hy of the Rule and Government of the foresaid Realmes and Lorâ—ships and of all rights and other the appurtenances thereto belonging And fâ—r the same causes wee deâ—rive him of all Kingly dignity and worshâ—p and of all Kingly worship in himselfe And we depose him by our sentence definitive forbidding expresly to all Archbishops and Bishops and all other Prelates Dukes Marquesses Earles Barons and Knights and all other men of the foresaid Kingdome and Lordships Subjects and Leiges whatsoever they be that none of them from this day forward to the foresaid Richard as King and Lord of the foresaid Realmes and Lordships be neither obedient nor attendant Immediatly as this sentence was in this wise passed and that by reason thereof the Realme stood voyd without head or governour for the same The Duke of Lancaster rising from the place where before hee sate and standing where all the house might behold him laid claime to the Crowne to which the Lords assented After which the Archbishop of Canterbury Arundel having notice of the minds of the Lords stood up and asked of the Commons if they would assent to the Lords which in their minds thought the claime of the Duke made to be rightfull and necessary for the wealth of the Realme and them all Whereto the Commons with one voyce cryed Yea yea yea After which answer the said Archbishop going to the Duke and kneeling downe before him on his knees addressed to him all his purpose in a few words which ended he rose and taking the Duke by the right hand
Vortigerne but to King Powes named Beuly whose successors in tâ—at part of Wales issued from this Herdsmans race Our learned Martyr Doctor Barnes reciting this story and Legend out of Petrus de Natalibus concludes thus I thinke no man will binde me to prove this thing of the Calfe a lye and yet it must be preached and taught in each Church it must be written in holy Saints lives and he â—ust be a Saint that did it and why because hee deposed a King and set in a Neaâ—esherd Odo Bishop of Bayeux was at first in great estimation with his Brother William the Conquerour and bare great rule under him till at last for envy that Lanfranke was preferred before him he conspired against him who understanding thereof committed him to Prison where he remained till the said Prince then lying on his death bed released and restored him to his former liberty When the King was dead William Rufus took him backe into England supposing no lesse than to have had a speciall friend and a trusty Counsellour of him in all his affaires But ere long after his comming thither he fell againe into the same offence of ingratitude whereof he became culpable in the Conquerours dayes For perceiving that Lanfranke Arch Bishop of Canterbury was so highly esteemed with the King that he could beare no rule and partly suspecting that Lanfrancke had beene chiefe cause of his former imprisonment he suffered Duke Robert to bereave his Brother King William Rufus of the dominion of England all he might and conspired with the rest against his Nephew and thereupon writ sundry Letters unto Duke Robert counselling him to come over with an army in all hâ—ste to take the rule upon him which by his practise should easily be compassed Duke Robert thus animated pawnes the County of Constance to his younger Brother Henry for a great summe of gold and therewith returned answer to the said Bishop that he should provide and looke for him upon the South coast of England at a certaâ—ne â—ime appointed Hereupon Odo fortified the Castle of Rochester and began to make sore warres against â—he Kings friends in Kent and procured his other complices also to doe the like in other parts of the Realme And first on the West part of England Geoffrey Bishop of Constans with his Nephew Robert de Mowbray Earle of Northumberland setting forth from Bristow tooke and sacked Bath and Beâ—kley with a great part of Wiltshire and brought the spoile to Bristow where they fortified the Castle for their greater safety Robert de Bygod over-rode and robbed all the Countries about Norwich and Hugh de Grandwesuit spoyled and wasted all the Counâ—ries abouâ— Leicester And Robert Mountgomery Earle of Shrewâ—bury with William Bishop of Durham and others wasted the Country with fire and sword killing and taking great numbers of people where they came Afterwards comming to Worcester they assaulted the City and burnt the Suburbs But Bishop Wolstan being in the Towne encouraged the Citizens to resist who by his exhortation sallying out of the City when the enemies waxed negligent they slew and tooke above 5000. men of them in one day Archbishop Lanfranke in the meanâ— time whilst the Realme was thus troubled by Odoes meanes on each side writeth to and admonisheth all the Kings friends to make themselves ready to defend their Prince And when they were assembled with their forces he counselled the King to march into the â—ield speedily with them to represse his enemies The King following his counsell commanding first all unjust Imposts Taxes and Tallages to be laid downe and promising to restore such favourable Lawes as the people should dâ—sire to ingratiate himseâ—fe with hâ—s Subjects marcheth with a mighty army into Kent where the sedition beganâ— takes Tunbridge and Horne-Castle and afterward bâ—seigeth Bishop Odo in the Pemseyâ— which the Bâ—shop had strongly fortified Robert landing with a great Army in England during this siege Odo through want of victuall was glad to submit himselfe and promised to cause the Castle of Rochesteâ— to be delivered but at his comming thiâ—her they within the City suffred him to enter and straightwayes laid him fast in Pâ—â—son Some judge that this was done under a colour by his owne consent But the King besieging the City they within were glad â—o deliver iâ— up into his handâ— Thus lost Bâ—shop Odo all his Livings and dignities in England and so returned into Norâ—andy where under Duke Robert he had the chiefe government of the Country committed to him Anno Dom. 1196. Earle Iohn King Richard the first his Brother with his forces riding forth into the Country about Beauvois made havocke in robbing and spoyling all aâ—ore him Anon as Phillip the Bishop of Beauvois a man more given to the Campe then to the Church had knowledge hereof thinking them to be a meeâ—e prize for him with Sir William de Merlow and his Sonne and a great number of other valiant men of warre came forth into the fields and encounâ—ring with the enemies fought very stoutly But yet in the end the Bishop the Arch-deacon and all the chiefe Captaines were taken the residue slaine and chased After this Earle Iohn and Marchades presented the two Prelates with great triumph unto King Richard earely in the morning lying yet in his bed as those that were knowne to be his great enemies saying to him in French Rise Richard rise we have gotten the great Chantor of Beauvois and a good Quire man as we take it to answer him in the same note and here we deliver them unto you to use at your discretion The King seeing them smiled and was very glad for the taking of this Bishop for that he had ever found him his great adversary And therefore being thus taken fighting in the field with armour on his backe thought he might be bold in temporall wise to chastise him sith he not regarding his calling practised to molest him with temporall weapons Whereupon he committed him to close Prison all armed as he was It chanced soone after that two of his Chaplaines came unto the King to Roven where this Bishop was detained beseeching the King of License to attend upon their Master now in captivity unto whom as it is of some reported the King made this answer I am câ—ntent to make you Iudgeâ— in the cause betwixt me and your Master as for the evills which he hath either done or else gone about to doe unto me let the same be forgotten This is true that I being taken as I returned from my journey made into the holy Land and delivered into the Emperours hands was in respect of my Kingly state used according thereunto very friendly and honorably till your Master comming thither for what purpose he himselfe best knoweth had long conference with the Emperour After which I for my part in the next morning tasted the fruite of their over-nights talke being then loaden with as many Irons as a good Asse
prescribing all Bishops when they ordaine Ministers Archbishops or Bishops to use this exhortation to them Have alwayes printed in your remembrance how great a treasure is committed to your charge for they be the sheepe of Christ which hee bought with his death and for whom he shed his bloodâ— the Church and Congregation whom you must serve is his spouse and body And if it shall chance the same Church or any member thereof to take any hurt or hinderance by reason of your negligence yee know the greatnesse of the fault and also of the horrible punishment which will ensue Whereâ—ore consider with your selves the end of your Ministry towards the children of God towards the spouse and body of Christ and see that you never cease your labour your care and diligence untill you have done all that lyeth in you according to your bounden duty to bring all such as are or shall be committed to your charge unto â—hat ripenesse or perfectnesse of age in Christ that there be no place left among them either for errour in religion or for vitiousnesse of life And what Prelate or Minister hath done this And for this selfe same cause yee see how yee ought to forsake and seâ— aside as much as you may all worldly cares and studies Wee have good hope that you have well weighed and pondered these things with your selves long before this time and that you have cleerly determined by Gods grace to give your selves wholly to this vocation whereunto it hath pleased God to call you see â—hat as much as lyeth in you you apply your selves whoâ—ly to this one thing and draw all your care and study this way to this end And that you will continually pray for the heavenly assistance of the Holy Ghost that by daily reading and weighing of the Scriptures you may so waxe riper and stronger in your Ministry And â—hat this your promise shall more move you to doe your dâ—ties yee shall answer plainly to these things which we in the name of the Congregation shall demand of you touching the same Will you give your faithfull diligence alwayes to â—inister the Doctrine and Sacraments and the Discipline of Christ as the Lord hath commanded and as this Realme hath received the same according to the Commandements of God so that yoâ— may teach the people committed to your cure and charge with all diligence to keepe and observe the same I will so doe by the helpe of God Will you be diligent in Prayers and in reading of the holy Scriptures and in such studies as helpe to the knowledge of the same laying aside the study of the World and the Flesh I will endeavour my selfe so to doe the Lord being my helper And at the consecration of every Archbishop and Bishop this charge by the direction of the said booke is given to him Bee thou to thy flocke a sheepheard not a wolfe feed them but devoure them not And it is worthy observation that the same Chapters and Epistles are read at the ordination of Ministers and consecration of Bishops which proves their office and function both one and the same by divine institution The third part of the Homily of the perill of Idolatry ratified by the 35. Article of our Church subscribed unto by all our Prelates and Ministers published in King Edwardâ—he â—he 6. his dayes and reprinted by King Iames his speciall command determines thus against the Courtship and secular imployment of Prelates That Bishops in the Primitive Church did most diligently and sincerely teach and preach for they were then preaching Bishops and more often seene in Pulpits than in Princes Palaces more often occupied in his Legacie who said Goe yee unto the whole world and preach the Gospell unto all men than in Ambassages and affaires of Princes of this world And in the 5. and 6. part of the Homily against wilfull rebellion and the second part of the Homily for Whitsunday notably paints forth at large the treasons conspiracies practises aud rebellions of Popes and our Prelates against the Emperours and our Kings in former ages which hee that will may there read at his leasure being too common and large to recite M. Hugh Latimer who gave over his Bishopricke out of conscience in K. Henâ—y the 8. his raigne and never resumed it againe skipping for joy hâ—e was rid of that heavie burthen In his Sermon of the Plough preached thus God saith by the Prophet Ieremy Maledictus qui facit opus Dei fraudulenter guilefully and deceitfully some bookes have negligenter negligently or slackly How many such Prelates how many such Bishops Lord for thy mercy are there now in England And what shall wee in this case do shall wee company with them O Lord for thy mercy shall we not company with them O Lord whither shall wee flee from them But cursed be hee that doth the worke of the Lord negligently or guilefully A sore word for them that are negligent in discharging their office ill Yee that be Prelates looke well to your office for right Prelating is busie labouring and not Lording therefore preach and teach and let your plough be doing Ye Lords I say that live like loyterers looke well to your office the Plough is your office and charge if yee live idle and loyter you doe not your duty c. They have to say for themselves long customes ceremonies and authority placing in Parliament many things more And I fear mee this Land is not ripe to be ploughed for as the saying is it lacketh withering This Land lacketh withering at least it is not for mee to plough For what shall I looke for among thornes but pricking and scratching What among stones but stumbling what I had almost said among Scorpions but stinging But thus much I dare say that since Lording and loytering hath come up preaching hath gone downe contrary to the Apostles times for they preached and Lorded not and now they Lord and preach not for they that bee Lords will ill goe to the Plough it is no meete oâ—fice to them it is not seeming for their estate Thus came up Lording loyterers thus crept up unpreaching Pâ—elates for how many unlearned Prelates have wee now at this day And no marvell for if the ploughmen that now be were made Lords they would cleane give over ploughing they would leave their labour and fall to Lording outright and let the plough stand then both ploughs not walking nothing should be in the Common-wealth but hunger For ever since the Prelates were made Lords and Nobles their plough standeth there is no worke done the people starve they hawke they hunt they card they dice they pastime in their Prelacies with gallant Gentlemen with their dauncing Minions and with their fresh companions so that ploughing is set aside and by their Lording and loytering preaching and ploughing is cleane gone And thus if the ploughmen in the Country were as negligent
with violence branded her in the fore-head with an hot Iron and then banished her into Ireland After which shee returning into England Odo apprehends her the second time and cuts off her sinewes at the â—ocke bone The King being therewith much exasperated spoyled all the Monkes of all their goods banished Dunstan the chiefe of the Monkes inâ—o Flanders who together with Cynesius the Bishop on the day of this Kings Coronation entred most audaciously into his Bed-chamber and by violence dragged him both out of his Bed and Bed-chamber where they pretended hee was sporting with his Concubine and threatned Odo with severe punishments who was taken away by death soone after and so delivered from all feare of the Kings displeasure This Odo together with his Monkes wrought so with the Subjects before his death that the Mercians with the Northumbrians did utterly cast off the yoake of obedience to Edwin and by an unanimous consent made choyce of his Brother Edgar for their King Deo dictante populo annuente God himselfe to wit by the mouth of Odo and the other Prelates and Monks dictating it and the people thereunto consenting writes Matthew Westminster Arch-bishop Parker and Bishop Godwin in the life of Dunstan Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after Odo record That during the time of Dunstan his Banishment into France King Edwin by the Rebellion of his Subjects at the instigation as is likely of our Monkes Prelates and their favourers was deprived both of his life and Kingdome Whereupon Edgar that succeeded him warned by his Brothers example was content to curry savour with them and Dunstan creating him first Bishop of Worcester next of London and finally of Canterbury A good reward for this his Treason Dunstan comming to the Arch-Bishopricke in this manner not long after caused King Edward to be slaine by his Souldiers for refusing to ayde the Bishop of Rochester against his Brother Agelredus who besieged that City and the Bishop The Monkes of that time impute thâ—s trecherous Act to Queene Alsdrith his Mother in Law and Gods Divine Judgement to excuse their Patron Dunstan After his Murther as Iohn Capgrave and Speed record this holy Arch-Bishop Dunstan would have advanced Edgith his sister to the Crowne and invested her against Etheldred the lawfull Heire had she not by the late experience of Edwards fall utterly refused that Titleâ— which neither belonged to hâ—â— Right nor was safe for her Person to undertake Whereupon Dunstan and the Monkes perceiving that Queene Elfrida Alferus Duke of Mercia and many Nobles combined for young Etheldred the right Heiâ—e disavowing Prince Edward surnamed the Martyr as illegitimate did with all their might oppose Etheldred holding their states dangerous and their new-gotten footing unsure if in the Nonage of the King Elfrida his Mother and other their Opposites should rule all under him as was probable For Elfrida hated Dunstan because hee desired to hinder King Edgar from maâ—rying her after he was contracted to her rushing impudently into the Kings Bed-Chamber the first Night hee lay with her demanding of the King who it was he had in Bed with him who answering that it was his Queene and Consort Dunstan replyed that he could not marry her without offending God and breaking the institution of the Roman Church because of the spirituall Kindred that was betweene them he being her God-father often warning the King to be divorced from her which he refused Wherefore Dunstan and the Pâ—elates considering that Edward was altogether wrought in their mould they abetted his Title to the Crowne though a Bastard as one lawfully borne and begot in the Nuptiall Bed of Queene Ethelfleda Their Claimes thus banded among the Sâ—atesmen began to be diversly affected among the Commons and had put the Game to the Hazard if the wisedome of Dunstan had not seene â—he Chase For a Councell being assembled to argue their Rights the Arch-bishop came in with his Banner and Crosse and not staying for further debate de Iure did de facto present King Edward for their lawfull King and the Assembly consisting of Clergie men perswading peace drew the approbation of the rest and so was hee admitted and proclaimed their Soveraigne and after Crowned at Kingston by Dunstan and the true Heire put by for the time by this Arch-Traytor Dunstan and his Clergie till about three yeares after Edward was murthered by the procurement of Queene Elfrida and Etheldred Crowned King by Dunstan much against his will This King Dunstan and his Monkes continued to opposeâ— For Etheldred conceiving a just indignation against the Bishop of Rochester for his obstinacie and contumacious carriage towards him thereupon besieged his Citie Whereupon Dunstan commanded the King to desist from his purpose lest hee should provoke Saint Andrew the Patron of that City which the King refusing to doe without the Bishops submission and unlesse hee would likewise pay him an hundred poundsâ— Dunstan wondring thereat sent this Message to the King Because thou hast preferred Silver before God Money before an Apostle and Covetousnesse before me violent mischiefes shall come upon thee which the Lord â—ath spoken Such an Arch-Traytor and proud imperious Prelate was this Arch-Bishop Dunstan And if â—his Saint was such what thinke you may his Successors prove who were not so holy as to be Canonized This Dunstan before hee became Arch bishop of Canterbury caused King Etheldred to pâ—eferre him before all his Nobles and to â—ay up all his richest Royall Household-stuffe Charters Records with all his Wealth and Treasures in his Monasterie and finally to commit his very Kingdome Body and Soule to him so that all things were in Dunstans power the King not daring to doe any thing either in publike Affaires of the Kingdome or in his owne private Negotiations without Dunstans advice so that he alone exercised Royall Authority in every place In and by which he wholly imployed his endeavours how to enrich those Monasteries with Lands and Revenues which himselfe had founded or the Danes wasted wasting the Kings Treasury and appropriating the Crowne Lands to this purpose Which when King Edwyn comming to the Crowne sought to resume Dunstan much displeased herewith sharpely reprehended him then affronted him and at last cauâ—ed him to be murthered as is before remembred And for all this good service he was not onely made an Arch-Prelate but a Saint Siricius his next Successor but one consilio infausto by an unhappie if noâ— perfidious Traytorly advice perswaded King Etheldred in the thirteenth yeare of his Raigne to buy his Peace of the Danes at ten thousand pound annuall Rent to the ignominie and almost utter destruction of â—he whole Kingdome Which evill writes Henry Huntingdon hath continued to this very day and will longer endure unlesse Gods mercy helpe us For now wee pay that to our Kings out of Custome which was payd to the Danes out of unspeakeable feares Yea we aâ— this day have â—ared
detaine me in it a little longer Not to mention the forwardnesse and activity of Laurentius the second Arch-Bishop of this See to settle the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome among us to obtrude theÌ„ on the Britaines who withstood them or his contests with King Eadbaldus from whose tyranny and displeasure he purposed to flee into forraine parts had noâ— S. Peter in a dreame reproved and whipped him with whip-cord for this his cowardice so terribly if it be true that all his body was gore blood Theodorus the seventh Prelate who possessed this Chaire by birth a Greeke was so farre from doing any thing contrary to or different from the Church of Rome that he over-contentiously propugned her Authority and Ceremonies depriving some Bishops upon his meere pleasure for this cause onely that they were consecrated after a different manner from the Romans and compelling them to be canonically ordained He exercised the right and authority oâ— his See in such sort that he seemed not so much to governe by judgement and Counsell as to be violently hurried with the impetuousnesse and perturbation of his minde so that he did not a little obscure those other vertues which were not vulgar with this overmuch pertinacity of asserting his owne dignity His unjust deprivation of Bishops without cause whom he thrust in and out at his pleasure as his late successors have deprived silenced and suspended our best preaching Ministers detracted much from his glory especially his unjust dealing with Wilfrid Arch-Bishop of Yorke whom he most unworthily expelled from his See though every way equall if not superiour to himselfe in holinesse of life learning and industry by persecuting whom immoderately and unjustly mulium nâ—â—uit Ecclesiae paci male consuluit famae suae he much prejudiced the Churches peaceâ— and his owne reputation he stirred up King Egfrid against Wilfrid and by that meanes kept him off from being restored to his Bishopricke And when as Wilfrid appearing before the Kings tribunall expostulated the cause of his injuries Theodor answered We lay no guilt to your charge sed quod constituimus ratum esse volumus but what we have decreed that we will shall be ratified Than which speech what can be more absurd as if he should say So I will have it so I command my will shall stand for a reason Such a wilfull and headstrong Prelate was he to the great disturbance both of Church and state for which some sayâ— he repented on his death-bed though this vice dyed not with him but descended to his successors Birhtubaldus an English man his next successor not onely assisted but caused Alfricke King of Northumberland to thrust Wilfrid out of his See at Yorke 5. yeares after his restitution to it and to spoyle him of all his lands and goods and banish him the Kingdome And then afterwards endeavoured to justifie and make good this deprivation though unjust in a Councell which he summoned for this purpose which when he could not effect he endeavoured by faire speeches to perswade Wilfrid to renounce his Bishopricke rather than violate the peace of the Church but he refusing appealed to Rome whereupon his complaint to the Pope Birhtuald is sent for Wilfrid acquitted and this turbulent malicious Arch-Prelate overthrowne and forced to restore Wilfrid to Yorke againe after a long contestation betweene them to the great Disturbance of Church and State Tatwin the 9. Archbishop of Canterbury two yeares after his consecration â—ad a great controversie with the Archbishop of Yorke concerning primacy for which cause hee posted to Rome and tâ—ere received his pall and confirmation from the Pope but these controversies for primacie I shall reserve for another Treatise Cutbert his successor as Thomas Sprot describes him was a deceitfull man full of foxâ—like craft a viper eating out the bowels of his owne mother In his dayes both Prince and people Priests Nunnes and Monkes were extremely addicted to uncleannesse whoredome adultery and costly apparell the Bishops themselves being as bad reproved them not for these sinnes lived wickedly rixas arma inter se gerebant brawled and warred among themselves addicted not themselves to read the Scriptures but to luxury and preached notâ— or very rarely by meanes whereof people were so ignorant that they could scarce say the Articles of the Creed or the Lords prayer in their mother tongue To reforme these abuses a Synode was called but these sinnes still raigning the Kingdome was soone over-runne and conquered by the bloody Danes Lambert the 13. Archbishop of Canterbury about the yeare of Christ 76â— so highly offended Offa King of Mercia that out of his enmity against him and the Kentish men hee obtained a Bull from Pope Adrian to erect a new Archbishopricke at Lichfield obtaining an Archbishops Pall for Eadulphus Bishop of that See to whom the Diocesses of Worcester Leicester Legecester Hereford Helenham and Duâ—wich were annexed and subjected so as Canterbury had left unto him for his Province onely the Bishoprickes of London Winchester Rochester and Sherburne which much abated his pride Athelardus his next successor and Eanbaldus Archbishop of Yorke about the yeare 79â— procuring letters from Kenulph King of Mercia written in his and his Bishops Dukes and peoples names to Pope Leo for the reuniting of the former disjoyned Bishoprickes to the See of Canterbury poasted with them to Rome where after they had solicited and bribed the Pope they obtained their suit without much difficulty and so these Bishoprickes were reannexed to Canterbury lest the seamelesse coate of Christ should sustaine some rent or schisme betweene the two Archbishâ—prickes and withall Ethelard obtained such a large grant from the Pope that if any of his Diocesse as well Kings and Princes as ordinary people should transgresse his Lordly Mandates he should excommunicate them till they repented and if they continued impenitent all should esteeme them as Ethnickes and publicans In his time the English grew such Apostates from vertue ut gentes quascunque proditione superarent that they exceeded all Nations in treason and trechery No doubt they learned it from their traiterous Prelates and Priests whom the Danes in his dayes â—lew together with Monkes Nunnes and Levites without any commiseration Et fudeâ—unt sanguinem sanctorum etiam IN CIRCUITU ALTARIS as Alcuinus writes by which it appeares that altars in those dayes stood not close against the East wall of the Chancell as now some place them but in such sort thas they might be COMPASSED ROUND the Alter of Augustine in his collegiate Church at Canterbury standing before those dayes in ejus Porticus MEDIO in the MIDST of the Porch there and the Altar of the old Church in Saint Edmonds Bury built ovall standing likewise AS IT WERE IN THE MIDST of the Church as Camden out of Everden a Monke of that house relates but of this in the by
as well in your Realme of France as in your Dutchie of Normandy and much other thing gone greatly as through the said colourable treatie and otherwise since the death of my brother of Bedford 14. Ite Now of late was sent another Embassador to Caleâ— by the labour and councell of the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke the cause why of the beginning is to me your sole Vncle and other Lords of your kin and Councell unknowne to your great charge and against the publike good of your Realme as it openly appeareth the which good if it be imployed for the defence of your Lands the marchandizes of the same might have had other courseâ— and your said lands not to have stood in so great mischiefe as they doe 15. Item after that to your great charge and hurt of both your Realmes the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke went to your said towne of Calis and divers Lords of your kin and of your Councell in their fellowship and there as there was naturall warre betweene the Duke of Orliance and the Duke of Burgonie for murther of their Fathers a capitall enmitie like to have endured for ever the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke licenâ—ed and suffered the said Duke of Orleance to intreate and commune apart with Councell of your said adversaries as well as with the Douchies of Burgondâ—e by which meanes the peace and alliance was made betweene the two Dukes to the greatest forâ—eâ—â—ing of your said capitall adversaries that could be thought and consequently my deare redoubted Lord to your greatest charge and hurt to both your Realmes under colour of which treatie your said adversaries in meane time wonne your city of Meaux and the country thereabout and many divers roades made into your Duchie of Normandy to the great noysance and destruction of your people as it sheweth openly 16. Item The said Archbishop of Yorke sent with others into this your Realme from the said Cardinall had with your advers partie at your said Towne of Calis made at his comming into your notable presence at Winsor all the swasions and colour all motions in the most appâ—rent wise that he could to induee your Highnesse to your agreement to the desires of your capitall Adversaries as I saw there in your noble presence of his writing at which time as I understood it was his singular opinion that is to say that you should leave your right your title and your honour of your crowne and your nomination of King of France during certaine yeares and that you should utterly abstaine and be content onely in writing with Rex â—ngliae c. to the greatest note of infamie that ever fell to you or any of your noble Progenitors since the taking of them first the said title and right of your Realme and Crowne of France to which matter in your presence there after that it had like your said Hignesse to aske mine advise thereupon with other of your bloud and Counsell I answered and said that I would never agree thereto to die therefore and of the same disposition I am yet and will be while I live in conservation of your honour and of your oath made unto your said Crowne in time of your coronation there 17. Item The said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke have so laboured unto your Highnesse that you should intend to a new day of convention in March or Aprill next comming where it is noised to be more against your worship then with it and where it was evident to all the world that the rupture and breaking of the said peace should have fallen heretofore of your adverse partie because of the great untruths now by that meanes it is like peradventure to be â—aid unto very great slander of you my doubted Lord like to come to none other purpose nor effect than other conventions have done aforetime and so by subtilties and counsell of your said enemies your land they in hope and trust of the said treatie not mightily nor puissantly purveyed for shall be like under the cullor of the same treatie to be burnt up and destroyed lost and utterly turned from your obeysance 18. Itera It is said that the deliverance of the Duke of Orleance is utterly appointed by the mediation counsell and stirring of the said Cardinallâ— and Archbishor of Yorke and for that cause divers persons been come from your adversaries into this your Realme and the said Duke also brought to your city of London whereas my Lord your Father poysing so greatly the inconveniences and harme that might fall onely by his deliverance concluded ordained and determined in his last Will utterly in his wisdome his conquest in his Realme of France And yet then it is to be done by as great deliberation solemnity and suretie as may be devised or thought and seeing now the disposition of your Realme of France the puissance and might of your enemies and what ayde they have gotten against you there as well under the colour of the said treatie as otherwise what might or ought to be thought or said for that labouring the said Duke all things considered by such particular parsons the Lords of your blood not called thereunto I report mee unro your noble grace and excellency and unto the said wiâ—e true men of this your Realme 19. Item Where that every true counsellor specially unto any King or Prince ought of truth and of dutie to counsell promote inâ—rease perferre and advance the weale and prosperity of his Lord The said Cardinall being of your counsell my right doubted Lord hath late purchased of your Highnesse certaine great Lands and livelihood as the Castle and Lordship of Chirke in Wales and other lands in this your Realme unto which I was called suddenly and so in eschewing the breaking and losse of your armies then againe seeing none other remedy gave thereunto mine assent thinking that who that ever laboured moved or stirred the matter first unto your Lordship counselled youâ— neiâ—her for your worship nor profit 20. More the said Cardinall hath you bound apart to make him a sure estate of all the said Lands by Easter next comming as could be devised by any learned counsell or else that suretie not made the said Cardinall to have and enjoy to him and his heires forever the lands of the Dutchie of Lancaster in Norfolke to the value of seven or eight hundred markes by the yeare which thing seemeth right strange and unseene and unheard wayes of any leige man to seeke upon his soveraigne Lord both in his inheritance and in his Jewels and goods for it is thought but that right and extreme necessity caused it there should nor ought no such things to be done from which necessity God for his mercy ever preserve your noble person Wherefore my redoubted Lord seeing that you should be so counselled or stirred to leave your Crowne and inheritance in England and also by fraud and subtill meanes as is before rehearsed so to
Churches that they may make matter of promeriting to themselves that they may compose al things that other things concuâ—ring they may lay hold on a necessity of commiserating and providing for the poore But if they doe it that they may safely doe any thing without punishment that they may collect mony that they may foster dilate and corrupt flesh and blood trouble their Family or seek their owne glory domineering over the Lords heritage and not being exanimo an example to the flock although with their lips and in simulation of office they put on a Pastor yet they are more like to Tyrants then Princes Philophers say nothing is more pernicious to man then man and among men a secular or Ecclesiasticall Tyrant is most pernicious Yet verily in both kinds the Ecclesiasticall is worse then the secular For if Salt hath lost its savour it is good for nothing but to be cast out and troden under feet of men So he long since determined Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of Bath flourishing about the yeare of our Lord 1160. writes thus to the Bishop of Bangor concerning the wealth and State of Bishops The Title of poverty is glorious with Christ and that which hath becomed the Sonne of God ought not to misbeseeme you The Prince of the Apostles and Prelates saith Gold and Silver have I none Yea that great famous Augustine Bishop of Hippo therefore made no will because the poore servant of Christ had nothing at all whereof to make any bequest It is your duty to live of the Gospell as the Lord hath appointed not to goe pompously in the ornament of Cloathes in the pride of Horses in the multitude of Attendants It becomes you as a professour of Priestly and Episcopall holynesse to â—ut of all footsteps of your ancient conversation And in his Treatise of the Institution of a Bishop dedicated to John Bishop of Worcester He thus declaimes against the Lordlinesse Courâ—ship and secular imployments of Bishops especially those which concerne the Exchequer Certaine Bishops abusively call the liberty and almes of ancient Kings bestowed on them Baronies and Royalties and themselves Barons it being an occasion of most shamâ—â—full servitude I am afraid least the Lord complaine of them and say They have raigned but not by me they have made themselves Princes but I knew it not Thou must know that thou hast taken upon thee the Office of a Shepheard not of a Baron Certainely Iosâ—ph being in Aegypt instructed his Father and Brethren to say to Pharaoh We are Shepheards He would rather have them professe the office of a Shepheard then of a Prince or Baron Christ saith I am the good Shepheard But thou art made by him a shepheard or a steward a stewardship is committed to thee and know that thou must give an accounâ— of thy stewardship The husbandry of God is committed to thee thou hast need of a Weeding-hooke as an Husbandman of a staâ—â—e as a Shepheard of a Weeding-hooke that as the Sonne of a Prophet thou mayst pull up and destroy build up and plant use thy staffe by driving the Wolves from the sheep-fold by sustaining the weake sheep by raising up those â—haâ— are fallen by reducing those that have stâ—ayed But among the fruits of thy Episcopall office let eternall things be ever preferred before temporall Let another guide and dispatch thy temporall cares and affaires for thee but doe thou diligently attend the salvation of soules The mind consecrated to the discharge of Divine service ought to be free from worldly imployments Thou art addicted to great things be not taken up with the smallest These things what ever they are which â—end to the gaine of the World and pertaine not to the gaining of soules are small and vile If you shall have secular businesse saith the Apostle appoint those who are most contemptible among you to be Iudges Thou therefore O good Prelate set all things after the salvation of soules for soules are as far more worthy then bodyes and all things else that humane ambition causeth as Heaven it selfe excels Earth in dignitie Yet at this day with many Episcopall authority consists onely in this that their plowlands are fatted with chalke and dung that thâ—ir Fishponds bee multiplyed that their Parkes and the Ground of their possessions be inlarged In building Palaces Mils and Ovens All the care of Prelates is in increasing their rents What is it the voice of our Saviour to the Prince of the Apostles and Prelates if thou lovest me till thy Lands build high Houses we read that he said to Peter If thou lovest me feed my sheep Thou art the heire and Vicar of Peter feed my sheep by Preaching doe the worke of an Evangelist and Shepheard thou must not be ashamed of the Gospell if thou beleevest thou oughtest not to be ashamed of thy Pastorall office Be instant therefore in season out of season fulfill thy Ministry Thy ministry hath more burthen then honour If thou affectest the honour of it thou art an hireling if thou imbracest the burthen of it the Lord is able to increase his grace that thou maist receive gaine out of gaine and profit out of profit If thou shalt drowne thy selfe in the Labyrinthes of Court affaires especially of the Exchequer thou shalt suffer great losses of spirituall exercise No man can serve two Masters God and Mammon Let it not slip out of thy mind how in the tonsure of thy head when as thou wast elected into the Lords portion how thou hast renounced the ignominy of Lay-imployments Yea in the day of thy consecration thou hast made solemne vowes to renounce all secular things and imployments as our Bishops and Ministers yet doe in the presence of God and the whole Congregation which have bound up thy lips thou art obliged with the words of thy owne mouth when upon the interrogation of him that consecrated thee thou hast published without any exception that from hence forth thou wouldst wholly discharge and sequester thy selfe from all worldly businesses and dishonest gaines and wouldst alwayes bend thy whole study and care upon divine affaires What hast thou to doe with the revennues of the Exchequer that thou shouldest neglect the cure of soules but â—or one short houre What hath Christ elected thee to the receipt of custome Matthew being once taken from thence never returned thither againe Be not therfore in the number of those who prefer worldly imployments before spirituall swallowing a Camell and straining at a Gnat. We read that in the dayes of Constantine there were certaine Bishops flattering the Prince who gave greater reverence and heed to royall Edicts then to Evangelicall precepts And there are some Bishops now a dayes to whom the dispensation of Gods word is committed who are silent from good things dumbe dogges neither able nor yet willing to barke they are turned into an evill bow giving themselves up as
Faith Theo. But Laymen may choose what faith they will professe and Princes may dispose of their Kingdomes though Priests and Bishops would say nay Phi. Religion they may not dispose without a Councell Theo. Not if God command Phi. How shall they know what God commandeth unlesse they have a Councell Theo. This is childish wrangling I aske if God command whether the Prince shall refuse to obey till the Clergy confirme the same Phi. You may be sure a wise and sober Clergy will not dissent from Gods precepts Theo. What they will doe is out of our matter But in case they doe to which shall the Prince hearken to God or those that beare themselves for Priests Phi. In case they doe so you need not doubt but God must be regarded and not men Theo. And hath the Prince sufficient authority to put that in â—re which God commandeth though the Priests continue their wilfulnes Phi. There is no Councell nor consent of men good against God Theo. Hold you there Then when Châ—istian Princes are instructed and resolved by learned and faithfull teachers what God requireth at their hands what need they care for the backward disposition of such false Prophets as are turned from the truth and preach lyes Phi. In England when her Majesty came to the Crowne it was not so The Bishops that dissented were grave vertuous and honourable Pastors standing in defence of the Catholicke and ancient Faith of their Fathers Theo. You say so wee say no. Phi. Those be but words Theo. You say very right and therefore the more to blame you that in both your bookes doe play on that string with your Rhetoricall and Thrasonicall fluence and never enter any point or proofe that my profiâ— your Reader you presume your selves to have such apparent right and rule over the Faith over the Church over Christian Princes and Realmes that without your consent they shall neither conclude nor consult what religion they will professe Their acts shall be disorders their Lawes injuries their correction tyranny if you mislike them This dominion and jurisdiction over all Kingdomes and Countries if your holy Father and you may have for the speaking you were not wise if you would not claime it but before we beleeve you you must bring some better ground of your Title then such magnificall and majesticall florishes The Prince and the parliament you say had no power to determine or deliberate of those mattersâ— And why so you to wit Bishops did dissent May not the Prince command for truth within her Realme except your consents be first required and had May not her Highnesse serve Christ in making Lawes for Christ without your liking Claime you that interest and prerogative that without you nothing shall be done in matters of Religion by the Lawes of God or by the liberties of this Realme By the Lawes of the Land you have no such priviledge Parliaments have beene kept by the King and his Barons the Clergy wholly excluded yet their Acts and Statutes good And when the Bishops were present their voyces from the Conquest to this day were never negative By Gods Law you have nothing to do with making Lawes for Kingdomes and commonâ—wealths you may teach you may not command Perswasion is your part compulsion is the Princes If Princes imbrace the truth you must obey them If they pursue truth you must abide them By what authority then claime you this Dominion over Princes that their Lawes for Religion shall be void unlesse you consent Phi. They be no Judges of faith Theo. No more are you It is lawfull for any Christian to reject your doctrine if he perceive it to be false though you teach it in your Churches pronounce it in your Councels to be never so true Phi. That proveth not every private mans opinion to be true Theo. Not yet to be false the greater number is not ever a sure warrant for truth And Judges of faith though Princes be not yet are they maintainers establishers and upholders of faith with publike power and positive Lawes which is the point you now withstand Phil. That they may do when a Councell is precedent to guide them Theo. What Councellâ— had Asa the King of Judah when he commanded his peoplâ— to do according to the Law and the Commandment and made a covâ—nant that whosoever would not seeke the Lord God of Israel should be slaine Phi. He had Azariah the prophet Theo. One man is no Councell and he did but encourage and commend the King and that long after hee had established Religion in his Realme What councell had Ezechiah to lead him when he restored the true worship of God throughout his land and was faine to send for the Priests and Levites and to put them in mind of their duties What Councell had Iosiah when ten yeares after his comming to the Crowne he was forced to send for direction to Huldath the Prophetesse not finding a man in Iudah that did or could undertake the charge Phi. These were Kings of the Old Testament and they had the Law of God to guide them Theo. Then since Christian Princes have the same Scriptures which they had and also the Gospell of Christ and Apostolike writings to guide them which they had not why should they not in their Kingdomes retaine the same power which you see the Kings of Judah had and used to their immorâ—all praise and joy Phi. The Christian Emperours ever called Councells before they would attempt any thing in Ecclesiasticall matters Theo. What Councell had Constantine when with his Princely power he publikely received and settled Christian religion throughout the World twenty yeares before the Fathers met at Nice What councels had Iustinian for all those Ecclesiasticall constitutions and orders which hee decreedâ— and I have often repeated What Councels had Charles for the Church Lawes and Chapters which he proposed and enjoyned as well to the Pastors as to the people of his Empire Phi. They had instruction by some godly Bishops that were about them Theo. Conference with some Bishops such as they liked they might have but councells for these causes they had none In 480. years after Christian Religion was established by Christian Laws I mean from Constantine the first to Constantine the seventh there were very neere forty Christian Emperours whose Lawes and Acts for Ecclesiasticall affaires were infinite and yet in all that time they never called but sixe generall Councels and those for the Godhead of the Sonne and the Holy Ghost and for the two distinct natures and wills in Christ. All other points of Christian Doctrine and Discipline they received established and maintained without â—ecumenicall Councels upon the private instruction of such Bishops and clerkes as they favored or trusted Theodosius as I shewed before made his owne choyce what faith he would follow had no man nor meanes to direct him unto truth but
12. Ed. 4. f. 201 202 223 224. Grafton 8. 12. Ed. 4. f. 678.714 Speeds Hist. l. 9. c. 17. p. 887. sect 88. Holinshed p. 683.693 19 THOMAS ROTHERAM Godwin p. 616. Speeds hist. l 9. c 19. p 929.946 20 THOMAS SAVAGE Godwin p. 617. 21 CHRISTOPHER BAMBRIDGE Godwin p. 617.618 Holinshâ—d p. 835. 22 THOMAS WOLSIE Antiqu Eccles. Brit. p 355â— to 374. Godw. p. 620. to 623. Mr. Tyndalls Practise of Popish Prelates p. 369. to 377. Hall Grafâ—on Holinshed Stow How in the life of Henry the 8. Speed hist. p. 1004 1005. to 1027. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 899. to 9â—9 See Holinshed p. 835. to 930. * He was afraid of poysoning it should seeme * See 1. â— 6 c. 2 and the Breviaâ—e of the â—relates Encroachments * Richard Stanihurst his Continuation of the Chronicles of Ireland in Holinshed Vol. 2. p. 85. to â—8 * Holinshed p. 908. * Practise of Popish Prelates p. 368. to 373. Note this ensuing Policie which our Prelates now practise Note this policie whâ—ch Cantâ—rbury of late imitated * Practise of Popish Prelates p. 369. to 373. Nota. Note this Note this Note this * Pag. 375. Note this * Halls Chron. 21. H. 8. f. 184 185 189 190. * Practise of Popish Prelates p. 373. * Holinshed p. 915 916. * Holinshed p. 917. Godwin p. 621. Speed hist. l. 9. c. 21. p. 1034. to 1043. Grafton An 27. H. 8. p. 1233. to 1237. 23 EDWARD LEE 24 ROBERT HOLGATE Godwin p. 624. * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 1891. to 1894. Godwin p. 625. 25 HARSNâ—Tâ— Epist. 237. f. 233. 26 RICHARD NEALE See a new discovery of the Prelates Tyranny p. 92. to 108. In his Description of England l. 2 c. 1. p. 133. 1 VODINUS Speeds hist l 7. c 4. p. 207. Godw. p. 182. * Math. West An. 450. Henricus Huntindon hâ—st l. 2. p. 310. Polychron l. 5. c. 1. * â—olychron l. â— c. 1. f. â—84 Iacobus Vsserius de Brit. â—ccles Primordiis p. 334. Ant nini Chron Tit. 11. c 18. sect 3 f. 51. B. Vincentâ—i spec hist. l. 20. c. 11. 2 ROBERT DE SIGILLO William Harrisons Description of England l 2. c 1. p. 133.134 * The Bishop refused to sweare fealty to the King onely to please the Pope 3 William de Sancta Maria. * Matth Wâ—stm Ann 1208. Matth. Paris An. 1208 p. 217.218 224. Godwin p. 194. Fabians Chron. part 1. Anno 1205. p. 28. Polichron l. 7. c. 33 Holinshed p. 171.172 Martins History p. 46.47.48 4 Roger Niger * Matthew Paris p 374 375. Godwin p. 194.195 Mathew Westm. An 1235 p. 140. * Matth. Paris p. 365.366 Matth. Westm. Anâ— 1232. p. 132.133.134 Speed p. 606. * Matth. Paris p 374.375 Matth. Westm. An. 1233 p. 141. Speed p. 608. 5 FVLCO BSSET * Matth. Paris p 944.957.886.887 and Godwin p. 194.195 6 HENRY SANDWICH * Matth. Wâ—st Anno. 1259. p. 182. Matth. Westm. Anno. 1265. 1266. p. 330.332.336.337.342.343 Matth. Paris p. 961.970 Godwin p. 196. Speed p. 641. Holinshed p. 271. 7 RICHARD WENWORTH * Holinshed p. 348. Yhâ— Walsingham Hist. Angl. pag. 110.111 8 WILLIAM COVRTNEY * Holinshed p. 420.421 Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 216.217.218 * Walsingham Hi. Angl. p 217.218 Holinshed p. 457 458. 9 ROBERT BRAYBROOKE Stout Words of the Bishop of London * Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 188.189 10 NICHOLAS RIDLY * Holinshed p. 1089. 11 EDMOND BONNER * Holinshed p. 159.1160 * Fox Acts and Monuments Ediit ult vol. 2. p. 215. l. 378.379.38 350.554.672 to 699. vol. 3 p. 105.106.107.251.254 to 384 759.879 898 974. Martins History p. 453. Godwin p. 144. 12 RICHARD FLETCHER Martins Hist. p. 810. Godwin p. 156. 13 RICHARD BANCROFT Oâ— whom see more before in Cante See Lewâ—s Hughes his grievances p. 14.15 * See p. 151.152 14 WILâ—IAM LAVD 15 WILLIAM IVXON * See the Articles of the Scottish Commissioners against Canterbury * William Harrisonâ— his De. scrip Engl. lib. 2. c. 2. p. 141 1 WINA Matth Wesâ—m An. 666 p. 234. Godwin p. 132.160 * Matth West An. 834. p. 301. Godwin p 162. 2 HERREFIRDVS 3 EDSINVS * Matth. Westm. An. 1016. p. 397.398 Polichron l. 6. c. 7. Holinshed Hist. of England l. 7. c. 9 10. p. 175.176 Speed p. 425.426 4 ALWYN * Antiq. Eccl. Brit p 73 to 79. Speed p. 203 413.41â— Godwin p 168. Holinshed Hist. of Engl l. 8. c. 1 2 4. * Polichrâ—n l 6. â— 24â— 4 Stigand Godwin p 168 169. Holinshed p. 30 Godwin p. 169 170. Math. West A. â— 102. p. 23. An. 1107. p. 25 29. 5 William Giffard HENRY DE BLOYS * Malmsâ— Novel l. 1. 2. p. 178 to 194. Matth. Paris p. 71. to 76. Matth Westm. An. 1135. to 1150. Speed l. 9 c. 5. p. 483 484 493 494 Godwin p. 221 222 223 Neuhrig Hist. l. 1.2 4 to 21. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 181. Hoveden An. pars prior p. 481 482. Holinshed p. 54. 7 Peter de la Roche * Math Paris p. 370.372 373 393. to 397. Mat. Westâ— An. 1233. p. 134 135 c. Speed p. 607 to 612. Holinshed p. 1075. The King by advancing Strangers discontâ—nts his Nobles The English Peeres confederate against the strangers The â—arons contemne the Kings Summons * Paris calls himâ— Bacum The frank speech of a Preacher * That is Rockes and Stones * In Iuly The Barons second contempt to the Kings command The traiterous errand to the King In August nexâ— Rog. de Wend. M. S. In August new Rog. de Wend. M. S. The Earle Marshall in Armes * Matth. Paris Confederates himselfe with Lewelin Prince of Wales Rog. Wend M. S. Math. Paâ—is * The Sunday after Michaelmas * Math Westm. Roger Wend. Mathâ— Paris Hubert de Bâ—rgo escapes into Wales Ypod. Neust. a An. 1205 p. 134 135 See Godwin p 172. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit p. 160 16â— Roger Wendever The King gives way to the fury of the rebellious A practise to ruine the Earle Maâ—shall The Pestilent tenour of the Letters * Rog. Wend. M. S. Matth. Pariâ— Alexander Bishop of Chester cleareth himselfe from disloyalty The Engâ—ish Bishops dâ—ale with the King about redâ—esse of the the common evils Objections against the Bâ—shop of Winton and the Poictouines The outrages of â—he Maâ—shalline faction * Note thâ—s * Edmond afterwards canonized Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 160.161 * Antiqu. Eccl. Brit p. 171 163â— * Rog. de Wend. M.S. Matth. Maris * Matth. West An. 1238. p. 147. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 169. * Antiqu. Eccleâ— Brit. p. 181.182 Mat. Paris An. 1246. p. 672. to 689. WILLIAM de RALEY 8 WILLIAM RALEY Matth. Wesâ—m Anno. 143. p. 174â—175 An. 1244. p. 178.179 Matth. Paris p. 588.597.616.619 Godwin p. 227.228 Holinshed p. 231.232 * Matth. â—aris p. 774.775.780.788.789.794.824.830 to 834.847.890.900.994.995.946.959 Godwin p. 176.177 6 ETHELMARVS 10 GERNSEY * Matth. West and Matth. Paris An. 1265.1266 Holinshed p 271. Godwâ—n p. 177. See Mat. Paris p.
the worse for this President it being much insisted on to justifie the late Taxe of Ship-Money Such perfidious and pernicious Counsellers of State have these Prelates beene in teaching Princes in every Land to lay new Exactions on and Tyrannize more and more over their Subjects Woe saith Mr. Tyndall is to the Realmes where they are of the Councell as profitable are they to the Realmes with their Counsell as the Wolves unto the Sheepe or the Foxes unto the Geese As was this Arch-Prelate who is much blamed in our Histories for this his advice Robert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury layd the first foundation of the Normans Conquest in England perswading King Edward to make Duke William his Heire Whereunto when he had condiscended himselfe became the Messenger of this good tidings unto the Duke taking Harold with him that he might hamper him with an oath as hee did indeede and so barre him from all possibility of the Kingdome which Oath he breaking afterward lost both his liâ—e and Kingdome together The Arch-Bishop now assuring himselfe of the favour of the King not onely presentâ— but him that was to succeede could not endure that any should beaâ—e so great sway as himselfe in Court and therefore fell to devise how he might overthrow Emma the Kings Mother who onely served to over-top him Hee began therefore to beaâ—e into the Kings head how hard a hand his Mother had held upon him when he lived in Normandie how likely it was that his Brother came by his death by the practise of her and Earle Godwyn and that she used the company of Alwyn Bishop of Winchester somewhat more familiarly then was for her honour The King somewhat too rashly crediting these Tales without any further examination of this matter seized upon all his Mothers goods and committed her to Prison in the Nunnery of Warwell banished Earle Godwyn and his sonne and commanded Alwyn upon paine of death not to come forth of the Gates of Winchester The Queene made the best friends she could to be called to her answere but the Arch-bishop so possessed the King as other tryall of her innocencie might not bee allowed then this shee must walke over nine Plough-shares red hot in the midst of the Cathedrall Church of Winchester If shee performed not this Purgation or were found any thing at all hurt she and the Bishop both should bee esteemed guilty if otherwise the Arch-Bishop was content to submit himselfe to such punishment as they should have endured The Arch-Bishops Authority was then so prevalent over the most powerfull persons that the Queene her selfe neither by her owne power nor of the King her Sonne nor of the Nobles and Bishops nor by any other meanes than by her innocencie could keepe off this so notorious an injury and contumely the King and Bishops being forced to approve this most severe Edict of the Arch-Bishop against their wills Whereupon the Queene led by two Bishops in the open sight of the people did this hard Purgation and â—o acquitted her self and Alwyn of the Crimes objected The King then greatly bewayling the wrong done to his Mother by the Arch-Bishops malicious false suggestions asked her forgivenesse upon his knees restored her and the Bishop to their goods and places and to make satisfaction would needes be whipped by the hands of the Bishops there present and receiving three stripes of his Mother was by her clearely forgiven The Arch-bishop the author and plotter of all this stirre and mischiefe fearing the successe of this matter held himselfe at Dover under pretence of sickenesse and as soone as he heard how the world went knowing England to be too hot for him got him over to the Abbey of Gemmeticum where overcome with shame and sorrow he there shortly after ended his dayes the King having passed a publike Sentence against him and his confederates Quod Statum Regni conturbarant c. That they had disturbed the State of the Kingâ—dome stirring up the Kings mind against his Mother and faithfull subjects whereupon he was deprived Stigand placed in his Sea before his death after William the Conquerour had slaine Harold and vanquished his Armie in Battlefield Edwyn and Mercar endeavoured to Crowne Edgar Etheling the rightâ—ull Heire to whosâ— side most of the Nobles the Citizens of London with the Navall Forces adhered and so did Aldred Arch-Bishop of Yorke who presently with the other Prelates â—ell off to William the Conquerour being the stronger side to whom the Pope had sent a consecrated Banner an Agnus Dei and one of Saint Peters haires in way of good speed refusing to side with the Lords whereupon their designements were all suddenly quashed But Arch-bishop Sâ—igand and Eglesigne Abbot of Saint Augustines assembling all the Kentish men together encouraged them to stand for their Liberties though with the losse of their lives and marching before them as their Generalls enclosed him and his Armie by a Stratagem with Branches of trees their Banners displayed and Bows bent and so purchased a confirmation of their Freedomes and Customes from him by way of composition Then comming to London the Conquerour refused to be Crowned by Stigana Aldred Archâ—Bishop of Yorke performing this Ceremonie on â—he day of Christs Nativitie Anno. 1066. Stigand not long after and Alexander Bishop of Lincolne fled intâ— Scotland where they kept themselves close for a season and at last returning King William departeâ— into Normandie knowing Stigand to be of a crafty Pate and perfidious heart and of great power among his Kentish men carryed him over Sea with him lest he â—hould raise new stirres and cause a Revolt from him in England during his absence and then returning into England he caused him with other Bishops that had beene â—reacherous to him to be deposed from his Arch-Bishopricke in a Synod at Winchester for holding the Bishop of Winchester in Commendam with his Arch-Bishopricke for invading the Sea of Canterbury whiles Robert livedâ— for using his Paâ—l left at Canterbury for Simonie and to prevent him from raising any further Tumults The King after his degradation spoyling him of his goods committed him to perpetual Prison where at last he was starved with hunger refusing to reveale those infinite Treasures which hee had heaped up in store to worke some mischieâ—e which were discovered after his death Not long after which plures Episcopi Abbaâ—es many Bishops and Abbots joyned in a Conspiracie with Ralph de Ware and Roger Earle of Hereford against the Conquerour to thrust him out of his Kingdome such faithfull Subjects were they to their Soveraigne to whom they had sworne allegeance William the Conquerour dying by the perswasion of Lanfranke Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who had brought up William Rufus from his Child-hood he left the Crowne of England to his younger sonne William putting the eldest son Robert from the Crowne which was due unto him In which Action God blessed not the Arch-Bishop for the