Father whose Corps in the mean time he would not forsake s Because Augustus dying at Nola aâ— Tacitus says at the end of the Abridgment of his Life he would in honour accompany his body to Rome and that all the part to which he pretended in the Publick Administration was no more than what was reducible to that Edict t Iohn Freinshemius gives another sense to this passage neque abscedere a corpore idque unum ex publicis muneribus usurpare making Tiberius say that by this assembling the Senate he did not pretend to a Superiority over it or over any Senator but only to acquit himself of his duty to his Father and that for the future he would not take upon him to give any more commands And in the Examen of the Translators of Tacitus which is at the end of his Paraphrase he says most Interpreters understand these words abscedere a corpore of the Body of Augustus but I understand 'em of the Body of the Senate In which he had followed Dati who renders them thus Ne voleva egli en cio partirsi dalla volonta de gli altera Senatori And Rodolphus the Master who interprets them in these terms to be inseparably united to the body of the Senate Yet after the Death of Augustus it was his Custom to give the word to the Praetorian Cohorts to be attended by Soldiers and no part of the State belonging to an Emperor was wanting to him Whether he walk'd the Streets or went to the Senate his Guards follow'd him He had also written to the Armies in the style of Emperour and Successor and all without the least Ambiguity or Hesitation unless it were when he spoke in Senate 3 He acted the part of a Republican in the Senate because that was the only place where there yet remain'd any shadow of the ancient Liberty The principal Cause of his dissimulation 4 'T is the Interest of Courtiers to discover the Sentiments of the Prince in the beginning of his Reign to know how to behave themselves towards him but 't is the Interest of the Prince not to reveal or declare any thing in his affairs that may exercise their Curiosity For if they are before hand in discovering what is in his breast he will never come to know what is in their hearts Lleva la ventaja says a Spanish Proverb el que vee el juego al companero was that he fear'd Germanicus who commanded so many Legions assur'd of succour from all the Allies and lov'd even to Idolatry by the Roman People would rather chuse to enjoy the Empire in present than to attend it from his Death Neither was there wanting a mixture of Vain-Glory in these proceedings for he affected to have it thought that he was Elected by the Common-Wealth 5 In an Elective Empire the Prince ought always to declare that he holds the Kingdom from them who have a right to Elect though he obtained it by other means for otherwise he will be accounted an Usurper and a declar'd Enemy to the publick Liberty and by consequence his Life will be always in danger Nothing can be said more judicious nor more agreeable to a Republick or to an Elective State than that which Galba said of his Election to the Empire Under the reigns of Tiberius Caligula and Claudius said he the Roman Common-Wealth has been as the Patrimony and Inheritance of one Family alone but I who have been call'd to the Empire by the consent of the Gods and of Men can say that I have restored Liberty to the Common-Wealth because Election has begun again in my Person and that if the vast body of the Empire could be content to be govern'd by a single Person I should be the Man who would revive the ancient Common-Wealth rather than introduc'd by the Artiâ—ices of a Woman 6 In times past the great Men thought it a dishonour to be obliged to Women for their Fortune as if they had been preferr'd by their Favour rather than by their own Merit But at this day we are not so nice in that respect The Ruelle advances far more than the Sword and the adoption of an old doting Man It was afterwards discover'd also that this Irresolution which he shew'd tended to sound the Affections of the Great towards him for he study'd their Countenance and their Words to make them guilty afterwards whom he purpos'd to destroy III. The first time he came into the Senate he would permit no other business to come on than only what related to the Funeral of his Father 1 The Prince who Honours and requires others to honour the Memory and Ashes of his Predecessors gives an example to his Successors which obliges them to pay him the same respect after his death Suetonius relates that 't was said Caesar had secured his own Statues and Images from being broken by restoring the Statues of Sylla and Pompey which the People had thrown down during the Civil Wars In Poland the King elect is not crown'd till the dead King be buried Piasecki in his Chronicle which is probably done out of respect to the dead who surâ—enders not the Crown till he has received burial For the King Elect does not act as King nor Seals the Letters he writes to Foreign Princes with the Arms of the Kingdom till after his Coronation Philip II. King of Spain built and founded the Monastery of S. Laurence of the Escurial to be the burying place of the Emperor Charles V. his Father and of the Empress Issabella his Mother and all their Posterity as he expresly declares in the act of the Foundation reported by Cabrera Chap. II. of book 6. of his History Before he left Portugal he staid three days at the Monastery of Beleâ— which is a little place of Lisbon and caused to be interr'd the Bodies of the Kings Sebastian and Henry and of twenty other Princes the Children and Grand-Children of King Emanuel which had been buried apart in divers Convents being willing to make at least this acknowledgment to twenty two Heirs who had given place to him to succeed in this Kingdom Spanish Relation of the Interment of Philip in Portugal Chap. 16. and Conestagio Book 9. of the Union of Portugal and Castile whose Testament was brought thither by the Vestals By it Tiberius and Livia were declar'd his Heirs Livia was adopted also into the Iulian Family and honour'd with the Title of Augusta u That is with the Name of Empress and with the Title of Majesty which she had not while her Husband was living In the second Degree were rank'd his Grand-Children and their Descendants in the third the Greatest of the Romans not out of Affection for he hated most of them but out of Ostentation 2 In Princes Clemency is often an effect of their Vanity or of their good Nature to be admir'd by Posterity x We see here says Pagliari what slips
his own Words Commines utterly blames the Iourney which Alphonso V. King of Portugal made into France to procure assistance against Isabella Queen of Castille and Ferdinand of Aragon her Husband who had usurp'd this Crown from his Niece For during his long stay in France which was above a Year his affairs in Castille were chang'd where the Lords of the Kingdom who were almost all of his Party before his absence made their terms with Ferdinand and Isabella being weary of expecting succours from France and his return But that which he adds shews to what Princes expose themselves who go into another's Dominions The King of Portugal 's End saith he was that he suspected that the King Lewis XI had a design to seize him and deliver him up to his Enemy the King of Castile For this reason he disguised himself a third time being resolved to go away to Rome and to retire into a Monastery For he was asham'd to return into Castille or Portugal without having done any thing in France whither he went against the Opinion of many of his Council In this Habit he was taken by one Robinet le Beuf And half a Page after This King endeavour'd to marry his Niece to the Dauphine now Charles VIII in which he could not succeed Insomuch that his coming into France was to his great Prejudice and Trouble and was the Cause that he died soon after his return into Portugal His Memoris Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Paul Piasecki speaking of the Death of Cardinal Iohn Albert Brother to Uladisâ—aus King of Poland who travelâ—'d into Italy saith That the wisest Lords of the Kingdom condemn'd this Passion for travell as a thing unbecoming and alway fatal to great Princes and especially to the Sons of Kings Proceres prudentiores talem peregrinationem Princibus majoris nominis praecipue Regum filiis indignam improbabant And in the Margent Peregrinatio filiis Regum indecora periculosa In Chronico ad annum 1634. Add hereto That for the most part Princes return dissatisfy'd with those whose Countreys they have visited because almost always part of the Honours which they pretend to are contested with them For which reason most have had recourse to the Expedient of being Incognito during their stay in Foreign Countreys or their passage through them By opening the Publick Granaries he brought down the Price of Corn did many Popular things went abroad without Guards 2 Persons placed in high stations ought never to appear in publick without the Exterior Marks of their Power for although Authority is not in the Ensigns yet they are the Ensigns which attract the Veneration of the People to the Magistrates And it was partly for this Reason that they call'd the Duties which they render'd to the Emperors at Rome purpuram adorare And Mamertinus saith That the Guards which environ good Princes are not for the Defence of their Bodies but only to give some lustre to Majesty Non custodiae corporis sunt sed quidam imperatoriae majestatis solemnis ornatus Paneg. Iuliaâ—â— It is therefore becoming Princes and Great Magistrates to support Majesty by Exteriour Splendor which makes Admiration and Respect enter by the Eyes Commines speaking of the Interview of our Lewis XI and Henry IV. King of Castile saith That the Castilians made a Iest of Lewis because he was in a mean Habit and wore a Pitiful Hat with a Leaden Image on the top of it saying That it was for Covetousness And some lines after he saith That the Burgundians contemned the little train of the Emperor Frederick III. and the sorry Cloaths of the Germans His Meâ—oirs l. 2. c. 8. An instance that Princes and consequently Magistrates also have need to go with an Equipage suitable to their Grandeur if they will be respected Pagliari saith That that which obliged Pope Gregory XIV to give the red Cap to Cardinal Monks was that during his Cardinalship he had often observed the little respect that was given and even the Indignities which were sometimes offer'd to these venerable Prelates in the throng of great Ceremonies because having black Caps they were not sufficiently distinguish'd Observation 213. And it was for the same Reason that the late King gave the Pectoral Cross to the Bishops of France who it is said are beholding to the rudeness of the Swiss for it in Sandals b The Romans wore Buskins which reach'd up to the Calf of the Leg but the Graecians wore Shoes made almost like Slippers which left the upper part of the Foot uncover'd and in a Graecian Habit in imitation of Scipio who is said to have done the same in Sicily in the heat of the Carthaginian War Tiberius made some gentle Reflections on his Habit but severely reprimanded him for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission which was contrary to the Order of Augustus For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State had prohibited any Senators or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt without a Pass from the Emperor 3 Germanicus's intentions were good but his Imprudence brought them under suspicion His going into Aegypt without leave from Tiberius taught the Great Men of Rome to contemn the Prohibition of Augustus The opening of the Publick Granaries the affecting to go abroad without the Rods might very well appear criminal to Tiberius there being no vertues more dangerous than those which may create a Desire in an Unsteady and Changeable People to receive for their Master him who hath them for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that Province which having the Keys both of the Sea and Land c Aegypt is environ'd on the South with steep Mountains which serve for Walls and Bulwarks to it On the West and the East with Mountains and Desarts and on the North with a Sea that hath no Road nor Harbours Which makes it Inaccessible on all sides and consequently easie to defend Augustus who knew all the Conveniencies of this Province which was a Granary to Rome and all Italy would debar all the Great Men from acquaintance with it for fear lest any of them should take a Resolution to make himself Master thereof And this Vespasian did when he rebell'd against Vitellius Sciens Aegyptum plurimam esse partem imperii saith Iosephus eaque si potitus soret Vitellium dejiciendum sperabat Cogitabat etiam propugnacula sibi fore illam regionem adversus incerta fortunae nam terra difficilis accessu marique importuosa est Belli Iudaici l. 5. might be easily defended by a small Force against Numerous Armies should starve Italy 4 The Knowledge of the Situation and the Commodities of his Provinces and of the Manners of their Inhabitants is very necessary for a Prince for without this he will often be deceiv'd in the Choice of his Governors and send into a Province a Person who will raise nothing but Troubles there whereas if he had been sent into another he might
this Family within thirty years last past Memoirs L. 8. Ch. 14. Thus the Author of the Satyr Menippe had reason to say that the House of Austria do as the Iews and lie with one another like May Bugs They allow'd him to have suffer'd the Luxury of Quintus Atedius and Vedius Pollio 8 Princes are reproach'd not only with their own Vices and Irregularities but also with those of their Ministers and their Favourites For people suppose they have the Vices which they tolerate in persons who are in their Service or their Favour his Minors and also of having given himself up to be govern'd by Livia 9 Where is the Difference saith Aristotle in being govern'd by Women or by Men who leave the Management of affairs to Women Polit. Lib. 2. Ch. 7. a heavy Burden to the Common-Wealth and a worse Step-mother to the Family of the Caesars That he had made himself a Fellow to the Gods commanding Temples to be dedicated to him as to a Deity with the Pomp of Images Priests and Sacrifices That for the rest he had appointed Tiberius to succeed him 10 A Prince who voluntarily chuses a bad Successor instead of augmenting effaces the Glory of his Reign for his Memory becomes as odious as his Successor's person To leave a good one saith Cabrera after the younger Pliny is a kind of Roman Divinity Hist. Philip II. Lib. 1. Ch. 8. If some of the better actions of the most moderate Princes are ill interpreted after their Deaths as Tacitus sheweth by the Example of Augustus whom they railed at with so much Liberty they have Hatred enough to bear without loading themselves also with that which the choice of an unworthy Successor draws upon them not out of any Affection which he bore him nor out of any Consideration for the Publick Good but only to add a Lustre to his own Glory by the Foyl of that Comparison as having a perfect Insight into his Nature and knowing him at the bottom to be Proud q Dio and Sueton don't differ much from Tacitus Suspicio saith the first quosdam tenuit consulto Tiberium ab Augusto satis â—um qualis esset cognescenâ—â— successorem ordinatum quo magis ipsius gloria floreret Lib. 56. Nec iâ—â—ud ignore saith the other aliquos tradidisse Augustum etiam ambitione tractum ut â—ali successore desiderabilior ipse quandoque fieret In Tib. cap. 23. So that P. Bouhours censures all at once these three Roman Historians when he speaks thus Is it probable that Augustus preferred Tiberius to Agrippa and Germanicus for no other Reason but to acquire Glory by the comparison which would be made of a cruel and arrogant Prince such as Tiberius was with himself his Predecessor For although Tacitus puts this in the Mouth of the Romans 't is visible enough that the Reflection is his own as well as that which he makes on the same Augustus for having put in his Will amongst his Heirs the principal Persons of Rome of whom the greatest part were odious to him that he had put them in I say through Vanity to make himself estemed by Posterity Dialogue 3. de sa manier de bien penser If this Reflection is Tacitus's own it ought to be attributed likewise to Dio and Sueton who are esteemed nevertheless true and well-informed Historians And consequently we may say of Pere Bouhours what Raphael dalla Torre said of Strada on occasion of the Censure of this Passage of History and many others that he knew better how to accuse Tacitus than to justifie Augustus For although Sâ—eton saith Raphael declares in the place forementioned that so sinister an Opinion is not agreeable to the Goodness of Augustus yet in stead of confuting it by any Reason he confirms it by the Knowledge which he owns Augustus had long before of the Evil Qualities of Tiberius 〈…〉 Livia veteres quosdam ad se Augusti codicillos de acerbitate intolerantia morum ejus è sacrario protulit atque recitavit And by the Words which he saith Augustus spoke after the last Discourse which he had with Tiberius crying out Unhappy is the People of Rome who 〈◊〉 to fall under such heavy 〈◊〉 Sueton therefore may say as much as he will that he cannot believe that so prudent a Prince could be willing to choose a Successor of so Tyrannical a Temper to make himself the more regretted but seeing he consellâ—â— that Augustus knew the Ill-Nature of him that he chose he ought at least to have given us some pertinent Reason to excuse so bad a Choice câ—p 4. of his Astrolabe of State and 11 In Princes the Vices of the Man don't unqualifie him for good Government Thus Augustus made no scruple to demand the Tribuneship for Tiberius although he knew he had many Personal Vices because he knew he had the Virtues of a Prince to ballance them Commines after having observed in several places of his Memoirs all the Vices of Lewis the Eleventh his Inquietude his Iealousie his Levity in Discourse his Aversion to great Men his Natural Inclination to Men of mean Birth his Insincerity his Cruelty concluded notwithstanding that God had made him wiser and more virtuous in all things than the Princes who were contemporary with him because without flattering him he had more of the Qualities requisite to a King than any Prince that he had â—ver seen lib. 6. cap. 10. And speaking of Iohn Galeas Duke of Millain he saith That he was a great Tyrant but Honourable l. 7. c. 7. Cabrera speaking of Cardinal Henry King of Portugal saith That he had the Virtues of a Priest and the Faults of a Prince which was as much as to say That he wanted the Qualities that are necessary to a King cap. 24. lib. 12. of his Philip Iâ— There have been saith the same Author Princes and Governours who notwithstanding great Vices have been Venerable for having had Qualities that deserve Reverence as Eloquence Liberality Civility the discernment of good and bad Counsels the Art of governing Cities and commanding Armies and other Natural Virtues resembling Moral ones whence arise great Advantages which make the Persons who are the Authors of them highly Esteemed and Respected It is for this Reason that some have said by way of Proverb A bad Man makes a good King A severe Prince who doth not violate Natural and Divine Laws is never called a Tyrant The Imperious Majesty of King Francis I. although it was excessive was more useful than the Sweetness and Humanity of his Son who authorised Vice and Licentiousness and who by the Gifts and Favours which he conferred on Flatterers converted the Publick Good into Private Interest and left the People to the Mercy of Great Men and never punished the Injustice of his Officers cap. 8. lib. 2. of the same History Cruel For not many Years before Augustus requesting the Senate once more to confer the Tribunitial Power on Tiberius r
imitation of the Titian Priests formerly instituted by Titus Tatius t These Priests or Knights were instituted in Romulus's Reign after thâ— Union of the Sabines with the Romans who received the Sabines as Fellow-Citizens and Companions whom the Day before they had Enemies as Tacitus saith Eodem die hostes dein cives habuerit Ann. 11. This Tatius was King of the Sabines and was admitted a Partner in the Sovereignty of Rome by Romulus who gave him the Capitol and the Quirinal-Hill for his Habitation But his Death which happen'd a little time after reunited the Regal Power in the Person of Romulus who thereby remained King of the Romans and of the Sabines to preserve the Religion of the Sabines Twenty one of the Principal Men among the Romans were drawn by Lot of which Number were Tiberius Drusus Claudius and Germanicus 1 The Orders of Knighthood are not esteemed otherwise than they are confined to a small Number of Knights This small Number ought also to consist of Persons illustrious for their Birth or for their Merit for otherwise the Great Men look on themselves to be disgraced in being associated with them and consequently the Prince deprives himself of an easie way of rewarding them Tacitus saith That the Generals of the Army perceiving that the Senate of Rome granted the Triumphal Ornaments for the least Exploits in War believed that it would be more Honourable for them to preserve the Peace than to renew the War which would equal to themselves all those to whom the Prince's Favour should procure a Triumph to be decreed Ann. 13. In Portugal it was pleasant to behold the Taylor and the Shoemaker of King Alphonso the Sixth to wear the Habit of Christ although in truth they were as worthy of it as most of those to whom the Count of Castelmelhor sold it Then it was that the Augustinian Games began to be disturb'd by the Contention of the Stage-Players and different Factions arose concerning the Preference of this or that Actor u Cabrera well observes that the Spectacles and the publick Games were the Cause that the People of Rome who were before contented to obey the Magistrates and the Laws thought fit to desire to have a Share in the Government For taking upon themselves licentiously to Applaud what gave them the greatest Pleasure as if they had been capable of Iudging prudently they began to perceive that the Players set a great Value on their Approbation and that their Favour gave them Reputation So that after they knew the Power which they had in the publick Feasts they came to slight the Nobles and the Magistrates and afterwards to create Tribunes Aediles and Quaestors At last they introduced the Plebeians into the Consulship and the Dictatorship and made them thereby equal to the Patricians L. 10. c. 22. of his History So that we have no Reason to wonder if Tiberius who was so well skilled in the Arts of Government had an Aversion to Spectacles and all popular Concourses Augustus himself had been much addicted to these Divertisements out of his Complaisance to Maecenas who was desperately in love with the Pantomine Bathyllus Besides that he was himself no Enemy to those Entertainments and knew it was becoming of a Gracious Prince to enter into the 2 As there are certain Days in the Year which the Fathers of Families spend in Rejoycings with their Children it is very reasonable that there should be also some on which the Prince should live as in a Family with his People Tacitus saith That Nero who was otherwise a very bad Prince made Feasts in the publick Places and shewed himself through the whole City as if all the City had been his Hoâ—se Ann. 15. Wise Princes saith Cabrera assist at the publick Plays to gain the Affection of their Subjects and these Plays or Spectacles are assigned to certain Days to mitigate the ordinary Discontents of the People by Diversions which deceive their Trouble Cap. 1. lib. 9. of his History Commines saith That Princes who divide their Time according to their Age sometimes in serious Matters and in Council at other times in Feasts and Pleasures are to be commended and the Subjects are happy who have such a Prince His Memoirs l. 6. c. 4. Pleasures of his People x Strada saith That Octavius Farnese Duke of Parma and Son-in-Law to Charles the Fiâ—th was a great Observer of this Maxim and thereby was as much beloved by the People as any Prince of his Time Laxamentis popularibus ipse se privato non absimilem immiscebat effecitque ut inter principes ea tempestate populorum studiis ac benevolentia claros meritò haberetur Lib. 9. dec 1. Burnet saith That Elizabeth Queen of England was a perfect Mistress of thâ— Art of insinuating herself into the Hearts of the People and although she was suspected of being too much a Comedian she succeeded notwithstanding in her Designs and made herself more beloved by her People by little Complaisances and Affectations to shew herself and to regard the People as she passed the Streets than many Princes have done by scattering Favours with both Hands History of the Reformatiâ—n p. 2. l. 3. Tiberius was of a Temper wholly different but he durst not yet subject a Multitude 3 A Prince upon his coming to the Throne ought to make no alteration in Things which he finds to have been of long Establishment the People parting with old Customs with great diffiâ—ulty If the Memory of his Predecessor is dear to the People he ought to conform himself to his manner of Government at least until his Authority be well established He must lead the People through long Turnings and do it so that they may go where he would have them without perceiving whither they are going Lewis the Eleventh had like to have lost all by desiring to undo all that his Father had done When he came to the Grown saith Commines he disappointed the best and most eminent Knights who had faithfully served his Father in the recovery and settling of the Kingdom But he oftentimes repented afterwards that he had treated them so by acknowledging his Error for thence sprang the War called The Publick Good which was like to have taken from him his Crown C. 3. of l. 1. and c. 11. of l. 6. of his Memoirs When he died he therefore advised his Son not to do as he had done Elizabeth Queen of England at her coming to the Crown acted directly contrary to Lewis the Eleventh for she employed most of the Ministers of her Sister Queen Mary by whom she had been ill Treated and although in her Heart she was already entirely a Protestant she was notwithstanding Crowned by a Bishop of the Church of Rome and ordered Karn who was Mary's Ambassador at Rome to make her Compliments to the Pope Burnet's History Part 2. l. 3. Mariana saith That Emanuel King of Portugal made some difficulty to recall the
cannot take away and likewise against that of the Publick where more Persons would be gratified and requited if Places were Triennial as in Spain The Fable of the Fox which being fallen into a Pit where the Flies sorely stung and tormented him refused the assistance of the Hedghog who proffered to drive them away Because saith he if you drive away these others will come half starv'd and exhaust all the Blood I have left This Fable I say which Tiberius alledged as a Reason on which his Maxim was founded concludes nothing in favour of Governments for Life because the Fear of being no more employed and the hope of rising from one Post to another more considerable will serve as a Curb and Restraint to Triennial Officers Besides such a frequent Removal inclines People to bear the more patiently with the Governours they dislike in hopes of better e're long Cardinal Richelieu contends for the Custom of France that is to say for Governments during Life but I may say that in this matter he was influenced by the consideration rather of the Ministry he was invested withal than of the Publick for seeing the Governments were disposed of absolutely at his Pleasure 't was his Interest they should be Perpetual because his Relatives and Dependants on whom he bestowed the most Valuable might then render him more puissant and favourable in the Provinces where they commanded than they possibly could dâ— in case their Administration had been only Triennial And this is so true that if we compare the Arguments he offers for one and the other in the Second Section of the Fifth Chapter in the First Part of his Politick Testament it will be easie to discern that the practice of Spain in changing Governours so often did not to himself appear altogether so pernicious for France as he was willing to have it thought in this place Insomuch that had he remained Bishop of Luson or Secretary of State he had been able as well to defend the contrary Opinion which he in part inclines to towards the close of the same Paragraph where he thus speaks I am not afraid to say it is better in this particular to keep to the Usage of France than to imitate that of Spain which nevertheless â—s grounded on such Policy and Reason with respect to the largeness of its Territories that although it cannot be conveniently reduced to Practice in this Realm yet in my Iudgment it would do well to be observed in such parts of Lorrain and Italy as shall continue under the Dominion of France I conclude therefore agreeably with him That since Countries remote from the Residence of their Princes require change of Governours because continuance for Life may make them have a mind to throw off the relation of Subjects or Subordinates and set up for Supream and Masters of themselves the Custom of Spain will become absolutely necessary to France if she go on to extend her Frontiers in the Possession of those Places they held whether Military or Civil r Cato the Censor's saying was That to continue the same Persons long in Offices did demonstrate either that the Commonwealth afforded few that were fit or that they made small account of Magistrates Various Reasons are assign'd for this Some affirm That to spare himself the Care and Trouble of a second Choice he kept constant to the first Others say That it was to advance as few as possible he could 2 A bad Policy this For a Prince who prefers few of his Subjects hath not only few Dependents but always many Enemies that is to say as many as deserve to be intrusted or considered and are not Thus plurality of Places is as opposite to the true Interest of the Prince as plurality of Benefices is to that of the Church I shall here remark by the way That the principal Support of the Regal Authority in France is the great number of its Officers And Augustus of old had never multiplied Offices but the better to secure his Authority by a multitude of Magistrates and Expectants Commines speaking of the last Duke of Burgundy says his Favours were not well placed because he was willing every one should share in them Chap. 9. lib. 5. of his Memoirs Some have believ'd that as he had a quick and piercing Wit so his Iudgment was always in suspence for as he could not suffer the Extremities of Vice so neither did he love extraordinary and shining Virtues Being jealous of his Authority he fear'd great Men 3 A Person of ordinary Parts and a moderate Capacity is more likely to make his Fortunes with Princes than one of a sublime and great Wit For all Superiority being ungrateful to them and they being ambitious to be accounted Chief and Best at every Thing will never love nor consequently prefer a Man whose Understanding seems larger and more penetrating than their own The Letters of Anthony Perez contain a great deal to this purpose Among others there is one directed to a Grand Privado wherein he thus speaks when the Holy Spirit says Seem not wise in the Presence of a King he meant not to say Be not wise but Seem not to be so as if he had used these Words Conceal thy Parts and thy Prudence shew not thy Intellectuals Prince Rui Gomez de Silva the greatest Master in this Art that has appeared for these many Ages told me he learned this Rule from a mighty Favourite of the Kings of Portugal and that in all the Advices he gave and in all the Consultations he at any time had with his Prince he took care to carry himself with all the Wariness and Circumspection he possibly could ... He further added That he so contrived the Matter that the good Success of his Counsels might seem to be only the effect of Chance and not the return of any Care he had to please him or of an intent Application to his Business but he seem'd â—o carry himself like those Gamesters who in Play depend more on the favour of Fortune than their Skill On this Subject continued he the same Prince related to me what passed one day between Emanuel King of Portugal and Count Lewis de Silveira The King having received a Dispatch from the Pope composed with great exactness sends for the Count and commands him to draw up an Answer whilst he himself was making another for he had a strong inclination to be an Orator and indeed was so The Count obeys but first declares his Reluctancy to enter Competition with his Master and the next day he brings his Paper to the King who after he had heard it was loth to read his own but when the Count had prevailed with him to read it the King acknowledging the Count's Answer to be the better would have that sent to the Pope and not his own The Count at his return home orders two Horses to be saddled for his two Sons and went immediately with them And when
three Muâ—al and fourteen Civick had never but one Obâ—idional Crown The Civick was of Oak or Holm and was given for saving the Life of a Citizen and killing him who was going to take it away The Mural and the Camp or Trench Crâ—â—m was given to those who first mounted the Breach or Forced the Enemy's Camp Which was represented by Battlements or Pallisadoes engraved on these Crowns They who obtain'd an Ovation i. e. The lesser Triumph wore a Myrtle Crown on their Heads Paterculus saith that Agrippa Son-in-Law to Augustus was the first Roman who was honoured with a Naval Crown Hist. 2. Ch. 87. This sort of Crown had for distinction the Beaks of Ships engraved round it whence it was called Corona 〈◊〉 The Romans saith Cobrera used Crowns of Grass and Wood and rings of Iron to exclude mercenary rewards by separating Profit from Glory and to engrave the Love of Virtue on their Hearts with the graving Instrument of Honour Ch. 12. of the 8th Book of his History Rewards of this kind saith a Modern Author have no bounds because the Royal Power is a Fountain whence new Honours and new Dignities incessantly spring as Rays of Light every moment emane from the Sun which are so far from exhausting that they increase its light Chap. 9. of the Politicks of France and other Military Hâ—nours 1 It is not the matter of the Gift which is regarded in these rewards but the Opinion which Men have of them Their Esteem is not paid to the Mettal of the Collar of the Crown or of the Cross but to the Reason for which they are given Thus it signifies little whether these Exterior Marks be of Gold Silver Brass Wood or Stuff These are Arms of Inquest which by exciting the Curiosity of those that see them draw Respect and Admiration on him that wears them T. Labienus having given Golden Bracelets a Military Gift which Soldiers wore on the left Arm to a Trooper who had perform'd some great actions Scipio said to this Trooper for whom he had a great Esteem You have the share of a rich Man as much as to say You have not the share of a Soldier The Trooper blushing at this Raillery went and threw this Present at the Feet of Labienus after which Scipio his General having sent him Bracelets of Silver he esteem'd himself highly honour'd therewith An instance that it is easie for Princes to reward their Soldiers and Servants â—t a Cheap Rate and that brave Men set a Greater Value upon that which honours them than upon that which enriches them Sebastian King of Portugal presenting a Sword set with precious Stones to the young Duke of Pastrana the Son of Ruy Gomez de Silva Prince of Eboli this Duke who was but fifteen years old immediately unsheath'd it and touching the Blade without regarding the precious Stones said It is very good Cabrera Chap. 10. Lib. 11. of his Philip II. To conclude Princes give what value they please to things and Iron and Lead are more precions in their hands when they know how seasonably to make use of them than Gold is in the hands of Subjects If the shameful Hair of a Lady of Bruges hath served for the Occasion and Institution of an Order of which the Kings of Spain and the Emperors of Germany think it a Glory to wear the Collar what is there so Base and Vile which may not furnish Princes with an inexhaustible Fund wherewith to recompence Great Men. which Armenius ridicul'd as base prizes of Slavery X. Whereupon they begin to be hot Flavius extols the Roman Grandeur and the Power of the Emperor His Severity towards those that are Conquer'd and his Clemency towards those that submit and that his Wife and his Son were well treated Arminius on the other hand insists on the Rights of his Countrey their ancient Liberty the Tutelar Gods of Germany and adds that it was their common Mother's request as well as his own that he would at last chuse rather to be the General of his own Nation than the Deserter and the Traytor of it They proceeded by degrees to bitter reproaches 1 The Interviews of Great Men do rather exasperate than sweeten their Spirits for there is always something said either by themselves or by those that accompany them whence they take an occasion to part Enemies and had certainly come to blows notwithstanding the River was betwixt them had not Stertinius ran and held Flavius who in a Rage 2 Even those who have renounc'd their Honour and who glory in their Wickedness are offended when they are call'd Traytors Flavius had patiently endur'd the cutting Raillery of Arminius who had reproach'd him with being a Slave of the Romans irridente Arminio vilia servitii pretia but so soon as his Brother call'd him Traytor he could no longer dissemble and had it not been for Stertinius who stopt him by main force he was going to revenge the Affron I cannot omit here the Answer of one Iohn Bravo when he was on the Scaffold to be beheaded at these Words of the Sentence a estâ—s Cavalleros por traidores which the Executioner pronounc'd with a loud Voice he cry'd out You Lie in that and all those who make you say it A Heat which did not indeed discover a Contrite Heart but it shew'd at least one that was but little stained with the Guilt of Treason Which are the words of Don Iuan Antonio de Vera in the Epitome of the life of Charles the Fifth call'd for his Horse and Arms. Arminius on the other side with a Menacing Countenance was heard to Challenge us to a Battel for he spake several words in Latin having formerly serv'd in the Roman Army as a Commander of some Auxiliaries of his own Nation XI The next Day the German Army was drawn up in Battel on the other side of the Weser Germanicus thinking it not prudence in a General to hazard the Legions 1 A good General ought never to hazard a Battel till he hath put all things in good order To begin to be in a Condition not to be Conquer'd is to begin to Conquer Lewis XI saith Commines understood this Point very well He was slow in Undertaking but when once he undertook he took such care for every thing that it was a very great chance if he did not succeed in his Enterprize Lib. 2. Cap. 13. Prosper Colonna and the Duke of Alva who took him for his Patern would never give their Enemies Battel till they were sure of gaining it Ste thâ— first Note of the 40th Article of the first Book Henry the IV. having sent to demand Battel of the Dukes of Parma and Maine the first answered the Herald they are the Words of Chancellor de Chiverny that the King of Spain had sent him to prevent the Alteration of the Catholick Religion in France and to raise the Siege of Paris As for the Former he had already done it and for the Latter
his Son Iohn III had a great many Children The Family of Valieri at Venice is as they say a Branch of the ancient Family Faliers which changed the first Letter of their Name to shew that they detested and execrated the Memory of the Doge Marin Falier who was beheaded for attempting to make himself Sovereign of the State Pomponius Flaccus that a Publick Day of Thanksgiving might be appointed for this Deliverance Lucius Publius Gallus Asinius Papius Mutilus and Lucius Apronius that an Oblation might be made to Iupiter to Mars and to Concord and that the 13th of September being the Day on which Libo kill'd himself might be observ'd as an Anniversary Festival I have given the Names and the Flattering Opinions of these Men to shew that this is no new Evil in the Common-Wealth The Senate also made a Decree to banish Astrologers and Magicians out of Italy of which number Lucius Pituanius was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Stone Publius Martius according to the ancient Custom s Which was to whip the Criminal before his Head was cut off was executed without the Esquâ—line Gate the Consuls having first pronounced Sentence on him with sound of Trumpet XXXIII In the next Assembly of the Senate Q. Haterius who was a Consular Person and Octaviâ—s Fronto who had been Praetor spoke much against the Luxury of the City and a Decree pass'd that for the time to come none should be serv'd at their Tables in Vessels of Massy Gold nor should Men wear t A very Rich and Costly Silk much different from ours in which the Great Men of Rome so magnificent in their Habits would have thought themselves poorly clad Indian Silk Fronto went farther and mov'd that Silver Plate Furniture and the Number of Servants should be regulated by sumptuary Laws for it was yet customary for the Senators to propose any thing else which they thought for the Good of the State as well as to give their Opinion on the Matter already propos'd Gallus Asinius oppos'd this saying That the Empire being enlarg'd the Wealth of Private Persons was also proportionably Encreas'd and that this was no new thing but agreeable to the Manners of our Ancestors There was quite another manner of living in the Age of the Scipio 's than what had been in that of the Fabricii and yet both suitable to the Condition of the Common-Wealth at those several times When That was little the Romans liv'd in little Houses but after that was raised to such a pitch of Glory it was but fit that its Citizens should make a greater Figure That there is no way to determine what is Excess or Moderation in Plate Equipage and in those things which are for the conveniency of Life but from the Riches of the Possessor That the Laws had made a Distinction betwixt the Revenues of Senators and Knights not for any natural difference that was betwixt them but that those who were in the greatest Places and highest Stations might be best accommodated with every thing that might contribute to the Satisfaction of the Mind or the Health of the Body 1 It is but just that Princes who have so great Cares and such laborious Employs should have Diversions in proportion to their Toyls that there may be such a Consort betwixt the Mind and the Body that one might not be a Burthen to the other The nature of Affairs of State saith M. the Cardinal de Richelieu so much the more requires an unbending of the Mind as the weight thereof is heavier than that of all other Affairs and the strength of the Mind and the Body being limited continual labour would in a little time exhaust them It allows all sorts of honest Diversions which do not take off the Persons who make use of them from those things whereunto they ought principally to apply themselves The first Part of his Politick Testament Sect. 5 Ch. 8. But it is not with the Pleasures of Princes as with those of the Common People it is their Mind that measures them and not their Body They keep a certain Mean by the help of which the Mind grows stronger and more vigorous in not applying themselves either to any business or pleasures but such as are necessary to maintain a good Habit of Body and consequently to continue still Princes For in effect they are not so when Health fails them seeing that Affairs are not dispatch'd Audiences not given their Designs broken or suspended and every thing is at a stand upon the failure of the first Movement Whereupon follow Complaints Murmurings Change of Minds Tyranny in the Ministers and Despair in the Subjects In short nothing is wanting to a Prince who hath Health since without it there is no true Pleasure and with it any labour is supportable Cap. 1. Lib. 9. of his History And in another place he saith that it is Health that makes great Kings whereas Sickness makes Subjects of them And from this Principle he concludes that Princes ought not to have much commerce with Women the Frequency of which enervates the Vigour both of the Mind and Body and is the Cause that most of them die in the Flower of their Age Lib. 4. Cap. 2. And speaking of the Dukes of Ioyeuse and Epâ—rnon who drew Henry III. to a Soft and Voluptuous Life under a Pretence of taking care of his Health he saith That on the contrary there have never been any Princes who have liv'd longer than those who have employ'd their Minds most about the Affairs of Government lib. 12. cap. 11. Witness Charles-Emanuel l. Duke of Savoy and â—hristian IV. King of Denmark both of them the most laborious Princes of Europe and both threescore and ten years old Happy was that King of Portugal Alphonso who having spent some days successively in hunting met with Counsellors at his return who took the Liberty to tell him that at the Hour of his Death God would not require an account of him of the Beasts and Birds which he had not kill'd but of the Men whose Prayers and Complaints he should have neglected to hear * In a Spanish Treatise Entituled Audiencia de Principes Words that deserve to be Engraved on the Hearts of Princes unless they would have the Greatest Men be oppressed with a greater Weight of Cares and be expos'd to more Dangers and not be allow'd the means to sweeten their Lives and secure their Persons Gallus with these specious Colours gain'd and easie assent from Persons whose Inclinations lay the same way which however was no better than a Confession of their Vices 2 Men are always of that opinion which is most agreeable to their Manners and by this Maxim we may make a good Iudgment of their Manners by their Opinions Laâ—dibus arguitur vini vinâ—sus Homerus saith Horace Ep. lib. 1. Ep. 19. Tiberius added That this was not a time for Reformation and that if any dissolution of Manners appeared the State should not want
Vain-Glorious Bounties must be supply'd by ill practices 5 The Liberality of Princes iâ— oftner an Effect of their Vanity and of their Ambition than of their Goodness and of their Iustice. This Counterâ—eit Liberality is the Fault of all Kings who love Flatterers and our Historians have very well observ'd it in our Kings Henry II. and Henry III. who abandon'd the Government to their Minions Augustâ—s gave you Money Hortalus but without importunity and not with a Condition that he should be always giving you If Men have no reliance on themselves Industry will flag and Laziness will grow upon them and as long as they can securely depend on relief from others they will do nothing for themselves and be a constant Burthen to us 6 An able Prince ought to keep his Favours for those who do or are capable of doing service to his State Machiavel saith that he ought by Privileges and Rewards to encourage People who excell in any art and especially those who are well skill'd in Commerce to invent whatsoever may enrich his subjects Cap 21. of his Prince It hath been a saying That Princes ought not to keep Fowls which lay no Eggs. An Apothegm against Useless and Voluptuous Persons This Speech though it met with Approbation from those whose custom it was to applaud right or wrong whatsoever the Emperor said or did yet many mutter'd softly and others by their silence shew'd their dislike 7 As it is dangerous to blame Princes and shameful to flatter them when they do ill honest Men keep a Mean betwixt Complaisance and Liberty which is Silence which Tiberius perceiv'd well enough 8 When Courtiers keep Silence it is easie for the Prince to perceive that they approve not that which they durst not condemn Witness the Young Italian who going into the Chamber of Cardinal Salviati when he was in dispute with a Person who was playing at Chess with him at first â—ight gave it against him without hearing the Reasons on either side And the Cardinal asking him why he judg'd so before he knew the Fact Because said he if you were in the Right all these Gentlemen pointing to the Company â— culd have immediately given it for you whereas no body â—urst speak his Opinion â—â—â—ause you are in the Wrong and therefore after a little pause he added That he had given Hortalus such an Answer as he thought his Speech requir'd however after all if the Senate thought sit he would give his Sons two hundred great Sesterces a-piece 9 When â— Prince gives â— little and those to whom he gives are Persons of Merit or of Noble Birth it is a sign that he gives unwillingly and consequently that no more is to be expected from him There are Princes who have not resolution enough to give a Denial but who in revenge give such small Gifts that notwithstanding they give to all that beg of them pass for as Covetous and fordid Persons as if they gave nothing Such was Cardinal Henry King of Portugal The History of the Union of Portugal and Castilâ—e Lib. â— The whole Senate thank'd him only Hortalus said nothing either out of Fear or out of a Sense of his Noble Birth which he retain'd in his lowest Fortune Nor did Tiberius ever after shew him any Compassion although his Family was reduc'd to scandalous Poverty XXXIX The same year the bold attempt of one Slave if it had not been timely prevented had embroyl'd the Empire in a Civil War 1 A whole Council hath work enough to settle a State that is troubled with Civil Dissentions but there needs but one dangerous Man to disturb a State that is in Peace especially if he be one who hath nothing to lose Anthony Perez saith That the Fear which the Lion hath of the Crowing of a Cock and the Elephant to see a Mouse is an Example which reacheth Princes that the least Instruments are capable to put their Kingdoms in flames In his Aphorismâ— He was a Slave of Postâ—umus Agrippa u In the last Age one Cornelius Hock who liv'd at Rotterdam and marry'd there had the Boldness to affirm that he was the Son of Charles V. and the People began to respect him as such and to hearken to the Proposals which â—e made for the new Modelling the Common-Wealth when the Council of Holland caused him to be beheaded and quarter'd at the Hague 1583. Herâ—era's Hist. l. 12. c. 14. named Clemens who as soon as he heard that Augustus was dead laid a Design that had nothing of the Slave in it which was to rescue his Master Agrippa by Force or Stratagem from the Isle of Planasia whither he was Banish'd and to convey him to the German Army But the slowness of the Merchant Ship on which he embark'd made him too late for this Design Posthumus being kill'd before he came which however put him on a greater and more hazardous Enterprize for having stolen away the Ashes of his Master and gain'd Cosa x In Toscany near Porto-Hercole a Promontory of Etruria he conceal'd himself in desart Places till his Hair and Beard were grown long intending to Personate Agrippa being much about his Age and not unlike him y In the Year 1585. Portugal saw two Counterfeit Sebastiants one of them a Native of the Town of Alcasova and the Son of a Tile-maker the other named Matthew Alvarez a Native of the Isle of Tercera and the Son of a Stone-cutter both Hermites and drawn out of their Hermitage to be imaginary Kings of Portugal When a Report was spread through the whole Kingdom that Don Sebastian had escap'd with his Life from the Battel of Alcasar and that to do Penance for having been the Cause of the Death of so many Men which fell in that Battel he had retir'd into a Desart for seven years the Term which the Portuguese by a Ridiculous Superstition believe to be necessary for the Expiation of the Sins of a King who hath lost a Battel The Country People who saw the Austere Life which these Hermits led suspected that this might be King Sebastian Thâ— first was taken with the Imaginary Bishop of La Garde who received the Alms that were given him and had set down the Names of all those who gave to the end said he that Sebastian might recompence them when he should return to Lisbon This Bishop was hang'd and the King his Disciple sent to the Galleys that the Incredulous and the Over-credulous might have the Opportunity to see him and to undeceive themselves by seeing him for he was not at all like King Sebastian Herrera Cap. 18. Lib. 1â— of the second Part of his History As for Matthew Alvarez in the beginning he was sincere telling all those who took him for Don Sebastian because he had the Air of his Face and brown hair as he had that he was the Son of a Poor Stone-cutter but when he saw that his words were interpreted
with safety When Ferdinand the Catholick came to take possession of his Kingdom of Spain he said to Doâ— Antonio de la Cueva who notwithstanding he had receiv'd many favours from him preferr'd Philip I. King of Castile before him Whâ— could have thought Don Antonio that you would have abandon'd me on this Occasion But Sir reply'd La Câ—eva who could have thought that a very old King had longer to live than a Young one and that Philip fresh and blooming like a Rose was tâ— wither and die in three days â—Such is the Method of all Courtiers they adore the Rising and turn their backs on the Declining Prince Epitome of the Life of Charles V. and Lib. 3. of the Life of the Great Captain But when Tiberius came to the Empire upon the Extinction of the Family of the Caesars he wheedles Archelaus by his Mother's Letters to come to Rome who not dissembling her Son's displeasure assur'd him withal that he would pardon him upon his Submission 4 Princes who have been neglected despised or persecuted by the Favourites or Ministers of their Predecessors rarely forgive them when they come to reign As soon as the Cardinal Henry of Portugal came to the Throne he abandon'd all the Ministers of King Sebastian and all the Principal Officers of the Crown who little thinking that he who was so old would survive Sebastian who was Young and who had no great Esteen or Affection for him had not paid him that respect which was due to his Rank Hist. of thâ— Union of Protugal with Castile Lib. 3. He not suspecting Treachery or not daring to shew his suspicions if he did for fear of the Emperor's Power hastens to Rome when meeting with a rough Reception from Tiberius and an Accusation against him in the Senate he soon ended his Days whether by a Natural or a Voluntary Death is not certain not that he was believ'd to be conscious of those Crimes charg'd upon him which were meer â—ictions but because he was broken with Age and Grief and a Treatment that is unusual to Kings to whom a Moderate Fortune is unsupportable so little able are they to bear Contempt and Misery 5 Things that are tolerable appear insupportable to Kings and those which are really rough and hard to bear are almost always mortal to them Commines comparing the Evils which Lewis XI had made many persons suffer with those which he suffer'd himself before his Death saith that his were neither so great nor of so long continuance but besides that he was in a higher Station in the World than those he had treated ill the little that he suffer'd against his Nature and against what he was accustom'd to was harder for him to bear And four Pages after speaking of his Physician who handled him in the rudest manner This was saith he a great Purgatory to him in this World considering the Obâ—dience which he had had from so many good and great Men. His Memoirs lib. 6. cap. 12. His Kingdom was reduc'd into the Form of a Province and Tiberius declar'd that by the Addition of the Revenues of it Rome should be eas'd of one half of the Tax of the hundredth Penny e Establish'd by Augustus about the Year 760. 〈◊〉 is â—poken of at the â—nd of the first Book of the Annals impos'd on all Commodities that were sold and that for the future no more than the two Hundredth should be paid The Death of Antiochus King of Comagena and of philopator King of Cilicia which happen'd both about the same time produc'd great disorders in those Nations some desiring to be govern'd by Kings of their own others to be Subject to the Roman Empire The Provinces of Syria and Iudaea groaning under the Burden of Taâ—es petition'd to be discharg'd of part of them XLIV He acquainted the Senate with those Affairs and with the State of Armenia of which I have given an account before telling them withal that the Troubles of the East could not be compos'd without the Presence and Conduct of Germanicus 1 When a Great Man iâ— so belov'd of the People that the Prince is Iealous of him but dares not shew his resentment of it the most common expedient is to give him some remote Government or some splendid Embassy to with-draw him from the Eyes and the Applause of the People under a pretence that none but he is capable of that Employment For if the Prince hath â— Design to destory him he easily finds ways for it by the advantage of his distance which prevents the People from knowing the Orders that he sends who was the fittest Person for this Expedition Drusus being too young and himself in his declining years 2 There are some Employments for which a good Understanding with a long Experience is sufficient but there are others for which vigour of body is also necessary Philibert-Emanuel Duke of Savoy said that a General of an Army ought to be of a middle Age betwixt Manhood and Old Age that he might be capable of being sometimes Marcellus and sometimes Fabius That is to say to know how to wait for Opportunities as the Latter and to fight as the Former Charles V. said of a Count of Feria that by his Prudence 〈◊〉 commandâ—d as a Captain and that his Vigour made him sight as a Common Soldier Epitome of his Life Upon which the Senate decreed Germanicus all the Provinces beyond the Seas with a more absolute Power than those Governors who obtain'd them by Lot or by the Prince's Nomination But Tiberius had first recall'd Creticus Silanus from Syria because he was ally'd to Germanicus 3 There is nothing more dangerous than to give two Neighbouring Governments to two Men betwixt whom there is a Close tye of Kindred Friendship or Interests for it is to give them an opportunity to act by concert and to rebel against the Prince Lewis XI having agreed by the Treaty of 〈◊〉 to give for Appanage to his Brother Charles Champagne Brie and some neighbouring Places was careful enough not to accomplish this Treâ—ty which left him to the Discretion of Charles and of the Duke of Bâ—rgundy For the situation of Champague and Brie was convenient for them both and Charles might upon a Days notice have succours from 〈◊〉 the two Countreys joyning together So that Lewis chose rather to give him Guienâ—e with 〈◊〉 although this Partition was of much greater value than that of Brie and Champagne being resolv'd that his Brother and the Duke should not be so near Neighbours Comminâ—s lib. 2. cap. ult of his Memoirs by the Contract of the Daughter of the Former to Nero the Eldest Son of the Latter and had put Cneius Piso in his Place a Man of a Violent and Untractable temper that inherited all the Haughtiness of his Father Piso who had been so zealous and vigorous a Supporter of the Civil War against Caesar when it was reviv'd in Africk who follow'd the Party
well my great Folly but I did not perceive it till I was near the Bulwark Memoirs l. 1. c. 13. Meaning Parcâ—ment who amidst all his Iollity suspected nothing but as soon as he perceiv'd the Treachery he in vain conjur'd him by the Sacredness of his Character as a King 3 Consanguinity Honour and all the Essential Duties of Civil Society are feeble Ties for Princes for they have commonly no other Rule of their Conduct but their Interest and the present Possession of all that is agreeable to them They pretend that there are Privileges which belong only to them and that what is call'd Breach of Faith in Private Men and Subjects ought to be call'd Policy and Reason of State in Transactions between Princes Princes saith Mariana have a Custom to love their Profit better than their Word and their Duty they steer their Course that way where they see the greatest Hopes without being concern'd what Iudgment posterity will pass upon them His Hist l. 15. c. 18. In short we may say of all Princes what was said in Portugal of King Cardinal Henry That as scrupulous as he was he had two Consciences one for what he would have and another for what 〈◊〉 would not Cabrera's Hist. l. 12. c. 12. The same Historian observes as an extraordinary Thing and which many Princes would have stuck at That Philip going into Flanders entrusted the Person of Don Carlos the Sole Heir of the Spanish Monarchy with the Infanta Maria his Sister and with Maximilian King of Bohemia whom she had married Lib. 1. Cap. 2. by the Common Gods of their Family and by the Rights of Hospitality to desist Having thus made himself Master of all Thrace he wrote to Tiberius that he had only prevented the Treachery of Cotys who was plotting his ruine and at the same time strengthen'd himself with New Levies both Horse and Foot under pretence of making War on the Scythians and Bastarnians LXVII Tiberius answer'd him with a great deal of Temper That if he had used no Fraud he might safely rely on his own Innocence but that neither himself nor the Senate could distinguish Iustice from Wrong before they had heard the Cause and that therefore he should deliver up Cotys and by proving the Injustice with which he charg'd him vindicate himself Latinius Pandus Propraetor of Maesia sent these Letters into Thrace by the Soldiers who were to receive Cotys But Rhescuporis fluctuating betwixt Fear and Anger and chusing rather to be guilty of an accomplish'd Villany than of an Imperfect one 1 Great Crimes saith Tacitus are begun with Danger but when they are once begun there is no other remedy but to compleat them Ann. 11. and 12. For saith Machiavel a Man never escapes out of one Danger but by another Danger History of Florence Lib. 3. orders Cotys to be murther'd g Alphonso XI King of Castile dealt with Iohn Lord of Biscay after the same manner as Rhescuporis did with Cotys He invited Iohn to an Enterview in the City of Toro with a Promise to give him in marriage his Sister the Infanta Elconor and to take all suspicion from him he removed from his Court Garci Lasso de la Vega his Chief Minister who as Iohn said was his Mortal Enemy When Iohn was at Toro he invited him to come and Dine with him on All Saints Day Iohn went thither without Arms and without Fear by reason of the Festival and was slain in the midst of the Rejoycings of the â—east and gave out that he had kill'd himself Notwithstanding this Tiberius alter'd not his measures but acted the same Part towards him insomuch that after the Decease of Pandus of whom Rhescuporis complain'd that he was his Enemy 2 It is the common Pretence of Great Men who will not come to Court when they are call'd thither by the Prince to impute their Disobedience to the Fear they have of being oppress'd by his Ministers or by his Favourites Thus the Constable St. Pol excus'd himself to Lewis XI for appearing before him in Arms and with the Precaution of a Rail betwixt them saying That he had not done it but to deâ—end himself against the Count de Damartin his Mortal Enemy Commines he made Pomponius Flaccus h With what Prudence saith Paterculus did Tiberius draw Rhâ—scuporis to Rome who had murther'd Cotis his Nephew and Copartner in the Throne In this Affair he made use of the conduct of Pomponius Flaccus a Conâ—ular Person who was sitted to execute with success whatsoever was desir'd of him that might be done with Honour and who by an unaffected Virtue merited Glory rather than sought for it Lib. 2. Par. 129. Governor of Maesia who was a well-experienc'd Soldier and an intimate Friend of the Kings and therefore the fittest Person to circumvent him 3 There is no Friendship which is proof against the Fear of losing the Prince's Favour or the Hopes of gaining it The Order to apprehend the Mareschal de Marillac was carried by one of his near Relations who besides was God-son to his Brother the Keeper of the Seals The Case of Lobkovits Chief Minister to the Emperor was singular who having no tie of Kindred or Friendship with Prince William of Furstemberg now Cardinal gave notice to the Pope's Nuntio of the secret Sentence of Death given against him and which was to have been Executed inter privatos parietes to the end that he might demand him in the Name of the Pope as being under his Iurisdiction as a Bishop Which indeed sav'd this Prelate's Life but was the occasion that Lobkovits was accus'd of holding Intelligence with France and that he was taken off by Poison Memoirs de Chev. de R. LXVIII Flaccus arriving in Thrace prevail'd with him by great Promises to enter our Frontiers notwithstanding his Guilt made him suspicious 1 Suspicion and Distrust are learn'd in the School of Wickedness And according to Tacitus it is very difficult to surprize People who have been a long time wicked Ministris tentare arduum videbatur mulieris usu scelerum adversus insidias intentae Ann. 14. and sometimes to hesitate A strong Guard pretended for his Honour 2 A Prince who has taken refuge in the Dominion of another ought to look upon all those who are appointed to wait upon him when he goes abroad as so many Spies The more Honour this Train doth him in appearance the less Liberty he hath and this is what Henry Prince of Conde one day complain'd of to the Count de Fuentes Governor of Milan who had him guarded with wonderful care under pretence that Kings having long hands it would be easie for Henry IV. whose Indignation he had incurr'd to have him carried away from Milan it self iâ— the Count did not watch for the safety of his Person It is well known how much the Spaniards were troubled at the Manner of M. the Duke of Orleans's retiring from Brussels although the
over Religion Iournal du Regne d' Henry III. 1587. But nothing went nearer Tiberius than the great Affection of the People for Agrippina whom they called The Glory of their Country 6 Those Commendations the People give to one of Royal Birth whose Merit or Power create a Iealousie in the Prince always cost him dear for they not only lose him his Prince's Favour but make the Prince desire to get rid of one to whom the People give the Preference Witness Saul who would kill David because the Women of Israel were so indiscreet as to compare them The Acclamations of the Parisians in Favour of the Duke of Guise that Day he received the Blessed Sword Sixtus Quintus had sent him by a Bishop raised the Iealousie and Suspicion of Henry III. against him And not without Cause for the Ceremony was performed with as much Preparation and Pomp as a King's Coronation 1587. Besides Tiberius whose Maxim it was To moderate the Honours done to Women and even those to his Mother who had given him the Empire could not forbear being much displeased with Agrippina whom the People so much adored the only Blood of Augustus and the last Remains of ancient Probity and prayed the Gods her Children might survive their Enemies V. Some thought these Funerals not pompous enough and compared them with those Augustus made for Drusus Germanicus's Father For he went in the middle of Winter to Pavia and attended the Body to Rome upon the Herse were the Images of the Claudii and Livii d The Latin says Iuliorum but that is a transposing the Letters of Liviorum For at publick Funerals they carried only the Images of their Ancestors The Iulii were not related to Drusius but the Livii were by his Mother And it appears not that the Images of the Livii were omitted in that Ceremony His Funeral-Oration was spoke in the Place of Publick Assemblies he was praised in the Rostra e Rostra a goodly fair Edifice in which was an Orator's Pulpit deck'd and beautify'd with the Beaks of many Ships which the Romans took from the People of Antium in a memorable Sea-â—ight and from thence in Latin Rostra hath this Place taken its Name and all Honours done him that either our Ancestors or latter times have invented But Germanicus wanted those that are due to every noble Roman It signified little said they that his Body was burnt without Ceremony in a Foreign Country considering the Difficulty of bringing it so far home but he should have had the greater Honours afterwards in lieu of those this Accident deprived him His Brother went but one Day 's Iourny to meet the Body and his Uncle only to the Gates What is become of the Ancient Customs Why was not his Effigies f The word Effigies ought not to be used here says Fremont de Ablancourt because it is not spoken here of any thing set up and that word cannot properly be used but on such an occasion Nevertheless his Uncle uses this very word in his Translation The late Monsieur Ogier has the same word in his Funeral-Oration upon Lewis XIII when he speaks of the Monuments of the Kings at St. Dennis carried and Verses sung in Honour of his Memory Why was he not praised and lamented with the usual Ceremonies of Mourning 1 If Princes are not really concerned for the Death of those that have done important Service to the Publick they ought at least to seem so And that Tacitus means by these Words Doloris imitâ—menta When the Duke d' Alva died at Lisbon the Portuguese thought it strange that their new King Phillip II. should appear the next day in publick contrary to the Custom of their Kings who upon the Death of their Ministers and others of inferiour Rank that had faithfully served the Crown kept up some days And to make an odious Comparison some remembred that Emanuel his Mother's Brother lockt up himself for three days upon the Death of a famous Pilor Livre 9. de Histoire de l'Union du Portugal a la Castille VI. These Discourses were carried to Tiberius and to put a stop to them he declares by an Edict That many Illustrious Persons had died in the Service of the Commonwealth but none had been so passionately regretted This was commendable both in him and them if a Mean was observed That the same things were not becoming Princes and private Men 2 It is no wonder the Iudgments of the People are for the most part contrary to those of their Princes For the People not being able to discern right would have the Prince espouse their Passions and accommodate himself to their Humour and he on the contrary would have them leave the Government to him without judging what they understand not The People are not capable of knowing what is fitting or not fitting for the Prince when a weak Prince generally knows what is agreeable to or unbecoming his Dignity for a People that Command the World and those that Govern Petty Commonwealths That the Season for Sorrow is when Grief is fresh but after three Months 't was reasonable to lay it aside as Caesar did upon the Death of his only Daughter and Augustus after he had lost his Children 3 When the Prince would justifie an Action which he knows the People do or may interpret amiss he cannot do it better than by the Example of his immediate Predecessors for the later the Example is it makes the greater Impression on those to whom it is brought That it was not necessary to give ancienter Instances how the People had bore with Constancy the Defeat of their Armies g The loss of the Battels of Cremera and Allia both fought on the 17th of Iuly in different Years and four others that of Ticinum Techia Lago di Perugia and Cannae where so many Roman Knights were killed that Hannibal sent to Carthage two Bushels full of Rings an Account of the number of the Slain by that of their Rings the Death of their Generals h Of the Scipio's in Spain and so many others and the entire Extinction of many noble Families i All the Fabii who were 306 near Relations perished in one Ambuscade the Tuscans had said for them near the River Cremera but by good Fortune there was one staid at home because of his being very young who restored the Family That Princes are Mortal but the Commonwealth Eternal 4 Kingdoms says Ant. Perez are in respect of Kings the same as Species are to their Individuals The Philosophers say the Species are Eternal because naturally they never end though Individuals perish like Accidents Kings make not Kingdoms but Kingdoms make Kings Dans ses secondes Lettres that they should therefore return to their ordinary Employments and enjoy themselves at the Megalensian Games k Games instituted in Honour of the great Goddess called by the Romans Magna Mater Her Statue was brought in great
Inhabitants of the Isle of Candia Lycurgus the Lacedemonians and Solon the Athenians but his were more numerous and more refined 6 The more cunning and discerning People are the more numerous the Laws should be for as a Law-Maker can never foresee all Cases that may happen nor all the Subtilties and Cavils will be thought on for evading his Law or at least the Exceptions will be found that is the Reasons against obeying it hic nunc he is obliged to explain his Law or rather to make as many Laws as new Cases shall arise There is no Country where there are better Laws nor more than in Normandy for the Normans have always been very cunning and are in France like the Athenians in Greece Romulus ruled as he pleased Numa established a Form for Divine Worship and Religious Ceremonies Tullus and Ancus made some Laws but our chiefest Law-Maker was Servius Tullius whose Laws Kings themselves were bound to Obey 7 According to Plato Monarchy is the worst and best sort of Government The worst if absolute the best if limited Those that teach Kings and Sovereign Princes the contrary learn them to Tyrannize not Reign not to keep the People in Duty and Obedience but to make them Rebel No Princes have ever been better Obeyed nor consequently more Princes than those that have not set themselves above the Laws Commines gives a very good instance in Charles VIII of France that at his Accession to the Crown obtained of the States at Tours a Gift of Two Millions and Five Hundred Thousand Livres which was says he rather too much than too little tho' the Kingdom had been under griâ—vous Taxes for Twenty Years On the contrary when a Prince will do every thing according to his Will and inordinate Desire his People will not Obey him nor Succour him in his Necessities but instead of aiding him when he has great Affairs upon his Hands they despise and run into Rebellion against him Chap. dernier du liv 5. de ses Memoires XXVIII After Tarquinius Superbus was expelled 8 See the end of Independent Arbitrary and Unlimited Authority which Flatterers make Princes assume See what happened to Henry III. of France of whom it is said he forbid the French make any Applications to him and taught them there was no other measure of Iustice than his Will Mezeray de sa Vie One thing that most hurâ— this poor Prince says the Chancellor de Chiverny was the Opinion he had entertained of his own Sufficiency despising others Iudgments which is the greatest Misfortune that can befal a Prince or any other Person Dans sâ—s Mâ—moirs the People made many against the Factions of the Senators 9 The Nobility always love a Prince whatever he is better than a popular Government where the People never fail bringing them to an Equality which they cannot bear being used to Distinction For it is the same with Great Men as it was with Agrippa Augustus's Son-in-Law who according to Paterculus willingly obeyed one but in revenge would command all others Parendi sed uni scientissimus aliis sanè imperandi cupidus to defend their Liberties and establish Union The Decemviri l See Decemviri in the Historical Notes of the Preface to Tacitus were chosen to collect the best 10 Nothing is more useful to a Prince that has great Dominions and consequently great Affairs to Transact with other Princes than an exact Knowledge of the Laws and Customs of other Countries Besides that it teaches him to distinguish good and bad in every Government shews him proper Expedients for Reforming Abuses that daily happen in Government whether in his Revenue in his Military Discipline in his Courts of Iustice and in all other Parts thereof Mariana says That Henry III. of Castile sent Ambassadors to Christian Princes and to Mahometans only to inform him their manner of Governing so to collect the Wisdom of all Courts in his own and to know the better how to shew the Majesty of a King in all his Actions What might have been expected from this Prince who died at 27 years old and was the ablest that had Reigned in Spain Chap. 14. de liv 19. de son Histoire Laws of other Countries out of which they composed the Twelve Tables the sum of Law and Iustice. As for the Laws that followed though some were made against Malefactors yet they were most commonly brought in through the Dissensions of the People and Senate for obtaining unlawful Dignities driving out Noblemen or other Disorders Witness the Gracchii and Saturnini the Incendiaries of the People and Drusus who was no less prodigal in the Name of the Senate and corrupted his Companions by Hopes or deluded them Neither the War of Italy nor the Civil War m That this Recital of the History of the ancient Commonwealth may be the better understood in which Tacitus is so short it is in my Opinion proper to give an Extract here of some Chapters of Paterculus which relate very well those Dissentions Scipâ—o Nasica says he was the first advised Force against the Tribune Tiberius Gracchus his Cosin to prevent the Execution of the Legeâ— Agrariae made in favour of the People Ten years after Nasica was followed by the Consul Opimius taking up Arms against Caius Gracchus who either to revenge his Brother Tiberius's Death or to open a way to Sovereignty which he affected exercised the Tribunate with greater Violence than his elder Brother and subverted the Governmeâ—t of the City and State The Gracchi being Dead Opimius caused all their Friends or Servants to be put to Death which was not liked as procâ—â—ding rather from his particular Hatred to the Gracchi than a desire to make publick Examples of them The Gracchi were succeeded by Servilius Glaucia and Saturninus Apuleius who to keep the Tribunate longer than the Laws allowed and to prevent others being chose in their Places which Tacitus expresses by apisci inlicitos Honores dissolved by Fire and Sword the meetings of the People which obliged Marius then Consul the sixth time to Sacrifice them to the publick Hatred The Tribunate of Livius Drusus who would have restored to the Senate the right of judging Causes which Caius Gracchus had transferred to the Knights was neither more quiet nor happier all the Senators opposing him in those things he designed in their Favour chusing rather to bear the Insults of his Colleagues than be beholding to him for the Honour he would procure them So much enviâ—d they his Glory which appeared to them too great The Death of Drâ—sus who was killed as the Gracchi for extending the Priviledges of the City of Rome to all Italy which explains Tacitus Corrupâ—i spâ— aut 〈◊〉 per intercessionem socii kindles a War in Italy or of the Contederates 〈…〉 who presently demanded this Honour complaining with good Reason that they were treated like Strangers by a City maintained by their Arms tho' of the same Nation
of Burgundy in Latin Augustâ—dâ—num and Hedâ—â— the Standard-Bearers striving who should make most haste the Common Soldiers said they would march Night and Day and if they could but see the Enemy would answer for Victory 5 When Soldiers have a great desire to fight a General should not let it cool for it is almost always a Presage of Victory Twelve miles from the City Sacrovir appear'd with his Troops in the open Field drawn up in a Line of Battle The Cuirassiers in the Front his own Troops in the Wings and those that were ill-arm'd in the Rear Among the Principal Officers Sacrovir was on Horse-back riding through their Ranks Magnifying the Exploits of the Gauls and how oft they had beat the Romans laying before them how honourable their Liberty would be if they were Conqueâ—ors and how insupportable their Slavery if Conquer'd 6 Those that fall into the hands of their Prince against whom they have rebell'd should expect to be treated with extreme Rigour Which makes Princes for ever lose those States they might recover if the Rebels despaired not of a sincere Pardon Which made the Hollanders persevere in their Resolution rather to drown themselves and their Country in the Sea than be Subject again to Philip II. concluding what his Resentment would be from the Cruelty of the Duke d'Alva his Minister XLVIII His Harangue was not long 7 Short Harangâ—es are best for Soldiers who can give no long attention nor weigh the Reasons are urg'd Nothing makes greater Impression upon them than this Imperatoria Brevitas whereby they retain all that is said to them Such was the Speech of Hen. IV. of France one day when he was going to give Battle I am King says he and yoâ— are Frenchmen and you cannot thâ—â— but Conquer nor pleasing for the Legions drew near in Battle Array and the Citizens and the Peasants unskill'd in War could neither see nor understand what they were to do On the contrary though Silius might have spared his pains through the Assurance he had of his Men yet told them That it was a shame for them who had conquer'd the Gâ—rmans to be brought against the French as if they were their Equals One band lately reduc'd the Rebels of Tours a few Troops of Horse those of Treves a small Number of theirs those of the Franche Comtâ— These of Autun are richer but weaker and more enervate with Pleasures Conquer them then and look after those that fly The Army answer'd with Acclamations and at the same time the Horse compass'd the Enemy and the Foot engag'd their Front The Wings made little Resistance except the Cuirassiers whose Armour was Proof against the Swords and Arrows which oblig'd our Soldiers to fall on with their Axes and Hatchets as if they were to make a Breach in a Wall Some knock'd them down with Poles and Forks and these Poor Men unable to help themselves 1 There arâ— no worse Arms than those a Man cannot stir in Saul having armed David with his Armour he put an Helmet of Brass on his Head put on his Coat of Mail and girded his Sword upon his Armour but when David had try'd these Arms that they were too heavy for him he said unto Saul He could not go with them and took only his staff in his hand and five smooth stones hâ— had chose out of the Broâ—k and put in his Scrip to conquer Goliah 1. Sam. 17. were left for Dead on the Ground Sacrovir retires first to Autun then for fear he should be deliver'd to the Romans goes with a few of his trustiest Friends to the next Village where he kill'd himself and the rest one another having first set fire to the Place that they might be burnt XLIX Then Tiberius writ the Senate an Account of the Beginning and Ending of the War neither adding nor lessening the Truth ascribing the good Success to the Courage and Fidelity of his Lieutenants and his Counsels And gave Reasons why neither He nor Drusus went to the War magnifying the Greatness of the Empire and that it was not fitting for Princes to leave Rome which governs the rest for the Rebellion of one or two Cities But now that the State had no longer cause to fear any thing he would go and settle that Province The Senate decreed Vows and Supplications for his Return with other Honours Cornelius Dolabella when he endeavour'd to exceed others fell into an absurd Flattery proposing Tiberius should return in Triumph from Campania Upon which he writ to them that after he had conquer'd warlike Nations and receiv'd or refus'd so many Triumphs in his Youth he wanted not Glory so much as to accept vain Honours 2 When Princes have acquir'd a solid Reputation they despise false Honours because their Glory needs it not and what their Flatterers give them serves only to blemish the Good Opinion of their true Merit Therefore Alexander threw into the River Hydaspes the History of the Victory he gain'd of Porus telling the Author when he read it to him it was very rash in him to insert false Exploits as if Alexander had not true ones sufficient to recommend him without Lying Prusias King of Bithynia was despis'd by the Senate of Rome for desiring an Harangue full of Flattery upon a Victory the Romans gain'd in Macedonia in his old Age for taking the Air near Rome L. About the same time he desir'd the Senate Sulpicius Quirinus 3 There is no Kindness more sincere than that Princes shew after the Death of those Ministers who have served them well The Portuguese accuse Philip II. of Ingratitude because he did not forbear according to the Custom of their Kings on the like Occasions appearing in Publick that Day the Duke d'Alva died that conquer'd the Kingdom of Portugal for him And Henry IV. was commended by all the Court of Rome and all the Princes of Italy for celebrating the Obsequies of Cardinal Toledo in the Church of Nostre Dâ—me in Paris and of Nostre Dame in Rouen he having chiefly promoted his Absolution And 't is a wonderful thing says the Wise Cardinal d'Ossat that out of Spain from whence came all the Opposition to so good a Work God should raise a Person of so great Authority to Procure Sollicite Direct Advance and Perfect what the Spaniards most deprecated Letters 24 and 80. might have publick Funerals He was not of the Noble and ancient Family of the Sulpicii but born at a Free City q In Latin 't is render'd Municipium called Indovina and having served Augustus well in the Wars r The Latin has it impiger militia acribus ministeriis was honoured with the Consulate and after with a Triumph for taking the Castles of the Homonadenses in Cilicia Then being Governor to C. Caesar in Armenia he made his Court to Tiberius at Rhodes 1 To be heartily loved by Princes we should court their Friendship in their
He had exercised this Sovereign Power with Augustus before his 〈◊〉 to Rhodes Paterculus Hist. 2. cap. 99. had cast out some Words concerning his Humour and the Oddness of his Manners which seeming to Excuse did in effect Reproach them 12 This manner of Accusing while we Excuse is very much in fashion with Courtiers who according to the Florenâ—iâ—e Proverb have Honey in the Mouth and a Razor under the Girdle V. The Funerals of Augustus being ended there was a Temple and Divine Worship decreed for him and that being done earnest Supplications were address'd to Tiberius who on his side spoke ambiguously concerning the Greatness of the Empire and the Diffidence he had of his own Abilities Saying That nothing but the Soul and Genius of Augustus could support so great a Burden of Affairs 1 The Prince who immediately succeeds a Predecessor who hath performed great Things doth himself an Honour in exalting him for besides that it is believed that the Esteem that he hath for him will spur him on to the â—mitation of him he becomes himself more wonderful and more venerable to his Subjects when he equals him or excels him Tiberius was not inferior to Aâ—gustuâ— in Understanding and Experience The Day that Charles the Fifth had â—bâ—icated the Kingdom of Sâ—ain his Son Philip said in his Speech That the Emperor laid an heavy Weight upon him That he would not accept of a Crown which stood in need of the Prudence and Experience of his Imperial Majesty were it not to contribute to thâ— Preservation of so invaluable a Life Concluding that â—e would endeavour to imitate some of his Virtueâ— since to imitate them all was a Thing impossible for the most perfect Man in the World Cabrera lib 1. cap. 7. oâ— his History and that having sustain'd some part of them during the Life of the Emperour 2 It would be a great Advantage to the Children of Sovereig◠〈◊〉 if their Fathers would themselves take pains to instruct them I mean those who are to succeed them for from whom shall they learn the Art of Government if not from him who Governs And how can they be able to Govern when they ascend the Throne if they have never been admitted to any Knowledge of the Affairs of their State It must pass through the Hands of interessed Ministers who will make their Advantage of their Prince's Ignorance to render themselves more necessary and who to maintain themselves in the Power they have gotten will never let him see Aâ—â—airs but on that side which may give him a disgust of Business On the contrary a Prince who hath had some share in the Government in his Father's Life-time enters trained up and accustomed to act the difficult part of a King I don't pretend to say that a King ought to trouble himself to teach him a thousand Things which belong to the Office and Duty of a Praeceptor Majus aliquid exceâ—sius a Principâ— postulatur But setting Iealouâ—ie aâ—ide he cannot fairly dispense with himself from tâ—aching him 〈◊〉 Maxims which are as the Principles and the Springs of Government and which Tacitus calls Arcana Dominationis And as the Children of Sovereign Princes saith Cabrera have been accustomed to believe themselves above the Laws they have absolute need of the Instructions of their Fathers for besides the Impressions which Blood and the Majesty of Sovereign Power make upon them there are none but their Fathers who have the Authority to command them and the Means to make themselves obeyed cap. 8. lib. 1. of his History he was sensible by his own Experience how difficult and dangerous it was to charge his Shoulders with the Weight of Government That in a City which abounded with the Choice of great and able Persons all Things ought not to be intrusted to the Management of one since Publick Functions were better exercis'd when many join'd their Cares and Labours 3 It is very necessary for a Prince saith Commines to have several Persons of his Council because the wisest sometimes err and they help to set one another right l. 2. c. 2. The chief Point is to know how to chuse them well and to employ every one according to the Nature and Degree of their Abilities But there was more of Ostentation than of upright Meaning in these Discourses And besides if Tiberius whether by Nature or by Custom spoke obscurely even on those Subjects where he had no occasion to dissemble his Words at this time became more intricate and doubtful when he studied altogether to disguise his Thoughts Then the Senators who were all equally afraid of seeming to divine his Meaning broke out into Tears Complaints and Vows holding out their Hands to the Gods and to the Image of Augustus and embracing the Knees of Tiberius till he commanded a Register s Sueton calls this Registry Ratâ—â—narium i. e. an Inventory or a Iourâ—al to be brought written by the Hand of Augustus 4 Although Princes have Secretaries whose Hand might save them the trouble of Writing it is so far from being beneath them to write themselves Memoirs of this kind which Tacitus calls Dominationis Arcana that on the contrary it would be Imprudence in them to commit them to the Ears and Hand of another There is no Secretary nor Confident whosoever he be that ought to be admitted to the Knowledge of these Secrets A Prince who is guilty of this Oversight will become precarioâ—â— to such a Subject Edward the Sixth King of England wrote himself the Iournal of his Life whereof the three last Years are extant So that if this Prince who died at Sixteen had lived longer and continued his Labour he would have proved a very great Man In Portugal they have an Office which they call Escrivaon dâ— puridade as much as to say The Writer or Register of the Confidence or of the Secrets And Mariana often makes use of this Word in this sense when he saith Communicar sus consejos y puridades As this is the most important place of the Kingdom and which hath never been held by any other but by the chief Minister it is probable that it was erected on purpose to write the Secrets of the King's Cabinet and thence to prepare Memoirs of State Iohn the Second King of Portugal and Ferdinand the Fifth King of Arragon and Castille wrote them themselves and containing a Particular of the Publick Revenues with a Roll of the Names of Citizens and Allies which serv'd in the Armies of the Tributary Kingdoms of the Conquer'd Provinces of the Naval Strength of the Imposts and all the Pensions and Expences which were charg'd on the Commonwealth To which Augustus whether out of Fear for the Empire which had receiv'd so great a Blow in Germany or out of Iealousie lest some of his Successors should have the Glory of extending the Roman Conquests farther than himself added the Advice of Restraining the Empire within the present Limits
to equal their Number to the six Quarters of the City which was much enlarged Servius Tullius the Successor of Tarquin distributed it into nineteen Tribes four of which were called Tribus Urbanae or the Citizens and the other fifteen which comprehended all the Inhabitants of the Country were called Tribus Rusticae And in process of Time the Number of Tribes encreased to Thirty five of the Tribes 1 When a State is lately changed from a Democracy to a Monarchy the Prince as being new ought to leave the People the Enjoyment of some of their ancient Rights to accustom them insensibly to Obedience For which loss of Privileges the People shewed no other Resentment but by insignificant Complaints and Murmurs And the Senate for their part were well satisfied that thereby they were discharg'd from the shameful Necessity of bribing and supplicating the Commons 2 There is no Yoke which the great Men and the Nobility will not bear rather than fall into the Hands of the People and to make court to them to obtain Offices It is for this Reason that a Democracy is always of short duration in States where there is much Nobility to favour their Election And this the more for that Tiberius reserv'd to himself but the Naming 3 A Prince newly established who reserves to himself the naming but of a small number of Officers so as his Nomination be liable to no Contest establishes his Power much better than if he attempted at first to name all For in process of Time it will be easie for him to extend the Prerogatives of a Sovereignty which the People have once acknowledged When the Principality it self is in question the Conditions ought never to be disputed whatsoever they are it is sufficient to get possession of it after which all the rest follows as one would wish Ubi sis ingressus adesse studia Ministros Ann. 4. of four Candidates b So they call those who stood for Offices because during the time of their Suit they wore a White Garment who were to be admitted without Caballing or any Contradiction At the same time the Tribunes of the People demanded the Permission to celebrate at their own Charges those Plays in Honour of Augustus 4 A remarkable Example of Flattery Those who by their Office and their Duty are obliged to preserve the publick Liberty canonize the Person who destroyed it which in their Calendars c In this Calendar called â—osti were set down the Festivals the Ceremonies and the Names of the Magistrates of the Cities were call'd by the Name of Augustales But it was order'd that the Publick should be at the Expence and that the Tribunes should wear the Triumphal Robe d It was a figured Robe edged with Purple with a Vest wrought with Branches of Palms in the Circus where nevertheless it was not allow'd them to be born in Chariots And the Annual Celebration was thenceforward committed to that particular Praetor to whose Lot it should fall to judge the Differences arising betwixt Citizens and Strangers X. This was the face of Affairs at Rome when a Sedition arose of the Legions in Pannonia e These Legions saith Paterculus were for a new Head a new Government and in a word for a new Republick they threatned to give Laws to the Senate and even to the Prince himself they would by main force augment their Pay and shorten the time of their Service to have their Reward before the set time There was nothing wanting to them but â— Head to have lead them on against the Government and whosoever this Head had been he would have found this Army ready to have followed him ch 125. They had no new occasion of Disturbance only the change of an Emperour inspir'd them with Boldness to make some Disturbance in hope to better their Condition by a Civil War 1 The beginnings of Reigns are ever subject to some Tempest for it is then that all Male-contents are stirring and are for selling their Obedience as dear as they can by disturbing an Authority that while it is in its growth hath need to keep fair with all to gain Time to establish it self Want of Power in a Prince Ambition of great Men who have always a good Opinion of their own Abilities and Discontents in the People are the three ordinary Sources of Factions as those are of Civil Wars France saw sad Instances thereof during the Minority of Lewis the Great GOD grant that these may be the last Three Legions were quarter'd together in the same Camp under the Command of Iunius Blaesus who having heard of the Death of Augustus and the Succession of Tiberius had interrupted the daily Exercises of the Soldiers either in Token of Mourning f Ob Iustitium saith Tacitus The Iustitium then was a Vacation or Suspension of all Civil Affairs which was commanded by the Senate or the Magistrates of the City as may be gathered from those words of the Second Book of the Annals Ut ante Edictum Magistratuum ante Senatusconsultum sumpto justitio desererentur fora c. or of Ioy. This Dispute began to give a Loathing to the Army of their Labour and Military Discipline and infuse into them a Propensity of Idleness and Pleasure It furnish'd them with Occasions of frequent Quarrels with one another and of lending an Ear to the mutinous Discourses of the most dissolute amongst them There was in the Camp a Fellow called Percennius formerly Head of a Faction among the Stage-Players 2 Great Seditions are commonly raised by pitiful Fellows and if a Rascal hath a Talent of speaking the Rabble is always ready to lend an Ear to him The common People need no other Oracles especially if the Haranguer inveighs against some Minister that is much hated as they all are In the beginning of the Reign of Charles the Fifth the famous Insurrection of the City of Castille called Las Communidades because it was a Sedition of the common People against the Nobles which afterwards degenerated into a direct Rebellion against the Prince This Revolt I say had for its Leaders a Barbor at Medina del Campo a Fell-monger at Salamanca a Carder at Valenca a Tanner at Segovia a Barber at Avila and such other Deliverers at Burgos at Guadalaxara at Siguenca at Vailladolid at Zamora c. Epitome of the Commandeur de Vera. Bussy-le-Clerc was one of the principal Supporters of the League and Peter de Brousell who was but an ordinary Counsellor was the Oracle and the Idol of the Fronde afterwards a private Soldier Insolent in his Speech and who had learn'd to raise Sedition by his Practice in the Play-house This Man haunting the Conversation of the most Ignorant and Silly who were very inquisitive to know what their Condition was like to be under their new Emperour debauch'd them by his Nightly Conversations with them or at least when it grew late in the Evening
continuing her Voyage notwithstanding the Severities of the Winter and Storms at Sea arrived at last at Corfu an Island opposite to the Ports of Calabria She staid there a few days to quiet her Mind divided betwixt Grief and Impatience Upon the News of her coming Germanicus's Friends and the Soldiers that had served under him and many Strangers also some out of Duty and others following either for Company or Curiosity flocked from the Neighbouring Places to Brindâ—si a Or Brundusium an Archiepiscopal City in the Kingdom of Naples wâ—â—ch has a strong Castle and safe Harbour and lies upon the Adriatick Sea where she was expected as the nearest and safest Port. As soon as the Ships were discerned at Sea not only the Haven and Shores but the Walls Houses and other Places as far as could be seen were filled with Mourners enquiring oâ—ten whether they should receive her with Silence or Acclamation Neither were they determined which was properest when the Fleet came in not rowing briskly as they used to do but slowly and with Sorrow in their Countenances When she came with her two Children on Shore carrying her Husbands Urn and her Eyes fixt on the Ground there was an universal Lamentation so that you could not distinguish the Grief of Relations from Strangers nor the Mens from the Womens only theirs who met Agrippina being fresh exceeded those came with her which a long Affliction had spent II. Tiberius sent two Companies of his Guards to meet them ordering the Magistrates of Apulia Calabria and Campania to pay their last Respects to the Memory of his Son The Tribunes and Centurions therefore carried the Ashes the Banners were rolled up and with the reversed Fasces went before In all the Colonies as they passed the People in Mourning and the Nobles in their Purple Habits according to the Wealth of the Place burnt Perfumes and other things that add to Funeral Solemnities Those that lived out of the Road met them in great numbers and shewed their Grief 1 However magnificent and extraordinary the Funerals of a Prince are nothing does more Honour to his Memory than the Grief of the People that lament the loss of him The History of Portugal says That upon the Death of Iohn II. all the Kingdom went into Mourning and at Lisbon the Barbers were â—orbid Shaving any Person for 6 Months which was never done for any King before Dialogo quarto Varia Historia c. 11. not only by their Lamentations and Confused Cries but by their Sacrifices to the Infernal Gods Drusus went to Terracina with Germanicus his Children that were at Rome and Claudius his Brother The Year of the City 773. The Consuls M. Valerius and M. Aurelius who then entred on their Office with a great number of the People filled the way without observing any order 2 At the Funerals of Princes it is an infallible sign of great Affliction when the great Men and Magistrates decline those Honours that are due to their Rank Now the Masters of Ceremonies have more to do to regulate the Claims of Officers and to adjust the Disputes among Great Men than in all the other Parts of their Office So that Princes Funerals are oftner memorable for the Disorders that happen at them than for the Universal Affliction every one bewailing the loss of Germanicus as he saw good for there was no Flattery in this Mourning and all knew Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death tho' he pretended to be troubled for it III. Tiberius and his Mother forbore appearing in publick believing it a lessening to Majesty to grieve publickly 3 The Laws of Nature are the same to Princes as the rest of Mankind Grief for their Children and Princes of their Blood is not unbecoming them provided it does not degenerate into Weakness nor Excess Henry III. of France in my Opinion little regarded his Dignity when he assisted at the Interrment of Cardinal Biragne in the Habit of a Penitent and it looks as if he had forgot he was a King when he kissed the Bodies of Quelus and Maugiron his Favourites Iournal de son Regne 1578. or perhaps fearing lest the People by their Looks should discover their Dissimulation b Cabrera speaking of the Funerals of Don Carlos says That Cardinal Espinosa attended the Body only to the Church Door because he would not be at the Ceremony of the Service pretending himself indisposed tho' he might with more Truth have said it was because his being there would have displeased the King who was not sorry for his Death The 5th Chapter in the 8th Book of his History I find not in any Registers of the City or our Histories that Antonia had any particular share in this Solemnity tho' Agrippina Drusus and Claudius are named with other Relations It may be she was prevented by Sickness or so overcome with Affliction she had not the Courage to see the Funerals of her Son 4 Of all the Duties of Nature there is not any a good Mother is less obliged to observe than that of assisting at her Son's Funerals Upon such an Occasion she is too much afflicted to behold what will only encrease her Sorrow or to endeavour appearing unconcern'd when it will bring her natural affection in question tho' I should rather believe she was kept at home by Tiberius and Livia that they might seem all equallyâ—afflicted and to have it believed the Grandmother and Uncle kept in upon the Mothers Example 5 A Prince that is not afflicted but rather rejoices at the Death of one whom the People regret acts more wisely in not appearing at his Funerals for fear it be discover'd that his Sorrow is only â—eigned or that he is displeased at the Honour paid to the Memory of one he always Hated IV. The day the Ashes were laid in Augustus's Tomb there was sometimes a profound Silence and at others great Lamentation the Streets full of People and the Campus Martius of lighted Torches The Soldiers in Arms the Magistrates without their Habits the People ranked by their Tribes cryed out All was lost beyond Recovery and in this they were so bold you would have thought they had forgot their Governors c In the 18th chapter of 1 Kings 't is said Saul began to hate David mortally after the Women of Israel sang and played before him for his overcoming Goliah and their using these Words Saul hath killed his Thousands but David his Ten Thousands Why have they said he ascribed unto David Ten Thousand and to me that am their King only a Thousand and what can he have more save the Kingdom This Song was rather a Satyr against Saul than any thing else What Mortification was it to Henry III. to understand that the Preachers at Paris Preached as if they had no King but that it was through the Courage and Constancy of the Duke of Guise the Ark fell not into the Hands of the Philistines and that Heresie Triumphed not
〈◊〉 his Slave who had a piece of Silver with 〈◊〉 Image upon it 〈◊〉 Vie d'Apollonius and Patrons with Words and Blows Therefore C. Sestius a Senator spoke to this Effect That indeed Princes were like Gods but the Gods heard only just Prayers That neither the Capitol nor Temples of the City were a Refuge to any for their Crimes 1 Sanctuaries were instituted for those who desire the help of the Law but not for such as make it their Business to injure others There was an end of the Laws if Anna Rufilla whom he Condemned for Fraud might threaten and reproach him before the Senate and in publick and not be questioned for it because she had Caesar's Image before her f Suetonius says The Senate forbid their laying hold on the Statâ—es and Images Condemning those to the Mines that should do so to injure otherâ— Daâ—s la Vie de Tibere Chap. 37. Others delivered themselves to the same purpose but some with warmth beseeching Drusus to inflict some exemplary punishment on her so she was called for Convicted and Condemned to Prison XXXIX At Drusus's Request Considuus Aequus and Celius Cursor two Roman Knights were condemned by the Senate for falsly accusing Magius Cecilianus the Praetor of High-Treason These Matters were to Drusus's Honour 2 A Prince cannot gain himself more Love and Respect than by speedy Iustice. There cannot be a better Action than that of Iohn III. of Portugal who being before the Altar to Communicate a Gentleman coming in cried out aloud to the Priest that held the Host to dâ—fer the Communion till the King had heard him and done him Iustice and this good Prince did not Communicate till he had done it See the Treatise Intituled Audiencia de Principes for by his means Conversation was made free and safe and his Father 's secret Designs qualified They found no Fault with his Riots thinking it better for one of his Age to spend the Day in the publick Shews g It is in Latin Aediâ—â—cationibus but the Commentators think it ought raâ—â—er to be Editionibus and the Night in Revels than to live Solitary 3 Solitudo does Princes no good especially when they are young It only makes them cruel â—antastical untractable and averse to those Duties that belong to Sovereigâ—ty I cannot give here a better instance of the mischief of Solitude in the Education of Princes than that of Iohn II. King of Castile according to the Description of the judicious Mariana All the Virtues of this king says he were obscured by the little care he took of his Affairs and the Government He gave no Audience willingly nor never any but in haste He had no great Capacity nor a Head fit for Affairs of State That brought his Courtiers into Favour and particularly Alvaro de Luna who began to be more familiar with him than all the rest Queen Catherine his Mother had good Reason to drive this Favourite from Court and send him back into his own Country but sâ—ewed little Wisdom in keeping her son shut up in a House for six years together without suffering him to go out or any Person to visit him besides some Domesticks of the Court. Whereby she pretended to prevent the Grandees making themselves Masters of him and Innovations in the Kingdom A misâ—rable Education for a King an unworthy thing not to allow a Prince liberty to speak to see or be seen but to keep him in a Cage to make him cruel and violent and to mew him up that was born for Labour and the Fatigues of War Why would she soften and emasculate his Courage who ought to be day and night on his guard and watch over all the Parts of his State Certainly such an Education will bring great Mischiefs upon the Subjects of any Kingdom For the Prince's manly Age will be like his Infancy he will pass the best of his Days in dishonourable Pleasures and Idleness as Iohn II. did For after the Death of Queen Catherine his Carriage was always like a Child and as if he had never seen Light The multitude of Affairs troubled him and perplexed his Head Therefore he was always governed by his Courtierâ— to the great prejudice of his States which were in perpetual Commotions Mariana says too he was subject to Startings which would take him all of a sudden and his Caresses were all out of Season so that he was more despised than feared Chap. 11. du 20. liv de son Hist. d'Esp The Life Henry III. of France led after his Minions had persuaded him not to appear any more to his Subjects but to be shut up from them like the Kings of the East had the same Effects His Desires says the Chancellor Chivergny shewed his Iudgment was not as it used to be that he was too much locked up and involved in other Pleasure his Minions had engaged him And I shall take the liberty to say that foreseeing long before his Death 4 years at least how impossible it was for him not to fall into some great Misfortune I often laid before him the great Injury he did himself and the Evil he and his State would undoubtedly receive Daâ—s ses Memoires without Pleasures 4 A Prince should have some Relaxation from his serious Affairs and after he has been at the Head of his Army It is not possible the Soul should be always bent to grave and painful Administrations without any Refreshment or the Diversion of other more agreeable Thoughts Titus who is recommended for one of the wisest Princes ever governed was desperately in love with Berenice but his Love never hindred his Business Harangue de M. d'Aubray dans la Satyre Menippâ—e and to let Melancholly prevail upon him and draw him into ill Practices and Devices For Tiberius and the Informers gave disquiet enough Ancarius Priscus accused Cesius Cordus Proconsul of Crete of Extortion and of Treason too a Supplement in all Accusations 5 When all Crimes are turned to Treason 't is a certain sign of a Tyrannical Government and that a Prince sacrifices Iustice to his Interest XL. Tiberius displeased with the Iudges for acquitting Antistius Verus one of the chief Lords of Macedonia of Adultery sent for him to Rome to answer for Treason 6 When a Prince sets up new Accusations against a great Man that the Iudges acquit of what he is charged with 't is plain he resolves to destroy him as an Accomplice with Rescuporis in his Designs of making War upon us when he had slain his Brother Cotis He was Banished h Aquâ— ignis interdictio was the Phrase used in Banishment which was not a Punishment immediately but by consequence For the forbidding the use of Water and Fire which were necessary for Life the Condemned Person was obliged to leave his Country into an Island 7 The less Evidence there is against a man the more severely is be treated if it be for
Cardinal Richlieu to apply your self to those great matters concern your State and despise the lesser as unworthy your Care and Thoughts You will not only be â—ar from receiving any Advantage from employing your self in things not considerable but on the contrary much Damage by diverting you from others that are better and also because little Thorns being more apt to prick than bigger which are more easily perceived it were impossible to prevent Discontents uâ—eless to your Affairs and very coâ—trary to your Health Chap. 5. de la premiere partie de son Testament Politique Something more is expected from a Prince and when every man assumes to himself the Praise of what is well done the blame of what succeeds not falls upon him alone Where shall I begin to Reform Shall it be your large and spacioâ—s Country Seats The multitude of your Servants of several Nations The Quantities of your Silver and Gold y The way Hâ—nry III. of Castile took to put down Excess in Entertainments desâ—rvâ—s to be mentioned here as a great instance of what a Prince may do that has Wit and Courage One day when his Table was ill served he was told The Grandees of his Kingdom lived much better and that there was nothing so Magnificent as the Entâ—rtainments they gave one another The same day he had notice the Archbishop of Toledo gave a Supper to several Lords he went in Disguise and saw the Magnificence of the Entertainment where nothing was wanting and what was worse he heard them relate their great Estates and the Pensions they held out of the King'â— Demeasâ—s The next morning he caused a Report to be spread That he was Sick and would make his Will upon which they all went to Court About Noon he came into the Room where he usually gave Audience and they waited â—or him and as soon as he sate down he directed his Discourse to the Archbishop and asked him how many Kings of Castille he had known and asked all the same Question Some said they had known three others four others five c. How can that be says the King when I have known twenty at my Age. And seeing them surprised at what he said he proceeded 'T is you my Lords are the Kings to the great Damage of this Kingdom and Dishoâ—our of your King but I will prevent your Reign continuing long and carrying the Merriment any farther you make of me The Archbishop threw himselâ— at his Feet and asked Pardon as did also the rest The King gave them their Lives but made them Prisoners till they restored the Castles they held of the Crown and all they had got from the last Kings An Action that gained him so much Glory and Authority that the great Men were never so humble and obedient Besides it brought him in suâ—h a Treasure that he left a great Sum behind him without over-charging his People Mariana Chap. 14. du Liv. 9. de son Histoire d'Espagne 'T is observable tâ—o the King did this at 15 or 16 years of Age. He was called Henry thâ— Inâ—irm because of his Sickly Countenance but deserved the Title of Henry tâ—e Brave and Valiant for his Courage Which Example plainly shews as Richlieu says Kings can do any thing when constant and resolute and that those things which seem the most difficult and almost impossible are so only because of the negligence and indifference of their Execuâ—ion Your painted Tables and brasen Statâ—es of exquisite Work The promisâ—uous Habits of Men and Women Or the Extravagances of the Women only in their Iewels for which our Money is carried away to Foreigners and Strangers I am not ignorant you blame these things at your Entertainments and a mean is wished for But if a Law should be made against them and punishments appointed those that complain now will cry out that the City is subverted the Destruction of the Nobility sought for and none free from those Crimes But we see old Maladies are not to be Cured without sharp and harsh Remedies 1 Desperate Diseases must have desperate Cures A corrupt Mind is not to be regulated with gentle Methods when inflamed by inordinate Appetites So many Laws framed by our Ancestors so many by Augustus have only given greater Establishment to our Luxury the former have been forgot the latter which is worse have been contemned 2 There is no Remedy when Vice is turned into Virtue Then we are to accommodate our selves to Hippocrateâ—'s Aphorism to administer no Remedies where Diseases are desperate For when we love what is not yet forbid we fear it may be but when we transgress the Laws and are not punished there is neither Fear nor Shame left 3 While Abuses are tolerated Men observe some Rules of Decency because they fear if they take too much liberty the Prince or Magistrate will Reform them But iâ— a Reformer wants Power to make himself Obeyed as it sometimes happens or wants Courage to punish the Great Men who are commonly the first that break new Regulations the Examples of such Impunity opens the Door to Contempt and from Contempt they go insensibly to Licentiousness Therefore a Prince should noâ— meddle with Reformation if he finds himself wanting in Power or of a Temper to be wrought upon by Intercessions or if he will Reform should take a Resolution to be inexorable as Sixâ—us V. was when any dared to break his Laws Why was Frugality formerly used because every Man moderated his Desires we had only one City and our Dominions not reaching out of Italy we had not the same Provocations by Foreign Conquests we learn the use of Foreign Commodities by Civil Wars our own z Patercuâ—us imputes the Luxury of Rome to the two Scipio's surnamed Aâ—ricans The 〈◊〉 says he openâ—d the way to the Roman Gâ—eatness â—ut the other to their Luxury For when Rome no longer sâ—ared Carthage which was burnt they leâ—t not their Virtue by degrees as before but run impeâ—â—ously into all Pleasures and Vices The antient Discipline was despited and gave way to new Customs and all the City turned presently from their Vigilance to Laziness from Warlike Exercises to Looseness and from Laboâ—â— to Idleness At last the publick Magnificence was succeeded with the wastful Expences of particular Men. Au Commencement du Liv. 2. de son Epitome That which the Ediles complain of is a small matter in comparison of others 4 Some People think all is lost if what offends them is not immediately Remedied but a Prince should not be drawn away by anothers Passion He is to forâ—see the Inconveniences may arise from the Refâ—rmation is desired and to consider well if he can undertake it with success so that he may satisfie more than he shall displease For so you see the Wisdoâ— of a Reâ—ormer But no man puts us in mind that Italy wants the support of other Countries that the Liâ—e of the People of Rome is tossed with the