of Flanders In the sixth year he combineth with the Flemings contraâ—nimicos communes against the enemies of them both with the Kings of Naples Sicily Navarre and Arragon de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid and with Winceslaus the Emperour Contra Carolum Regem Franciae Robertum Regem Scotiae against Charles King of France and Robert King of Scotland In anno 8. with the Kings of Jerusalem Sicily and Portugal In the tenth with Portugal who at his own charges aided this King with ten Galleys And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid And anno 12. 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of Bavaria And an 20. with the Earl of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae against the King of France And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene anno 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King Henry the fourth entred alliance of mutual aid in two years with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. In the twelfth with Sigismund King of Hungaria And in the thirteenth by siding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans laid the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered strengthened himself anno 4. by a League perpetual with Sigismund the Emperour renewing that of Richard the second with John King of Portugal as his Father had done He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain and with the Queen of Jerusalem and Lewis her Son for the Duchy of Anjou and Mayn and with the King of Portugal and Duke of Bavaria for supply of Men and Munition by them performed And the year before the Battel of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundy and his Retinue for Wages in servitiâ— suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae in his service in the Kingdom of France or the Duchy of Aquitain esteeming the alliance of that house the readiest means to attain his end Henry the sixth i so long as he held the Amity of Britain for which he contracted and the confederacy of Rurgundy his friend of eldest assurance and best advantage which he did to the sixteenth year of his Government there was no great decline of his Fortune in France But when Burgundy brake the bond of our assurance and betook him to the Amity of France and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse first at the Treaty of Bruges 1442. then at Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son than ever it increased in the rising of the Father And Edward the fourth who succeeded sensible of this loss wooed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to win again the house of Burgundy which in anno 7. he did to joyn for the recovery of his right in France And drew in the year following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy In the eleventh year he renewed with Charles of Burgundy the bond of mutual Aid and contracted the next year the like with the King of Portugal And in an 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Usurpantem for the recovery of the Kingdom of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper as the Record is entred a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money though he could not any portion of land Henry the seventh anno 5. 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King The like in the eighth with the King of Portugal and in the tenth with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutual Aid Henry the eighth in anno 4. reneweth the Amity of Portugal and the next year combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with four thousand horse and six thousand foot whereupon he winneth Tournay Consilio Auxilio favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris with the advice assistance and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian In anno 7. to weaken the French King he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with Charles of Spain for Amity and mutual Aid into which Maximilian the Emperour and Joan of Spain were received the year following In an 12. with the Emperour Charles and Margaret Regentess of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae non possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of his intendment interdicteth the French Territories calleth in aid Brachii Seculdris of the Secular power those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protector and stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio an holy expedition And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next year confirmed and explained Renewing in the years twenty one thirty five and thirty eight the association and bond of mutual aid with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although Edward the sixth in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetual yet forbore he to aid the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperial Protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that of Marriage Aid and Entercourse with the Emperour Spain and Burgundy and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde about New-haven and with Charles the ninth 1564. and at Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen in ninety six And with the States of the Netherlands in the years eighty five and ninety eight divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterpize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have
never would be drawn to â—he hazard of war for improbe Neptunum acâ—usat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack â—he second time until the French King conâ—ra juramentum formam pacis contrary to â—is oath and the form of peace had vexillis exâ—licatis with banners displayed invaded his doâ—inions in France and with a Fleet intended â—o attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subâ—ertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his Kingdom â—ntred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune â—nd after many years of war and much loss had â—n the end an expectation of peace which opened â—o his Commons and Council in Parliament their longing affection was so much inclined hereto that they advised the King though it were â—n doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he â—hould not let slip that opportunity Until Charles of France had received that â—angerous Rebel Owen Glendowr by the name â—f Metuendissimi Principis Walliae the most â—read Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy â—gainst his Master whom he vouchsafed no â—ther title than Henricus de Lancastria by â—ontract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by â—he Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul â—ntred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this Land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again until Burgundy that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meanâ— with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The Uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransom those taken at Agin-Court battel so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamuâ— ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered many large and liberal conditions but received in exchange nothing but scoffs he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Council by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the loss of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury a petition of 9 Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men propace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right nor jealousie of increasing power could draw Henry 8. unto the quarrel of France until the Church complained against Lewis 12. who neither esteeming â—f God good fame nor conscience detained â—he revenues of the Clergy supported the Cardiâ—al William to aspire to the Papacy aided in the â—ege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara and the Benivagli both Traytors to the Papal See where â—e intended to lay the foundation of his Empire â—o usurp all Italy and besought him for the pitty â—f our Saviour and by the virtue of his famous Ancestors for I use the words of the Popes Brief that never forsook the Church of God in diâ—ress and by his filial obedience the strongest â—ond to enter into that holy League they having â—lected him against Lewis Coput foeder is Italici Head of the Italian League Edward the sixth until urged with the touch of his honour being by his neighbours neglected â—n the marriage of their Mistress never attempted â—ny war against them The quarrels of France in the time of his sucâ—eeding sister after the marriage with Spain were â—either properly ours nor begun by us although â—n the end we only went away with the loss Her Sister of holy memory to effect the peace with France forbore the demand of Callis for â—ight years and neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown And the labours she â—pent to confirm amity with Spain by many â—riendly offices of mediation are apparent to the whole world though in the end of her desires she â—ailed whether happily in prevention of the Spaâ—ish Monarchy eternizing her memory or that â—his work of peace was by divine providence reâ—erved for him that could and hath best effected â—t I know not Only I conclude that as the first Monarch in Rome so the first in Britain might justly write Pace Populo Britanno terrâ— marique parta Janum clausi having setled Britaiâ— in peace by Land and sea I have shut up the doorâ— of Janus Temple Forraign arms the ground of trouble at home by the Enemy who to divert will attempt Subjects wearied with Toyl Taxation Feared with the effect of tyranny Inured to wars can never sute after to a quiet life It is evident by our own examples that for the moâ—â— part the Civil or Forraign Armies that have oppressed this State have been either bred out of our first attempting of others or out of the grievance of the Nobility and people either wearied with the toil and charge or feared with the effect of Tyranny which might corrupt the good fortune of their King or else aâ— plague no less of war that the better sort inured to command abroad have forgotten to obey at home and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in making an adversary as that of Edward the third Out of many examples I will select some few beginning with the tenth of his reign at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France but diverted by Philip who mustring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae in the parts of â—ritany to invade the Kingdom of England a â—uissant Army enforced Edward the third to fall â—rom his first purpose and insist upon his own â—uard for which cause to the infinite charge â—f himself and people he levied 80000. men â—ut of the Shires of this Kingdom To withdraw â—is forces from France in the thirteenth of his â—eign they invaded the Realm and burned the â—owns of Plymouth and Southampton places â—hat suffered from the same motive the like caâ—amity In the first of Richard the second after the â—attel of Cressy when they feared our too much â—ooting and we too much believed our own forâ—une for she cito reposcit quod dedit quickly â—alls for back what she gave us the Duke of Normandy to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes and forty â—housand
done and to restrain that infinite and unsafe desire of enlarging left in Charge to his Successors that especial point of advice coercendi intra Terminos Imperii to keep the Empire within due and fitting bounds The like moderation from the same ground was in the late Queen who refused the soveraignty of the Netherlands so often and earnestly offered to her fore-seeing well that as her State should grow more respective by addition of People and augmentation of Territory so Factions and Discontents a common accident in worldly affairs would arise from superfluity The State that may best admit increase is that unto which addition may be on every part indifferently Such was the advantage of Rome by being situate in the midst of Europe whereas we are thrust out of the world to which we have no other contiguity than an unsure element of fluxible foundation the Sea subject to tempest contrariety of wind and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept than our selves to secure For how large soever any Kingdom is all great directions move from one place commonly from one man as the Heart in the Body It is therefore necessary that the seat be so placed thaâ—… as well Intelligence as Dispatch may safely pasâ—… with indifferency and assured Speed And thoâ—… Forms are most quick and easie in motion whose extreams are all equally distant from the Centre for the more different from the Circle the more slow and hard Rome may sufficiently example this For so long as the Orbe of that Empire so moved about her all things kept on their course with order and ease but after the Seat was by Constantine removed to an extremity of the Circle it stood a while still and in the end dissolved For either through the mass of Business the limitedness of any mans sufficiency or impossibility to consider all due Circumstances but in re praesenti there must fall out infinite defects in the directions Or if none either by reason of Distance they come too late or if nor by reason of remisness he who is to execute will be bolder with his Instructions than is fit for a Minister to be How dangerous â—s it then by addition of Territories for our Master Alterum pene Imperio nostro suo â—tuaerenti Orbem whilst he is seeking to joyn another world in a manner to his and our Empire to alter either the setled order of directions or walls of our security Besides as in the Frames of Nature Anima rationalis the rational soul cannot informare give life sense or discourse to the matter of an Elephant or a Fly or any other body disproportionable to a form so qualified so is there as well a bound of amplitude and strictness wherein the soul of Government is comprised Between which extreams there are many degrees of Latitude some approaching to the greatest that nature seldome or never produceth some to the least and some to the mean â—eyond which proportions respectively though â—ome may have a will to affect they never can â—ave a power to attain And this we may see in the former accession of so much to us in France which we could never either with Profit or Assurance retain being gotten by Conquest and but tacked to by Garrison contrary to the nature of Hereditary Monarchies For some Kingdoms in which number this may be accounted are of the same condition that Demosthenes maketh the Athenians Non ea vestra ingenia sunt ut ipsi aliis vi oppressis Imperia teneatis sed in eo magnae sunt vires vestrae ut alium potiri principatu prohibeatis aut potitum exturbetis It is not your way violently to oppress other States and seize the Government but in this is your strength manifest that you can hinder another from possessing the Government or when he is possessed of it throw him out again Since then by Situation and Power we are the fittest either to combine or keep several the most potent and warlike Nations of the West it is the best for Safety and the most for Honour to remain as we were Arbiters of Europe and so by Neutrality sway still the Ballance of our mightiest Neighbours which by holding of our hands and only looking on we shall easily do since Spain and France hang so indifferently that a little weight will cast the Beam imploying ours as Claudius did his Forces in Germany ut subsidio victis Victoribus terrori essent ne forte elati Pacem turbarent to assist the Conquered party and to over-awe the Victor lest he should be puffed up with pride and disturb our peace Thus did Henry the eighth with the French and Spanish Princes using as his Motto of Honour and Power this Cui adhaereo praeest He rules whom I stick to And the late Queen studied rather how to guard her Allies than to inlarge her Dominions multiplying her Leagues more by giving than receiving gratuities winking at her own wrongs rather than willing to revenge And as the great Mistris of the world once did what rather became her Greatness than what severity of Armes required Hence were her Seas for the most part freed from Pirates and her Land here cleared of Enemies For according to Micipsae's counsel to Jugurth Non exercitus neque Thesauri praesidia Regni sunt Neither Armies nor Treasure are the safety of a Kingdom but such Allies as neither Armes constrain nor moneys purchase sed officio fide pariuntur And since by fortune of the times succeeding this State hath grown more upon Opinion than Deed and that we know Mag is fama quam vi stare res nostras that our affairs stand rather by Fame than Force it is most safe neither to discover weakness nor hazzard loss by any attempt Besides standing as we do no wayes obnoxious by Site to any of our Neighbours they will alwayes be ready to referr the judgement and order of their differences to us As the Brabanters and Henowayes did to the Arbitrement of Edward the third and Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the decision of their quarrel to Henry the eighth Thus every part shall wooe us all Princes by their Orators shall resort unto us as to the Common Consistory of judgement in their debates and thereby add more to our Reputation than any power of our own For as well in States as in Persons Suitors are an infallible token of Greatness which Demosthenes told the Athenians they had lost since none resorted to their Curia or Praetorium By this way shall we gain the Seat of Honour Riches and Safety and in all other but endless Expence Trouble and Danger Robert Cotton Bruceus FINIS Sr. Tho. Brown a Pansae Hirtii consilium Caesari a Velleius Paterculus a Tacit An. 10. b Juâ—…l a Sil. Ital. lib. 11. Examples of the affection of our Kings successively to Peace a
and suffering her money adulterated in his Dominions purposely to be hither transported as also to side the quarrel of Philip her husband against him being drawn into wars she was inforced to press upon her people who besides the Loan in an 3. and Tonnage and Poundage an 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament took five Fifteens of the Commons and of them and the Clergie three years Subsidies Her Sister of happy memory succeeding besides divers Loans of her people and others in forreign parts as anno 5. when William Herle was dispatched into Germany to take up at Interest for six years great summs of money the like anno 18. from the Merchants of Colen and Hamburgh upon Bond of the City of London and again of Spinello and Pallavicini upon the former security strengthened with the assurance also of many of her chiefest Councellors had by grant of her Subjects thirty eight Fifteens twenty Subsidies of the Commons and eighteen of the Clergie All which together rose to a summ of two Millions and 800000 l. HAving thus far with as light a hand as I could drawn down the many and mighty burdens of the Common-wealth if but with a touch of the Princes Extremities beyond the ease of these former helps I heighten up this draught it will with much more life and lustre express the Figure of wars Misery The Credit of Kings it hath brought to so low an ebb that when by force of necessity they borrowed money they could not take it up but by collateral security and extream Interest As Edward the third in the Patent to William de la Poole confesseth that propter defectum pecuniae negotia sua fuerunt periculosissine retardata for want of money his affairs were dangerously delayed they are the words of the record and the honour of him and his Royal Army magne fuit depressioni paterter expositus progressus non sine dedecore suo perpetuo impeditus he was brought to a manifest low condition and his proceeding to his great dishonour had been constantly hindered if De la Poole had not as well supplyed him with the credit of his Security as with the best ability of his own Purse For which service he honoured him and his posterity with the degree of Baronets and five hundred pound land of inheritance The interest of Henry 3. ad plus quam centum quotidie libras ascenderat ita ut imminerâ—t tam Clero quam Populo Angliae Desolatio Ruina came to more than a hundred pound a day so that present ruine and desolation hung over the heads as well of the Clergie as the People Queen Mary borrowed in Flanders at fourteen in the hundred besides Brocage upon collateral security The late Queen was enforced to the like thrice with Strangers upon the City of Londons assurance as before and with her own Subjects after upon Mortgage of Land A course more moderate than either that of the first William that took out of Churches such money as several men had committed thither for more security or that of Charles the fifth that to repair the waste of his Italian wars went in person to Barcilona to seize into his hands a Mass of money called Depositum Tabulae which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary But these are not the conditions of Princes of our times only for in the lives of Caligula Nero and Vespasian Suetonius of them severally writeth Exhaustus egenus Calumniis â—apinisque intendit animum being drawn dry and grown poor they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines For Perniciosa res est in Imperante tenuitas Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing and as Theodoricus said Periculosissimum animal est Rex pauper a Poor King is the most dangerous creature living It hath abated the Regalities of Houses an 16. of Richard the second and 18. of Henry 6. when as well from want of means as the Subjects Petitions in Parliament for Expeditissiâ—a est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumptiâ—us the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expences they have much lessened their Hospitality their Tables being either defrayed by their Subjects as of Henry the sixth or as Henry the third when by necessity ita consueta Regalis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit ut postposita solita verecundia cum Abbatibus Clericis viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit prandia the wonted hospitality of the Kings Table was sunk so low that without farther shame he many times lodged and dietted with Abbots Clerks and very mean Persons It hath caused our Kings to sell and alienâ—… the possessions of the Crown as Henry the thiâ—… who gave to Edward his son Licentiam 〈◊〉 pignorundi terram Vasconiae leave to pawn 〈◊〉 Duchy of Gascoign And caused himself 〈◊〉 long after by the like occasions to sell 〈◊〉 300000 l. except some pittances reserved 〈◊〉 entire Signiory of Normandy What 〈◊〉 late Mistris and her Father did is yet fresh 〈◊〉 memory But this mischief hath trenched 〈◊〉 into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subjeâ—… when Princes to repair the breach of their 〈◊〉 Revenues have often resumed the possessions 〈◊〉 their people as Edward the second an 5 〈◊〉 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas 〈◊〉 damnum diminutionem Regis Coronae 〈◊〉 all the Grants made by the King to the lesseâ—… and prejudicing of the King and his Crowâ—… Richard the second anno 1. did the like ofâ—… Grants made to unworthy persons by his Granâ—… father and recalled all Patents dated since 〈◊〉 fortieth of Edward the third Thus did Henry 〈◊〉 an 1. and Hen. 6. in the twenty eighth 〈◊〉 his Reign Edward 4. in anno 3. and 12. Aâ—… Hen. 7. in an 3. with all Offices of his Croâ—… granted either by the Usurper or his Brothâ—… Neither is this in it self unjust since as well 〈◊〉 reason of State as Rules of best Government 〈◊〉 Revenues and Profits quae ad sacrum Paâ—… monium Principis pertinent which belong to 〈◊〉 sacred Patrimony of the Prince should remain 〈◊〉 and unbroken But when neither Credit Frugality or Sâ—… of Lands would stop the gulf of want oâ—… Princes have been so near beset as with Nerâ—… â—…d Antonius the Emperours to sell and pawn â—…eir Jewels The Archbishop of York had â—…ower from Henry the third an 26. in waâ—s â—…yond Sea impignorandi Jocalia Regis ubiâ—…nque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda to â—…wn the Kings Jewels any where in England to â—…ise money Edward the first sendeth Egiâ—…ius Andevar ad Jocalia sua impignoranda to â—…awn his Jewels Edward the third pawnâ—…h his Jewels to pay the L. Beaumont and the â—…rangers their wages in war The Black Prince was constrained to break his Plate into Moâ—…ey to pay
Thorley f Ex Comput Simonis de Burg. g Ex Comp. Rog. de Wald. an 13 R. 2. 15. h Ex Comp. Joannis Bernam an 23 R. 2. i Ex Comput Ro. Thorley k Ex Comp. Niâ—h â—ske a Ex Comp. Rob. Thorley b Ex Comp. Rob. Salviâ— de an 5 H. 5. c Rot. Parl. an 11 H. 6. d Rot. Parl. anno 27. e Rot. Parl. anno 31. f Rot. Parl. anno 33. g Rot. Parl. 4 E. 4. h Ex Comp. Majoris Stapulae anno 1 R. 3. i Ex Comp. origin inter Chartas Roberti Cotton k Ex Comp. Domini Lisle l Ex lib. de expens Bellor H. 8. E. 6. in Musaeo Com. Salisbur a Ex litera Archiep. Cant. Card. Wolsey b Ex litera Thomae Smith Secret anno 1567. 3 Maii. a Ex Comp. Joannis Tiptoft b Ex Comp. Hen. Percy anno 1 H. 4. c Parl. an 11 H. 6. d Ex musaeo Com. Salisbury e Ex comp Williel de Brumleigh f Ex comp Nicol. Episc Meth an 30 Ed. 3. g Ex Comp. Tho. Scurlay an 50 E. 3. h Ex Comp. Joan. Spencer de annis R. 2. i Ex Rot. Par. an 11 H. 6. a Ex annot Dom. Burleigh ex Musaeo Com. Salisbury b Ex Comp. Rad. Lane c Ex Comp. in Musaeo Com. Salisbury Thesour Angliae Addition of any forraign Title no Honour d Baldus Stile of Normandy and Aquitain accounted by our Kings a Vassalage 〈◊〉 of France restrained by petition in Parliament France possessed would leave us to the misery of a Province a Tacit. in vita Agricolae To enterprise any war not so easie Means of success formerly Advantage of Place and Party Advantage of Place a Liv. lib. 28. a Matth. Paris in vita H. 3. b Matth. Par. vita Hâ—n 3. c Froisard d Walsingham T. Livius Foroliviensis in vita H. 5. Confederates were the only ground of all the good success A list of all the Confederates from Hen. the firsts Reign to the end of the last Queen Henry 2. a Ex Contract orig in Arch. Thes West b Ex Radulph de Diceto c Ex orig signat à Comite Castellanis in Thes West Richard 2. d Ex Radulph de Diceto e Matth. Paris 184. a Indorso Cla. an 1 Joannis King John b Ex orig in Thes Westm Henry 3. c Dors pat 11 H. 3. m. 11. d Rot. lib. an 14 H. 3. m. 7. ex originali e Claus an 13 Edw. 1. Edward 1. f Ex origin in Thesaur g Rot. Vascon an 20. m. 19. h Rot. Alman de an 22. 31. m. 13. i Ex origin sub sigillo in Thes Westm k Rot. Alman an 31. m. 14. l Dors Rot. Alman 18. a Rot. Pâ—â— an 34. m. 2â— b Rot. Vasâ—… an 9. 11. Edward 2. c Dors Claus an 18. m. 7. d Froisard Edward 3. e Rot. Libâ—… 2. m. 6. f Rot. Alman anno 11. g Rot. Aâ—â—wer anno 12. h Froisard a Ex Rot. Antwerp an 12. b Rot. Parl. anno 14. n. 8. c Claus an 18. m. 25. d Dors claus an 18. m. 20. e Dors claus an 19. m. 14. f Froisard g Rot. Pat. an 24. n. 8. h Ex originali de an 7. in lib. Rob. Cot. i Ex arig in Tâ—â—â—â— â—â—st de an 37. 41. a Ex origsub sigillo b Ex Contract origin in Archiv Thes Westm c Claus an 1 R. 2. Richard 2. d Rot. Franc. anno 2. e Ex orig in Thes f Rot. Parl. anno 6. n. 11. g Ex Contract in lib. It alico Rob. Cotton h Rot. Franc. an 6. m. 28. i Rot. Franc. an 12. m. 16. an 18. 19. k Rot. Franc. an 12. m. 16. an 18. 19. l Rot. Franc. an 20. m. 2. m Rot. claus an 2. H. 4. Rot. Fran. an 2 3. H. 4. m. 6. Henry 4. n Rot. Franc. an 12 H. 4. m. 21. Henry 5. o Tho. Walsingham a Ex Rot. Parl. an 4. b Ex Orig. in Thes Westm c Ex Chron. Rogeri Wall in vita H. 5. an 5. 8. d Ex Instruct orig 31 Aug. 5 H. 5. Henry 6. e Ex Contract origin f Ex Tractat. Alrabatensi g Ex Tract Brugens 1442. h Ex Tract Callisiae 1445. Ex Tractat. Bruxellensi 1446. a Parl. an 7 E. 4. n. 28. b Rot. Franc. an 8. m. 22. ex contract originali c Rot. Franc. an 11 E. 4. m. 7 d Rot. Franc. an 12. m. 22. ex orig in Thes Westm e Rot. Fran. an 14. m. 18. 19. f Ex Contr. de an 1487. pro solutione 50000 scutorum ad 100. annos Henry 7. g Rot. Fran. an 5 6 H. 7. Contr. orig an 8 H. 7. Henry 8. h Ex magno Intercusu de an 1495. i Ex tract origin de dat 1513. k Ex litera Max. Imp. Car. Ebor. dat 15. l Rot. Fran. anno 7 H. 8. m Ex tract Bruxellens 1515. n Ex orig subscript card Sedunensi de dat 1516. a Ex tract Callis an 1521 b Ex tract orig subscript manu Card. Ebor. Marg. Regent 24. August 1521. c Ex tract Winsor 1522. d Ex tract Cambrens 1529. e Ex tract ultrajectensâ— f Ex tract de anno 1543. Ex originali dat ultimo Janu. 1547. g Ex instruct Rich. Morison Edward 6. h Ex litera Ducis Somers Magist pag. 1548. i Ex contr Matrimoniali 1554. a Ex tract Matr. 1555. Queen Mary b Ex artic subscript à Vidame de Chartres 1562 Elizabeth c Ex foeder Trecensâ— 1564. d Ex tract Plesensâ— e Ex tract 〈◊〉 1596. f Ex tract cum ordin â—…giae de an 1585. 1598 Confederates of most benefit to England Princes whose Confederation are of least benefit Bonds of Confederation cannot be the same they were before As with the State of Genoa a Liv. Dec. 4. l. 2. b In Relatione de Statu 〈◊〉 an 1595. Navarre Britain Burgundy Spain a Paterculus Dangers in Consederacy by diversity of Ends. Examples that ends served Confederates quit all bonds of Combination a Matth. Paris 1242. a Rot. Paul anno 29 E. 3. n. 6. Suspecting that an Allie may grow too great dissolveth alliance Liv. lib. 34. Danger by difference in Religion in respect of the Confederates who may break by dispensation though both Catholicks a Ex original in manu Domini Cromwell Danger by difference in Religion in respect of the Confederates who ought to break out of the Roman doctrine one accounted heretick Doctrine of the See of Rome touching leagues with Hereticks a Ex Bulla origin sub sigillo urbani 6. an pont 4. Danger by difference in Religion in respect of the Subjects Subjects obedient to the Popes Censure a dangerous Party a Ex Eulâ—gio Hist a Festus Amaenus Danger of large Frontiers b Salust in Bello Catil c Suetonâ—us in vita Augusti d Dion Cassius e Tacitus f Ex proposâ— Statuum de anno 1585. What State may best adâ—â—â—t addition a 〈◊〉 in vita 〈◊〉 a Velleius Paterc de Expeditione Caesaris b Bodin de Repub. lib. 6. c Eâ— craâ— Demonsth ad Athenienses Safety in Neutrality a Tacitus Dion Cassius Honour attained by Neutrality in being the Arbiter of all differences between the mightiest Neighbours a Froisard b Ex Regist libris Tractatuum c Ex Demost 4 Philip.