or any one of them was positively true and consequently he attempts not to make good nor â—ffers the least Proof that the War upon this Score was Iust nor that the Law of Nations he so much talks of gives the Invader any Right or Title to the Crown nor lustly that there were great and as he only phrases it violent Presumptions of this Injury to the Right of Succession Whence follows that he has not even said one single Word in juâ—â—â—fication of this New Government or of the Swearing Party and so he is infinitely short of clearing the whole Matter as he in big Words pretended at the beginning of this Discourse Certainly our Governours were either very unwise in clinsing no better a Wâ—iter to defend their Cause or else which is the very Truth their Cause it self can bear no better a Defence Since then this stout Champion of our new Government is so mightily in love with Iâ—s it were not amiss to ansâ—er him with more Ifs than he brings which moreâ—ver a thing he â—o where does for fear of a Confute we dare vouch to be true We affirm then That if this Invasion was intended above three quarters of a Year before it was executed or more the French King sending King Iames word of it half a Year before If it was long befoâ—e concerted between the Prince of Orange and the Confederates to dethrone King Iames without any Respect to the Prince of Wales as yet but a young Embrio if so much or to the maintaining our Religion or Liberties or to any of those other specious Pretences taken up afterwards but on the Confederates parts at least merely for fear he might be brought to 〈◊〉 with France or stand Neuter and to make the silly English lose their Lives and beggar themselves to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners If the main thing that encouraged the Confederates to that Uâ—dertaking was the Knâ—wn Hatred of the English Men in general â—o King Iames's Religion that King's Zeal to make those of his Persuasiâ—n â—s free is the rest of their Fellâ—w Subjects which they hop'd would highly disgust very many â— and theâ—r Assurance that they had a Factions Lying and Discontented Party here who would make way for his Ejectment by giving about and countenancing such Stories and Libels as would encline great part of the Nation to a Revolt If among the rest this Flam of a supposititious Prince of Wales nor dream'd on by any till then wâ—s comed â—â— the Politick Mint at the Hague sent over into England to be made current here by their Party and then the Dissatisfaction which themselves had raised hâ—re was taken up for a Pretence and inserted in the Prince of Orange's Declaration to give the idle Story a greater Authority and to gloss over such an unnatural and so unjust an Invasion If ample Satisfaction was given by the Oaths of Multitudes of Credible and Honourable Witnesses when the Dissatisfaction came to some height it being highly unwise for a King to humor every idle Report or honor it with such a solemn Examination If the Queen's Deliveâ—y was far from being carried secretly and suspitiously as one of his Ifs shameâ—â—â—y â—ints but in opâ—n Day-light before a Multitude of People of All sorts indifferently no Person of Honor being denied Entrance who had the Curiosity to be present If the Prince and Princess of Orange who were Two of the Persons chiefly concern'd being absent far off in Holland and not denied coming over if they would might have sent some whom they could trust to be present or at least had press'd their Sister who was here and whose Joint Concern it was to be exactly curious in a Business so highly importing â—hâ—m all and yet none of them though so hugely obliged by then Interest to doe this did ever make any kind of Means or Applicaâ—ion in order to their so just Satisfaction which it had been a Madness not to have done had they indeed had any real Doubt Nay more If to carry on the politick Sham the Princess of Denmark who was the Third Person so nearly concerned after having avoided with all the Industry imaginable to be present at the Queen's rising and going to Bed left she should be forced to see what she was loth to know and resolved not to wâ—tnâ—ss viz. the Queen's Pregnancy would needs coâ—trary to the Will of her Father who express'd some Trouble that she should then â—e absent because she being satisfied in the Thing her self might be the better able to satisfie her Relations run out of the way to the Bath and to be purposely absent just at the time the Queen reckoned to be delivered though she had most pressing reasons of Interest to be here at that time nor could without most manifest Injustice be denied all the Liberty allowable â—o one of the same Sex both to satisfie her sâ—lf and others though at the same time it was given out that she was sent away by her Fâ—ther lest she should discover the pretended Cheat Iâ— none of the Three nearly concâ—râ—ed nor any other made the least Scruple nor pretended the least Dissatisfaction in the World when the Queen was â—elivered of other Chiâ—â—ren formerly though not half the number was presenâ— untill a Male Child was born which to thâ—iâ— Râ—gret put them by the Hopes and Expectaâ—ion of succeeding in thâ—ir turns â—he Next If instead of offering any Proof at all or any one Witness of the contrary to invalidate or counteâ—balaâ—ce in the least degree this consonant Testimony of so many Persons of untaiâ—ted Honour and Sincerity this Farce to gull â—nd mad the silly credulous People was carried on and abeâ—â—ed with nothing but Multitudes of Lyes printed and baw'd about to serve a present Turn as that the Woman whose Child it was was come out of Holland and would appear to justifie it that it was brought to St Iames's sometimes in a Coach someâ—imes in a Warming-pâ—n that the Midwife had coâ—fessed the Cheat c. All which are eâ—iâ—ced to be Falshoods by this that they werâ— never prov'd or attempted to be prov'd thâ—ugh it was so highly necessary If the factious Members in the Conventiâ—n that voted up this new King were pâ—est by the loyal Party to call this matter into Examination yet could never be brought to doe it though it were in it self of the highest Concern imaginable to our Nation and withall most absolutely necessary to justifie this otherwise barbarous Invasiâ—n of the Prince of Orange and their own Treasonable Abdication of King Iames Lastly If this heavy Charge against the Kiâ—g and Queen of trumping up a Sham Prince of Wales was induâ—â—riously spread throughout the Three Kingdoms not out of any real Zeal of presâ—rving the â—â—ue Succession but onely as a fit occasion to throw off That and the Monaâ—chy too as hereditary by Lineal Descent by changing it into an Elective as frankly acknowledged by one of the greatest Abdicating Pâ—ers of the
War upon that score is so open a Sham past upon us poor English Gulls that it gives it self the Lye even from the Principles of our New Governours themselves Fourthly It is denied there was any War at all either intended or proclaimed or acted Princes that conceive themselves aggrieved use to be so generous as first to complain and demand Satisfaction and if this be denied then to dâ—â—ounce War and prâ—seâ—ute it Thiâ— is the Law of Nations and the common Custom of the World But here was no Complaint no Demand of Satiâ—fâ—ction noâ— any War proclaim'd but denied to the very time of their Larding nor was any battel intenâ—â—d That Warlike and Noble Prince witness his false-hearted Declaration came over to wheedle not â—â— fight Some Thâ—â—saâ—â—â— of Souldiers he did indeed bring over with him and they might crâ—â—mp and perhaps muster but for coming forwards within the Lists till the King's Army had voluntarily dispersed it self or offer to join Bâ—ttel with them you must pardon them Alas They were so far from the least Thought of taking upon them that Boldness that 't is weâ—l known how upon the Delay of our Renegadoes coming over to them they had called a Council not of War or of Fight but of Flight for it was there in a Panick Fear resolved to be gone most valiantly the next day had not one of them unexpectedly arrived who brought the reviving Tidings of more chief Officers to follow whose shamefull Deserting as it gave them the Courage to stay so it amused the King that he durst not venture to trust the rest not knowing the Number of his firm Friends since those who had the greatest Obligations in the world to be so had so dishonourably run to his Enemy and turned Traitors War implies some kind of Bravery in its Notion but in this case there was nothing but a sneaking Treachery and a more Trick to fâ—ight â—some with the apprehension of an univeâ—sal Defection of the King's Army and to debauch the rest with Shams and Lyes This was the War this the Success of War which p. 11 this idle Talker so much braggs of and on which he builds the Prince of Orange's Right to the Government A strange War without doubt where never a Stroke was struck and as strange a Success of War which depended not on the Battled Courage of the Dutch but on the Treachery of the English Till now all Maâ—kind verily judged that Success in War imposed Victory or Conquests and Can it be called a Victory â—here none fought Besides a Victor signifies a Conquerour and then England should be his by Conquest notwithstanding the Consent of the People afterwards unless the People compounded it with the Conquerours before hand as the Kentish-Men did with William I. otherwise all is his Lâ—â—â—ly 'T is denied there was an unanimous Consent of the People He distinguishes p. 23 between a Right to the Government and the Manner of assuming it The Right she says was founded on the 〈◊〉 Causes of the War and the Success in it But the Assuming it was not by any way of Forcâ— or Violence but by a free Coâ—â—ent of the People It see us then the Government originally was 〈◊〉 his even while he was in Holland if he could but catch it and so if he were but so wise as to know his own Right and his own lot 〈◊〉 of which none can doubt â—he came over with a Design and full Intention to get it Yet himself in his Deâ—laâ—atiâ—n disclaimed any such Intention and continued to doe so all along till the very time of châ—sing him even after King Iames was gone and his Army dispersed and consequâ—ntly after the Success of the War such as it was was acquired So that this acute Gentleman gives us a New and Sixth Title to the Crown which was never known to that Prince himself nor ever owned by him nor hinted in any of his Proclamations nor which is strange acknowledged or intimated by the Convention when they voted him King and were at an utter Loss on what Ground to settle his Title while the true King was yet living nor lastly thought on dâ—eam'd on or heard on by any Man in the World till himself writ and one would think that had not his bad Cause suspended his Use of Common Sense he could not but see that the very Word Acceptance of the Government which he here uses pag. 23. is clearly relative to their Giving him the same Government and unless we will wrong the Use and signification of Words giving it as a Kindness too since no man can be said to accept that as a Gift which was his own before But give it they did and accordingly he left his hand and thanked them for the Favour And I wonder to what end if this Disâ—ourse of his be true was all that mad Clutter about the Abdication Vote to make room for a new King and give him a Title For if K. William had Right even then to the Government upon the score of a successfull War King Iames had no Right at all but was absolutely outed whether he had abdicated or not abdicated But it seems they were all Fools to this Gentleman whose quick sight could descry a Title which was hid from the dim Eyes of the whole Consenting Nation But was there indeed a free Consent of the People Let us see A Consent is said then to be free when there is neither Force overâ—awing Men nor Fraud either circumventing them with false Motives or frightening them with false Fears Now the Common People were bubbled at that time with a Thousand Lyes about the Prince of Wales Smithfield-Fares a League made with France to enslave us all nay that we were all sold to the French King and in Danger to have all our Throats cut by him They conserted then upon such Suppositions not absolutely and so these Suppositions being found to be false their true Reason consented not but they were surprized terrified and amaâ—ed into a false grounded Passion which made them in a hurry doe they knew not what whereas the most sedate Deliberation and most true Repâ—esentation of things is requisite to such a Free Consent as submits all the Subjects Lives and Fortunâ—s to the maintaining this New Governour in the Throne as they must do whoever own their Allegiance due to him At least he will say the Convention represented the Nation and â—e consented and that 's enough I deny all Three It was neither a Legal Representative and so let it Vote what it will it binds no Man nor consequently is it enough for his Purpose Nor did the People who chose the Commons intend to empower them to alter the most fundamental Law of the Land and make a New King as they pleased Besides if they would needs do it they ought to have first repealed the Laws for the Royal Succession and all those other Laws too which make it Treason to obey or acknowledge any other
that Duty which you have so unduly quitted which We doubt not of being verily persuaded that even those that first left Our Service had no just Prejudice against Our Person but were Betray'd and Decoy'd by Persons employ'd by or in Confederacy with the Prince of Orange who by most wicked and malicious Lyes had represented Us as black as Hell to Our Subjâ—cts who We hope do now see into their evil Designs which they câ—uld never have thus far accomplished but by deluding you into a belief of the Imposture of Our Son the Prince of Wales the French-League the Death of Our Brother the late King c. of all which they well know Vs Innocent and daâ—e not therefore bring on the Stage to be Examined and Searched into according to their former Promises And can you then without Indignation Serve thâ—se who have thus Villanously Betrayed Deluded and made a Property of you And now having obtained their Ends by your Assistance Neglect Dâ—â—spise and Evilly Intreat you For to the eternal Shame of all English men â—one but Foreigners are now trusted in the most Honourable Pâ—sts in and about White-hall and London whilst you are sent abâ—oad as Mercenaries and made subservient to them cast back your Thoughts on the Villanies of their Actions who sate in Our Councils and Betray'd Vs adding Treachery to the blackest of Ingratitude enquire into the Morals of those General Officers that Deserted Vs and Misled You and indeed into the Principles of most of these in their present New Government and you will soon be convinced That 't was not Religion though that was made the specious Pretence that influenced their Actings but Interest and Ambition We charge not these Crimes but on some particular Persons well knowing that the greatest part both of Officers and Souldiers in Our Army were not faulty in their Allegiance And therefore We shall only look forward and resolve to reward all according to their Demerits and prefer those first who continue untainted and shall be quickest in returning to their Duty which We doubt not but that e'er long by God's Blessing We shall by appearing in Our own Kingdoms give them an opportunity to do and consequently to retrieve their own Honours as becomes true hearted English-men and Lovers of their King and Countrey Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th of February 1688 And in the Fifth Year of Our Reign But to return to our Discoursâ— Such a free Consent as suffices in this Case of transferring a Kingdom and the Allâ—giances of all their fellow Subjects ought to have been General of the whole Nation unanimous hearty and most deliberate not done in a sudden heat not check'd nor overaw'd not protested against especially it ought to have been grounded at least upon good tolerable Sense all which were here wanting This in case their free Consâ—nt could do the Work But let their Consent be the best qualified in the World it can never be sufficient for this purpose for no Consent of those who have no Râ—ght to a Thing though it were never so free is able to give away another Man's Title who is known to have had a true and undoubted Right to it Well May a Conspiracy of my Servants Tenants and of my Children joyned with them have the Power to dâ—ive or fright me out of my House But not all these together though never so many can give away that Right which the Laws of the Land and in our Case God's Law too have made my Property Thus much for his new Coined Notion of Right by the Law of Nations own'd by none but this singular Writer who seeing all other Titles of this upstart Government baffled was forc'd for a shift to recurr to this Whimsie But since he was pleased to decline the Law of the Land and run to a Superior Law viz. that of Nations we shall take leave to mind him for He and his Party seem to have quite forgot it or rather indeed to out-brave and laugh at it of the Supreme Law of all the Law of God which commands us to Honour our Father and Mother and not to covet much less to rob or cheat another and least of all so near and so Revered a Relation of what is rightfully his Let us consider then what Good and Conscientious Christians would have done in the Case of the Prince and Princess of Orange For First If their Party with their Consent or Connivance invented those Stories which he makes the just Occasion of the War on purpose to turn out their Father it was in many regards the most hideous and the most villanous Injustice that can be imagin'd Secondly If those Falshoods were suggested to them by others they knew the Genius of the English Subjects was apt to raise and believe the most Senseless Falshoods of him out of hatred to his Religion and so they ought to have considered that there was no kind of Evidence of this Story nor so much as one Witness that the Prince of Wales was a Counterfeit nor as appears by their not producing it in their Justification when it was so necessary any one tolerable Reason able to persuade a prudent Man the Thing was true Whereas on the other side there were as was said near Fifty Sworn Witnesses of clear Honour and Reputation testifying the contrary any Two or Three of whom were sufficient to carry the greatest Estate or take away the Life of any Man in England They knew too that if the pretended Injury done to them were not really true they must incurr the dreadful Indignation of a just God for breaking divers of his Commandments in that one Action by Dishonouring Injuring and Slandering their Innocent and near Related Neighbour And who would hazard their Soul upon such odds Thirdly If they did indeed doubt of it before the Birth they ought as was said to have sent some trusty Persons or have signified their desire that some here whom they could confide in should be present If they only doubted of it after the Prince was Born they might have demanded that the same Persons might have Counter-interrogated and Examin'd the Witnesses now they were bound in Conscience to use all such honest and wary Means before they proceded thus to the highest Extremities Fourthly If greatest Proof against no Proof could not satisfie them Why did they not to clear their Honour that they had not acted Unjustly Undutifully or Unchristianly since the time they came hither bring the Matter into a new Examination Since nothing could more contribute to settle them in the Throne had it been prov'd an Imposture nor have more obâ—iged all England to them nor have more taken off the Scandal of the World and have satisfied every Man of the Iustice of their Proceedings Lastly If it had been done for the good of Europe and to bring the French King lower though this could not justifie this Invasion yet Why was not at least the wisest Course taken for
Nation 's Accounts And will this Man persuade us that all this and many other such are no Miseries He runs from the Mâ—tter to talk of the French King but the true point to which he ought to have spoken is Whether we were burden'd with any such Taxes or felt these Miseries of War and Poverty under King Iames Had we any concern with France either by abetting or opposing it in his Days Had the Prince of Orange or our selves used the King Dutifully as we ought we might have secur'd our selves whilst that Prince was here against either Popery or Slavery which we pretended to dread being forc'd upon us we might have enjoy'd Peace Plenty Trade and Riches and have reapt incomparable Benefits and vast Advantages by the Distractions of all others round about us This we might have done and if we saw Cause to fear that France meant to disturb us when we medled not with it which that King is too Politick to do we might by joyning with other Disinterested Princes have kept the Ballance of Europe even at our pleasure and have stipulated with Holland and the rest of the Confederates to bear the Charges of the War whilst we stept into their Assistance whereas now we are forc'd to hire them at a dear Rates to assist us to keep a Man in the Throne who has no Right to it All this we might then have done had we been wise but a Rebellious Spirit which had possess'd and infatuated us hurried us inconsiderately into a War for no other Reason but to maintain obstinately that Sin which we ought to have repented of And that War unless God's undeserv'd Mercy do prevail over his Justice will by a just Iudgment of the same God prove our utter Ruine He seems â—maâ—'d p. 25. for he seems Twenty times to wonder when he wants something to say that Mr. Ashton should say That the Religion we pretend to be so fond of Preserving is now much more than ever likely to be destroy'd Nor do I wonder at his Amazement for he makes account Religion consists only in having Benéfices conferred on Ecclesiasticks and secured to them let the Incumbents be of what Principles they will This I told him of formerly and here he makes my Words good for p. 25 26 27 c. he reckons up Three Things as putting our Religion out of Danger viz. The same Laws the same Protection the same Encouragement But Principles which are the Main and Essential to a Church are the least part of his Thought Let but a Church have True Principles preserved Sincere by her Bâ—shops and Pastors and she will be a Church and a Glorious One too in the Eyes of God and all good Men in despight of all the Opposition that wicked Men or Hell it self can do though she had neither Laws Protection nor the least Encouragement to befriend her nay though the Laws and the State were bent against her As for our new Principles then let him but open his Eyes and he may see Rebellion made now a chief point of Religion He may see Oaths of Allegiance made to Persons whose Title to the Government as appears by what has been amply prov'd above not one Man in England certainly knows and not one knowing and disinteressed Man is satisfied in forc'd upon Men's Consciences to make the Kingdom as far as lies in their Power a Nation of Knaves and all those who make a good Conscience of their ways a Company of Beggars He may see the Commandments laugh'd aâ— and those who dare boldly stand up for them branded and persecuted for Traitors and put to death as the worst of Malefactors Besides the foremention'd Miseries there is still One that is no less Galling to Persons of Honour and Probity who for themselves and the Reputation of the Nation would preserve the Characters of Just and Upright Loyal and Pious Conscientious and keepers of their Faith to God and Man these now lie under the heavy Sentence of Violaters of all the Cardinal Vertues with which Character when Foreign Nations once brand a People it sticks upon them to all succeeding Ages In former days we were reputed Valiant Hospitable inviolable Observers of our Compacts Faith and Honesty But we can't forget what an Odium the Murther of King Charles I. brought upon the whole Island of Britain yet there was then some just Apology to be made for that Barbarity That Tremendous Fact was not committed 'till after Six Yeas Civil War ' wherein the Victorious Rebels had conquer'd disarm'd and utterly impoverish'd the Loyal Party yet there still remain'd a numerous Part of the Three Kingdome who made many generous Attempts to restore King Charles II. and the whole Nation wearied with their endless Miseries and the Succession of Usurpers at last happily effected it Now what shall we say for our selves who have Abdicated our King without shedding One Ounce of Blood or adventuring a bloody Nose in his Defence All Nations from the Orcades to the extreamest Indies must judge us to be a People who have no regard to the most Sacred Oaths the most ungrateful of all Mankind a Nation fitted for Slavery degenerating from our Loyal Ancestors the Off-spring or By-blows of Prostigate Rebels Yea we are still so much worse than those of the last Age in that now so numerous a Party of the very Clergy who should and do know the Oligation of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy which every single Man of them took to their lawful King have by unpardonable Perjury renounc'd their King and sworn Allegiance to One whom they know in their Consciences and have often declar'd upon Occasion hath no legal Right no not so much as Cromewell the Wicked These are the Men who have brought an indelible Scandal and Hatred upon our Religion Miratur Orbis se tam cito factum esse Arrianum was the pathetical Exclamation of a holy Authour of Old What would he have said if he had liv'd in our Age to see a National Clergy Apostatise from the Establish'd Doctrine of their own Church in the point of Allegiance and Non-resistance By the Conduct of these Men one would be almost tempted to look upon all Religion as a mere Cheat and to believe that they themselves own'd no God Whether they do or not I shall not give my self the trouble to enquire but I am sure some of them do as good as own no Hell by Teaching Men that notwithstanding those terrible Threatnings God in his holy Word has denounc'd against the Incorrigible and Impenitent of everlasting Fire everlasting Punishment c he has not obliged himself to the literal Performance of them since he that threatens keeps the Right of punishing in his own hand and is not obliged to execute what he hath threatned any farther than the Reasons and Ends of Government do require c. Dr. Tillot son's Sermon before the Queen March 7. 1690. pag. 13. And that these Threatnings c. do not restrain God
It makes all the Execution of the Law comfortless to the Judges and Jury and wickedly injurious to the Persons accused for by this Man's Discourse the former can never tell whether or not they condemn an Innocent and the latter sees his Life and Honor exposed to Hap-hazard 'T is the Intention and that onely which the Law regards nor is any Action reputed by it to be Felony Murther Treason c. unless it be done Animo Felonico c. with a Felonious Intention c. and this Intention according to him can never be made plain so no Man â—ving knows or can know who dies deservedly who innocently Let him reflect that all that the Witnesses can do is to atrest the Overt-act or the Words spoken imprinted on their Senses but 't is the Duty of the Judges and Jury when once they are satisfied of the Witnesses Integrity to see that those Actions are necessarily connected with such an Intention as with its Cause and proceeded from it and if they be not satisfied but that possibly it might spring from another Cause they must be judged not to value how pretious a Man's Life is nor to regard much whether they legally condemn an innocent or no if they bring him in guilty and so they incurr the Guilt themselves of careless Murtherers Nor do the Judges deserve a better Character if they fail in the Duty of instructing them that the Law requires manifest Proof and that they ought not to proceed upon even high Likelihoods or Presumptions which we do experience do often deceive us But especially if they aggravate and enhance those Likelihoods to make the Jury proceed upon them as Certainties All which was but too visible in the Charge to this easily byast Jury Did this Gentleman who denies that Intentions can admit of plain Proof never hear of those Sayings That out of the abundance of the Heart the Mouth speaketh or that the Tree is known by its Fruit i.e. a Man's Interiour by his Outward Actions Can we not know very manifestly that if a Man way-lay his Enemy and out of an Ambush assaults and runs him through he had an Intention to do him a Mischief Does not himself confess that had the Papers been in Mr. Ashton's own hand it had been a plain or manifest Proof of his knowing their Contents which Knowledge is of its own Nature altogether as secret as is an Intention Lastly Does he not tell us out of my Lord Coke that no Proof is sufficient but a manifest one and yet he sets himself to prove that there can be no plain or manifest Proof of an Intention which makes the Law require Impossibilities What Stuff is this to be vented by a Man chosen out to support the State vindicate the Judges and confute the solid Paper bequeath'd us by our dying Martyr After this he pretends that in his Iudgment one of the Papers was writ in the very same Hand in which this Speech was written that is it was writ by Mr. Ashton But he must pardon us if we dare not believe his Judgement which as has been abundantly shewn has scarcely judg'd right in one single Line of his whole Book But how frivolous is this Pretence of his Had the Judges or the Managers of the Tryal found the least Ground for such a Suspition it had been the easiest thing in the World to have compared that Paper with Hundreds of Accompâ—s Acquittances and Letters which were all seized in his House by Order from the State Nor could they have wanted Witnesses to have sworn that they believed such a Paper was writ by him as well as they did in the Tryal of my Lord Preston which is a very great Presumption that they found no such Paper under his Hand or so near resembling it as might induce any to swear it They found indeed another Paper of his which more vext them and hastened his Death than had they found any such other as this Gentleman pretends Concerning which take the Martyr's own Words out of part of that Paper left by him in a Friend's hands which are as followeth Being suddenly to give up my Accounts to the Searcher of all Hearts I think it a Duty incumbent upon me to impart some Things farther which neither the Interest nor Iniquity of these Times will I conclude willingly bear the publication of and therefore not fit to be inserted in the Sheriffs Paper Some time after the Prince of Orange's Arrival here when it was expected that pursuant to his own Declaration and the King's Letter to the Convention an exact Search and Enquiry would have been made into the Birth of the Prince of Wales there was a Scheme drawn up of that whole Matter and of the Proofs that were then and are still ready to be produced to prove his Royal Highness's Legitimacy but no publick Examination being ever had and the Violence of the Times as well as Interest of the present Government not permitting any private Person to move in it those Papers have ever since lain by But it being now thought advisable by some to have them printed and published and as at first they were designed addressed at their next Meeting to the Lords and Commons entreating them to enquire into that weighty Affair and to call forth examine and protect for who else dares to appear the many Witnesses to the several Particulars therein offered to be legally proved c. I was ordered to carry those Papers to the King my Master for his view that his Leave and Approbation might go along with the Desires of his good Subjects here and they being taken with me with some other Papers of Accounts c. in a small Trunck amongst my Linen and other private Things of my own and not in the Packet my Lord Preâ—ton being altogether a stranger to the whole proceeding by this means fell into the hands of our present Governours who though they wisely waved the producing them as Evidence at my Tryal yet have I just Reason to believe my greatest Crimes were contained in them and I do therefore conclude and hope that I only am designed to be sacrificed who only knew of them Nor am I surprised at it since nothing I think can be more prejudical to some Persons present Interest than the exposing of those Papers to the Publick which will set that pretended Mystery of Darkness in so clear a Light that all Mankind must be convinced of his Highness's being Born of the Queen and of their Wickedness who have malitiously and designedly asserted that innocent Prince to be an Impostor The Love and Compassion that I have for my native Countrey as well as Charity obliges me humbly to implore Almighty God to be merciful to it and not to charge this great Sin to the publick Account and that we may not farther provoke his Justice by our wilfully continuing in Errour and Mistake I beseech him to put it into the Hearts of the Lords c. at
their next Meeting to examine into that whole Matter and if before that time this be published to enquire after call for and if possible retrieve those Papers that were taken with me whereby the Obstinate will most certainly be convinced the Ignorant informed the Doubtful confirmed the Eyes of all opened and a sacred most important Truth made apparent to the whole World And may we not now with good Reason challenge those of the other Party to give an Answer to those Papers which were the true occasion of his Suffering and in behalf of Justice Truth and the good of the Nation to demand that the said Papers which are now stiffled may be produced and if possible confuted For since never greater fedulity was used by any other to set that Business in a manifest Light the Answering them must consequently be the surest Means to keep the Nation from being imposed upon in so weighty a Matter And if this be not done Will not all sincere Persons conclude hence that the Proofs of the Prince of Wales's Legitimacy contained in those Papers of Mr. Ashton are even in the Opinion of our Statâ—sts themselves absolutely unanswerable and all England be convinced that the Pretence of his being Supposititious was set up for no other End but to bring by that detestable Forgery the King and Queen into Odium and Disgrace and to make way for the Prince of Orange to seize on his Crown and reflect that from this one villaâ—ous Cheat all the Calamities that have befallen our deluded Nation have had their true Source and Origin I know the Observator upon Mr. Ashton's Papers denies there were any such but could it be done with our Security we do undertake to prove Circumstantially that they were in his Trunck when taken by the Government 's Order and farther that we will clear that whole Matter far more fully than has been done hitherto by many other Witnesses of unquestionable Credit and by most convincing Proofs and to satisfie all I terrogatories that can be offered by the most inquisitive Scrupler But to return to our Juries What matters it what was brought to light about those Papers afterwards The Question is what Evidence the Jury then had when they brought in their lawless Verdict If they had at that time no such Evidence as the Law requires i.e. if they had then no manifest Proof he died Innocent in the Eye of the Law and nothing can acquit his Condemners from being according to the same Law and God's Law too unconscientious Murderers And 't is of this kind of Innocence only the Martyr speaks when he declares himself Innocent about which Pâ—ssage this Gentleman who can neither understand another Man nor many times himself very well is very Gay and Pleasant Though 't is true the Martyr by owning his Duty to his lawful Sovereign does withall by consequence profess that though he had been legally Convicted of an intention to restore him and of acting too in order to that good End he had notwithstanding been Innocent also before God The Result of all the whole foregoing Discourse is this That our blessed Martyr is clearly vindicated from any Treasonable Guilt and proved to have died doubly Innocent in the sight of Heaven in dying for his Allegiance which provok'd this unreasonable Malice against him and in the Eye of the Law by being adjudg'd to die without manifest Proof or legal Evidence May his Noble Christian Fortitude and his Pious Example so influence his Prevaricating Brethren that they may repent them of their Perjury and Rebellion imitate his Constant Loyalty and be partakers of that Eternal Crown of Glory which he now enjoys for undauntedly owning and even to Death persevering in his Duty of Allegiance to his only Lawful and only Rightful Sovereign An Humble Petition to the Present Government SInce Nature does generally encline every Man to avoid his own Ruine and to do that which is apparently best for his own worldly Interest and Conveniency it cannot in common Reason and Prudence be imagined but that the generality of those who do adhere to King IAMES his Title would be glad to live at Ease and out of Danger by submitting freely to the present Government did not some Consideration that is of a Superior Nature and concerns their well-being in another World over-awe them and deter them from owning it Wherefore as we who write this do in our Names so we justly presume we may in the Names of those others protest in the presence of Almighty God who sees their Hearts that our refusing to take the Oath and pay a voluntary Allegiance to the present Governours does not spring from any inclination to Faction nor from Obstinacy nor yet from any Disaffection to their Persons but purely from this That we cannot be satisfied either by our own Reason or any Thing that has been hitherto writ upon that Subject that they have any Title to the Crown either by the Law of God or Man but on the contrary that both Divine and Humane Laws are against their wresting it by a Trick out of the Hands of their Father who was the undoubted rightful Owner of it and that their still Possessing and Detaining it from him is no less against the same Laws and consequently a doubly-unjust Vsurpation And therefore our Conscience tells us That we shall incurr the just Indignation of Almighty God and withal become Obnoxious by our English Laws to the Punishments due to Traitors should we yield to such illegal Compliances Wherefore we humbly Petition That for satisfaction to our Consciences our Governours would please to give Order that some grave and learned Man may compile a Treatise shewing their true Title to the Crown and manifesting how King Iames's legal Title by Succession comes to be annull'd And let him evince these Two main Points from any solid Principles of what nature soever acknowledg'd for such by the indifferent part of the World and so that it may appear by their giving Authority to that Treatise by such their Order that that is the true Ground of their Claim and the Title they will stand by Those who have writ in Justification of their Government are in so many Minds about the Ground of their pretended Right that instead of clearing it they have by their Disagreement satisfied all understanding Men that 't is very obscure even to their own Party whereas yet it ought to be of it self or else be made most Evident e'er it can in any Reason be held able to overthrow a Tenure so incontestibly Evident and Legal as was that of King Iames it being built on a long continued Hâ—reditary Succession abetted by the most Fundamental Laws of the Land and approved by the universal acknowledgement of the whole World We humbly request then to be inform'd which of those many Grounds advanc'd by their Writers themselves will think fit to make choice of and esteem thus Evident which we have not hitherto any Light to
they had sent one of their own Officers to govern it on their stead As for the Prince of Orange taken in his own single Capacity he was far from being a Separate Nation or Independent Government which this Gentlemen's Discourse proceeds upon or indeed Supreme Governour of any Nation at all not of the Principality of Orange for this was by Dr. Sherlock's Event of Providence and by Conquest taken from him long ago Nor was the Prince of Orange a Sovereign Independent Prince in Holland for he was there under the Government of the States Nor was it ever heard there was a Prince of Breda So that this Gentleman's Discourse faulters in that which should have been the very subject of it He should have said that any great Man who had received Wâ—ong might in true Reason right himself by the best means that he or his Friends could make against any Man who was not his Sovereign or fellow Subject and this by the Law of Reason or Nature not by the Law of Nations For what had the Law of Nations to do in the business when there was no Nation Injured or that demanded Satisfaction For surely he will not say that King Iames had done Wrong to the Principality of Orange or that the Person of King William alone or of his Queen either is a Nation Yet one of the two he must say â—o make his Discourse hang together Thirdly 'T is deny'd there were great and violent 〈◊〉 of an injury to the Right of Succession This if made good might do his Cause some service let us see then what strong Proofs he brings to evince it Two sorts of Arguments he alledges to prove it The fiâ—st is the Prince of Orange's Declaration certainly this Man is infatuated Our English Proverb Ask my Master if I be a Thief contains as good a Plea as this yet the poor Man triumphs mightily and thinks his Work is done when he has barely repeated it But what says the Declaration Why it says That all the good Subjects of these Kingdoms do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born of the â—ueen and that many doubted of the Queen's Bigness and of the Birth of the Child and yet there was not any one Thing done to satisfie their Doubts So says the Declaration indeed and if a Man may be believ'd in his own Cause against our own knowledge when he might hope to get Three Kingdoms by saying so all is as true as Gospel and as clear as Demonstration otherwise our Reason will I hope give us leave to suspect at least Misinformation in the Case if not Self-partiality And I do not like either the Sincerity or the Care of him that penned it in saying first that All good Subjects vehemently suspected c. and then dwindling afterwards into Many doubted c. A sober Man would not have quoted the Declaration unless to defend it but this Gentleman builds on it as on his Principle But how will he justifie the Declaration when it says that not any one thing was done to satisfie Doubters or himself for hinting so impudently p. 14. That the principal Persons concerned had not the least Satisfaction given them Was not the Testimony of near Fifty sworn Witnesses of Credit enough to satisfie reasonable Men in a matter of Fact No says he p. 13. No private Depositions of such as are dependents or otherwise liable to suspicion can in reason be taken for satisfactory Evidence Does this Man consider how many Protestants how many Persons of unblemish'd Honour he taints with suspicion of Perjury and Treason against the Nation by hinting they are so sworn in attesting the Bigness of the Qâ—een and the Birth of the Prince of Wales Unhappy Mr. Ashron who had such Judges and such Jury-men as though fit to condemn him without any one Witness or any one Proof but merely upon Suspicion or Presumption yet such multitudes of legal Witnesses are held insufficient to satisfie those of the â—ame Party of the Truth of a matter of Fact far more evident Certainly this pretended Scrupulosity of theirs which is so loose at some time and so strait-lac'd at another is more lodged in their Wâ—d than in their Reason But on how he bussles and runs about the World to pretend a flaw in this most sample Atteâ—tation The Old Roman Laws are haâ—ed in by Head and Shoulders p. 13. though he knows well they are generally no where observed especially those he mentions they being indeed such extravagant Nâ—ceties that it would look like perfect Madness now a days to offer to bring them into play Then comes in our Old Common Law p. 14. Allowing a Writ of Inspection and the Old Law Books giving directions to prevent and discover Subernation Now if there were any Thing done contrary to our Laws that makes for his purpose Why does he not produce it and urge it Especially why did not the Contention when they were so vehemently press'd to it by the Loyal Party go about to Discover this pretended Subordination Why did not they or any other since this Government came in make us of his Writs of Inspection and his Chapter in the Old Law Books Did none of them know Old Laws Wâ—its and Chapters but this learned Setler of the Royal Succession This I can assure him that durst the Convention have attempted it they should have sound even at that time very many other Witnesses of Credit able both to satisfie the nicest Scrupulosity conâ—ute the Calumny and confouâ—d the Authors and Abetâ—ers of it But they were affâ—aid such an important Truth should be made too evident to the whole World because it would at once have spoiled the Prince of Orange's Declaration and have shamed their own Rebellions Resolution of deposing King Iames and setting up another in hâ—s Head A Pretence which was so necessary to be started and upheld must not be Discovered by the Framers and Abetters of it to be a manifest Impestuce as they knew well it would have been had they gone about to examine it I omit to give a fuller Answer to his Citations out of the Old Roman Laws and our Old Common Laws because they have been considered very particularly in a Discourse puâ—posely made upon those 〈◊〉 subjects Entituled De Ventre Iâ—spiciendo or Remarks on Mr Ashron's Answerer which shews clearly from those Laws themselves in the places he cites and from those Oracles of the Law Bâ—acton and my Lord Coke that neither the one nor the other are at all to his purpose His other Pâ—oofs of this injury justifying the War are a company of Its as pag. 13 Iâ— there was no reasonable Care taken to prevous and remove these Suspicions and pag. 14. If no such Care was taken c. If the principal Persons concerned had not the least Satisfaction given them If the whole Thing was managed with Secrecy and suspicious Circumstances c. But he no where affirms that all the particular Ifs
Realm who owned to a Person of known Integrity that he believed the Prince of Wales to be as truly born of the Queen's body as his own Son of his Wife 's and that therefore they were resolved to pluck up both Root and Branch which in other words is to change the Government If I say all these Particulars be true as we dare affirm them to be and are ready to pâ—ove by unquestioâ—able Testimonies and as most of them are most notorious then we may safely conclude that the Birth of the Prince of Wales was no just Occasion of a War nor consequently can be derive hence a Right to the Government by the Law of Nations justifying his Invasion as this Gentleman pretends I pity his Weakness in compaâ—ing p. 15. this open Carriage of things in the Birth of that Prince before Multitudes of People of all sorts indifferently to a Juggâ—e between Three the pretended Father and Mother and a Mâ—dwife to suboâ—n a false Chiâ—d He thinks it too of great Weight That the Juâ—y upon hearing the whole Evidence gave Iudgment that tâ—at Child was supposititious What Straws wil Men catch at when their Cause is sinking But why does he not tell us what Evidence the Jury he speaks of proceeded upon Because it would shame his alleadging it 'T is this as I have been informed The Hereford 〈◊〉 Woman was held Incapable of Children which made the next Heir to the Estate suspect no Child was born A crafty Lawyer who undertook to discover it first made Enquiâ—y what poor Women the midwife ' had delivered about that time and found that â—ne of them had her Child missing having discovered this he fâ—ights the Woman by telling her there was a great Rumour that the had murthered her Child and that she should be hanged if she did not produce it alive or dead Hereupon she made known the whole Intrigue of the Midwife and the pâ—etended Parents and the Juggle came to be consist Is this in any Regard like our Case None were sworn there but the two Persons immediately conâ—erned who hoped to enjoy the Estate and a Countrey Midwife who was to have a share in it for her Project at least we may be sure a good lusty Bribe So that here waâ— in really but One Witness the pretended Parents being barred from witnessing in their own Câ—use Counâ— now the Number of our Witnesses and weigh their Worth and how that they were not Persons 〈◊〉 out but came accidentally as they hapt to hear of the Queen's Coâ—â—ition and it will appear impossible they should be capable of a Confederacy or Subornation Again The Queen was never held to be barren She had had formerly divers Daughters and a Son and it was likely and no more but what by the course of Nature is generally expected that She should at another time have a second Male-Child ' Nor did any Mother of the Child appear to own it as the Lying Parts a goâ—d wâ—â—e pretended she would all those kind of Romances serv'd like Buttâ—esses or Scaffolds to raise this new King to his Height and build up our New Governâ—ent and therefore when things were better settled and could stand without them they were taken down again and laid aside as useless In a word let him bring an Evidence in any degree like that which his Herefordshire Jâ—ry had and we shall acknowledge the Wrong done to the Natioâ— and to the Râ—yal Family and grant the War had there been any just Till then let not such Personages lie under such intolerable Slanders let not Christianity and Duty be so wickedly violated nor the People of England deluded and scandalized with such Talk without Proof and sâ—ch heavy Câ—arges laid without the least colourable Shadow of Evidence to juâ—â—ifie that they are so much as in any degree Probable much less as he mouths it great and violent Presumptions and least of all what they ought to have been absolutely certain Truths Thus much of his great and violent Presumptions c. Next follows for though he be a very slender Prover yet he is still a very big Pretender his Too gâ—eat Evidence of a form'd Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation I suppâ—se he calls it Too great Evidence because 't is so great that it dazles the Night as the Sun does at Noon-day so that no Man can see it or bâ—hold it else why is it too great Now when a Man has too much of a thing 't is very unkind and even ill-natur'd and hard-hearted not to spare a Little of it to his Friends to whom he owes it and who both want it and expect it from him But we mistake his Genius he is a Praâ—ing not a Proving Writer Nor does he evidence the Calumny otherwise than by referring us again to his Alcoran the Prince of Orange's Declaration Whatever he finds there he makes account is a First Principle and so bring of too great Evidence it can need no Proof An impartial Narrative of matters of Fact known to most in England will give us a true Light to judge of this Point King Iames his Religion and the hatred which the generality of the Nation had against it made all those who were of a different Persuasion look with a jealous Eye upon his Actions and apt to make the worst Constructions of every thing he did in favour of Papists Nor is it to be thought that he wanted many Enemies of the Old Excluding Faction who stood watching all Opportunities to bâ—eed him Vexation and disaffect his Subjects by malicious Insinuations Those of our Church who were heartily Loyal did grieve exceedingly to see him give his Enemies too fair occasions to work him Mischief They judged that the setting up the High Commission Court over Ecclesiasticks were there nothing in it but the Novelty of it should not have been attempted in such Circumstances if at all The making one of the Iesuits Men more odious to our Nation than Turkish Mâ—sties a Privy-Counsellor could they fear'd have no other likely Effect but to exasperate all England to the highest degree They conceived that the Dispensing with the Test and putting Roman-Catholicks promiscuously into Offices Civil and Military might have been let alone 'till the Test it self were Abrogated which would certainly have been more easily obtained had not this forward Anticipation put our Church of England out of humour and made them more warily stand upon their Guard and resolve unanimously to part with nothing that could any way he likely to advantage them But that which most Startled our Church was the Design of giving Liberty of Conscience to all Dissenters they had sadly experienced in the long Parliament's Time and in Oliver's Days how those Men had trampled the Church of England under Foot and they feared that this setling them by Law on an even level with themselves might in time give those restless Men opportunity to play the same Franks over again In
though it has been our constant Care since Our first Accession to the Crown to govern Our People with that Justice and Moderation as to give if possible no occasion of Complaint yet more particularly upon the late Invasion seeing how the Design was laid and fearing that Our People who could not be destroy'd but by themselves might by little imaginary Grievances be cheated into a certain Ruine To prevent so great Mischief and to take away not only all just Causes but even pretences of Discontent We freely and of Our own accord redressed all those Things that were set forth as the Causes of that Invasion And that We might be informed by the Counsel and Advice of Our Subjects themselves which way We might give them a further and a full Satisfaction We resolved to meet them in a Free Parliament and in order to it We first laid the Foundation of such a Free Parliament in restoring the City of London and the rest of the Corporations to their ancient Charters and Priviledges and afterwards actually appointed the Writs to be issued out for the Parliament's Meeting on the Fifteenth of Ianuary But the Prince of Orange â—eeing all the Ends of his Declaration Answered the People beginning to be undeceiv'd and returning apace to their ancient Duty and Allegiance and well foreseeing that if the Parliament should meet at the time appointed such a Settlement in all probability would he made both in Church and State as would totally defeat his Ambitious and Unjust Designs resolved by all means possible to prevent the Meeting of the Parliament And to do this the most effectual way he thought fit to lay a restraint on Our Royal Person for as it were absurd to call that a Free Parliament where there is any force on either of the Houses so much less can that Parliament be said to act freely whâ—re the Sovereign by whose Authority they meet and sit and from whose Royal Assent all their Acts receive their Life and Sanction is under actual Confinement The hurrying of Us under a Guard from Our City of London whose returning Loyalty We could no longer Trust and the other Indignities We suffered in the Person of the Earl of Feversham when sent to him by Us and in that Barbarous Confinement of Our own Person We shall not here repeat because they are We doubt not by this time very well known and may We hope if enough considered and reflâ—cted upon together with his other Violations and Breaches of the Laws and Liberties of England which by this Invasion he pretended to restore be sufficient to open the Eyes of all Our Subjects and let them plainly see what every one of them may expect and what Treatment they shall find from him if at any time it may serve his Purpose from whose Hands a Sovereing Prince an Uncle and a Father could meet with no better Entertainment However the Sense of these Indignities and the Just Apprehension of further Attempts against Our Person by them who already endeavoured to murder Our Reputation by infamous Calumnies as if We had been capable of supposing a Prince of Wales which was incomparably more Injurious than the Destroying of Our Person it Self together with a serious Reflection on a Saying of Our Royal Father of blessed Memory when he was in the like Circumstances That there is little distance between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes which afterwards proved too true in his Case could not but persuade Us to make use of that which the Law of Nature gives to the meanest of Our Subjects of freeing Our Selves by all means possible from that unjust Coâ—fiâ—â—ment and Restraint And this We did not more for the Security of Our own Person than that thereby We might be in a better Capacity of transacting and providing for every Thing that may contribute to the Peace and Settlement of Our Kingdoms For as on the one hand No Change of Fortune shall make Vs forget Our Selves so far as to cond scâ—nd to any Thing unbecoming that High and Royal Station in which God Almighty by Right of Succession has placed Vs So on the other hand neither the Provocation or Ingratitude of Our own Subjects nor any other Consideration whatsoever shall ever prevail with Us to make the least step contrary to the tâ—â—e lâ—â—erest of the English Nâ—â—ioâ— Which we ever did and ever must loâ—k upon as Our own Our Wall and Pâ—â—â—sure therefore is That You of Our Privy-Council take the most effectual Care to make these Our gracious Intentions known to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about our Cities of London and Westminster to the Lord Mayor and Commons of Our City of London and to all Our Subjects in general And to assure them That We desire nothing more than to return and hold a Free Parliament wherein We may havâ— the best Opportunity of undeceiving Oâ—r People and shewing the Sincerity of those Proteâ—â—ations We have often made of the preserving the Liberties and Properties of Our Subjects and the Protestant Religion more especially the Church of England as by Law established with such Indulgence for those that dâ—ssent from her as We have always thought Our Selves in Justice and Care of the general Wellfare of Our Peopâ—e bound to procure for them And in the mean time You of Our Privy-Council who can Judge better by being upon the Place are to send Us Your Advice what is fit to be done by Us towards Our Returning and Accomplishing those good Ends. And We do require You in Our Name and by Our Authority to endeavour so to suppress all Tumults and Disorders that the Nation in general and every one of Our Subjects in particular may not receive the least Prejudice from the present Distractions that is possible So not doubting of Your Dutiful Obedience to these Our Royal Commands We bid You heartily Farewell Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th of Ianuary 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year By Hiis Majesties Command MELFORT Directed thus To the Lords and others of our Privy-Council of Our Kingdom of England His Majesties Letter to the House of Lords and Commons Writ from St. Germains the Third of February 1688. JAMES R. My Lords WE think Our Selves obliged in Conscience to do all We can to open Our Peoples Eyes that they may see the true Interest of the Nation in this Important Conjuncture and therefore We think fit to let you know that finding We could no longer stay with Safety nor act with Freedom in what concerned Our People We left the Reasons of Our Withdrawing under Our own Hand in the following Terms THe World cannot wonder at My Withdrawing My Self now this Second time I might have expected somewhat better Vsage after what I writ to the Prince of Orange by my Lord Feversham and the Instructions I gave him but instead of an Answer such as I might have hop'd for what was I to expect after the Usage I received by his
making the said Earl a Prisoner against the Practice and Law of Nations The sending his own Guards at Eleven at Night to take Possession of the Posts at White-hall without Advertising Me in the least manner of it The sending to Me at One a Clock after Midnight when I was in Bed a kind of an Order by Three Lords to be gone out of My own Pallace before Twelve the next Morning After all this How could I hope to be Safe so long as I was in the Power of one who had not only done this to Me and Invaded My Kingdoms without any just occasion given him for it but that did by his First Declaration lay the greatest Aspersion on Me that Malice could invent in that Clause of it which concerns My Son I appeal to all that know Me nay even to himself that in their Consciences neither he nor they can believe Me in the least capable of so Vnnatural a Villany nor of so little common Sense to be imposed upon in a Thing of such a nature as that What had I then to expect from one who by all Arts hath taken such pains to make Me appear as black as Hell to My own People as well as to all the World besides What Effect that had at Home all Mankind have seen by so general a Defection in My Army as well as in the Nation amongst all sorts of People I was born Free and desire to continue so and though I have ventured My Life very frankly on several occasions for the Good and Honor of My Countrey and am as free to do it again and which I hope I shall yet do as Old as I am to redeem it from the Slavery it is like to fall under yet I think it not convenient to expose My Self to be Secured as not to be at Liberty to effect it and for that Reason do withdraw but so as to be within Call whensoever the Nations Eyes shall be opened so as to see how they have been Abused and Imposed upon by the specious Pretence of Religion and Property I hope it will please God to touch their Hearts out of his infinite Mercy and to make them sensible of the ill Condition they are in and bring them to such a Temper That a legal Parliament may be called and that amongst other Things which may be necessary to be done they will agree to Liberty of Conscience for all Protestant Dissenters and that those of My own Persuasion may be so far considered and have such a share of it as they may live Peaceably and Quietly as English-men and Christians ought to do and not to be obliged to transplant themselves which would be very grievous especially to such as love their own Countrey And I appeal to all Men who are Considering Men and have had Experience Whether any thing can make this Nation so Great and Flourishing as Liberty of Conscience Some of Our Neighbours dread it I could add much more to confirm all I have said but now is not the proper time Rochester Decemb. 22d 1688. But finding this Letter not to be taken to be Ours by some and that the Prince of Orange and his Adherents did Maliciously Suppress the same We Writ to several of Our Privy-Council and directed Copies thereof to divers of You the Peers of the Realm believing that none durst take upon them to intercept or open any of Your Letters But of all these We have no Account But We wonder not that all Arts are used to hinder You from knowing Our Sentiments since the Prince of Orange rather chose against all Law to imprison the Earl of Feversham and by Force to drive Vs away from Our own Palace than receive Our Invitation of coming to Us or hearing what We had to propose to him well knowing that what We had to offer would content all Honest and Reasonable Men and was what he durst not trust You with the Knowledge of Those False and Wicked Reflections on Vs relating to the French-League and to Our Son the Prince of Wales We require You to examine into and thereby satisfie Your Selves and all other Our Subjects where the Imposture lies We hope God will not permit You to deprive Your Selves of a lawful Prince whose Education shall be such as may give a Prospect of Happiness to all Our Kingdoms hereafter We are Resolved nothing shall be omitted on Our part whenever We can with Safety return that can contribute towards the redâ—ess of all former Errors or present Disorders or add to the Securing the Protestant Religion or the Property of every individual Subject intending to refer the whole to a Parliament Legally Called Freely Elected and held without Constraint wherein We shall not only have a particular Regard to the Support and Security of the Church of England as by Law Established but also give such an Indulgence to Dissenters as Our People shall have no Reason to be jealous of not expecting for the future any other Favour to those of Our own Persuasion than the exercise of their Religion in their own private Families And because many of Our well-meaning Subjects whose unnecessary Fears for the Protestant Religion and the unhappy Mistakes of the Prince of Orange's Ambitious Designs which they did not sufficiently see into time enough have been Fatally led beyond what they first intended viz. the Preservation of their Religion c. to the Breach of all Laws and even to the total Dissolution of the Anâ—ient Government it self and knowing themselves thereby to be Obnoxious may despair of Our Mercy We do therefore declare on the Word of a King That Our Free Pardon shall not only be extended to them but to all Our Subjects to the worst even those that Betrayed Us some few Excepted Resolving in that Parliament by an Act of Oblivion to cover all Faults heal all Divisions and restore Peace and Happiness to all Our Subjects which can never be effectually done by any other Methods or Power Having thus firmly Resolved on Our part whatsoever Crimes are omitted whose Posterity shall come to suffer for these Crimes We shall look upon Our Selves as Justified in the sight both of God and Man and therefore leave it with You expecting You will seriously and speedily consider hereof and so we bid You heartily Farewell Given at St. Germains en Laye the Third of February 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year The Letter to the Commons was Verbatim the same To the Officers and Souldiers of the Army JAMES R. THe Regard We have for you as Gentlemen and Souldiers obliges Us to endeavour to restore you to that Reputation for Courage Loyalty c. which has till now been inseparable from English men which by your late fatal Defection from Us your lawful Prince whose particular Care you ever were is now become Contemptible even to those you joyned with against Us nor can any thing restore you to your former Character but a sudden and hearty return to