Spectatours of their Art and to whom they leave their Works and Monuments of their Labour To all this may be added that Flattery mixt with Errour sometimes commends in a Boy for Vertue what by no means deserves that name as Lewdness Ostentation Insolence Anger Revenge and other Vices of the like nature some men erroneously perswading themselves that they are tokens of a great Spirit which withall induces 'em too eagerly to pursue these to the neglect of real Vertues as a Maid sometimes if she be commended for her free Carriage or Confidence applies her self to those rather than Modesty and Honesty the principal good Qualities of that Sex Tho' indeed young men ought to be driven from all Vices in general yet more especially from those which tend to Laziness or Hatred they being more easily imprinted in their minds 5 Cuncta igituâ— mala sed ea maximè quae turpitudinem â—abent vel â—dium parent sunt procul à puâ—ris removend Arist. Pol. 7. c. 17. Care therefore must be taken that the Prince over-hear no filthy or obscene expressions much less should he be suffered to use them himself We easily execute what we make familiar to us in discourse at least something near it 6 Nam fâ—cile turpia loquendo efficitur ut homines his proxima facient Arist. Pol. 7. c. 17. Wherefore to prevent this Evil the Romans used to Choose out of their families some grave Ancient Matron to be their Sons Governess whose whole Care and Employment was to give them a good Education in whose presence it was not allowable to speak a foul word or admit an indecent Action 7 Coram quâ neque dicere fas e at quod turpe dictu neque facere quod inhonestâ—â— factâ— viâ—eretur Quint. dial de oraâ— The design of this severe discipline was that their nature being prâ—â— served pure and untainted they might readily embrace honest professions 8 Quo disciplina ac severitas â—o pertimebat ut sincera integra nullis pravitatibus detorta uniâ—scujusque natura toto statim pectore arriâ—ereâ— artes honestas Quinâ—il Ibid. Quintilian laments thâ—â— neglect of this manner of Education in his time Children being usually brought up among servanâ—â— and so learning to imitate their Vices Nor says he 〈◊〉 any one of the family concerned what he says or doâ—â— before his young Master since even their parents donâ—â— so much inure them to Vertues and Modesty as Laâ— sciviousness and Libertinism 9 Nec quisquam in tota domo pensi habet quiâ—â— coram infante domino aut dicat aut faciat quando etiam ipsi parenteâ— nec probitâ—i neque modestiae â—arvulos assueâ—acâ—unt sed lasciviae libertaâ—i Quint. ibid. Which to this day is usual in most Princes Courts nor is there any remedy for it but displacing those Vicious Courtieâ—â— and substituting others of approved Vertue who may excite the Princes mind to Actions more generous and such as tend to true honour 10 Neque enim auribus jucunda convenit dicere sed ex quo aliquis gloriosus fiat Eurip. in Hippol. When a Couâ—â— has once bid adieu to Vertue 't is often Changed but never for the better nor does it desire a Prince better than it self Thus Nero's family were Favourers oâ— Otho because he was like him 11 Pâ—ona in euâ— auâ—â— Neronis ut similem Tac. 1. Hist. But if the Princâ— cannot do this I think it were more adviseable for him to leave that Court as we remember Iames thâ— 1st King of Arragon did * Mar. Hâ—st Hisp. when he saw himself Tyrannized over by those who educated and confined him as it were in a prison nor can I give those Courâ—â— any other name where the principal aim is to enslave the princes will and he is not suffered to go this way or that by choice and at his own pleasure but is forcibly guided as his Courtiers please just as Water 〈◊〉 conveighed thro' private Channels for the sole benefit of the ground thro' which it passes To what purpose are good natural Parts and Education if the Prince is suffered to see hear and know no more than his Attendance think fit What wonder if Henry the 4th King of Castile †Mac. Hist His. proved so negligent and sluggish so like his Father Iohn the Second in all things after he had been Educated among the same Flatterers that occasioned his Fathers male Administration Believe me 't is as impossible to form a good Prince in an ill Court as to draw a straight Line by a Crooked square there 's not a wall there which some lascivious hand has not sullied not a Corner but Echoes their dissolute Course of Life all that frequent the Court are so many Masters and as it were Ideas of the Prince for by long use and Conversation each imprint something on him which may either be to his benefit or prejudice and the more apt his Nature is to Learn the sooner and more easily he imbibes those domestick Customs I dare affirm that a Prince will be good if his Ministers are so bad if they be bad an instance of this we have in the Emperor Galba who when he light upon good Friends and Gentlemen was governed by them and his Conduct unblameable if they were ill himself was guilty of inadvertency 12 Amicorum libertorumque ubi in bâ—nos incidisset sine reprehensione patiens si mali fâ—rent usque ad culpam ignaâ—us Tac. 1. Hist. Nor will it suffice to have thus reformed living and animate figures in a Court without proceeding also to inanimate for tho' the graving Tool and Pencil are but mute Tongues yet Experience has taught us they are far more eloquent and perswasive What an incitement to Ambition is Alexander the great 's Statue how strangely do pictures of Iupiter's lewd Amours inflame Lust besides for which our corrupt nature is blameable Art is usually more celebrated for these kind of things than Vertuous instructive pieces At first indeed the excellency of the workmanship makes those pieces Valuable but afterwards lascivious persons adorn the Walls with them to please and entertain the Eyes There should be no statue or piece of painting allowed but such as may Create in the Prince a glorious Emulation 13 Cum autem ne quis talia loquatur prohibetur satis intelligitur vetari â—e turpes vel picturas vel fabulas spectet Arist. 7 Pol. cap. 17. The Heroick Atchievements of the Ancients are the properest subjects for Painting Statuary and Sculpture those let a Prince look on continually those read for Statues and Pictures are â—ragments of History always before our Eyes After the Vices of the Court have been as far as possible thus corrected and the Princes humour and inclinations well known let his Master or Tutor endeavour to lead him to some great undertaking sowing in his Mind Seeds of Vertue and honour so secretly that when they are
the Two Kings Iohn the Second and Ferdinand the Catholick one of which had his at Court the other in the Camp that among Women this among Soldiers that entring his Government seem'd to sail into a strange Gulf and leaving the Helm committed the guidance of it to his Ministers this was neither ignorant of nor unacquainted with Government but knew how to Rule even in another's Dominion and force Subjects to their Duty that was contemn'd this honoured and esteemed by all that ruined his Kingdom this advanced to a Monarchy 'T was upon this consideration that King Ferdinand Sirnamed the holy was desirous to breed his Sons Alphonso and Ferdinand Soldiers And what else was it rendred the Emperour Charles really great as well as titularly so was it not his continual Travels and indefatigable Labours Nor had Tiberius any other thoughts when he design'd his Sons Germanicus and Drusus for the Army chiefly for these four Reasons that they might accustom themselves to War gain the Soldiers hearts be free from the Debauchery of the Court and Lastly that himself might live in more security when both his Sons commanded his Legions 3 Vt suesceret Militiâ—e sâ—udiaque exercitui pararet siâ—ul juventutem urbanâ— luxu lascivientem medus in castris haberâ— Tiberiâ—s sâ—que 〈◊〉 rebatur utroque filio legiones obtinente Tac. 2. ann He that lives in a Camp by the many Experiences he has there spends his time to advantage the Courtier utterly loses his in Riot Ceremonies and trifling Diversions At Court a Prince studies more how to set off his Body than improve his Mind And tho' this latter is rather to be regarded yet Ornaments of the Body and a comely Presence should not be wholly neglected For those captivate the Eyes as this does the Eyes and Soul God himself seemâ—d pleased with the shape and proportion of Saul 4 And when he stood among the people he was higher than any of the people from the shoulders upwards 1 Sam. 10. 22. Ethiopians and Indians in some parts choose them Kings whom the most Majestick Mien recommends as the Bees do the biggest among them and that of the most shining Colour People Judge of a Prince's Actions by his Presence and think him the best who is the Comeliest Galba's very Age says Tacitus was ridiculed and sâ—orn'd by those who were used to Nero's blooming Youth 5 Ipsa â—tas Galbae irrisui fastidio erat assuetis juventae Neronis Imperatores forma decore corporis ut est mos vulgi comparantibus Tac. 1. Hist. A handsome face joyned with a kind of Majesty encreased Vespasian's fame 6 Augebat famam ipsius decor oris cum quadam Majestate Tac. 2. Hist. Thus Beauty strikes the Eyes and thro' them wounding the Soul engages Mens affections and good opinions 't is a particular privilege of nature a pleasing Tyrant over the affections and a certain Sign of a well disposed mind and tho' the holy Spirit for more security advises us not to judge by exteriours yet do we seldom find a generous Soul in a deformed body 7 Commend not a Man for his beauty neither abhor a man for his outward appearance Eccles. 11. 2. 'T was a saying of Plato's that as a Circle can't be without a Center so neither can external Beauty Consist without interiour Vertue King Alphonsus therefore well advised to have a Prince Marryed to a handsome Woman that says he the Children may be beautifull as a Prince's ought to be that they may be above other men The Lacedaemonians fined their King Archiadinus for Marrying a little Woman however Wittily he excused himself by saying of two Evils he had chose the less Beauty of the Body is the image of the Soul and picture of Goodness 8 Species enim corporis simulacrum est menâ—is figuraque probitatis Ambr. 2. de vir It nevertheless happens sometimes that nature intent upon outward perfections forgets inward which are more desirable So it was with Peter the Cruel whose savage and rough disposition Nature had concealed under an agreeable Person Pride and Ostentation of Beauty easily discompose the Modesty of Vertue a Prince therefore should not esteem feminine and affected Charms which serve only to inflame another's Lust but those which usually accompany true Vertue for the Soul is not to be adorned with the Beauties of the Body but this rather with the Ornaments of the Soul A Commonwealth requires a Prince perfect in mind rather than One so in Body tho' t were a great ornament if he were eminent for both Thus the Palm is singularly commended as well for the neatness of its Trunck and Leaves as for the pleasant Fruit it bears and other excellent qualities of it being a Tree so usefull that Plutarch says the Babylonians reckoned 360 Vertues in it these I conceive the Complement of the Coelestial Bridegroom points at Thy stature is like to a Palm Tree 9 Cant. 7. 7. For by these words he would commend not only the beauty of his Spouse's Body but the endowments also of her Soul signified by the Palm as 't is an Emblem of Justice and Fortitude of Justice because its leaves hang in aequilibrio of Fortitude upon the account of the admirable strength of the Boughs which the more weight they are loaded with the more forcibly grow up 'T is further an Hieroglyphick of Victory because in the Games and Exercises of the Ancients the Victors were crowned with Branches of it The Cypress was never esteemed at this Rate however flourishing and green it always is lifting its self even up to heaven in form of an Obelisk for that its beauty is meer outside without any good quality inherent in it it 's of a slow growth bears useless fruit bitter leaves has a strong smell and taste a thick and melancholy shade To what purpose is a Prince of a delicate Body if he only satisfies the Eyes and does not discharge his Duty There needs no more in him than an agreeable harmony of parts to shew a generous and well disposed mind into which afterwards Art and Industry may inspire Motion and Vigour for without that every Action of a Prince will be dull and rather cause Ridicule and Contempt than procure Authority with his Subjects But sometimes these extraordinary Endowments of the Mind don't render a Prince amiable as when the State is distempered and inclined to Change its Government which Ferdinand King of Naples had once Experience of nay sometimes Vertue her self is unhappy and a good Prince often odious as on the other side his Vices taking as were those of Vitellius 11 Studia exe citus raro câ—iquam bâ—â—is arâ—ibus quaesâ—ta perinde ad fuere quam â—uic per ignaviam Tac. 3 Hist. But for the generality humane Will embraces that which is most perfect and it will be therefore a Prince's interest as well in publick as private Exercises to study by them to supply
reconciling Enemies fitter to be Informers than Mediators Affairs require Persons of very different Qualities to Administer them That Man is above all the most proper who in his Air and Words discovers a Soul of Candor and Veracity whose private Person procures him Love and Esteem in whom Jealousy and Cunning are from Art not Nature who can keep them in the most secret Place of his Breast when they require Concealment who proposes with Sweetness hears with Patience replies with Force dissembles with Discretion urges with Attention who obliges by Liberality persuades by Reason and convinces by Experience who in a word designs prudently and executes effectually It was with these Ministers King Ferdinand the Catholick was able to succeed in all his Enterprizes The good Choice of these is of no leâ—s Consequence than the Conservation and Enlargement of any State for as much as all depends upon their Administration more Kingdoms having been destroyed by their Ignorance than by that of Princes Let this therefore be your Highness's chiefest Care to examine diligently all the Qualities of your Subjects and after having given them any Place look now and then into their Actions and not be presently taken with and deluded by the Draught of their Memoirs There being very few Ministers who in them draw themselves to the Life In Effect who will be so candid so much a Stranger to self-love as to confess what good he has neglected to do what Evil to prevent It will be much if he with Sincerity relate what he has actually done some using to write to the Prince not what they have done or said but what they ought to do or say They have thought of and designed every thing â—â—fore-hand they foresaw nay and executed all-Affairs enter their Closets like mishapen Logs but immediately come out again as from some Statuaries Shop exquisite Figures 't is there they are varnished giâ—â—ed and painted to beautify them and enhance their Value There Judgments are form'd and abundance of Preventions devis'd ever after the Success there they are more powerful than God himself make the past Time present and the present past by changing the Date of their Actions as they see convenient They are Ministers who transact Affairs in Imagination only Men that court Applause and steal Rewards by their false Letters Whence proceed the greatest Inconveniences in the World in that the Prince's Privy Counsellors being directed by those Intelligences and Advices if they are false the Orders and Resolutions founded upon them will necessarily be so too The Holy Scripture teaches us how Ministers and particularly Ambassadors are oblig'd punctually to execute their Commissions for we see in that Hazael had from Benhadad King of Syria to consult the Prophet Elisha about his Disease he chang'd not one word nor dared so much as to speak in the Third Person 8 2 Kings 8. 9. Ministers of extraordinary Experience are sometimes dangerous either for that the Prince puts too much Confidence in them or because biassed by Self-love or presuming upon their own Abilities they seldom think thoroughly of Affairs and born as 't were to overcome the most violent Tempests despise the small Storms of Inconveniences and Difficulties whereby they evidently expose themselves to Danger Those are in some Cases much safer who 〈◊〉 yet Novices in Navigation keep close to the Shore Though both together compose the best Counsels in that the Experience of those is qualified by the Timorousness and Caution of these in Debates between the Flegmatick and Cholerick the Bold and Circumspect the Quick and Slow there results a wholsome Composition of Opinions as there does in Bodies from the contrariety of Humours EMBLEM XXXI A Pillar supports it self balanced by its own weight If it once leans on either side it presently falls and that the sooner the heavier it is Thus Empires stand and are preserv'd by their own Authority and Repute when they begin to lose that they begin to fall nor is any Earthly Power sufficient to strengthen and prop them 1 Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile ac flâ—xum est quam famae potentiae non sua vi niâ—a Tac. 13. Ann. Let no one trust too much to a streight Pillar when it inclines never so little the weakest Hand promotes its Ruin that very leaning I know not how inviting to push it but when falling the strongest is unable to uphold it One single Action sometimes overthrows the best establish'd Reputation which a great many can't erect again For scarce any Stain can so thoroughly be washed out but some sign of it will remain nor any Opinion in Mens Minds that can be entirely effaced Dress the Infamy as carefully as possible it will still leave some Scars Wherefore if the Crown stand not fixed and firm upon this perpendicular Pillar of Reputation it will soon fall to the Ground Alphonso the Fifth King of Arragon by his Credit not only preserved his own Kingdom but conquered that of Naples At the same time Iohn the Second King of Castile for his mean Spirit was so far the Contempt of his Subjects that he admitted what Laws they thought fit to impose The Provinces which under Iulius Caesar and Augustus Princes of great Esteem were Firm and Loyal rebell'd in the Reign of Galba a Man slothful and universally despised 2 Melius Divo Iulio Divoque Augusto notos eorum animos Galbam infracta tributa hostiles Spiritus induisse Tac. 4. Hist. Royal Blood and Large Dominions are insufficient to maintain Reputation where private Virtue and Magnanimity are wanting as it is not the Frame of a Glass but its Intrinsick Excellency makes it valuable Regal Majesty has not more Force than Respect which usually arises from Admiration and Fear and from these Obedience and Subjection without which the Princes Dignity cannot long maintain it self being founded upon the Opinion of others and the Royal Purple will be rather a Mark of Derision than Eminence and Majesty as was visible in Henry the Fourth It is the Spirits and Native Heat that keep the Body upright the Legs alone would not be a sufficient Basis. And what is Reputation but a kind of fine Spirit kindled in all Mens Opinions which raises and supports the Scepter Let the Prince therefore take all possible care that his Actions may be such as will nourish and foment these Spirits The Parthians grounded their Petition upon Reputation when they asked Tiberius to send as of his own accord one of Phraates's Sons to Rome 3 Nomine tantum auctore opus ut sponte Caesaris ut genus Arsacis ripam apud Euphratis cerneretur Tac. 6. Ann. This Repute and Authority has yet greater Influence in War where Fear is of more Efficacy than the Sword and Opinion than Strength whether of Mind or Body and therefore to be taken no less Notice of than Force of Arms. This made Suetonius Paulinus very prudently advise Otho to endeavour always to keep the
more influenc'd by Ambition than Clemency so that he deprived him of his Kingdom and Title Thus Dangers deceive us and we find that to be the greater which we chose as the lesser There can be no assurance in Counsel grounded on Principles that depend on anothers pleasure We deceive our selves in supposing others will act nothing but what is agreeable to Religion Justice Relation or Friendship or but what is consistent with their Honour and Interest Not considering that Men are not always guided by their Advantage or Duty but rather by their private Passions and Sentiments and consequently their Actions are not only to be examined by the Rule of Reason but also by that of Malice and the Experience of the ordinary Injustices and Tyrannies of the World Dangers are a Prince's best Masters The past teach 〈◊〉 to remedy the present and prevent the future Those of others are 't is true instructing but they are easily forgot Our own leave in the Soul some Marks and Scars of the losses sustain'd as that which has once wounded the Imagination does fear Let not then contempt or forgetfulness ever erase them especially when having escapâ—d a Danger we fancy the same will never return or if it does will not annoy us for though some one Circumstance which is very unlikely to happen a second time may remove Dangers yet other succeeding new ones make them unavoidable EMBLEM XXXVIII FROM Nature this universal Commonwealth of things and Empire of mixt Bodies derive their Original the supreme Government of which she lays claim to and for the more firm establishment and more secure maintaining of it has made her self so loved by them that the Elements even in the midst of their contrariety with an admirable consent conspire to preserve it All things would be soon dissolv'd did they hate Nature their Princess and Sovereign who with mutual ties of Love and Benevolence as with the fastest knot unites them It is this Love which holds the Earth in Aequilibrio and makes the Orbs of Heaven whirl round it Let this Monarchy of things created founded in their first Being be a Lesson to defend their Persons and Subjects by affection the most faithfull guard they can have about them 1 Corporis custodiam tutissimam esse putatam in virtute amicorum tum in benevolentia civium esse collocatam Isocr ad Nic. Claud. Not Guards nor Groves of Pikes defend like Love This is the only impregnable Fort 2 Salvum Principem in aperto clementia praestabit vivum erit inexpugnabile monument â—n amor civium Sen. de Clem. lib. 1 ca. 19. For which reason the Bees elect a King without a Sting for he has no need of Arms who is beloved by his Subjects Nature would by no means have it in his power to hurt whose duty 't is to govern least he become odious and promote his own ruin The greatest and most absolute power a Prince can have says K. Alphonso is when he loves his People and they reciprocally love him The body defends the Head upon account of the Love it bears it in consideration that this directs and preserves it else would it not hold up its arm toward the threatning blow Who would expose himself to Hazards except he had a Love for his Prince Who protect and defend his Crown The whole Kingdom of Castile sided with the Infant Henry against K. Peter the Cruel because the one was beloved by all the other as universally hated The first Principle of the ruin of Kingdoms and all the Revolutions in States is Hatred The Kings Ordonno and Fruela the Second were so abominated by their Subjects that the very name of King became odious Castile was reduc'd into a Commonwealth and the Government divided between two Judges one of which administred affairs of Peace the other those of War †Mar. hist. Hisp. Portugal never took up Arms against its Kings nor revolted from its obedience the reason is it bears a sincere affection towards them and if at any time it has excluded one and admitted another 't was because one was belov'd the other for Male-administration hated It was the advice of Iames the First of Arragon to Alphonso the Wise to seek rather the Love than Fear of his Subjects and to ingratiate himself with the Clergy and Commons that he might be the better able to grapple with the Nobility which Counsel if he had follow'd he had never lost the Crown Nero no sooner ceas'd to be lov'd than Conspiracies were form'd against him a thing which Subrius Flavius upbraided him with to his face 3 Nec quisquam tibi fidelior militum â—uit dum amari meruisti odisse â—aepi postquam parricida Matris Uxoâ—is auriga histrio incendiarâ—us extitisti Tac. 15. ann A King's Power and Majesty consist not in his own Person but in the Affection and good Will of his Subjects If they be disaffected who will oppose his Enemies 'T is Preservation makes the people want a King but that can never be expected from one who makes himself hated The Arragonians prudently foresaw this when having call'd to the Crown Peter Altharez Lord of Borgia from whom the most ancient and illustrious Family of the Dukes of Gandia is descended they afterwards repented and would not have him for their King because they saw he us'd them with Austerity and Rigour even before his Election Contrary to what Ferdinand the First King of Arragon did who by Love and Benevolence engag'd the hearts of all in that Kingdom as also in Castile during his Reign there We have seen many Princes ruin'd by Fear none ever by Love If therefore a Prince would be formidable let it be to his Enemies but let him endeavour to be belov'd by his Subjects without which though he come victorious over them he will at last fall by the hands of these As it befell Bardanus King of Persia 4 Claritâ—â—ine paucos inter senatum Regum siperinde amorem inter populares quam metum apud hostes quaesivisset Tac. 11. ann Love and Respect may be joyned but not Love and servile Fear He who is fear'd is hated and he who is hated is by no means secure Quem metuunt oderunt Quem quisque odit periisse expedit Enn. He who is fear'd by many also fears many And what greater misfortune is there than to command those who obey through Fear and govern Bodies rather than Minds The difference between the just Prince and the Tyrant is That one uses Arms to maintain his Subjects in Peace the other to protect himself against them If the strength and power of a Prince hated be small he is much exposed to danger from his Subjects if great yet much more For the greater their fear is the more sollicitous are they to provide for their Security as apprehending his cruelty will encrease with his Grandeur as in Bardanus King of Persia whose Glory made him more severe and insupportable
of Subjects and the greater Ties of Friendship and Relation are loos'd and broken upon account of Religion King Witeric was put to Death by his own Subjects for endeavouring to introduce Arianism the same befel Witiza for altering the Rites and Ceremonies of Divine Worship Galicia rebelled against King Froilus for the abuse of the Marriage of the Clergy As soon as Dive sity of Religions was introduced among the Dutch they rebell'd against their lawful King and Master So Honour as it is the Defence and Preservation of States and the chief Spur to Loyalty so it also disturbs them to clear it self from Affronts Contempt and Injuries the People preferring Honour before Life and Fortune 8 Honor quoque quantâ—â— valeat quomodo sit causa seditionis 〈◊〉 est Arist. 5. Pol. c. 3. Count Iulian invited the Moors into Spain because he suspected that King Roderick had violated the Honour of his Daughter Cava the Nobles of Castile took up Arms against Alphonsus III. for that he would infringe their Privileges and oblige 'em to pay Taxes as did the Subjects of Ramires III. King of Leon for his severe and servile usage of them For Affronts received by the People always provoke to Revenge upon the Prince 9 Et multae conspirationes invasioâ—s in Monarchas propter pudendas contumelias in corpus illatas factâ— sunt Arist. 5. Pol. l. 10. and Contempt creates Seditions 10 Propâ—er contempâ—um etiam seditiones conspiratâ—â—â—quâ— fâ—â—nâ— Aâ—â—st 5. Pol. c. 3. And this either when the Prince contemns the People or the People the Prince which is when they don't find him fitly qualified thinking it base to obey one who knows not to Command and make himself respected and takes no Care of the Government So the People of Arragon served their King Iohn I. the same thing befel Iohn II. of â—astile for his insufficiency Henry IV. for his Vices and Alphonso V. of Portugal for suffering himself to be govern'd by others Nor do Subjects take it as â— less Injury and Contempt for the Prince to make Foreigners his chief Ministers and to dispose of all Dignities and Preferment among them for as King Henry said That is declaring plainly that his own native Subjects are insufficient and unworthy * L. 14. tit 3. lib. 2. recop This was the cause of the Commotions of Castile in the time of the Emperour Charles V. The same thing happens upon an unequal Distribution of Honours for that Men of great Spirits can't brook 11 Non multitudo quâ—dem gravitâ— fert inaequalitatem patrimoniorum praestantes autem honorum inaequalitatem Arist. lib. 2. Poâ— c. 5. and take it as an Affront that Men of leâ—â— Desert are preferr'd before them 12 Nam homines tum quod ipsi inhonorati fiunt inovent seditiones tum quod alios videant in honore Arist. 5. Pol. 3. The greatest Disease of a Government is Incontinence and Lust in the Governours hence proceed Seditions and Revolutions of States for that violates the Honour of many and is severely punished by God One such Action buried Spain in ashes for many Ages the same call'd down great Plagues upon Egypt 13 Gen. 12. 17. And David suffered great Troubles both in his own Person and in his Posterity 14 2 Sam. 12. 10. who were continually persecuted and destroy'd by the Sword There is danger in those States where many are excluded from Offices for they are all so many Enemies 15 Cum enim multitudo inâ—pum est in civitate eademque ab honoribus exclusa necesse est eam civitatem plenam hostium Reipub Arist. lib. 3. Pol. c. 7. no Man is so stupid as not to desire Honour and take it ill to be deprived of it 16 Honori incumbit tam ignarus quam bonus Arist. 2. Pol. 5. Those States also are subject to the same Inconveniency in which the Magistracy is divided among a set number of the Nobility all the rest being excluded The third Cause of the Revolutions and Troubles of States is the desire of preserving Life that is when the Subjects think the Prince so Lazy and Cowardly as that he can't preserve and defend them or else when they hate him for his Severity as they did King Alphonso III. or for his Cruelty as they did King Peter or for his Injustice and Tyranny which endangers all their Lives as they did King Ordonius for the ill usage and Murther of the Counts of Castile whence proceeded the Change of his State * Mar. Hist. Hisp. The last is Estates that is when a Prince idlely squanders away his Subjects Fortunes which occasion'd Garcias King of Galicia to lose both Kingdom and Life too or when he extravagantly spends his Revenues which was Ramon's Pretence for killing â— his Brother-in-Law Sancho King of Navarre or when he is very covetous as was King Alphonso or when through his ill management the State suffers by Scarcity or when the Price of things rises or Trade fails which render'd the same Alphonso so odious or when the Coin is bad as 't was in the time of Peter II. King oâ— Arragon and in many other Kings Reigns or when Places of Profit or Riches are unequally despos'd of For Envy and Necessity take up Arms against the Rich and so raise Commotions 17 Insuper seditiones oriuntur non solum ob patrimoniorum verum etiam ob honorum inaequalitatem Arist. lib. 2. Pol. 5. This also happens from the Male-administration of Justice from the quartering of Souldiers and from other Burthens which oppress the Subjects Estates and Goods Besides these general Causes there are others particular to the three Distinctions which I made of Kingdoms in the last Emblem which may be inferr'd from what I propos'd for their Preservation for the Knowledge of preserving a State implys the Knowledge of what will ruin it and so on the contrary 18 Sed illud primum omnium dubitarâ— non potest quin cognitis iis quae Reipub interitum important ea quoque quae salutem afferunt intelligantur Arist. lib. 5. pol. cap. 8. for all this I cannot but enlarge a little though I run a Risque of repeating what has been already said Hereditary States are usually ruined for want of Care and Diligence in the Successour especially when they are considerable for then their Greatness makes him secure and negligent careless of all Danger and dubious in his Councels In Execution timorous least he should disturb the Quiet he injoys he takes no Care to prevent misfortunes but thinks it sufficient if he can remedy them not considering that this latter is more chargeable and less effectual 19 〈…〉 diora sunt remedia quam mala Tac. in vit Agr. He thinks Bravery too dangerous and in procuring Peace by certain idle and uncertain means he brings a War upon himself and so ruins himself by the very means he us'd for his Preservation This is the misfortune
One have requir'd a Right to be preserv'd defended and maintain'd by him which is inconsistent with the Division of the Empire And since this Right is Common and Universal it ought surely to be preferr'd to private Love and Paternal Affection or to Desire of making Peace among his Children by the Ruine of the Publick Besides instead of making them agree it arms 'em with Power to quarrel with one another about the Dividends which cannot be made so equal as to satisfie all Brothers would live much more quietly if their Maintenance should depend upon him who Commands in Chief for so each would receive a Revenue sufficient to support the Grandeur of his Birth Thus Iehosaphat did 4 2 Chron. 21. 3. There being no Occasion for that barbarous Custom of the Turks or that Impious Policy of some who think no Government firm and secure unless its Foundation be mix'd with the Blood of all such who have but the least Pretensions to it as if that like Cement or Mortar fasten'd the Stones of the Building For the said Reason almost all Nations preferr Succession to Election well knowing that an Interregnum is liable to Dissentions and Civil Wars and that 't is safer to accept a Prince than to seek one 5 Minori discrimine sumi principem quà m quaeri Tac. 1. Hist. Wherefore since Succession is best 't is most agreeable to follow the Course of Nature preferring him whom she first sent into the World so that neither Minority nor any other Natural Defect is a sufficient Objection to this Right especially when there are greater Inconveniencies attend the admittance of another of which the Scriptures afford us very many Examples There is the same Reason and Right for the Succession of Women to the Crown in default of Heirs Male for otherwise the Crown would be subject to Divisions by Collateral Pretensions And though the Salique Law under the Pretence of the Frailty and Imbecility of that Sex if it mayn't rather be call'd the Envy and Ambition of Men does contrary to the many glorious Examples of the Valour and Conduct of the Female Sex urge many Inconveniencies which may seem to exclude them from the Administration yet is there none so weighty as to balance the Advantage of preventing an Interregnum Nay there are strong Reasons why they ought to be admitted it preventing Pretensions and Civil Wars about the Succession And besides matching the Heiress to some Great Prince there acceeds a considerable Addition to the Crown as it happen'd to the Kingdom of Castile and the House of Austria If the above-mention'd Inconveniencies are ever of weight 't is in small Principalities where the Heiress marrying with other Princes the Family may become extinct and one State be confounded with the other EMBLEM LXXI WHAT does not Labour overcome It subdues Iron softens Brass draws out Gold into the finest Wire and cuts the hardest Diamonds A soft Rope does by continual Motion wear the Marble Edge of the Well By this Consideration St. Isidore when he apply'd himself to Study overcame the Dulness of his Genius What Fort was ever so strong as that Assiduity could not conquer it The continued Force of that Engine which the Ancients call'd a Ram would make a Breach in the thickest and strongest Walls And we see now a-days that Castles though defended by Artillery Walls Ramparts and Ditches are at last forced to yield to the Spade and Mattock No Difficulty retards or checks a Constant Spirit The Temple of Glory is not situated in a delightful Valley nor in a delicious Plain but upon a rugged Mountain's Top not to be arriv'd at but by rough uncouth Paths over-run with Thorns and Brambles The Temples of Minerva Mars and Hercules Deities glorious for their Vertue were not built of Corinthian or Carv'd Work finely imbellish'd with curious Engravings as were those of Flora and Venus but after the Dorick Fashion rough and unpolish'd Nor did the Cornices and Chapiters of the Pillars shew any thing but that they were built by Labour and Industry not by Luxury and Ease 'T was not the Ship Argos's lying at Anchor in Port that preferr'd it to the Skies but it s daring the Wind and Sea and resolutely exposing it self to all Dangers and Difficulties Never did any Prince Enlarge his Territories by Effeminacy Luxury and Ease Labour Traffick and Industry are necessary to all but to none more than to a Prince for others are born only for themselves but a Prince for All. A Kingdom is not an Office of Repose and Rest. Certain Courtiers once were discoursing before Alphonso King of Arragon and Naples against the necessity of a Prince taking Pains Do you think then says he that Nature gave Princes Hands to do nothing That wise Prince had doubtless considered the admirable Composure of them their Joins their Readiness to open and their Strength to hold and also their mutual Aptness to do whatever the Mind proposes being as it were the Instruments of all Arts Whence he concluded that this exquisite Structure was not accidental or merely for no Use but for Pains and Toil Labour and Industry The Prince whose Hands are careless and unclinched will soon drop his Sceptre and give his Courtiers opportunity of catching at it As it befell King Iohn II. who so wholly gave himself up to the Diversions of Poetry and Musick that he could not endure the Weight of Affairs and either carelesly transacted them himself or left 'em totally to the Management of his Ministers rather chusing this sottish Ease than the glorious Labour of Government not at all regarding the Examples of his Heroick Predecessors So we often find that the Vertue and ardent Courage of Ancestors is wholly extinguish'd in their Posterity by the Luxury and Voluptuousness of Empire and so the Race of great Princes becomes degenerate as we see in Horses when they are remov'd from a dry and lean Pasture into one too fat and fertile This Consideration mov'd Frederick King of Naples upon his Death-bed to write to his Son the Duke of Calabria to inure his Body to Military Exercise and not suffer himself to be debauch'd by Pleasures nor vanquish'd by Difficulties and Dangers * Mar. Hist. Hisp. l. 28. 11. Labour and Employment is as it were the Anchor of the Mind without which it would be toss'd about with the Waves of Passion and dash'd to pieces upon the Rocks of Vice God enjoyn'd Labour to Man as a Punishment yet so as it might be at the same time the Means of his Quiet and Prosperity 1 Gen. 3. 19. Those Foundations and noble Superstructures of the Monarchies of the Medes Assyrians Greeks and Romans were not founded by Sloth and Laziness but by Toil and Labour It was that which so long supported their Grandeur 't is this which still preserves Oeconomies in Kingdoms For since it partly depends upon the mutual Assistance of Peoples Labours when they flag all those Conveniencies at the
Hist. But in the fore-mention'd Case of Germanicus the Demands of the Mutineers ought to be comply'd with though violent and unreasonable that their Fury might have been qualified or that he might have had some honourable Pretence to wave their Punishment He knew the Injustice and Inconvenience of a general Punishment and that it would of necessity involve the Innocent But though it could not wholly be avoided it seemed not to be done by his Command but was rather to be imputed to Chance and the Fury of the Seditious 20 Nec Caesar arâ—ebat quando nihil ipsius jussu penes â—osdâ—â— saevitia facti invidia â—rat Tac 1. Annal. The fault of the Minister ought to be excused as a piece of Policy when by Popular Constraint he becomes Head of the Sedition that he may afterwards when their Fury begins to abate with more ease reduce them to Obedience So Spurinna gave way to the Soldiers Rage and pretended to Countenance them that he might preserve his Authority among them when they began to repent 21 Fit temeritâ—â—â—â— alienae comes Spurinna primo coactus mox velle simulans quo plus auctoâ—itatâ—â— inesseâ— consiliis si seditio mitescereâ— Tac. 2. Hist. Sometimes the People upon pretence of Preservation of their Liberties and Privileges encroach upon the Royal Prerogative A piece of Arrogance that ought by no means to be connived at lest they should thence become more saucy In this Case the Punishment of the Delinquents should be speedy and the Heads of the Promoters stuck up as a Terrour to the rest when they least think on 't For there is nothing quells their Insolence more than the Punishment of their Leaders 22 Neque 〈◊〉 glisâ—entis discordiae remedium quà m si unus altâ—â—ve maximè prompti subverterentâ—r Tac. 4. Annal. it being an approved Truth That the Body of the Mobb dare attempt nothing without them 23 Nihil ausuram plebem principibus amotâ—â— Tac. 1. Annal. Ramirus King of Arragon being embroil'd in the Insurrections of his People ask'd Advice of the Abbot of Tomer Who gave him no Answer but with his Switch imitating Periander 24 Nam Periander caduceatori per quem Thrasybulus consilium ejus exquirebat nihil respondisse fertur sed sâ—icis eminentibus sublatis segetem adâ—quasse Arist. Pol. 3. c. 9. lopt off the Heads of the Tallest Flowers in his Garden where he was then walking and by that shew'd him what he was to do Upon which he Beheading the chief Authors of the Rebellion and restor'd Peace to his Kingdom The same was the Advice of Don Lopez Barrientos to King Henry IV. Yet will it be convenient to use this Method with such Moderation as that the Execution may fall but on few But those who cannot be punish'd must be conniv'd it or so dealt with as that their Affections may be gain'd as we read Otho did when his Army Mutiny'd 25 Eâ— oratio ad perstringendos mulcendosque militum animos severitatis modus neque enim in plures quà m in duos animadverti jusserat gratè accepta compositique ad praesens qui coerceri non poterant Tac. 1. Hist. Severity with Moderation appeases all Commotions For when the Bad begin to fear the Good will obey as Vocula found who in a general Mutiny of the Legions punish'd but one Man 26 Et dum mali pavent optimuâ—â—â—isque jussis paruere Tac. 4. Hist. The Method also of the Punishment ought to be so mild as not to give the People occasion to resent it as a National Grievance for that would make them more Resolute Slavery Wounds and all the Miseries of War were not so grievous to the Germans as that Trophy which Germanicus erected out of the Spoils of the Rebellious Provinces 27 Haud periâ—de Germanos vulâ—era luctus excidia quà m ea species dolore ira adfecit Tacit. 2. Annal. Ferdinand Duke d'Alba did not forget this Precept when he erected a Statue of the Rebels Heads Nor had he omitted it though he had read or heard that Vitellius would not put to Death Iulius Civilis a Man of great Authority among the Dutch lest he should thereby alienate the Minds of that Warlike People 28 Iulius igitur Civilis periculo exemptus praepotens inter Bataâ—â—s ne supplicio ejus ferox gens alienaretur Tac. 1. Hist. for he thought a severe Animadversion more proper which nevertheless created no Disturbance though there were not wanting those who urg'd it as an Aggravation to make that People revolt There is another sort of Disobedience which proceeds from a too zealous and inconsiderate Fidelity in which case the Subjects are to be brought to their Duty by benign and mild Means Such as Iohn II. King of Arragon us'd in an Insurrection at Barcelona upon the Death of his Son Prince Charles For he wrote to that City That unless compell'd by Necessity he would never use violent Methods but that if they would return to their Obedience he would use them as his own Children This Mildness and his Promise of a General Pardon reduced them all to their Devoir A Prince ought always to discover an Inclination to Clemency for without Hopes of that Criminals grow desperate For which Reason Valentinus after he had mov'd the People of Treves to a Rebellion order'd the Roman Embassadors to be kill'd that he might by the Peoples Despair strengthen his Crime 29 Quo minor spes veniae cresceret vinculum sceleris Tac. 4. Hist. Sedition turns to Obstinacy where there is no Hopes of Pardon and the Seditious had rather die Rebels than Malefactors Upon this account those who follow'd the Faction of Vitellius were Pardon'd 30 Tac. 4. Hist. This Generosity is particularly necessary in Insurrections of the Mobb This King Ferdinand the Holy us'd in the Commotions of Castile and Iohn I. in the Convention of the States of Guadalajara pardoning all those who sided with the Portuguese But if a Prince has lost his Reputation and is in contempt with his Subjects then I confess Clemency will be of small use nay those very Remedies which should cure these Wounds do more exulcerate and render them incurable For his Authority once lost he can neither maintain the Severity of Punishment nor terrifie the Offenders by Example so that he must give way to his Misfortunes and as prudently as he can circumvent them by Policy and Stratagem Thus Vocula did when he saw he was unable to punish the Mutinous Legions 31 Sed vires ad coercendum deerant in frequentibus infidisque Legionibus c. Tac. 4. Hist. For the same Reasons King Iohn II. releas'd those Noblemen whom he had in Prison Nor are those Favours and Benefits more effectual in appeasing Seditions which proceed from a Prince who has lost his Reputation For the Receiver either imputes them to Cowardice or persists in Rebellion to preserve them 32 Nihil spei nisi per
discordias habeant Tac. 11. Annal. and sometimes sets up another King by whose Protection he may enjoy them As did those who Conspired against King Henry IV. for they would never be obliged by his Favours though never so great and numerous When a Prince resolves to quench the Fire of Sedition 't will be conducive that those Resolutions should be thought to proceed from his own Vertue not from the Persuasions of others for the People are generally more Incens'd when they find the Prince does nothing but by the Instigation of his Ministers But when a General Pardon is once granted the Prince ought punctually to observe it wholly forgetting all former Offences and Injuries for otherwise he would give occasion for fresh Commotions As Ferdinand King of Naples did when he offer'd to punish some Noblemen whom he had already pardon'd and who had put themselves under the Protection of King Ferdinand the Catholick But if they are afterwards found Delinquent they should be punish'd with the utmost Rigour of the Law to curb them and prevent others from abusing the Prince's Authority In these and all other Remedies there is nothing more useful than Expedition 33 Nihil in discordiis civilibus festinatione tutiâ—s â—â—i facto magìs quam conâ—ulto opus est Tac. 1. Hist. For the People grow Arrogant and Saucy when their Insolence meets wiâ—h no Check nor Opposition Time confirms them in their Revolt and makes those who were Dubious declare for them and so endangers the most Loyal Therefore Artabanus endeavoured with utmost Speed and Diligence to compose the Commotions of his Kingdom 34 Pergit properus praâ—veniens inimicoâ—um actus amicorum â—â—â—â—iteâ—tiam Tac. 6. Annal. As Seditions are suddenly raised they ought suddenly to be remedied There is more need of Action than of Consultation before the Venom takes Root and spreads When the People are once us'd to Murther Rapine and all other Ills that Sedition brings with it 't is very difficult to recall and pacifie them This King Henry well knew when upon the Death of his Brother King Peter he immediately seized upon the chief Cities and Garrisons of the Kingdom and by this Diligence soon establish'd its Tranquility Seditions therefore and Civil Wars being Distempers which consume the Life of the State 35 Paul ad Gal. 5. 15. and enervate the Prince by the Losses which he receives and the Gratuities which he is oblig'd to give 't is the best way to compose them upon any Terms This mov'd King Ferdinand the Catholick to agree with Alphonso King of Portugal in his Pretensions to the Crown of Castile For in such Disorders the Weakest and most Oppress'd are strongest 36 Quippe iâ— turbis discordiis pessimo cuique plurima vis Tac. 4. Hist. Princes are at the Discretion of those who have their Arms in their Hands and the Soldiers have more Authority than their Commanders 37 Civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere Tac. 2. Hist. EMBLEM LXXIV ANIMALS naturally endeavour nothing but the Preservation of their Individuals and if at any time they injure one another 't is generally from that Reason and a certain Natural Fierceness which is not subject to the Command of Reason On the contrary Man animated with that Celestial Flame which gives him the Command of all Things easily persuades himself that he is not born only to live but also to enjoy all those Things even beyond the Bounds which Reason has prescribed him and his Imagination being cheated by the false Appearance of Good seeks this Enjoyment in several Objects and therein places his Felicity and Satisfaction Some think it consists in Riches others in Dainties and Luxury others in Dominion and every one in what the Errors of his Appetite or Fancy suggest for the Enjoyment of which they apply those Means which their rambling and unquiet Minds prompt 'em to though never so unjust 1 Vnâ— ac ca vetus causa bellandi profunda libido imperii dâ—â—â—tiarum Sal. in Cons. Catil Whence proceed Murthers Rapine and Tyranny which make Man the most unjust of all Animals And since one cannot be secure from another several kind of Arms were invented to repell Villany and preserve Innocence and Liberty and so War was introduced into the World 2 Iam. 4. 1. This was the Original of this Monster unless it came from Hell after the Fall of the Rebellious Angels War is so hateful to God that he would not permit David as Just as he was to build the Temple because he had shed much Blood 3 1 Chron. 22. 8. All good Princes dread it as knowing the various Events and Success thereof 4 2 Sam. 11. 25. War disturbs the Order and Harmony of States changes Religion violates Justice silences the Laws destroys Friendship and Relation makes Arts forgot Agriculture cease ruines Trade depopulates Cities and alters Governments King Alphonso calls Wars the Alienation from Peace the Disturber of Quiet and the Destruction of Order A Civil War is like a Burning Fever which soon scorches up the State A Foreign War cuts its Veins and dreins it of its Riches Strength and Vigour War is a Vice contrary to Reason Nature and the End of Man for God created him after his own Image and gave him the Command of all Things here below not to destroy them by War but to preserve 'em by Peace He did not create him for War but Peace not for Rage but Quiet not to Ruine but to Preserve For which Reason he sent him into the World Naked without Arms to offend others or a thick Hide to defend himself so indigent of the Assistance and Government of others that even in his most flourishing Estate he can't subsist without foreign Aid This Necessity oblig'd him to Society and Civil Correspondence from which by the Joint-Labour of all he might be supply'd with necessary Conveniencies for Life and that this Politick Felicity might unite all in the firmest Bonds of mutual Friendship and that one Country haughty with its own Riches might not disdain Communication with the rest he has shar'd his Blessings among all Wheat he has given to Sicily Wine to Crete Purple to Tyre Silk to Calabria Aromaticks to Arabia Gold and Silver to Spain and the West-Indies Diamonds Pearls and Spices to the East-Indies The Desire and Want of the Riches and Rarities creating Commerce by which the whole World became as one common House and that they might understand one another in this Correspondence and mutually express their Affections of Love and Benevolence he endued them with a Voice Articulate smooth and pleasant to explain their Conceptions Laughter to shew their Satisfaction Tears to shew their Sorrow Hands to exert their Faith and Liberality Knees their Submission and Obedience Which are all Tokens of a Civil Benign and Pacifick Animal But those Animals which Nature designed for War she created with Arms Offensive and Defensive for that
Abilities and that they penetrate all things report to the Prince for Certainty not that which is but that which they fansie may be they are too prone to Suspicions which they form from the least Shadow and then give credit to them whence proceed great Equivocations and Errors and is the chief cause of Quarrels and Wars among Princes for no Minister but has Power to promote Broils and Discord 2 In turbâ—s discordiâ—s pessâ—mo cuique plurima vis Tac. 4. Hist. Let Princes therefore be cautious of giving Credit to the first Relations of their Ministers but compare them first with those they receive from others And to form a more certain Judgment of what is written to them let them be perfectly acquainted with their Humour and Genius and with their Method of Conceiving Things whether they act by private Interest and Passion for it happens sometimes that the Minister is taken with a Love for the Country or Prince with whom he Treats and thinks all things Right and Just and sometimes suffers himself to be oblig'd by their Favours and Civilities and being naturally Grateful is of their Side and acts their Cause Sometimes is deluded by plain Appearances and by contrary Reports cunningly spread and so easily deceives his Prince for there is none more apt to deceive others than one who has been impos'd upon before Many Ministers are mov'd by slight Reasons or by some Passion or private Aversion which disturbs their Judgments and turn every thing to ill There are some also naturally enclin'd to Misconstrue all Actions and Designs whereas others are so Frank and Generous that they think nothing ill design'd Both the one and the other are dangerous and these last not less so than the others Sometimes the Minister thinking it part of his Duty to discover to the Prince his Enemies and that by that means he shall gain the Character of a Zealous and Understanding Person becomes so nicely suspicious that no one is safe from his Tongue and Pen and to make his Surmises and Apprehensions sure gives occasion by his Distrust to Friends to become Enemies to the great Detriment of the Prince to whom it were much better to have a good Confidence in all or for the Minister to apply Remedies to cure not to infect the Minds and Wills of the Subject Ministers also weary of Embassies that they may retire to enjoy the Conveniencies and Ease of a Domestick Life stick not to promote a Rupture between the Princes they assist or at least to suggest Counsels not less pernicious Princes are much deceived who think their Ministers act always as Ministers and not as Men. If it were so they would be much better served and find less Inconveniencies But they are Men and their Office does not strip 'em of their Inclination to Ease and to the Pleasures of Love Anger Revenge and other Affections and Passions which Zeal nor Duty are not always capable to correct But let Princes be apprized that those who can't seduce Good and Loyal Ministers for that they fathom their Artifices and Counsels and know what is their Prince's Interest what not they traduce them as Distrustful Passionate Perverse and Obstinate and therefore endeavour to remove them from the Management of Affairs and to introduce others less Knowing or to treat immediately with the Prince himself tendring him specious Propositions which oblige him to Resolves more prejudicial He must not give the least grounds to any one to think that he can't change the course of Affairs or displace Ministers for if such Thoughts take place the Prince will be ill served For such Confidence causes Disdain and Disobedience in the Accuser and the Fear of it discourages the Minister The Errors of these are less dangerous than those to admit the Accusations against them especially if they are Foreigners And were they true yet 't is more Prudence to deferr the Remedy till he from whom they came can't ascribe it to himself EMBLEM LXXVII THE farther those two Luminaries of Day and Night are distant from each other the greater their Influence and Light is Below But when they are in Conjunction their being Brethren does not prevent the one from obscuring the other's Rays and such Eclipse creates Shadows and Inconveniencies to the Earth Princes by the benefit of their Ministers and Letters maintain and uphold mutual Correspondence with each other But if they should Conferr Personally with one another their Interview would create shadows of Suspicion and Jealousie which would put all their States in Confusion for that they never find in one another what they promis'd to themselves and that neither measures himself by his own Rule but pretends always to much more than his Due An Interview of two Princes is almost like a Duel in which they fight with Ceremonies each endeavouring to conquer t'other The Families of each assist at the Engagement like two Hostile Troops each being zealous for his Prince's Triumph over the other in Personal Accomplishments or Grandeur and as in such a number all can't be Men of Prudence some light Expression or slight Affront causes Dissatisfaction in the rest So it happen'd in the Interview between King Henry and Lewis XI of France in which the Spaniards exceeding them in Pomp and Greatness and scouting the Meanness and Slovenliness of the French those two Nations departed Enemies who had till then maintain'd a good Correspondence together * Mar. Hist. Hisp. The Hatred between Germanicus and Piso was private till they saw one another 1 Discesserâ—ntque opertis Odiis Tac. 2. Anâ—al The Interview between Ferdinand IV. of Castile and Dionysius his Father-in-Law King of Portugal caused great Disorders as did that of King Philip I. and King Ferdinand And though the Meeting of Iames I. and King Alphonso produced very good Effects yet is it the safest way for Princes to manage their Affairs by Embassadors Sometimes Favourites sow Discord between the Prince and those of the Blood-Royal as we have before observ'd of which there are many Examples in our Histories Don Lopez de Haro procured a Separation between King Sancho the Strong and the Queen his Consort The Domesticks of Queen Catharine Mother to King Iohn II. incens'd her against the Infant Don Ferdinand Don Alvarez de Lara endeavoured thereby to keep the Government in his own Hands to persuade King Henry I. that his Sister Queen Berenguela design'd to poison him Those who were interested in the Quarrels between the Infant Sancho and King Alphonso the Wise his Father took what care they cou'd to prevent their Meeting and Agreement The Grandees of Castile hindred the Reconcilement of King Iohn II. to his Son Henry Don Alvarez de Luna that of King Iohn of Navarre to his Son Prince Carlos of Viana The Favourites of King Philip I. dissuaded him from an Interview with King Ferdinand Such Artifices we have seen us'd in France in these Times to the Detriment of that Kingdom and
severity did he revenge the Injury King Hamm did to his Ambassadors David had sent them to comfort the King for the Death of his Father but he groundlesly suspecting they came rather to spy out the State of his Kingdom sent them away with the one half of their Beards shaved off and their Garments obscenely cut off in the middle David a Man otherwise very peaceable could not brook this Affront but made War against him and all the Cities of his Kingdom which he took he utterly demolished and the People that were therein to use the Scriptureâ— words he brought forth and put them under Saws and 〈◊〉 Harrows of Iron and under Axes of Iron and 〈◊〉 them pass through the Brick-kiln 12 2 Sam. 12. 31. This may seeâ— to be Cruelty and an Excess of Anger to any oneâ— that knows not that the Wounds injuries make 〈◊〉 fometimes to be so cured as not so much as 〈◊〉 should be left Artaxerxes threatned Fire and Swoâ—â— to some Cities if they obey'd not an Edict he had puâ—â—lished resolving if they refused to make so severe 〈◊〉 Example of their Contempt and Disobedience as shoulâ— extend to Brutes as well as Men 13 Esth. â— 24. The most 〈◊〉 God taught us this piece of Policy when with the 〈◊〉 most Rigour yet without prejudice to his Infinite Mâ—â—cy he punished the Syrians Army for blasphemouâ—â— calling him the God of the Hills 14 Because the Syrians have said the Lord is the God of the Hills but he is not God of the Vallies therefore will I deliver this great multitude into thine hand and ye shall know that I am the Lord 1 Kings 20. 28. The Supreme Authority and Power of Princes makes a part of a Commonwealth so that they can't put up Affronts and Injuries at all times That Anger too is praise-worthy in Princes and profitable to a State which kindled by Incentives of Glory elevates the Mind to difficult and noble Enterprizes for without it nothing extraordinary nothing great can be undertaken much less perfected and accomplished That that is it which nourishes the Heart of generous Spirits and raises it above its self to despise Difficulties The Academicks called it the Whetstone Plutarch the Companion of Virtue But particularly in the beginning of his Reign the Prince ought to lay aside Anger and forget past Injuries as Sancho Sirnamed the Brave did when the Succession of the Crown of Castile fell to him With Government a Prince changes as 't were his Nature why should he not also his Affections and Passions 'T were an Abuse of Government to take Revenge of one who already acknowledges himself your Subject Let the Person offended think he has Satisfaction in having got Authority over him who before injured him Fortune could not give him a nobler kind of Revenge So Lewis XII King of France thought and therefore when some perswaded him to revenge the Injuries he had received while Duke of Orleans he made answer That it did not become the King of France to revenge the Quarrels of the Duke of Orleans Particular Injuries done to his Person not Dignity a Prince ought not to vindicate with his utmost Power for though they seem inseparable yet 't is convenient to make some Distinction between them least Majesty become odious and too formidable To this tended that of Tiberius when he said That if Piso had committed no other Crime but the rejoycing at Germanicus's Death and his grief for it he would revenge those Injuries done him as a private Person not as a Prince and in a publick Capacity 15 Nam si legatus officii terminos obsequium erga Imperatorem exuit ejusdemque morte c. luctu meo laetatus est odero seponamque â— domo meâ privatas inimicitias non Principis ulciscar Tac. 3. Ann. On the other side those done to his Dignity or Publick Station he ought not to vindicate as a private Person so as in a transport of Passion to think his Honour and Reputation lost except he have immediate Satisfaction especially when it were fitter to be deferred for Anger should not be a Motion of the Mind but of the Publick Good and Advantage King Ferdinand the Catholick undoubtedly had this before him when the King of Granada refused to pay him Tribute as his Ancestors had done and withal insolently sent him word that they were long since dead that in his Mints they laboured not to Coin Silver or Gold but Forge Swords and Launces †Marian. Hist. Hisp. lib. 24. cap. 16. Ferdinand concealed his Resentment of this Liberty and Arrogance for a time and made a Truce with him deferring Revenge till his Affairs were more quiet and settled in which he consulted more the Publick Good than his own Particular Affections 16 A Fool 's wrath is presently known but a prudent Man covereth shame Lat. Vers. Injuriam dissimulat Prov. 12. 16. Nor is it less prudent to dissemble Anger when one has reason to presume that a time will come when it will be for our disadvantage to have shown it For that reason King Ferdinand the Catholick though highly affronted by the Grandees of his Kingdom yet when he abdicated that of Castile and retreated into Arragon very discreetly concealed that Indignation of Mind took no notice of the Injuries he had received but shewed himself friendly and affectionate to all as if he then foresaw he should be sometime restored to his Kingdom as indeed it afterwards happened A generous Mind hides its Resentments of Injuries and strives not by the impetuousness of Anger but rather by noble Actions to smother them the best certainly and a truly heroical kind of Revenge When King Ferdinand the Holy besieged Sevil a certain Nobleman reproached Garcias Perez de Vargas for wearing a waved Shield which was not allowed his Family he then pretended to take no notice of the Affront till the Siege of Triana where he fought with so much Valour that he brought his Shield back stuck with Darts then returning to his Rival who was then in a secure Post and shewing him the Shield You have reason says he to think much that I wear this Shield that expose it to so many Dangers without doubt no one deserves it beyond your self who would take so much care to preserve it Those ordinarily bear Affronts most patiently who are the least subject to give them nor is it a less Virtue to Conquer this Passion than an Enemy To kindle a Prince's Anger is no less dangerous than to set Fire to a Mine or Petard and though it be done in our own behalf 't is prudence to moderate it especially if against Persons in Power for such Anger 's generally fall on the Author's own Head This was the reason the Moors of Toledo took so much pains to pacify King Alphonso the Sixth's Wrath against the Archbishop of that place and the Queen who had taken without his Order their Mosque from them
taken up in Law there want Men to manure the Ground for Offices and War A few good support many bad and many bad lord it over the few good The Courts of Judicature are Harbours for Pirates and Receptacles for Thieves Those very Men who should be the Assertors of the Peoples Liberty are the heaviest Fetters of their Slavery 12 Deditque jura queis pace Principe uteremur acriora ex 〈◊〉 vincula inditi custodes Tac. 3. Ann. Too many Laws are not less pernicious to a State than Vices 13 Vtque antehac ftagitiis ita nunc legibus laborabatur Tac. 3. Ann. He who makes many Laws sets many Traps in which all must be caught So Caligula when he had a design upon the Innocent established many Laws written in so small a Character that they could be hardly read And Claudius published Twenty in one day which so puzzled the People that 't was more difficult to know than to observe them Therefore Aristotle said That few Laws were sufficient for the weightest Cases and that the rest ought to be left to natural Reason Nothing is so prejudicial to State as multiplicity of Laws Hence God threatened Israel as a Punishment for their Sins that he would multiply their Laws 14 Because Ephraim hath made many Altars to Sin Altars shall be unto him to Sin Scribaâ—â—i multiplices leges meas says the Latin Version Hos. 8. 11 12. To what purpose is it to make an Addition of new Laws upon every slight occasion when there is no case which has not happ'ned before nor any inconveniency which has not been already consider'd of and by Observation and Experience provided for Those which are now introduc'd into Castile as new may be all found in the Ancient Records The Observation of these would be much more agreeable to the People and would create less Odium to the Prince than the Promulgation of other new ones In those Judgment acquiesces in these 't is dubious and unsteady those seem to be founded with care the Authority of these is questionable those may safely be renew'd these can't be introduc'd without danger To make Experiments of new Medicines is dangerous to Health and Life many Herbs before the way of preparing them were known were Poison Better is that State govern'd whose Laws though imperfect are settled than that which is continually changing them The Ancients to intimate that Laws ought to be perpetual wrote them upon Tables of Brass 15 Vsus â—ris ad perpetuitatem monumentoâ—um jampridem translatus est tabulis aereis in quibus constitutiones publicae inciduntur and God engrav'd them with his Eternal Finger upon Stone 16 And he gave unto Moses when he had made an end of communing with him upon Mount Sinai two Tables of Testimony Tables of Stone written with the Finger of God For this reason Augustus advis'd the Senate that they should preserve their Laws intire without altering them for that tho' they were bad they were more beneficial to the State than new ones 17 Positas semel leges constanter servate nec ullam earum immutate nam quae in suo statu eademque maâ—â—nt etsi deteriora sint tamen utiliâ—ra sunt Reipublicae his quae per innovationem vel meliora indacuntur Dion l. 52. There is no Kingdom but is provided with Laws sufficient but care ought to be taken least the variety of Interpretations should render them ambiguous and obscure and occasion Disputes and Controversies This ought to be prevented which might with â—ase be done in Spain if some King upon this account not less a Restorer than Pelagius would abbreviate all Processes and leaving the Civil Law would make use only of those of the Kingdom which are not less prudent and learned than just and reasonable This King Recesewind meant when in one of his Laws he said Also King Alphonsus the Wise commanded his Iudges This their Majesties Ferdinand and Ioan afterwards confirm'd as did King Alarick who laid severe Penalties upon the Judges for admitting the Pleas of the Roman Laws Nor does it a little derogate from Supream Jurisdiction to be govern'd by Foreign Laws To this I foresee two Objections first that if these Laws were written in Spanish the Latin Tongue would be lost and the Lawyers would apply themselves wholly to the Study and Explanation of them only besides that without the knowledge of the Civil Law from whence they are deriv'd they could not be well understood The other is that since the Civil Law is Common to almost all Europe according to which causes ought to be decided and that the Rights and Privileges of Princes are often to be determinâ—d in Foreign Parliaments and Courts of Judicature it will be very necessary to have Men well vers'd in the said Law Which inconveniences will be easily remedied by erecting and indowing some places for Civil Lawyers in the Universities as though upon different Motives King Ferdinand did But if this can't be effected the foremention'd inconveniences may be thus remedied first by prohibiting such a vast number of Books to be imported which serve only to clear the Pockets not the understanding nor is Printing any thing else now-a-days but Merchandize and Trade This variety confounds the Senses embarrasses and puzzles the Judgment 'T would be more adviseable where the written Laws are not full enough for the Decision of any Controversy to be guided by Reason that living Law rather than to grope for Justice in the obscurity of such diversity of Opinions equally favourable to each side and subject to Subornation and Passion Next by shortening the tedious Methods of the Law as King Philip the Second design'd to do at Milan when he consulted with the Senate about that Affair In which he not only respected the good of the Subject but also that in that State which is the Bullwark of the Kingdom there might be more Men of the Sword than the Gown The same was attempted by the Emperors Titus and Vespasian Charles the Fifth their Catholick Majesties Peter King of Portugal James the first of Arragon and Lewis the Eleventh of France none of them being 〈◊〉 to effect it nor can any one else hope to bring 〈◊〉 about since for the reforming the Practice of the â—â—nch the Judges themselves must be of Counsel whose Interest it is to prolong Suits as 't is that of Soldiers to continue War 'T was pure necessity oblig'd the most Serene Queen Isabel of her own accord to make use of this Remedy when being at Sevil harrass'd with vexatious Appeals she commanded all Suits depending to be by the assistance of able and learned Men decided in her presence without the noise of the Bar and that Accumulation of Informations and Processes and truly successfully enough as experience has shewn The Cantons of Switzerland are very prudently govern'd because there are no Lawyers among them the Witnesses are heard and without writing down any thing except the
of Ecclesiasticks and religious Orders should exceed the Laity which should support 'em it would not be of great Detriment even to the Church it self The Council of Lateran in the time of Innocent III. provided a Remedy for this Inconveniency by prohibiting the Introduction of new Religions 3 Ne nimia Religionum diversitas gravâ—m in Ecclesia Dei confusionem iâ—ducat firmiter prohibemus nequis de câ—terâ— novam Religionem invenâ—at c. Conc. Later The Royal Counsel of Castile also perswaded his Majesty to request of the Pope that there might be none admitted into any Convent under the Age of sixteen years and not be ordain'd under twenty but pretended Piety and nice Scruples of Conscience easily pass over these Inconveniencies But this Proportion in those who are design'd for Business or Speculation will be of small use unless the Prince also take Care of the Nurseries of the Commonalty which should produce a sufficient number of well qualified Citizens to succeed in the room of those whom Death daily takes off The Ancients were always very careful of Propagation that each Individual might be succeeded by another Of the necessity of this the Romans in particular were so well satisfied that they not only proposed Rewards for Procreation but also looked upon a single Life as infamous Germanicus the better to oblige the People to revenge his Death among the rest of the Services he had done the Government he urg'd that he had six Children by his Wise 4 Ostendite populo Romano Divi Augusti neptem eandemque conjugeâ—â— meam numerate sex liberos Tac 2. ann Tiberius also told it as a good Omen to the Senate that Drusus's Wife was brought to Bed of Twins 5 Nulli ante Romanoruâ—â— ejusdem fastigii viro gâ—â—inam stirpem editam Tac. 2. ann The Strength of Kingdoms consists in the number of Subjects and he is the greatest Prince whose State is most populous not he whose Territories are largest For they of themselves can neither defend nor offend but by means of their Inhabitantsâ— on whom all their Glory depends The Emperour Adrian us'd to say That he had rather his Empire should abâ—und with Men than Riches and with a great deal of Reason for Riches without Subjects do only invite Wars without being able to defend themselves as on the contrary Subjects without Riches want neither Power to acquire or maintain them 6 Cum ampliari imperium â—ominum addâ—â—â—iionâ— potiùs quam pecuniarum copiâ— malim in the multitude of People is the King's Honour but in the want of People is the Destruction of the Prince 7 Prov. 14. 28. The Wise Alphonso would have a Prince take particular care to People his State and that not only with Commonalty but also with Nobility in which he judg'd with great Prudence for one without the other is like a Body without a Soul the Commonalty being insignificant without the Nobility which are their Life and by whose Example they learn to covet Glory and despise Danger It ought therefore to be a Prince's chief Care to preserve and maintain them As Augustus did who not only caus'd Hortalus to marry but also allowed wherewithall to his Quality that that Noble Family might not be extinct 8 Ne clarissima familia extingueretur Tac. 2. ann The Germans are very circumspect in this Point for which Reason they anciently gave no Portion with their Women 9 Dotem noâ— uxor marito sed uxori maritus affert Tac. de Mor. Germ. and even now give very small ones that their Vertue and Nobility might be their only Dowry and that their Lovers might respect the Endowments of their Minds and Bodies more than their Fortunes that Marriages might be sooner concluded without losing so much time in Fortune-Hunting for which Reason Lycurgus wholly prohibited the giving Dowries to Women and the Emperour Charles V. regulated them 't is said also that Aristotle reprehended the Laâ—edaemonians for giving such large Fortunes to their Daughters 10 Statuit virgines sine dote nubere jussit uxores eligerentur non pecunia Trog lib. 3. King Alphonso also advises that a Prince unless upon extraordinary occasions should not People his State with Foreigners and truly with a great deal of Reason for different Manners and Religions are the worst Domestick Enemies This made the Spaniards drive the Iews and Moors out of Spain Foreigners introduce with them their Vices and Errours and are ready upon every occasion to rise against the Natives 11 Quare qui inquilinos advenas antehac in Civitatem receperunt â—i magna ex parte seditionibus jactati sunt Arist. â— 5. pol. c. 3 But this Inconveniency would not be much to be fear'd if only Labourers and Husbandmen were admitted nay this is sometimes of great Advantage So the Grand Signior Selim sent a vast number of Labourers from Cairo to Constantinople The Poles having Elected Henry Duke of Anjou King among other Articles 't was agreed That he should bring with him several Families of Artificers Nebuchadnezzar upon the taking of Ierusalem carried away all the Men of might even seven thousand and Crafts Men and Smiths a thousand and all that were strong and kept for War even them the King of Babylon brought Captive to Babylon 12 2 Kings 24. 16. But because this method may be too troublesome and chargeable and also because such a Supply may be insufficient I will here set down the usual Causes of want of People in Nations And these are either internal or external External are Wars and Plantations War is a sort of Monster which feeds on humane Blood and since 't is the Interest of each State to maintain it abroad as the Romans did it must necessarily be done at the Expence of the Lives and Estates of the Subjects 13 Fuit proprium Pop. Rom. longe à domâ— bellare propugnaculum imperii sociorum fortunas â—on sua tecta defendere Cic. pro leg Man Neither can Plantations be long maâ—ntain'd without great Supplâ—es of Men as we have found in Spain for which Reason the Romans during the War with Hannibal and for some years after took little Care of planting new Colonies 14 Deiâ—dâ— neque dum Annibal in Italia moraretur nec proximis post excessum ejus annis vacavit Romanis Colonias â—â—ndere cum esset in bello conquirendus potius miles post bellum vires refâ—veâ—dae potius quam spergendae Vell. lib 1. they having more reason to recruit than weaken their Forces Velleius Paterculus esteem'd the planting Colonies out of Italy as very pernicious because being so far distant from the Heart of the Empire they could â—ot assist it upon occasion 15 In legibus Gracchâ— inter perniciosissima numâ—raverim quod extra Italiam Coloniâ—s posuit Vell. lib. â— The other Causes are Internal The principal of which are Taxes want of Husbandry and Trade and too great a number of Holy Days
that to defend and protect it self One Planet has more Force and Vigour in its own House than another in its Elevation Nor are these Fears of a Neighbouring Power always well grounded on the other side they often turn to its Advantage Italy was under Apprehensions of Slavery from the West when it saw the Kingdom of Sicily united to the Crown of Castile which were not a little augmented when Naples was added and both at once paid Obedience to Castile But when the Emperor Charles V. annexed the State of Milan to the Crown of Spain it seemed absolutely to Despair yet for all this the Princes lost not their Liberty on the contrary have been effectually preserv'd against the Turkish and Transalpine Arms and enjoy'd a whole Age of Peace The Fort de Fuentes built by the Spaniards was a great Eye-sore to many who look'd on it as a Bridle to Italy yet Experience has shew'd its only Design was their Defence But all these Examples are not sufficient to cure the Pannick Fears of that Hypochondria of State-Interest as they call it especially complicated with the ill Humours of Envy and Emulation so as to make it shake off those Melancholy Whimsies His Catholick Majesty lays Siege to Casal to dispossess the French of it and put it into the Hands of the right Owner to promote the Peace of Italy And what do the Envious but immediately enter into a new League to oppose him As if one City more or less were of any moment to so vast a Dominion From this false Apprehension of future Evils and Dangers which perhaps would never have really come to pass proceed other present ones much greater by the Anticipation of their Remedies Let such Persons then as are thus solicitous to poise the Balance of Governments lay aside their Emulations for it cannot be effected without prejudice to the Publick Repose Who can so keep the Globe of the World in this Equinox of Power that some shall not come nearer the Solstices of Grandeur than others Nations would be in perpetual War nothing giving more Disturbance to them than to be once possess'd with such empty Chimera's which never have an end especially since the Union of inferiour Powers against a Greater cannot be of long continuance And should they pull this down who will they find to share the Grandeur among them so that each shall be satisfy'd and not every one desire the Whole Who shall keep them so even that one shall not encrease faster than another Since Man's Body is preserved by the inequality of its Members why should not States as well by the Greatness of one and Mediocrity of another Commonwealth It is the securer Policy to follow the most Powerful and conform to their Fortune than to oppose them Opposition awakenâ— Power and gives a Pretence to Tyranny The Orbâ— of Heaven suffer themselves to be whirled by the Violence of the Primâ—m Mobile which they cannot resist and in following the Motion of that perform their own Course Ferdinand de Medicis Duke of Tuscany learn'd at Rome the Art of Molesting Superior Powers and practised it against Spain by certain new Devices in France England and Holland but he afterwards found the Danger of it and left it as a Lesson to his Successors never to use them which they observe to this day to the great Benefit of the Publick Tranquility EMBLEM LXXXII SOme adorned their Helmets with Swans and Peacocks by the Generosity of these Creatures to animate their Minds and inflame them with a Desire of Glory others with a Bear 's or Lion's Head letting the Skin hang down their Shoulders to strike Terror into their Enemies So that of this Device the Design of which is to shew what a Price the Prince ought to set upon Arms I have chosen for the Crest a Porcupine whose Quills no less agreeable for their Roughness than the Ostrich's Feathers are for their Smoothness at once Defend and Assault There 's no Garb more graceful than Armour adorned with Arms. The Splendour of Purple however sparkling with Gold Pearls and Diamonds is insignificant and the Magnificence of Palaces and Attendance and the Pomp of Courts useless except flaming Swords and the Glittering of Arms contribute to render Princes Illustrious Solomon the wisest of Kings gloried not so much in his costly Wardrobes as in his rich Arsenals which were stored with Shields and Targets of an inestimable Value 1 And King Solomon made two hundred targets of beaten gold six hundred shecklâ—s of beaten gold went to each target And he made three hundred shields of beaten gold and three hundred sheckles went to one shield 2 Chron. 9. 15 16. The Spaniards of old prized a War-Horse more than their Blood 2 Hispanis militares Eâ—â— sanguine ipsorum cariores erant Trog now that Esteem is sunk by the Convenience of Coaches and Chariots the Use of which was prohibited among the Romans to all but Senators and Ladies of Quality 3 Quibus quidem vehiculi◠〈…〉 spectatae probitatis alià s uti non licuit Alex. ab Alexanâ— l. 8. c. 18. To remedy which Abuses and once more introduce the Custom of Riding the Emperor Charles V. spoke thus in the Assembly of the States of Madrid in the Year 1534 The Natives of these Kingdoms said he have ever been esteemed and honoured both at Home and Abroad for their Skill in Chivalry and it is by this alone they have obtained so many glorious Victories over their Enemies as well Christians as Infidels conquered so many Kingdoms and Dominions as at this day depend on our Crown The Scripture says in the Praise of Men of Courage that their Shields are of Fire 4 And the shield of his mighty men is made red Naâ—um 2. 3. intimating how careful they are to keep them bright and well polish'd and in another place observes that their Rays reflected on neighbouring Mountains were like Lamps of Fire 5 Now when the sun shined upon the shields of gold and brass the mountains glistered therewith and shined like lamps of fire Macchab. 6. 39. David said a Sword added Grace even to the Majesty of God 6 Psal. 44. 4. Hannibal's Habit was mean and modest but in Equipage he surpass'd all others 7 Vestibus nihil inter aequales â—â—ellens arma aâ—que equi inspiciebantur The Emperor Charles V. took more delight in Military Pomp than in Robes embroider'd with Gold Ottocarus King of Bohemia being overcome by the Emperor Rodolphus came with great Splendour to swear Homage to him and as he was exhorted by his Attendance to deck himself as became his Majesty he replied Arm and March in Rank and File and shew these men that you place your Bravery and Gallantry not in Fine Cloaths but in your Arms for they best become both me and you That Majesty begets Princes most Authority which proceeds from Power The People chuse them for their Defence which was intimated by the