the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with Charles of Spain for Amity and mutuall Aide into which Maximilian the Emperour and Ioane of Spain were received the yeare following In an 12. with the Emperour Charles and Margaret Regentesse of Burgundy the maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae nonpossit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the French territories calleth in aide Brachii Secularis of the Secular power those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protectour stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio holy expedition And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next yeare confirmed and explained Renewing in the years 21. 35 and 38. the association and bond of mutuall aide with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although Edward the 6. in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetuall yet forbore he to aide the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperiall protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that of Marriage Aide and Entercourse with the Emperor Spain and Burgundy and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde about New-haven and with Charles the 9. 1564. at Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen in 96. And with the States of the Netherlands in the yeares 85. and 98. divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterprize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the kings of Portugall and Spain the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so farre removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse onely IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these severall Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffique here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousy of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutrall according to Aristhenus counsell to the Aetolians Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side then to be made a prey to the Conquerour Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetuall service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficiall Trade and no lesse in Policy to ingage that City then to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summes of money as the Interest of late exceeded 25. Millions he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party then if it were commanded by a Cittadell so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while States of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent now then ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundie was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France who not only claimed Soveraignty over most but a proprietary interest in part and therefore had reason to give aide and Armes to such a Confederate as did by a diversive war secure and by particular Immunities inrich that State But now growing into Spain they need no such assurance in the one and we almost undone by their draping of our wooll which is happily called home not able to return them the benefit of the other cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aide as heretofore Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for 2. respects First for that he is absolute and that we be equally devoid of demand neither having against the other any Titles Next for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocall between us then France and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood To this may be made a two-fold answer from the change of their Dispositions First for that they never assist any now but to make themselves Master of their State Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugall And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French they combined with her Adversary and divided the Kingdome And after upon the River of Garillon under their Leader Gonsalves taking an advantage they defeated the whole Army of the French holding ever since that entire Kingdome themselves For Spain will admit neither Equallity nor Felowship since upon Union of so many Kingdomes and famous Discoveries they begun to affect a fifth Monarchie The Other that the late hostilitie between them and us hath drawn so much blood as all formes of ancient Amity are quite washt away and as Paterculus saith of Carthage to Rome so may we of Spain to England Adeo odium Certaminibus ortum ultra metam durat ut ne in victis quidem deponitur neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desut The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly that the very conquered party cannot forget it in such a case the very places must cease to
the Pope incited him thereunto His Sonne the second Edward anno 20. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him and the people of this Stae the words are ut Deus nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret that he might avoid the dangers of war he reaped nothing but bitternesse and detention of his Messengers Son and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne his Rebels injoying all Protection and his Merchants all Inhospitality whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit et Mercatores interfecit took in a hostile sort and slew the Merchants The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. was especially called to a consult how Pace might be procured In his 17 year the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France and to sollicite the Pope for mediation The truce from hence effected he would by no meanes violate but in the 20 th year moveth peace by all the offers he can as Contracts Intermarriage and to take up the Crosse with France in succursum Terrae Sanctae for succour of the Holy Land But all he could do could abate no whit of the French fury who invaded by themselves Aquitain England by the Scots surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit he put to shamefull deaths there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects and rasing his Castles nor would upon a second mediation admit any way of peace War then was left his last refuge Et pia Arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est War is to that man just and lawfull who hath no hope of help but by war And this his Clergy was injoyned to open in sermons that he might eschew the infamy of Christian bloud-shed In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people gravia onera et multa mala heavy burthens and many mischiefs as the Record saith and that the fortune of war cum splendet frangitur when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking he passed over into France to seek peace divers times and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum humble and devout prayers to God to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Country nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum and the advantage of the whole Christian world which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five twentieth year in Parliament declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope but could not effect it And in the third year after calleth again the body of the State to devise with him the means to obtain it for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted But when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken and to avoyd effusionem sanguinis Christiani quantum potuit vel decuit pacem quaesivit the shedding of Christian bloud he sought peace as much as in him lay and as far as was fitting sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession but all in vain he stood upon his own strength By which his confident adversary the year following captive that was afore obdurate justly found that one houre can overthrow simul parta et sperata decora at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for And we may truly conclude of this Kings successe as Livy of the Romane fortune Propterea bella felicia gessisse quia justa that therefore his wars were prosperous because they were just To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet he was contented to disclaim the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him And after though often again incited yet never would be drawn to the hazard of war for improbe Neptunum accusat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack the second time until the French King contra juramentum formam pacis contrary to his oath and the form of peace had vexillis explicatis with banners displayed invaded his dominions in France and with a Fleet intended to attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subvertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his kingdome entred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune and after many years of war and much losse had in the end an expectation of peace which opened to his Commons and Councel in Parliament their longing affection was so much inclined thereto that they advised the King though it were in doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he should not let slip that opportunity Untill Charles of France had received that dangerous Rebell Owen Glendowr by the name of Metuâ—ndissimi Principis Walliae the most dread Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy against his Master whom he vouchsafed no other title then Henricus de Lancastria by contract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by the Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul entred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again untill Burgundy that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meant with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransome those 〈…〉 Agin-Court battell so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamus ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered many large and liberall conditions but received in exchange nothing but scoffes he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Councell by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the losse of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury a petition of 9. of Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men pro pace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right not
our mightiest Neighbours which by holding of our hands and onely looking on we shall easily do since Spain and France hang so indifferently that a little weight will cast the Beam imploying ours as Claudius did his Forces in Germanie ut subsidio victis Victoribus terrori essent ne forte elati Pacem turbarent to assist the Conquered party and to over-awe the Victor lest he should be puffed up with pride and disturb our peace Thus did Hen. 8. with the French and Spanish Princes using as his Motto of Honour and Power this Cui adhaereo praest He rules whom I stick to And the late Queen studied rather how to guard her Allies then to inlarge her Dominions multiplying her Leagues more by giving then receiving gratuities winking at her own wrongs rather then willing to revenge And as the great Mistris of the world once did what rather became her Greatness then what severity of Armes required Hence were her Seas for the most part freed from Pirates and her Land here cleared of Enemies For according to Micipsae's counsell to Jugurth Non exercitus neque Thesauri praesidia Regni sunt Neither Armyes nor Treasure are the safety of a Kingdome but such Allies as neither Armes constrain nor monyes purchase sed officio fide pariuntur And since by fortune of the times succeeding this State hath grown more upon Opinion then Deed and that we know Magis fama quam vi stare res nostras that our affairs stand rather by Fame then Force it is most safe neither to discover weakness nor hazzard losse by any attempt Besides standing as we do no waies obnoxious by Site to any of our neighbours they will alwaies be ready to referre the judgement order of their differences to us As the Brabanters and Henowayes to the Arbitrement of Edward the third and Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the decision of their quarrel to Henry the eighth Thus every pare shall woe us all Princes by their Oratours shall resort unto us as to the Common Consistorie of judgement in their debates and thereby add more to our Reputation then any power of our own For as well in States as in Persons Suitours are an infallible token of Greatness which Demost henes told the Athenians they had lost since none resorted to their Curia or Praetorium By this way shall we gain the Seat of Honour Riches and Safety and in all other but endlesse Expence Trouble and Danger Robert Cotton Bruceus FINIS THE FRENCH CHARITY WRITTEN In French by an English Gentleman upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into ENGLAND And translated into English by F. S. J. E. LONDON Printed for William Shears at the Bible in S. Paul's Church-yard Anno 1655. THE FRENCH CHARITY ALthough we see that naturall causes produce sometimes contrary effects that the Sun which draws up the Clouds can also scatter them that the same Wind both lights and blow's out the taper that Vipers serve for wholesome medicaments and Scorpions carry about them an Antidote to their own poison it is not so neverthelesse in morall and politick affairs wherein that which is once ill is alwayes accounted such from whence is begot in us that quality which we call Experience whereby wise men are accustomed to judge of present and future actions by those that are past Which is the foundation whereupon all Monarchies and Republicks have established the Maxims of their subsistence And found out both what they ought to follow and what to avoid The Charity which France hath testified to pacify our differences is so great that it is become incredible so unseasonable that it is suspected and so contrary to their former proceedings that it is quite otherwayes understood Philosophers say we cannot passe from one extremity to another without some mean I cannot see by what steps they are come to this perfect goodness nor what good Genius can have made them in an instant so good friends of such dangerous neighbours to us I will passe my censure upon nothing yet let me have the liberty to judge of all I find so great a wonder in this change that I find a conflict in my self to believe it It is no common marvell that those who have for so long a time beheld all Europe in a flame and could not be moved by the bloud and destruction of so many people to cast thereon one drop of water should now have their bowells so tender as to compassionate the dissensions arising in a corner of the world which hath alwayes bin fatall to them That those who have made it their chiefest interest to divide us should now make it their glory to reunite us That those who place their rest in our troubles should now apply their cares for our repose and that after they have cast us down headlong they should reach us a plank for to come ashore Let the wise Reader here whilst I determine nothing allow me at least a little distrust it is the Mother of Safety The Trojans who could not be overcome by Armes perish't by a pledge of peace All the French civilityes are faire and good but in the bottome Quicquid id est timeo Gallos dona ferentes Let us see what reasons can oblige them to interest themselves so passionately in our agreement Is it Religion surely no for that which they professe is contrary to that of this Kingdome and the little Charity they have for their own ought not to perswade us that they have much for ours Is it for the inclination they have to peace surely no for if they esteemed it a benefit they would seek first for themselves It is perhaps for an acknowledgement of their obligations to us in the late warres and for the assistance we gave to those of Rochel I his would be truely Christian indeed to render us good for evill They will say that they are the bands of blood and parentage which bind them to the Queen and yet they have let the Mother beg her subsistence and retreat among strangers which she could not find with them and having beheld her without pitty and succour in her greatest extremities they advise to offer her a remedy upon the declining of her ill But if this be the reason of their admittance I conceive them no lawfull nor indifferent Mediators since they are so much concern'd in one of the parties They will whisper us in the eare that the designe is to pacify us and to ingage us in a league with them against the Spaniard although at the same time they designe Ambassadours for Munster to endeavour a peace with him O we should wrong them very much to believe it though they might seem in an humour to desire it of us They are too gallant spirited to pretend it they know that we are better advised then to serve them to pull their Chesnut out of the fire that a body recovering health from a
that necessity after enforced his Son and Successors to practice and is an apparent Symptome of a consumed State But that whereby he heaped up his masse of Treasure for he left in Bullion 4. millions and a half besides his Plate Jewells and rich attire of house was by sale of Offices redemption of Penalties dispencing with Laws and such like to a yearly value of 120000. pounds His Successour reaping the fruit of his Fathers labour gave ease of burthen to the Subjects his first two years taking within the compasse of his other 34. three Tenths of the Commons four Fifteens 6. Subsidies whereof that an 4. amounted to 16000. l. and that an 7. 110000. l. Tonnage he had and Poundage once for a year and after for term of Life Of the Clergy 4. Tenths by one grant and 3. by severall every of them not lesse then 25084. l. Of Subsidies he had one of the Province of Canterbury another of both the Stipendary Ministers there to be taxed according to the rate of their wages In an 22. they granted a Moiety of all their Goods and Lands payable by equal portion in 5. years every part arising to 95000. l. to the yearly Revenues of his Crown by an inhumane spoil of sacred Monuments and impious ruine of holy Churches if Gods blessing could have accompanyed so foul an Act. And as these former Collections he grounded upon Law so did he many upon Praerogative As Benevolences and Loans from the Clergy and Commons Of the first there were two remarkable that in an 17. acted by Commissioners who as themselves were sworn to Secrecy so were they to swear all those with whom they conferre or contract The Rates directed by instructions as the thirds of all Goods Offices Land above 20. l. and the 4 th under And although the Recusants whether from Disobedience or Inability are threatned with Convention before the Councell Imprisonment and Confiscation of Goods yet in the Designe Originall under the Kings hand it hath so fair a name as an Amicable Grant The other about an 36. exacteth out of all Goods Offices land from 40. shillings to 20. l. 8d. in the pound and of all above 12d. And amongst the many Loans there is none more notorious then that of an 14. which was 10. l. in the hundred of all Goods Jewels Utensils and land from 20. l. to 300. l. and twenty marks of all above as far as the Subjects Fortune revealed by the extremity of his own Oath would extend And to stop as well intentions if any had been as expectations of repayment of such Loans the Parliament in an 21. acquitteth the King of every Privy Seal or Letter Missive Edward the sixth his Son besides Tonnage and Poundage for life an 1. received of his Law-Subjects six Fifteens and of both three Subsidies leaving one of the Temporalty ungathered which his Sister Mary remitted in an 1. of her reign yet after incited by the French King succouring her Rebells and suffering her money adulterated in his Dominions purposely to be hither transported as also to side the quarrell of Philip her husband against him being drawn into wars she was inforced to presse upon her people and besides the Loan in an 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament took five Fifteens of the Commons and of them and the Clergie three years Subsidies Her Sister of happy memory succeeding besides divers Loans of her people and others in forraign parts as anno 5. when William Horle was dispatched into Germany to take up at Interest for 6. years great Summes of money the like an 18. from the Merchants of Colen and Hamburgh upon Bond of the City of London and again of Spinello and Pallavicini upon the former security strengthened with the assurance also of many of her chiefest Councellors had by grant of her Subjects 38. Fifteens 20. Subsidies of the Commons and 18. of the Clergy All which together rose to a summe of two Millions and 800000. l. HAving thus far with as light a hand as I could drawn down the many and mighty burdens of the Common-wealth if but with a touch of the Princes Extremities beyond the ease of these former helps I heighten up this draught it will with much more life and lustre expresse the Figure of wars Misery The Credit of Kings it hath brought to so low an ebbe that when by force of necessity they borrowed money they could not take it up but by collaterall security and extreme Interest As Edward the 3. in the Patent to William de la Poole confesseth that propter defectum pecuniae negotia sua fuerunt periculo sissime retardata for want of money his affaires were dangerously delayed they are the words of the record and the honour of him and his Royall Army magnae fuit depressioni patenter expositus progressus non sine dedecore suo perpetuo impeditus he was brought to a manifest low condition and his proceedings to his great dishonour had been constantly hindered if De la Poole had not as well supplied him with the credit of his Security as with the best ability of his own Purse For which service he honoured him and his posterity with the degree of Baronets and 500. l. land of inheritance The interest of Henry 3. ad plus quam centum quotidie libras adscenderat ita ut imminenet tam Clero quam Populo Angliae Deso latio Ruina came to more then a hundred pound a day so that present ruine desolation hung over the heads as well of the Clergy as the People Q. Mary borrowed in Flanders at 14. in the hundred besides Brocage upon collaterall security The late Queene was inforced to the like thrice with Strangers upon the City of Londons assurance as before and with her own Subjects after upon Mortgage of Land A course more moderate then either that of the first William that took out of Churches such money as severall men had committed thither for more security or that of Charles the fifth that to repaire the waste of his Italian wars went in person to Barcilona to seize into his hands a Masse of money called Depositum Tabulae which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary But these are not the conditions of Princes of our times onely for in the lives of Caligula Nero and Vespasian Suetonius of them severally writeth Exhaustus egenus calumniis rapinisque intendit animum being drawn dry and grown poor they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines For Perniâ—losâ—â—res est in imperante tenuitas Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing and as Theodoricus said Periculosissimum animal est Rex pauper a Poor King is the most dangerous creature living It hath abated the Regalties of Houses an 16. of Richard the second and 18. of Henry 6. when as well from want of
k Ex Rot. Par. an E I. H. 6. Britanny a Ex Math. Paris Brest b Rot. Parl. anno 2. R. 2. Ex Comput Tho. Parry Cust astri de Bâ—â—t a. 9. R. 2. Callis c Ex comput Williel Horwell in Thesaur Regis d Ex comput Richardi Eccleshall de annis 28 29 30. E. 3. e Ex Rot. Rar anno 2. R. 2. f Ex Comput Rob. Thorley g Ex Comput Simonis de Burg. a Ex Comput Rog. de Wald. anno 13. R. 2. 15. b Ex Comput Joannis Bernam anno 23. R. 2. c Ex Comput Ro. Thorley d Ex Comput Nich. Vske e Ex Comput Rob. Thorley f Ex Comput Rob. Salvin de annis 5. H. 5. g Rot. Parl. an 11. H. 6. h Rot. Parl. anno 27. i Rot. Parl. anno 31. k Rot. Parl. anno 33. l Rot. Parl. 4. E. 4. m Ex comput Majoris Stapulae anno 1. R. 3. n Ex comput origin inter Chartas Roberti Cotton o Ex comput Domini Lisle a Ex lib. de expens Bellor H. 8. E. 6. in Musaeo Com. Salisbur b Ex litera Archiep. Cant. Card. Wolsey a Ex litera Thomae Smith Secret anno 1567. 3. Maii. b Ex comput Joannis Tiptoft c Ex comput Hen. Percy anno 1. H. 4. d Parl. an 11. H. 6. e Ex musaeo Com. Salisbury f Ex comput Williel de Brumleigh Barwick g Ex comput Nicol. Episc Meth an 30. Ed. 3. h Ex comput Tho. Scurlaâ— anno 50. E. 3. Ireland i Ex comput Joan. Spencer de annis R. 2. a Ex Rot. Par. anno 11. H. 6. b Ex amotat Dom. Burleigh ex Musaeo Com. Salisbury c Ex comput Rad. Lane d Ex comput in Musaeo Com. Salisbury Thesaur Angliae Addition of any forreign Title no Honour e Baldus Stile of Normandy and Aquitain accounted by our Kings a vassalage Stile of France restrained by petition in Parliament France possessed would leave us to the misery of a province a Tacit. in vita Agricolae To enterprise any war not so easy Meanes of successe formerly Advantage of Place and Party Advantage of Place a Livy lib. 28. a Math. Paris in vita H. 3. b Math. Par. vita Hen. 3. c Froisard d Walsingham T. Livius Foroliviensis in vita He. 5. Confederates were the onely ground of all the good successe A list of all the Confederates from Hen. the firsts Reign to the end of the last Queen Henry 2. a Ex Contract orig in Arch. Thes West b Ex Radulp. de Diceto c Ex orig signat à Comite Castellanis in Thes West Richard 2. d Ex Radulph de Diceto e Math. Paris 184. a In dorso Cla. an 1. Joannis Kâ—ng John b Ex orig in Thes Westm Henry 3. c Dors Pat. 11. H. 3. m. 11. d Rot. lib. an 14. H. 3. m. 7. ex originali Edward 1. e Claus an 13. Edw. 1. Ex origin in Thesaur g Rot. Vascon an 20. m. 19. h Rot. Alman de annis 22. 31. m. 13. i Ex origin sub sigillo in Thes Westm. k Rot. Alman an 31. m. 14. l Dors Rot. Alman 18. a Rot. Pat. an 34. m. 24. Edward 2. b Rot. Vasco an 9. 11. c Dors Claus an 18. m. 7. d Froisard Edward 3. e Rot. libera 2. m. 6. f Rot. Alman anno 11. g Rot. Antwer anno 12. h Froisard a Ex Rot. Antwerp an 12. b Rot. Parl. anno 14. n. 8. c claus an 18. m. 25. d Dors claus an 18. m. 20. e Dors calus an 19. m. 14. f Froisard g Rot. Pat. an 24. n. 8. h Ex orininali de anno 37. in lib. Ro. Cotton i Ex orig in Thes West de annis 37. 41. K Ex orig sub sigillo l Ex Contract origin in Archiv Thes Westm m Claus an I. R. 2. Richard 2. a Rot. Franc. anno 2. b Ex orig in Thes c Rot. Parl. anno 6. n. 11. d Ex Contract in the lib. Italico Rob. Cotton e Rot. Franciae anno 6. m. 28. f Rot. Franc. anno 12. m. 16 anno 18. 19. g Rot. Franc. an 12. m. 16. anno 18. 19. h Rot. Franc. anno 20. m. 2. i Rot. claus an 2. Hen. 4. Rot. Fran. anno 2. 3. H. 4. m. 6. Henry 4. k Rot. Franc. anno 12. H. 4. m. 21. Henry 5. l Tho. Walsingham m Ex Rot. Parl. anno 4. n Ex orig in Thes Westm a Ex chron Rogeri Wall in vita H. 5. anno 5. 8. b Ex Instruct orig 31. Aug. 5. H. 5. Henry 6. c Ex Contract originali d Ex Tractat. Alrabatensi e Ex tractat Brugens 1442 f Ex tractat Callisiae 1445. Ex tractat Bruxellensi 1446. g Parl. an 7. E. 4. n. 28. Edward 4. h Rot. Franc. anno 8. m. 22. ex contract originali i Rot. Franc. an 11. E. 4. m. 7. k Rot. Franc. an 12. m. 22. ex orig in Thes Westm a Rot. Fran. anno 14. m. 18. 19. b Ex Contr. de anno 1487. pro solutione 50000 scutorum ad 100. annos Henry 7. c Rot. Fran. anno 5. 6. Hen. 7. Contract origin an 8. H. 7. Henry 8. d Ex magno Intercusu de an 1495. e Ex tract original de dat 1513. f Ex litera Max. Imp. Card. Ebor. dat 15. g Rot. Fran. anno 7. H. 8. h Ex tract Bruxellensi 1515. i Ex originali subscript card Sedunensi de dat 1516. k Ex tract Callis anno 1521. l Ex tract orig subscript manu Card. Ebor. Margar. Regent 24. August 1521. a Ex tract Winsor 1522. b Ex tract Cambrens 1529. c Ex tract ultrajectensi d Ex tract de anno 1543. Ex originali dat ultimo Janu. 1547. e Ex instruct Rich. Morison Edward 6. f Ex litera Ducis Somers Magist Pag. 1549. g Ex contract Matrimoniali 1554. h Extract Matr. 1559. Queen Mary i Ex artic subscript à Vidame de Chartres 1562. Elizabeth k Ex sâ—â—der Trecensi 1564 l Ex tract â—lâ—sensi a Ex tract Londim 1596. b Ex tract cum ordin Belgiae de annis 1585. 1598. Confederats of most benefit to England Princes whose Confederation are of least benefit Bonds of Confederation cannot be the same they were before As with the State of Genoa c Livy Dec. 4. l. 2. d In Relatione de Statu Genoae an 1595. Navarre Britain Burgundie Spain a Paterculus Dangers in Confederacy by diversity of Ends. Examples that ends served Confederates quit all bonds of Combination a Matth Paris 1242. b Rot. Parl. anno 29. E. 3. n. 6. Suspecting that an Allie may grow too great dissolveth alliance Liv. lib. 34. a Ex original in manu Domini Cromwell Doctrine of the See of Rome touching leagues with Hereticks b Ex Bulla origin sub sigillo vrbani 6. an pont 4 Subjects obedient to the Popes Censure a dangerous Party a Ex Eulogio Hist a Festus Amoenus Danger of large Frontiers b Salust in Bello Catil c Suetonius in vita Augusti d Dion Cassius a Tacitus b Ex proposit Statuum de anno 1585. What State may best admit addition c Zozimus in vita Constantini a Velleius Paterc de Expeditione Caesaris b Bodin de Repub. lib. 6. c Ex orat Demosth ad Athenienses Safetie in Neutralitie a Tacitus Dion Cassius Honour attained by Neutrality in being the Arbiter of all differences between the might est Nieighbours a Froisard b Ex Regist libris Tractatuum c Ex Demost 4 Philip.