Treasure for that otherwise it was impossible the King should be fallen so farre behind hand whereupon hee was charged with the receit of 1109600. pound which amounted to more than a million of pounds besides a hundred thousand frankes paid unto him by Galeace Duke of Millaine for all which a sodaine account is demanded of him divers other accusations and misdemeanours were likewise charged against him and by meanes hereof Iohn a Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster questioning him in the Kings Courts for these misdemeanours William Skipwith Lord chiefe Justice condemned him as guilty of these accusations procured his temporalties to be taken from him and to be bestowed upon the young Priâ—ce of Wales and lastly commanded him in the Kings name not to come within twenty miles of the Court This happened in the yeare 1376. The next yeare the Parliament being assembled and Subsidies demanded of the Cleargy the Bishops utterly rufused to debate of any matter whatsoever till the Bishop of Winchester a principall member of that assembly might be present with him By this meanes Licence was obtained for his repaire thither and thither hee came glad he might be neere to the meanes of his reâ—titution But whether it were that he wanted money to beare the charge or to the intent to move commiseration or that he thought it safest to passe obscurely he that was wont to ride with the greatest traine of any Prelate in England came then very slenderly attended travelling through by-wayes as standing in doubt of snares his enemies might lay for him After two yeares trouble and the losse of ten thousand markes sustainâ—d by reason of the same with much adoe he obtainâ—â— restitution of his temporalties by the mediation of Aliâ—â— Piers a gentlewoman that in the last times of King Edâ—â—rd altogether possessed him Returning then unto Winchester he was received into the city with solemne procâ—â—sion and many signes of great joy Soone after his returne King Edward diedâ— and the Duke hoping bâ— reason of â—hâ—â—oung Kings nonage to workâ— some mâ—sâ—hiâ—fe unto this Bishop whom of all mortall men he most hated perhaps not without just reason began to rub up some of the old accusationsâ— with addiâ—ions of new complaints But the King thought good to be a meanes of reconciling these two personages and then was easily entreated under the broad Seale of England to pardon all those supposed offences wherewith the Bishop had heretofore beene charged This Bishop earnestly desiring to be made Bishop of VVinchester the King himselfe expâ—obrated to him the exilitie and smalenesse of his learning hee being no Scholler at allâ— but a surveyer of his buildings at first though laden with multitudes of pluralities to whom VVickham answered That albeit he were unlearned yet he was abâ—ut to bring forth a fâ—uitfull issue which should procreate very great store of learned men which was understood of those most ample Colledges he afterwards buâ—lt both at Oxford and VVinchesteâ— for which good works alone his name hath since beene famous and himselfe extolled above his deserts in other things which were but ill at best This Prelate having obtained divers goodly promotions which he acknowledged to have received rather as reward of service then in regard of any extraordinary desert otherwiseâ— he caused to be engraven in VVinchester Tower at VVinsor these words VVickhamâ— whereof when some complained to the King as a thing derogating from his honour that another should â—eeme to beare the charge of his buildings and the King in great displeasure reprehended him for it He answered that his meaning was not to ascribe the honour of that building to himselfe but his owne honour of preferments unto that buâ—lding not importing that VVicham made the Tower but that the Tower was the meanes of making VVickham and raising him from base estate unto those great places of honour he then enjoyed The Pope was now growne to that height of tyranny that he not onely placed but displaced Bishops at his pleasure And his meanes to do it was by translating them to some other Bishoppricke peradventure nothing worth at all Hee translated Henry Beauford from Lincolne to Winchester Iune 23. 1426. and made him Cardinall of S. Eusebius This Bishop was valiant and very wise Pope Martin the fiftâ— determining to make warre upon the Boâ—emians that had renounced all obedience unto the see of Rome made this Cardinall his Legate into that Country and appointed such forces as he could make to be at his commandement Toward the charges of this voyage the Cleargie of England gave a tenth of all their promotions and furnished out foure thousand men and more with this power he passed by France doing there some service for his Prince and Country into Bohemia the yeare 1429. There he remained certaine moneths behaving himselfe very valiantly till by the Pope he was discharged In his youth he was wantonly given and begate a base daughter named Iane upon Alice the daughter of Richard Earle of Arundell About the yeare of our Lord 1425. there fell out a great devision in the Realme of England which of a sparkle was like to have growne to a great flame by meanes of this Henry Beauford Bishop of Winchester Son to Iohn Duke of Lancaster by his third wife for whether this Bishop envied the authority of Humphry Duke of Glosterâ— Protector of the Realme or whether the Duke disdained at the riches and pompous estate of the said Bishop sure it is that the whole Realme was troubled with them and their partakers so that the citizens of London were faine to keepe dayly and nightly watches and to shut up their shops for feare of that which was doubted to have insued of their assembling of people about them The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Quimbre called the Prince of Portingale rode eight times in one day betweene the two parties and so the matter was staid for a time but the Bishop of Winchester to cleare himselfe of blame so farre as hee might and to charge his Nephew the Lord Protector with all the fault wrote a Letter to the Regent of France The 25. day of March a Parliament began at the Towne of Leicester where the Duke of Bedford openly rebuked the Lords in generall because that they in the time of warre through their privy malice and inward grudges had almost moved the people to warre and commotion in which time all men ought or should be of one minde heart and consent requiring them to defend serve and to dread their soveraigne Lord King Henry in performing his conquest in France which was in manner brought to conclusion In this Parliament the Duke of Glocester laid certaine Articles to the Bishop of Winchesters charge First Whereas hee being Protector and Defendor of this Land desired the Tower to be opened to him therein Richard VVoodvile Esquire having at that time the charge of the keeping of the Tower refused his desire and kept the same Tower against himâ—
as well in your Realme of France as in your Dutchie of Normandy and much other thing gone greatly as through the said colourable treatie and otherwise since the death of my brother of Bedford 14. Ite Now of late was sent another Embassador to Caleâ— by the labour and councell of the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke the cause why of the beginning is to me your sole Vncle and other Lords of your kin and Councell unknowne to your great charge and against the publike good of your Realme as it openly appeareth the which good if it be imployed for the defence of your Lands the marchandizes of the same might have had other courseâ— and your said lands not to have stood in so great mischiefe as they doe 15. Item after that to your great charge and hurt of both your Realmes the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke went to your said towne of Calis and divers Lords of your kin and of your Councell in their fellowship and there as there was naturall warre betweene the Duke of Orliance and the Duke of Burgonie for murther of their Fathers a capitall enmitie like to have endured for ever the said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke licenâ—ed and suffered the said Duke of Orleance to intreate and commune apart with Councell of your said adversaries as well as with the Douchies of Burgondâ—e by which meanes the peace and alliance was made betweene the two Dukes to the greatest forâ—eâ—â—ing of your said capitall adversaries that could be thought and consequently my deare redoubted Lord to your greatest charge and hurt to both your Realmes under colour of which treatie your said adversaries in meane time wonne your city of Meaux and the country thereabout and many divers roades made into your Duchie of Normandy to the great noysance and destruction of your people as it sheweth openly 16. Item The said Archbishop of Yorke sent with others into this your Realme from the said Cardinall had with your advers partie at your said Towne of Calis made at his comming into your notable presence at Winsor all the swasions and colour all motions in the most appâ—rent wise that he could to induee your Highnesse to your agreement to the desires of your capitall Adversaries as I saw there in your noble presence of his writing at which time as I understood it was his singular opinion that is to say that you should leave your right your title and your honour of your crowne and your nomination of King of France during certaine yeares and that you should utterly abstaine and be content onely in writing with Rex â—ngliae c. to the greatest note of infamie that ever fell to you or any of your noble Progenitors since the taking of them first the said title and right of your Realme and Crowne of France to which matter in your presence there after that it had like your said Hignesse to aske mine advise thereupon with other of your bloud and Counsell I answered and said that I would never agree thereto to die therefore and of the same disposition I am yet and will be while I live in conservation of your honour and of your oath made unto your said Crowne in time of your coronation there 17. Item The said Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke have so laboured unto your Highnesse that you should intend to a new day of convention in March or Aprill next comming where it is noised to be more against your worship then with it and where it was evident to all the world that the rupture and breaking of the said peace should have fallen heretofore of your adverse partie because of the great untruths now by that meanes it is like peradventure to be â—aid unto very great slander of you my doubted Lord like to come to none other purpose nor effect than other conventions have done aforetime and so by subtilties and counsell of your said enemies your land they in hope and trust of the said treatie not mightily nor puissantly purveyed for shall be like under the cullor of the same treatie to be burnt up and destroyed lost and utterly turned from your obeysance 18. Itera It is said that the deliverance of the Duke of Orleance is utterly appointed by the mediation counsell and stirring of the said Cardinallâ— and Archbishor of Yorke and for that cause divers persons been come from your adversaries into this your Realme and the said Duke also brought to your city of London whereas my Lord your Father poysing so greatly the inconveniences and harme that might fall onely by his deliverance concluded ordained and determined in his last Will utterly in his wisdome his conquest in his Realme of France And yet then it is to be done by as great deliberation solemnity and suretie as may be devised or thought and seeing now the disposition of your Realme of France the puissance and might of your enemies and what ayde they have gotten against you there as well under the colour of the said treatie as otherwise what might or ought to be thought or said for that labouring the said Duke all things considered by such particular parsons the Lords of your blood not called thereunto I report mee unro your noble grace and excellency and unto the said wiâ—e true men of this your Realme 19. Item Where that every true counsellor specially unto any King or Prince ought of truth and of dutie to counsell promote inâ—rease perferre and advance the weale and prosperity of his Lord The said Cardinall being of your counsell my right doubted Lord hath late purchased of your Highnesse certaine great Lands and livelihood as the Castle and Lordship of Chirke in Wales and other lands in this your Realme unto which I was called suddenly and so in eschewing the breaking and losse of your armies then againe seeing none other remedy gave thereunto mine assent thinking that who that ever laboured moved or stirred the matter first unto your Lordship counselled youâ— neiâ—her for your worship nor profit 20. More the said Cardinall hath you bound apart to make him a sure estate of all the said Lands by Easter next comming as could be devised by any learned counsell or else that suretie not made the said Cardinall to have and enjoy to him and his heires forever the lands of the Dutchie of Lancaster in Norfolke to the value of seven or eight hundred markes by the yeare which thing seemeth right strange and unseene and unheard wayes of any leige man to seeke upon his soveraigne Lord both in his inheritance and in his Jewels and goods for it is thought but that right and extreme necessity caused it there should nor ought no such things to be done from which necessity God for his mercy ever preserve your noble person Wherefore my redoubted Lord seeing that you should be so counselled or stirred to leave your Crowne and inheritance in England and also by fraud and subtill meanes as is before rehearsed so to
12. Ed. 4. f. 201 202 223 224. Grafton 8. 12. Ed. 4. f. 678.714 Speeds Hist. l. 9. c. 17. p. 887. sect 88. Holinshed p. 683.693 19 THOMAS ROTHERAM Godwin p. 616. Speeds hist. l 9. c 19. p 929.946 20 THOMAS SAVAGE Godwin p. 617. 21 CHRISTOPHER BAMBRIDGE Godwin p. 617.618 Holinshâ—d p. 835. 22 THOMAS WOLSIE Antiqu Eccles. Brit. p 355â— to 374. Godw. p. 620. to 623. Mr. Tyndalls Practise of Popish Prelates p. 369. to 377. Hall Grafâ—on Holinshed Stow How in the life of Henry the 8. Speed hist. p. 1004 1005. to 1027. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 899. to 9â—9 See Holinshed p. 835. to 930. * He was afraid of poysoning it should seeme * See 1. â— 6 c. 2 and the Breviaâ—e of the â—relates Encroachments * Richard Stanihurst his Continuation of the Chronicles of Ireland in Holinshed Vol. 2. p. 85. to â—8 * Holinshed p. 908. * Practise of Popish Prelates p. 368. to 373. Note this ensuing Policie which our Prelates now practise Note this policie whâ—ch Cantâ—rbury of late imitated * Practise of Popish Prelates p. 369. to 373. Nota. Note this Note this Note this * Pag. 375. Note this * Halls Chron. 21. H. 8. f. 184 185 189 190. * Practise of Popish Prelates p. 373. * Holinshed p. 915 916. * Holinshed p. 917. Godwin p. 621. Speed hist. l. 9. c. 21. p. 1034. to 1043. Grafton An 27. H. 8. p. 1233. to 1237. 23 EDWARD LEE 24 ROBERT HOLGATE Godwin p. 624. * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 1891. to 1894. Godwin p. 625. 25 HARSNâ—Tâ— Epist. 237. f. 233. 26 RICHARD NEALE See a new discovery of the Prelates Tyranny p. 92. to 108. In his Description of England l. 2 c. 1. p. 133. 1 VODINUS Speeds hist l 7. c 4. p. 207. Godw. p. 182. * Math. West An. 450. Henricus Huntindon hâ—st l. 2. p. 310. Polychron l. 5. c. 1. * â—olychron l. â— c. 1. f. â—84 Iacobus Vsserius de Brit. â—ccles Primordiis p. 334. Ant nini Chron Tit. 11. c 18. sect 3 f. 51. B. Vincentâ—i spec hist. l. 20. c. 11. 2 ROBERT DE SIGILLO William Harrisons Description of England l 2. c 1. p. 133.134 * The Bishop refused to sweare fealty to the King onely to please the Pope 3 William de Sancta Maria. * Matth Wâ—stm Ann 1208. Matth. Paris An. 1208 p. 217.218 224. Godwin p. 194. Fabians Chron. part 1. Anno 1205. p. 28. Polichron l. 7. c. 33 Holinshed p. 171.172 Martins History p. 46.47.48 4 Roger Niger * Matthew Paris p 374 375. Godwin p. 194.195 Mathew Westm. An 1235 p. 140. * Matth. Paris p. 365.366 Matth. Westm. Anâ— 1232. p. 132.133.134 Speed p. 606. * Matth. Paris p 374.375 Matth. Westm. An. 1233 p. 141. Speed p. 608. 5 FVLCO BSSET * Matth. Paris p 944.957.886.887 and Godwin p. 194.195 6 HENRY SANDWICH * Matth. Wâ—st Anno. 1259. p. 182. Matth. Westm. Anno. 1265. 1266. p. 330.332.336.337.342.343 Matth. Paris p. 961.970 Godwin p. 196. Speed p. 641. Holinshed p. 271. 7 RICHARD WENWORTH * Holinshed p. 348. Yhâ— Walsingham Hist. Angl. pag. 110.111 8 WILLIAM COVRTNEY * Holinshed p. 420.421 Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 216.217.218 * Walsingham Hi. Angl. p 217.218 Holinshed p. 457 458. 9 ROBERT BRAYBROOKE Stout Words of the Bishop of London * Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 188.189 10 NICHOLAS RIDLY * Holinshed p. 1089. 11 EDMOND BONNER * Holinshed p. 159.1160 * Fox Acts and Monuments Ediit ult vol. 2. p. 215. l. 378.379.38 350.554.672 to 699. vol. 3 p. 105.106.107.251.254 to 384 759.879 898 974. Martins History p. 453. Godwin p. 144. 12 RICHARD FLETCHER Martins Hist. p. 810. Godwin p. 156. 13 RICHARD BANCROFT Oâ— whom see more before in Cante See Lewâ—s Hughes his grievances p. 14.15 * See p. 151.152 14 WILâ—IAM LAVD 15 WILLIAM IVXON * See the Articles of the Scottish Commissioners against Canterbury * William Harrisonâ— his De. scrip Engl. lib. 2. c. 2. p. 141 1 WINA Matth Wesâ—m An. 666 p. 234. Godwin p. 132.160 * Matth West An. 834. p. 301. Godwin p 162. 2 HERREFIRDVS 3 EDSINVS * Matth. Westm. An. 1016. p. 397.398 Polichron l. 6. c. 7. Holinshed Hist. of England l. 7. c. 9 10. p. 175.176 Speed p. 425.426 4 ALWYN * Antiq. Eccl. Brit p 73 to 79. Speed p. 203 413.41â— Godwin p 168. Holinshed Hist. of Engl l. 8. c. 1 2 4. * Polichrâ—n l 6. â— 24â— 4 Stigand Godwin p 168 169. Holinshed p. 30 Godwin p. 169 170. Math. West A. â— 102. p. 23. An. 1107. p. 25 29. 5 William Giffard HENRY DE BLOYS * Malmsâ— Novel l. 1. 2. p. 178 to 194. Matth. Paris p. 71. to 76. Matth Westm. An. 1135. to 1150. Speed l. 9 c. 5. p. 483 484 493 494 Godwin p. 221 222 223 Neuhrig Hist. l. 1.2 4 to 21. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 181. Hoveden An. pars prior p. 481 482. Holinshed p. 54. 7 Peter de la Roche * Math Paris p. 370.372 373 393. to 397. Mat. Westâ— An. 1233. p. 134 135 c. Speed p. 607 to 612. Holinshed p. 1075. The King by advancing Strangers discontâ—nts his Nobles The English Peeres confederate against the strangers The â—arons contemne the Kings Summons * Paris calls himâ— Bacum The frank speech of a Preacher * That is Rockes and Stones * In Iuly The Barons second contempt to the Kings command The traiterous errand to the King In August nexâ— Rog. de Wend. M. S. In August new Rog. de Wend. M. S. The Earle Marshall in Armes * Matth. Paris Confederates himselfe with Lewelin Prince of Wales Rog. Wend M. S. Math. Paâ—is * The Sunday after Michaelmas * Math Westm. Roger Wend. Mathâ— Paris Hubert de Bâ—rgo escapes into Wales Ypod. Neust. a An. 1205 p. 134 135 See Godwin p 172. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit p. 160 16â— Roger Wendever The King gives way to the fury of the rebellious A practise to ruine the Earle Maâ—shall The Pestilent tenour of the Letters * Rog. Wend. M. S. Matth. Pariâ— Alexander Bishop of Chester cleareth himselfe from disloyalty The Engâ—ish Bishops dâ—ale with the King about redâ—esse of the the common evils Objections against the Bâ—shop of Winton and the Poictouines The outrages of â—he Maâ—shalline faction * Note thâ—s * Edmond afterwards canonized Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 160.161 * Antiqu. Eccl. Brit p. 171 163â— * Rog. de Wend. M.S. Matth. Maris * Matth. West An. 1238. p. 147. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 169. * Antiqu. Eccleâ— Brit. p. 181.182 Mat. Paris An. 1246. p. 672. to 689. WILLIAM de RALEY 8 WILLIAM RALEY Matth. Wesâ—m Anno. 143. p. 174â—175 An. 1244. p. 178.179 Matth. Paris p. 588.597.616.619 Godwin p. 227.228 Holinshed p. 231.232 * Matth. â—aris p. 774.775.780.788.789.794.824.830 to 834.847.890.900.994.995.946.959 Godwin p. 176.177 6 ETHELMARVS 10 GERNSEY * Matth. West and Matth. Paris An. 1265.1266 Holinshed p 271. Godwâ—n p. 177. See Mat. Paris p.
your holy Church of Rome is taken for such a sort as liveth against his blessed Word against the living of holy Apostles against the conditions of our holy Mother the Church I would say in all oppression in all Sodomitry in all murther in all pompe and pride summa summarum in all manner of mischiefe what tongue can tell or heart can thinke But I will not say so for men would reckon me uncharitable and too vehement Neverthelesse all the world knoweth that you doe reckon your selfe by the vertue of your Oath bound to no men but unto such as in very deede liveth after this ungracious manner and yet will you be faithfull and true unto them against all men yea I dare say if that their conâ—cience had not condemned them of such mischiefe they would never have desired this assistance of you But the verity is they are naught and have neede of maintainers in their mischiefe And also suspect you not to be tâ—â—e except you made an Oath to them yea and scarsely then unlesse that you in very deede at time and place convenient doe betray your Princes for that is the cause of your Oath and other profit hath not the King by it I will be reported by all practise that ever came out of your Oath It followeth And to my Lord the Pope I would gladly learne where the Pope hath got the dignity of a Lord. This thing is little regarded of my Lords the Bishops to bring in such a worldly dignity yea they will say it is but a trifle and mocke men for speaking against it but â—he truth is iâ— they durst as much now as in times past they would burne for this little trifle the best Lord in England For I dare say it hath cost many a mans life or ever they brought the Pope to Lordship Blessed S. Peter whose successor the Pope boasteth himself to be knew nothing of this Lordship for he saith unto his fellowes They shall not exercise any lordship over the Congregation And likewise S. Paul durst not take upon him to command as a Lord collections to be made for poore men but meekely desires them without any Lordship Also in anotheâ— place Let no man judge us but as the Ministers of Christ blessed S. Paul reckoneth himselfe but a Minister and a Servant and yet the day hath beene that he was so good as my Lord the Pope Our Master Christ that came to teach both Peter and Paul learned his Disciples not to use themselves as Lords but as Servants And marke the occasion of that he had sayd there be two new disciples brought unto him and the old being not yet perfect thought scorne that these two should sit above all other the one of the right hand and the other of the lâ—ft hand but our Master Christ reproveâ—h this proud stomacke of theirs very straightly saying How the Princes and Rulers of the infidels hath power over their Subjects but so shall not yee for he that will be greatest among you shall be least Here our Master Christ learneth none Hypocrisie that they should be called least in name and be greatest in very deede but he will that this Doctrine shall be expressed in their deedes My Lord the Pope calleth himselfe in words the Servant of all servants but in very deed hâ— will be Lord over all Lords Yea â—nd my Lords Bishops will be sworne to him as unto a Lord and they will reckon themselves perjured if they burne not all them that will take the Pope but for a servant Is not this a marvellous Hypocrisie to be called servant of all servants and yet desire to be taken as Lord and King over all Kings Yea and unto this be our Bishops sworne cause they will be obedient to their Princes But and their consciences were ripped you should finde no man sit there as a King but my Losell the Pope and we poore men must be condemned for reproving of this And why verily because my Lords have sworne to him against their Prince and all his true subjects But how standeth it with your Oath toward your Prince for to be sworne to the Pope which is not all onely another Lord but also contrary yea and as the world now is the greatest mortall enemie that our Prince hath For I dare say that if this wreâ—ched Clement could drowne our Noble Prince with one word it would not be long By Cardinall Poles practise and Instigations undone sine clementia The Common saying went in Hamburgh that this caitise hath not all onely excommunicated our Noble Prince but also given away the Kingdome to another And this fact must you defend for you are sworne to â—he Pope Yea I dare say if you had convenient occasion you would declare your fidelity I doe Judge after your â—acts that you have done to Kings in times past whensoever that you had power and might to bring to passe that which you have conceived against your Prince If you thinke I judge amisse or else doe you wrong let me be put to my proose and you shall see what an heape of holy facts that I will bring you out of your owne Chronicles and Bookes for the which you will be lauded and praised Highly that you have so faithfully stucke unto this damnable Idoll of Rome yea I dare say it had beene Heresie within this two yeares to have written or sayd thus much against the lâ—mme of the Devill on our Princes side This all the world can testifie whereâ—ore I thinke yoâ— will put me to no â—ryall But to your Oath How doth it stand with your allegiance toward youâ— Prince to be sworne to the Pope your owne Law saith that a leige man can make none Oath of fidelity to none other man but to his owâ—e King Moreover you doe remember your Oath made unto youâ— Prince wherein you doe renounce all clauses words and sentences made unto the Pope which may be hurâ—full or prejudiciall to his Highnesse how agreeth these two Oathes you may set them together as well as you can but I know no wayes to avoyd your perjury For the very truth is that the Kings grace and his councell considering your Oath made to the Pope to be prejudiciall to his regall power causeth you in your Oath aâ—terward made unto him to revoke those things that thou hast afore sworne to â—he Pope and to declare that his grace and his councell did reckon your Oath made to the Pope to bee against him therefore he maketh you to revoke it by name naming the same Oath and also the same Pope So that you may clearely perceive how that our Prince doth suspect you for your Oath making And in very deede the Popes meaning and yours was none other but for to betray the King and his Realme and therefore as soone as there was any variance betweene the King and the Pope then were you first of all assoyled of your allegeance due
to the Pope But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince wherein you sweare that you shall be faithfull and true and beare unto him above all creatures love and favour to live and to dye with him and to open him all manner of Counsells that may be hurtfull unto his grace Now it is well knowne that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour and conversation And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince nor let it and why because you be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince by you that the Pope had handled in counsell against our Prince Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace whether I say true or falseâ— and yet must I be accused of Treason And why because you are sworne to the Pope and I am true to the King It followeth I will helpe to defend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome against all men saving mine order And in your new Oath now in our days made is added The regalls of Saint Peter What and in all men be contained your Prince you must needes defend him And why because ye be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men now must you forsake one of them and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince and sticke to the Pope for of your Oath made to your Prince you have been oftentimes assoiled And as your Law saith the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe But of your Oath made unto the Pope there is no absolution neither in heaven nor earth Neither was it ever read heard nor seene that there could be any dispensation for it Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written and by all the Bulls that ever were granted and by all the experience that ever was used and if I be found false let me be blamed and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncharitably but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason thus long and shamefully used agâ—inst my Prince which is necessary to be knowne And I am compelled by violence to declare both my conâ—ession and learning in this cause For men hath not beene ashamed to report that I would which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne and not able to kill a Cat though I would doe my utteâ—most to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince whom as God knoweth I doe honour worâ—hip love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart and am not satisfied because it is no more This I speake afore God Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true and if I were not so true in my heart it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully and untruely with their Prince yea against both Gods law and mans law The very truth is I can suffer through Gods grace all manner of wrongs injuries and slanders but to be called an hereticke against God or a Traytor against my Priâ—ce he liveth not but I will say he lyeth and will be able so to prove him if I may be reported by my workes or deedes by my conversation or living or by any thing that ever I did and I dare say as much of my self notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me But unto my purpose the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope another contrary to their Prince And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children And I poore man must be condemned and all my workes for Heresiâ— and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason And why because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend seeing that he was never no King but a Fisher All the world knoweth that Regalia belongeth to Kings and to like power of Kings Why are you noâ— rather sworne to defend Peters net and his Fisherie the which things hee both had and used and never regalls But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them But what meane you by that sentence Saving mine order why say you not saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith you may not defend these things with weapons But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this thus to delude with words all the whole world Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe there is no men sooner in Armes than you are if you call Armes Harneys Bylles and Glaves swords and gunnes and such other things Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spenser was in Armes to defend Popâ— Vrban it were but folly to recite examples In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace and the Bishops of England for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King Wherefore the King required an Oath and a confirmation of the Bishops as concerning those Articles prerogatives But answere was made of the Bishops that those prerogatives cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scripâ—o contentis were of none effect nor strength because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome unlesse the King gave licence And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popesâ— calling out of the Realme without the Kings assent And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge And because the King would heare matters as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes And because that it was against the See of Rome and the dignity of the same that a Bishop should be convented afore the King Briefely they would not be under the King but this addition should be set unto it Salvo honore Dei Ecclesiiae Romanae ordine nostro that is we will be under your grace saving the honour of God of the Church of Rome and of our order the cause why they did except these things was this as they themselves grant For Kings received their authorities and power of the Church but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops nor absolve any of them nor to judge of tithes nor of Churches neither yeâ— to forbid Bishops the handling of any spirituall cause Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince They will make it against Gods honour to obey their King and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face that his power is of them But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops or Bishops before Kings you shall finde
Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury about the yeare of our Lord 1036. against his Alleagiance and Oath crowned Harold a bastard having no right to the Crowne King of England Hardi-Canute the right heire being put by his right At first this Prelate seemed unwilling to performe that service for it is reported that hee having the Regall Scepter and Crowne in his custodie with an oath refused to consecrate any other for King so long as the Queenes Children were living for said he Canutus committed them to my trust and assurance and to them will I give my faith and allegiance This Scepter and Crowne therefore I here lay downe upon this Altar neither do I deny or deliver them to you but I require by the Apostolique authority all Bishops that none of them presume to take the same away neither therewith that they consecrate you for King as for your selfe if you dare you may usurpe that which I have committed to God on this his Table Notwithstanding that great thunderclap was allayd with the showers of golden promises of his just and religious Government intendâ—d though present experience manifested the contrarie and hee perswaded without much intreaty to crowne this usurper King And now having thus long sayled in this troublesome See of Canterbury I shall onely trouble you with a passage out of William Harrison touching the Archbishops of Canterbury in generall and Robert the Norman in particular and then hoise up my sailes and steare my course into the Northernâ— See of Yorke The Archbishop of Canterbury writes hee is commonly called Primate of all England and in the Coronations of the Kings of this Land and all other times wherein it shall please the Prince to weare and put on his Crowne his office is to set it upon their heads They beare also the name of their high Chaplins continually although not a few of them have presumed in time past to be their equals and void of subjection unto them That this is true it may easily appeare by their owne acts yet kept in record besides their Epistles and Answers written or in Print wherein they have sought not onely to match but also to maâ—e them with great rigour and more than open tyranny Our adversaries will peradventure deny this absolutely as they do many other things apparent though not without shamelesse impudencie or at leastwise deâ—end it as just and not swerving from common equity because they imagine every Archbishop to be the Kings equall in his owne Province But how well their doing herein agreeth with the saying of Peter and examples of the Primitive Church it may easily appeare some examples also of their demeanour I will not let to remember lest they should say I speake of malice and without all ground of likelihood of their practices with meane persons I speake nor neither will I beginne at Dunâ—tane the author of all their pride and presumption here in England but for so much as the dealing of Robert the Norman against Earle Goodwine is a rare History and deserveâ—h to be remembred I will touch it in this place protesting to deale with all in more faithfull manner than it hath heretofore beene delivered unto us by the Norman Writers or French English who offer purpose have so defaced Earle Goodwine that were it noâ— for the testimony of one or two meere English men living in those dayes it should be impossible for mee or any other at this present to declare the truâ—h of that matter according to the circumstances marke therefore what I say for the truth is that such Normanâ— as came in with Emma in the time of Ethelred and Canutus and the Confessor did fall by sundry meanes into such favour with those Princes that the Gentlemen did grow to beare great rule in the Court and their Clerkes to be possessors of the best benefices in the Land Hereupon therefore one Robert a jolly ambitious Priest got first to be Bishop of London and after the death of Eadsius to be Archbishop of Canterbury by the gift of King Edward leaving his former See to VVilliam his Countriman Vlfo also a Norman was preferred to Lincolne and other to other places as the King did thinke convenient These Norman Clerkes and their friends being thus exalted it was not long ere they began to mocke abuse and despise the English and so much the more as they daily saw themselves to encrease in â—avour with King Edward who also called divers of them to be of his secret Councell which did not a little incense the hearts of the English against them A â—â—ay also was made at Dover betweene the servants of Earle Goodwine and the French whose Masters came over to see and salute the King which so inflamed the minds of the French Clergie and Courtiers against the English Nobility that each part sought for opportunity of revenge which ere long tooke hold betweene them for the said Robert being called to be Arcâ—bishop of Canterbury was no sooner in possession of his See than hee began to quarrell with Earle Goodwine the Kings Father in Law by the marriage of his daughter who also was ready to acquit his demeanour with like malice and so the mischiefe began Hereupon therefore the Archbishop charged the Earle with the murther of Alfred the Kings brother whom not he but Harald the sonne of Canutus and the Danes had cruelly made away for Alfred and his brother comming into the Land with five and twenty â—aile upon the death of Canutus being landed the Normans that arrived with them giving out how they came to recover their right to wit the Crowne of England and thereunto the unskilfull young Gentlemen shewing themselves to like of the â—umor that was spread in this behalfeâ— the report of their demeanour was quickly brought to Harald who caused a company â—orthwith of Danes privily to lay in wait for them as they rodâ— toward Gilford where Alfred was slaine and whence Edward with much difficulty escaped to his ships and so returned into Normandy But this affirmation of the Archbishop being greatly soothed out with his crafty utterance for he was learned confirmed by his French friends for they had all conspired against the Earle and thereunto the King being desirous to revenge the death of his Brother bred such a grudge in his mind against Goodwine that he banished him and his Sonnes cleane out of the Landâ— hee sent also his wife the Earles daughter prisoner to Wilton with one onely maiden attending upon her where shee lay almost a yeare before shee was released in the meane season the rest of the Peeres as Siward Earle of Northumberland surnamed Digara or â—ortis Leofrick Earle of Chester and other went to the King before the departure of Goodwine endeavouring to perswade him unto the revocation of his sentence and desiring that his cause might be heard and discussed by Order of Law But the King incensed by the Archbishop and his Normans would not heare on that side
him when hee went Embassadour to the Emperour That hee proclaimed open warre by an Herauld against the Emperour without the Kings privitie that he had sent Gregory of Cassido a Knight into Italy to make a new League betwene the King and the Duke of Farrar without the kings knowledge That being almost rotten with the French Pox he preâ—umed to breathe with his stinking and rotten mouth in the kings face That he set his Cardinalls Hat on the kings Coyne and that he exported an infinite Masse of Money out of the kingdome into Italy that he might most impudently compasse the Papacie with other particulars fore-cited All which together with the Cardinalls attainder in the Praemunire Mr. Tyndall saith were done only in policie by the Cardinall to bleare the eyes of the World withall because nought worthy a Traytor was done unto him it being seldome heard or read that so great a Traytor was so easily put to death or punished because Sir Thomas Moore his chiefest Secretary one nothing inferiour to his Master in lying faining and bearing two faces in one hood and the chiefest stale wherewith the Cardinall caught the kings Grace whom he called to the confirmation of all that hee intended to perswade was made Chancellour in his place because his Bishopricke of Durham was bestowed on one of his old Chaplaines and chiefe Secretaries his fast friends and because as soone as the Parliament brake up the Cardinall had his Charter of pardon and got him home and all Bishops got them every Fox to his hole leaving their Attournies yet behinde them thinking to come again themselves as soon as the constellation was some what over-run whereof they were afraid But however it were either in policie only or earnest it turned to reality at last For the Cardinall thus put from the Court and his Chancellorship nothing abating his pride or spirit to beard the king flater the people appointed to be installed at York in great pomp inviting all the lords and Gentlemen in the countrey to accompany him from Cawood to Yorke complaining likewise by degrees to many of the great injuries the king had done him to stirre up the people to sedition inveighing likewise very bitterly in his Letters to the Pope and other Forraigners against the king which railing Letters and reproaches of his comming to the kings Embassadors eares they acquainted the king therewith The king acquaintâ—d with these his Seditious and disloyall practises and understanding of his intended pompous installment at Yorke commanded the Earle of Northumberland to arrest him at Cawood of High-Treason which hee did about the beginning of November 1536. The Cardinall wondering at this sudden arrest stood first upon his termes of contest with the Earle telling him that hee was a Cardinall a Member of the Court of Rome and the Popes Legate not subject to any mans or Princes arrest on whom to lay violent hands was a great wickednesse but at last fearing the successe and the Earles power submitted himselfe against his will The Earle hereupon removed his followersâ— seized on all his plate and goods brought him to Sheffield Castle where he delivered him to the High Sheriffe of Shropshire to be conveyed to London Thither the Captaine of the Guard and Lieutenant of the Tower with certaine Yeomen of the Guard were sent to fetch him to the Tower at which the Cardinall was sore astonied and fearing the worst grew sicke upon it whereupon he willingly tooke so much quantitie of a strong purgation that his nature was not able to beare it and thereof dyed at Leicester Abbey the 27. day of November his body lying dead was blacke as pitch and so heavie that sixe could scarce beare it Furthermore it did so stinke above the ground that they were constrained to hasten the buriall of it in the night season before it was day At the which buriall such a tempest with such a stinke there arose that all the Torches went out and so he was throwne into the Tombe and there left By the ambitious pride and excessive worldly wealth of this one Cardinall writes Master Fox all men may easily understand and judge what the state and condition of all the rest of the same Order whom we call Spirituall men was in those dayes as well in all other places of Christendome as specially here in England whereas the Princely possessions and great pride of the Clergie did not onely farre surpasse and exceed the common measure and order of Subjects but also surmounted over kings and Princes and all other Estates as may well appeare by hâ—s doings and order of his Story above described In which I have beene the more prolix because it notably paints out unto us the ambitious trecherous â—lye practises and designes of our Prelates with the ordinary wayes whereby they creepe into Princes favours as likewise their insolent behaviour and strange perfidiousnesse when they are growne great and is a lively patterne of the Bishops practises in our age who tread in these his foot-steps and follow them to an haires breadth I would therefore advise them to remember his last words as well as imitate his Actions with which I shall close up his Story If I had served God as diligently as I have done the King he would not have given me over in my gray haires But this is the just reward that I must receive for the paines and study that I have had to doe him service not regarding my service to God so much as the satisfying of his pleasure Edward Lee who succeeded him in his Arch Bishopricke in the great Rebellion of the North An. 1535. and 1536. joyned with the Rebels against his Prince some say it was against his wil but certain it is that the Abbots priests and Clergi-men were the chief cause ring-leaders in this Rebellion the principall pretence wherof was the reformation of religion the abolishing of the heresies of Luther Zuinglius Wicklif and other Protestant Writers the removing of Cranmer other hereticall Bishops and Privie Counsellors the restoring of and Prioriâ—sâ— and all points of Popery formerly maintainedâ— with the confirmation of the priviledges of this in speciall that Priests might not suffer for any treason or felony unlesse they were first degraded Now the Abbots Priests Monkes and Clergie being the stirrers up and chiefe Captaines of this Rebellion upon these points of Religion and priviledge of the Church which mainely concerned the Clergie it is likely the Arch-Bishop was as forward as any of the rest in this Insurrection and that he accompanied and encouraged the Rebels not out of 〈◊〉 or constraint as hee afterwards pretended but willingly though â—he King pardoned him as he did all the other wilfull Rebels Some of them making a new insurrection were afâ—erwards taken and executed as Traytors to the Crowne among which number Paâ—law Abbot of Whaley in Lincolnshire Iohn Castlegate and William Haydocke Monkes of the same house Robert Hobs Abbot
used there to preach before the King and Prelates fâ—eely told him That if hee did not remove from him Peter Bishop of Winchester and Peter de Rivallis he could never be in quiet The King did hereupon a little come to himselfe and Roger Bacon a Clergie-man also of a pleasant wit did second Roberts advise telling the King that Petrae and Rupes were most dangerous things at Sea alluding to the Bishops name Petrus de Rupibus The King therefore as hee had the happinesse in his mutabilitie to change for his more securitie taking that good advise of Schollers which he would not of his Peeres summons a Parliament to be holden at VVestminster giving the World to know withall that his purpoâ—e was to amend by their advise whatsoever ought to be amended But the Barons considering that still there arrived sundry strangers men of warre with Horse and Armourâ— and not trusting the Poiâ—â—ovine faith came not but presumed to send this message to the King that if out of hand he removed not Peter Bishop of Winchester and the Poictovines out of his Courtâ— they all of them by the common consent of the Kingdome would drive him and his wicked Counsellours together out of it and consult about creating a new Soveraigne The King whom his Fathers example made more timerous could easily have beene drawne to have redeemed the love of his naturall Liege-men with the disgrace of a few strangers but the Bishop of VVinchester and his Friends infused more spirit into him Whereon to all those whom hee suspected the King sets downe a day within which they should deliver sufficient pledges to secure him of their loyalty Against that day the Lords in great numbers make repaire to London but the Earle Marshall admonished of danger by his Sister the Countesse of Cornewall â—lyes backe to VVales and chiefely for want of his presence nothing was concluded The King not long after is at Gloster with an Armie whither the Earle and his Adherents required to come refused the King therefore burnes their Mannors and gives away their inheritances to the Poictovines This Rebellion had not many great Names in it but tooke strength rather by weight then number the knowne Actors were the Earle Marshall the Lord Gilbert Basset and many of the inferiour Nobles The Bishops arts had pluckt from him the Kings brother and the two Earles of Chester and Lincolne who dishonourably sold their love for a thousand Markes and otherwise as it seemed secured the rest Neverthelesse they may well bee thought not to have borne any evill will to their now forsaken confederate the Earle Marshall who tooke himselfe to handle the common cause certainely hee handled his owne safety but ill as the event shall demonstrate The Earle hearing these things contracts strict amity with Lewelin Prince of Wales whose powers thus knit together by advantages of the Mountaines were able to counterpoise any ordinary invasion To the kings ayde Balwin de Gisnes with many Souldiers came out of Flanders The king now at Hereford in the midst of his Forces sends from thence by VVinchesters counsell the Bishop of Saint Davids to defie the Earle Marshall How farre soever the word defie extends it selfe sure it seemes that the Earle hereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation by which hee was tyed to the king and freed to make his defence the king notwithstanding after some small attempts and better considerations did promise and assume that by advise of counsell all that was amisse should at a day appointed bee rectified and amended About which time Hubert de Burgo having intelligence that the Bishop of VVinchester who was a Poictovine plotted his death escaped out of the Castle of Devises where hee was prisoner to a Neighbour Church but was haled from thence by the Castle-keepers The Bishop of Sarisbury in whose Diocesse it hapned caused him to be safe restored to the same place from whence by the Earle Marshall and a troope of armed men his friends hee was rescued and carryed into VVales The king at the day and place appointed holds his great Counsell or Conference with the Lords but nothing followed for the peace of the Realme it was not an ordinary passage of speech which hapned there betweene the Lords and Bishop of VVinchester For when the English Bishops and Barons humbly besought the king for the honour of Almightie God to take into grace his naturall Subjects whom without any tryall by their Peeres hee called Traytors the Bishop offended it seemes at Peeres takes the words out of the kings mouth and answers That there are no Peeres in England as in the Realme of France and that therefore the king of England by such Justiciars as himselfe pleaseth to ordaine may banish offenders out of the Realmeâ— and by judiciall processe condemne them The English Bishops relished his speech so sharply that with one voyce they threatned to excommunicate and accurse by name the kings principall wicked Councellours but VVinchester appealed Then they accursed all such as alienated the heart of the king from his Naturall Subjects and all others that perâ—urbed the peace of the Realme Matthew VVestminster writes of this Peter de la Roche that hee was more expert in Military than Scholasticall affaires That the king by his Counsell removed all English Officers out of his Court and precipitately cast away all his Counsellours as well Bishops as Earles Barons and other Nobles of his kingdome so as hee would beleeve none but this Bishop whom hee adored as his God and his Darling Peter de Rivales Whence it came to passe that expelling all Gardians of Castles almost through all Englandâ— the King committed all things under the custodie of this Peter Then this Prelate drew into his confederacie Stephen de Segrave too much an enemie both to the kingdome and Church who had given most detestable counsell formerly to Stephen the Popes Chaplaine to the inestimable dammage of the Church many wayes and Robert de Passelewe who with all his might and with effusion of no small summe of money had plotted treason and grievances at Rome against the king and kingdome This man kept the kings treasure under Peter de Rivalis and so it came to passe that the Reines of the whole kingdome were committed to Strangers and base persons others being rejected Yet Godwin for the honour of his Rochet magnifies this Prelate for his notable Wisdome so as the Counsell of England received a great wound by his death though it and the whole Realme received such prejudice by his life The Earle Marshall writes Speed encreasing in strength and hatred against such as were the kings reputed Seducers makes spoile and bootie on their possessions and after joyning with the power of Leoline Prince of Wales puts all to fire and sword as farre as Shrewesbury part whereof they burnt to Ashes and sackt the Residue The king then
at Gloster for want of sufficient forces departed thence sorely grieved to Winchester abandoning those other parts as it were to waste and ruine It therefore seemes that hee was not growne stronger or richer by the displacing of Hubert Earle of Kent and the rest and by taking new into their roomes who commonly bite and sucke hard till they have glutted themselves if at least-wise there bee any satietie in Avarice whereas the old and ancient Officers having provided in a manner for the maine chance have the lesse reason to be grievous Therefore the Lyons skinne not being large enough for the Bishop of VVinchester and his factious purposes they peece them out with the Foxes case an inevitable stratageme is devised The Earle Marshall had in Ireland all the ample Patrimonies of his Grandfather the famous Strongbow To make that member of his strengths improfitable if not also pernicious they devise certaine Letters directed to Maurice Fitz-Gerald Deputy Justice of Ireland and other principall men who held of the Earle In them they signifie that Richard once marshall to the King of EngIand was for manifest Treason by the judgement of the Kings Court banished the Realme his Lands Townes and Tenements consumed by fire other his Hereditaments destroyed and himselfe for ever disinherited that if upon his comming thither they did take him either alive or dead the King did give them all the Earles Lands there which now were forfeited by vertue of his attainture and for assurance that the sayd gift should continue firme and good they by whose advise the King and Kingdome were governed faithfully undertooke To these letters which the Monkes call bloody they caused the King to set his Seale as they themselves also did theirs Vpon receipt of which lines the parties signifie backe under the Seale of secresie that if the contents of those letters were confirmed by the Kings Letters Patents they would performe that which they desired The Letters Patents be made accordingly and having fraudulently gotten the great Seale from Hugh Bishop of Chichester Lord Chancellor who knew not thereof they make them authenticke with the impression The Kings minde therefore being still exulterated towards the Earle Marshall he grievously charged Alexander Bishop of Chester that hee had too much familiarity with the Earle affirming that they sought to thrust him from his Throne the Bishop to cleare himselfe from so haynos a sâ—andall put on his Episcopall habit and solemnely pronounceth all those accurst who did but imagine a wickednesse of so foule a nature against the Majestie or person of the King and thereupon by the intercession of other Prelates he was received into grace The King was then at Westminster where Edmond the Archbishop of Canterbury elect with other his Suffragan Bishops bewayling the estate of the Kingdome present themselves before him telling him as his loyall leigemen that the counsell of Peter Bishop of VVinchester and his complices which now he had and used was not sound nor safe but cruell and perillous to himselfe and his Realme First for that they hated and despised the English calling them Traytors turning the Kings heart from the love of his people and the hearts of the people from him as in the Earle Marshall whom being one of the worthiest men of the Land by sowing false tales they drave into discontentment 2. That by the councell of the same Peter his father King Iohn first lost the hearts of his people then Normandy then other lands and finally wasted all his Treasures and almost England it selfe and never after had quiet 3. That if the Subjects had now beene handled according to Justice and Law and not by their ungodly councells those present troubles had not hapned but the Kings lands had remained undestroyed his treasures unexhausted 4. That the Kings Councell is not the Councell of peace but of perturbation because they who cannot rise by peace will rayse themselves by the trouble and disinherison of others 5. That they had the treasure Castles Wardships and strengths of the Kingdome in their hands which they insolently abused to the great hazard of the whole estate for that they made no conscience of an Oathâ— Law Justice or the Churches Censures Therefore we O King said they speake these things faithfully unto you and in the presence both of God and man doe counsell beseech and admonish yoâ— to remove such a Councell from about you and as it is the usage in otâ—er Realmes governe yours by the faithfull and sworne Children thereof The King in briefe answered hereunto that he could not sodainely put off his Councell and therefore prayed a short respite till their accomps were audited Meane while the behahaviours of the Marshalline faction having this backing at Court grew more and more intollerable for while the King was at Huntingdon the Lord Gilbert Basset and others set fire upon Alckmundbury a Towne belonging to Stephen de Segrave the flames whereof were seene of the Owner being then with the King at Huntingdon they also tooke Prisoners upon the Welch Marches and according to the Law of warre which saith one is lawlesse did put them to their ransomes Nothing had hitherto preserved the King more than that he could without great griefe forgoe any Favorites if hee were meerely pressed the contrary quality whereof hath beene the cause of finall desolation to so many Princes for albeit the choyce of Counsellours ought to be free yet by common intendment they should be good or howsoever they are or are not it is madnesse to hazard a Crowne or lose the love of a whole Nation rather than to relinquish or diminish a particular dependant the rights of amity ought neverthelesse to remaine inviolable but in such distance that the publike be not perverted or interverted for a private The King therefore in this point not unfortunate commanded Bishop Peter to betake himselfe to his residence at VVinton without once medling in affaires of State but against Rivalis his Treasurer he was so vehement that he sware hee would plucke out his eyes were it not for reverence of holy Orders commanding also the Proictouines to depart the Realme never to see his face Then are the Archbishop of Canterbury with the Bishops of Chester and Rochester sent into VValls to pacifie things there but the Earle Marshall had now crost the Seas into Ireland to take revenge for the spoyles and displeasures which his hired enemies had made in his Lands there by whose plots according to that secret agreement he was finally taken and died of a wound given him in the backe as he with admirable manhood defended himselfe The Archbishop of Canterbury with the other Bishops repaired to the King at Glocester upon their returne from Leoline Prince of VVales who pretended he could not conclude till the King had received into grace such of the banished Nobility with whom himselfe had beene confederate during the late displeasures The
the King with his determination The King thereupon seised into his hands the Bishops liberties appointed a new Chancellour new Justices and other officers of Durham Hee writ also to the Pope in favour of the Prior who delivering the Kings Letters himselfe the Pope adjudged him a sober and discreet man what ever the Bishop had reported of him and restored him to his place during the Bishops disgrace for this contempt the King tooke â—hree Mannors with the Church of Symondbury from the Bishopricke with divers Castles and Lands forfeited to him by Iohn Bayliol King of Scots and others The Bishop at last submitted himselfe and bought his peace Anno Dom. 1298. in the battell of Foukirke betweene the English and Scots this Bishop of Durham Anthony Beake led the second battell of the Englishmen conâ—isting of 39. standards who hasting forth to be the first that should give the on â—et when his men approached neere the enemies the Bishop commanded them to stay till the third battell which the King Edward the first led might approach But that valiant Knight the Lord Ralph Basset of Draiton said to him My Lord you may goe and say Masse which better becommeth you than to teach us what wee have to doe for wee will doe that which belongeth to the order and custome of warre About the yeare 1318. at the importunate suite of the Kings of England and France the Pope gave the Bishopricke of Duâ—ham unto one Lewes Beaumont a Frenchman borne and of the blood Royall there hee was lame of both his legges and so unlearned that hee could not read the Bulls and other instruments of his consecration When hee should have pronounced this word Metropoliticae not knowing what to make of it though hee had studied upon it and laboured his Lesson long before after a little pause Soyt pur dit saith he let it goe for read and so passed it over In like sort he stumbled at In aenigmate when hee had fumbled about it a while Par Saint Lewis quoth hee il n'est pas curtois qui ceste parolle ici escrit that is by Saint Lewes he is to blame that writ this word here Not without great cause therefore the Pope was somewhat strait laced in admitting him He obtained conâ—ecration so hardly as in foureteene yeares hee could scarce creepe oâ—t of debt Riding to Durham to be install'd there hee was robbed together with two Cardinals that were then in his company upon Wiglesden More neere Derlington The Captaines of this rour were named Gilbert Middleton and Walter Selby Not content to take all the treasure of the Cardinals the Bishop and their traine they carried the Bishop prisoner to Morpeth where they constrained him to pay a great ransome Gilbert Middleton was soone after taken at his owne Castle of Nitford carried to London and there drawne and hanged in the presence of the Cardinalls After this one Sir Iosceline Deinvill and his brother Robert came with a great company to divers of this B. of Durhams houses in the habits of Friers spoyled them leaving nothing but bare walls and did many other notable robberiesâ— for which they divers of their company were soone after hanged at York This B. stood very stoutly in defence of the Liberties of his See recovered divers lands taken away from Anthony Beake his predeâ—essor and procured this sentence to be given in the behalfe of his Church quod Episcâ—pus Dunelmensiâ— debet habere forisfacturas guerrarum intra libertates sicut Rex extra that the Bishop of Durham is to have the forfeitures of warre in as ample sort within his owne Liberties as the King without Iâ—mediately after this Bishops death in great hast but with no great good speed the Covent of Durâ—am proceeded unto the Election of a new Bishop the old being yet scarcely buried and they made choise of one of their owne company a Monke of Durham This election the Arch-Bishop of Yorke confirmed yea the matter grew so forward as the same Arch-bishop was content to give him consecration also All this while the Kings good will was not sought no nor which was a greater oversight as the world then went the Popes neither The King therefore not onely refused to deliver possession of the Temporalties unto this elect but also laboured the Pope ex plenitudine potestatis to conferre the Bishopricke upon a Chaplaine of his named Richard de Bury the Deane of Wells Partly to pleasure the one that requested partly to displeasure the other for not requesting he did so and commanded the Bishop of Winchester to consecrate him which being performed at Chertsey soone after Christmasse the King presently invested him in the temporalties belonging to that See Now was the Monke a Bishop without a Bishopricke having no other home he was faine to returne to his Cloyster and there for very griefe as it is supposed within a few dayes after dyed This Richard dé Bury at what time Edward of Windsor Prince of Wales fled into France with his Mother was principall receiver of the Kings Revenewes in Gascoigne Their mony failing he ayded them secretly with a great summe of that he had received for the King It had almost cost him his life he was so narrowly pursued by some of the Kings friends that got understanding of it as hee was glad to hide himselfe in a steeple in Paris the space of seven dayes The Queene we know was then contriving an open rebellion and plotting a mischeivous treason against her husband King Edward the second whom she shortly after seised upon in an hostile manner and afterwards caused to be deprived and murthered so that this Prelates furnishing of her thus with the Kings owne monies to further this her designe was high Treason at the least Not to mention how the Pope upon King Edward the third his request consecrated Thomas Hatfield his Secretary Bishop of this See without any regard or examination of his worthinesse being a man altogether illiterate and that when some of the Cardinalls tooke exceptions against him saying that he was not onely a meere lay man but a fellâ—w of light behaviour and no way fit for that place how the Pope answered that if the King of England had requested him for an Asse at that time he would not have denyed him and thereupon made this Aâ—se a Bishop Iohn Fordham Bishop of Durham Anno 1388. was by Parliament banished the Court as a pernicious instrument and corrupter of King Richard the second a Traytor a flatterer a whisperer a slanderer and wicked person Iohn Sherwood the 52 Bishop of Durham Solliciter of all King Edward the fourths causes in the Court of Rome fell off from his Masters Sonne King Edward the fifth to that bloody usurper Richard the third at whose Coronation this Bishop of Durham went on the one side of him and the Bishop of Bath on the other the Arch-bishop of Canterbury
Synode who upon his pennance and absolution gave Guliple to his Church Aquod the sonne of â—ouâ—f falling out with this Bishop drave him and his men into the Church of Landaffe For which hee was excommunicated by him and to bee absolved was glad to give Pennoun with the Church of Lantilâ—l and certaine other Lands Loumarch the sonne of Carguocaun was excommunicated by Gulfridus the 20 Bishop of this See in a full Synod for violating certaine priviledges and invading the goods of his Church but upon his humble submission on his knees to the Bishop with many teares and his offer to acknowledge his offence and to suffer any punishment the Bishop would impose upon him The Bishop upon restitution of all the goods he had taken and the gift of Treficarn pont absolved him Assac the sonne of Mâ—rchiud having treacherously slaine one Gulayguni being excommunicated for it by this Bishop gave Segan to his Church to expiate the murther and for the soule of the slaine Sâ—â—lferth Hegoi and Arguistil the sonnes of Belli fell at variance in words with Nudd the 21 Bishop of this See and proceeding at last from words to blowes committed divers outrages upon his Land and Family but quickly remembring themselves fearing excommunication they asked pardon and submitted themselves to pennance After which performed they gave unto the Church for further confirmation of their unfeigned repentance the territory of Iulius and Aaron King Brochvaile the sonne of Mouric and his Family fell at variance with Civeilliauc the 22 Bishop of Landaffe and his Family to whom they offered some injury wherewith the Bishop being moved assembled all his Clergy together even to the inferiour degrees intending to excommunicate Brochvaile and all his family as forfeited to him and execrable to God before all the people in a full Synod for this injury which Brochvaile hearing of sought for pardon and remission which he could not obtaine from the Bishop upon any termes unlesse he would suffer a Canonicall judgement The cause being discussed the Bishop was adjudged to receive from him an Image of his face both in length and breadth in pure gold and that amends should be made by him to the condigne honour of his Family and Nobility of his parentageâ— which sentence Borchvaile was forced to redeeme by giving the Towne of Tref-Peren with six other pieces of Land to the Bishop and his Church One Pater being the 25 Bishop of this See Anno 955. A certaine Country fellow meeting a Deacon with a sword by his side asked him what a Coward should doe with Weapons and striving to take away the sword cut the Deacons finger whereupon the Deacon killed him and when he had done tooke Sanctuary in the Church of Saint Iarman and Saint Febrie Thereby sixe of King Gurialls houshould although there wanted not many that sought to defend the man in regard of the place he was slaine even at the very Altar of the Church These sixe men were delivered at the City of Gwentonia now Caerwent into the hands of Pater the Bishop who kept them in straight prison sixe moneths and then forced them to give all their Lands and Livings to Landaffe besides seven pound of silver to the Church which they had polluted Mouric King of Glamorgan was excommunicated by Ioseph the 28 Bishop of this Diocesse for putting out the eyes of Etgum in a time of truce to have his absolution he gave to the Bishop Paniprise Another time he was faine to give Gulich Fabrus and foure pound of silver unto the Bishop beside other great gifts to the Canons upon this occasion Hee had broken the Sanctuary of the Church of Landaffe by taking away thence violently the wife of his enemy and hurting some of the Bishops servants For so doing he was publiquely excommunicated by the Bishop in a Synod and by these gifts made way to obtaine his absolution Caratuc one of his company in the last recited action was forced to give Henriu in Wencia Riugallan the sonne of Rum being excommunicate for an assault made upon the Bishop and his men gave Riu Drein and the third part of the Wood of Yuisperthan to be absolved Cutguallam the sonne of Guriat strooke one in the Consistory in the presence of Ioseph the Bishop who kept him the said Catguallam in prison till he had made amends for that fault by giving the Church of Saint Brides Calgucam the King of Morganuc and his family was solemnly excommunicated by Herewald the 29 Bishop of Landaffe in a Synod of all his Clergy who thereupon cast downe all the Crosses and Reliques to the ground overturned their Bells and stopped up all the doores of the Churches with thornes so as they continued for a long time without divine service and pastors day and night the King and his Family in the meane time being sequestred from the society of all the faithfull and all because one of the Kings followers being drunke had laid violent hands upon Bathutis the Bishops Physitian and Kinsman on Christmas day Anno 1056. Whereupon the King though innocent upon his submission to the Bishop to obtaine his absolution was enfâ—rced to give Henringumna in the presence of all the Clergy people to this Bishop and his successors free from all secular regal services After which one Gistni excommunicated for a rape committed by a Nephew and follower of his upon a Virgin whom he tooke violently out of the Church of Landaffe was forced to give Milne to the Bishop and his Successors to obtaine absolution By these instances wee may partly discerne by what undue meanes Bishops at first obtained their large Temporalties and Revenues even by enforcing Kings and great persons to buy out and expiate their offences by endowing their Sees with Lands and Manors without which they could not purchase their absolution and we likewise learn hence that Bishops in those dayes excommunicated none but in a Synod with the suffrage of all their Clergy Edmund de Bromfeild the 48. Bishop of Landaffe for procuring and bringing in the Popes Bulls of Provision to make him Abbot of Bury contrary to his owne expresse Oath and the Statutes of the Realme was for this his contempt and disobedience committed to the Tower by King Richard the second where he lay prisoner a long time neither durst the Pope yeeld him any assistance to justifie his owne Bull. The late Bishops of this See as Feild and others have beene so notoriously peccant that I need not mention them wherefore I shall passe on to the Bishops of Bangor Bishops of Bangor MAuritius the third Bishop of Bangor most undutifully refused a long time to doe homage to the King of England for his Bishopricke held of him but at last was perswaded to doe it Robert of Shrewsbury joyning with Leolin Prince of Wales against King Iohn his Soveraigne was taken prisoner by the
King in his owne Cathedrall Church and ransomed for 200. hawkes after this dying he was buried not in the Church-yard but in the market place of Shrewsbury by his owne appointment Richard the 10. Bishop of Bangor excommunicated David ap Lhewelin Prince of Wales for that contrary to his Oâ—th he took his Brother Gryffith prisoner who was content upon the Bishops word to goe to his Brother and when he saw that course would not reforme him he never lin complaining first to the King of England then to the Pope that he so incensed them as the one excommunicated him the other made warre upon him untill he delivered his said Brother into the Kings hands who caused him to be kept in the Tower of London till he endeavoring there to escape by misfortune brake his necke The Prince hereupon so wasted the Bishopricke that in the yeare 1248. this Bishop and the Bishop of Saint Asaph were forced to beg their bread Whereupon this Bishop came to the Abbot of Saint Albanes desiring that the Bosome of Mercy might be opened unto his poverty and he abiding there untill his Bishopricke wasted and spoiled with continuall warre should recover some better estate might together with his Chaplaine there breath and rest themselves from those calamities wherewith they had beene long afflicted in like sort as heretofore the Bishop of Hereford had done who was honorably entertained there almost the space of twenty yeares Richard Young the 22. Bishop of Bangor for some contempt and disobedience against the King and confederating as is likely with that Rebell Owen Glendor was imprisoned two or three yeares till the Pope Anno 1404. translated him to Rochester by his Bull. Lewis the 23. Bishop of Bangor Anno. 1408. joyned with the Earle of Northumberland the Lord Bardolfe and others in open Rebellion against King Henry the fourth The Earle was slaine in battell in the field the Lord Bardolfe mortally wounded and their heads set upon London Bridge The Bishop was likewise taken prisoner in the battell but obtained pardon from the King because he had no Armes upon him when he was taken though the incendiary of the other two and as great a Traytor as they but the Abbot of Hayles was hanged because hee had borne Armes in that Rebellion So happy are Traytorly and Rebellious Bishops as to scape scot free in their Treasons and Rebellions when all other sorts of men have execution done upon them Arthur Bulkly Bishop of Bangor and Iohn Lewis Vicar of Llain-geynwina were attainted in a Praemunire at the prosecution of William Whorewood the Kings Attorney for suing for the right of Patronage and Tithes of the said Church and for severall summes of money due on bond for Tithes in this Bishops Ecclesiasticall Court which had no cognisance of them being temporall and belonging only to the Kings Civill Courts to the derogation of the imperiall Jurisdiction of the King and his Crowne and subversion of the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme And hereupon judgement was given against them according to the Statute This Bishop sold away five faire Bells out of the Steeple of his Cathedrall Church which maâ—d the Musicke there Should I rip up the scandalous lives and Actions of some of the late Pilates of this See one of whom published The Practise of Piety which some say he never writ though neither he nor any of his successors did ever much practice it in their lives or should I recite the vile complaints of late against one of them in 2 or 3 late Parliaments I should be over tedious and pollute my paper with such beastly actions as would cause chast eyes to blush and turne their aspect from them Wherefore I shall passe them over in silence he being gone to answer them before the supreame tribunall informing you only that he imposed Armies upon his Clergy and provided an Armory for them to be kept in within his Cathedrall at Bangoâ— And so I post on to Assaph Diocesse Saint Assaph IOhn Trevaur Bishop of Saint Assaph pronounced the sentence for deposing King Richard the second in which instrument he is first named as appeares by this ensuing Copy of it In the Name of God Amen We Iohn Bishop of Saint Assaph chosen and deputed speciall Commissaries by the three states of this present Parliament representing the whole body of the Realme for all such mattersâ— by the said estates to us committed Wee understanding and considering the manifold crimes hurts and harmes done by Richard King of England and misgovernance of the same by a long time to the great decay of the said Land and utter ruine of the same shortly to have beene had not the speciall grace of our God thereto put the sooner remedy And also further more adverting that the said King Richard by acknowledging his owne insufficiency hath of his owne meere voluntaâ—y and free will renounced and given over the rule and governance of this Land with all rights and hâ—nours unto the same belonging and utterly for his merits hath judged himselfe not unworthily to be deposed of all Kingly Majesty and Estate Royall We the Premisses well considering by good and diligent deliberation by the power name and authority to us as aforesaid committed pronounce decerâ—e and declare the same King Richard before this to have beene and so to be unprofitable uâ—aâ—le unsuffiâ—ient and unworâ—hy of the Rule and Government of the foresaid Realmes and Lorâ—ships and of all rights and other the appurtenances thereto belonging And fâ—r the same causes wee deâ—rive him of all Kingly dignity and worshâ—p and of all Kingly worship in himselfe And we depose him by our sentence definitive forbidding expresly to all Archbishops and Bishops and all other Prelates Dukes Marquesses Earles Barons and Knights and all other men of the foresaid Kingdome and Lordships Subjects and Leiges whatsoever they be that none of them from this day forward to the foresaid Richard as King and Lord of the foresaid Realmes and Lordships be neither obedient nor attendant Immediatly as this sentence was in this wise passed and that by reason thereof the Realme stood voyd without head or governour for the same The Duke of Lancaster rising from the place where before hee sate and standing where all the house might behold him laid claime to the Crowne to which the Lords assented After which the Archbishop of Canterbury Arundel having notice of the minds of the Lords stood up and asked of the Commons if they would assent to the Lords which in their minds thought the claime of the Duke made to be rightfull and necessary for the wealth of the Realme and them all Whereto the Commons with one voyce cryed Yea yea yea After which answer the said Archbishop going to the Duke and kneeling downe before him on his knees addressed to him all his purpose in a few words which ended he rose and taking the Duke by the right hand
led him unto the Kings Seat the Archbishop of Yorke assisting him and with great reverence set him therein When he was thus placed in his Throne the Archâ— of Canturbury began a briefe Collation taking for his Theame these words written in the first Booke of Kings the ninth Chapter Vir dominabitur in pâ—pulo c. handling the same and the whole tenour of his tale to the praise of the King Thus was this King deprived by the Bishops meanes who were chiefe actors in deposing him and setting up King Henry yet some of them especially Yorke were the authors of that evill counsell which was the cause of his deprivation And no wonder since in his reigne as Holinshed writes such were preferred to Bishopricks and other Ecclesiasticall livings as neither did nor could teach nor preach nor know any thing of the Scripture of God but onely to call for their tythes and duties so as they were most unworthy of the name of Bishops being lewd and most vaine persons disguised in Bishops apparrell Furthermore there reigned abundantly the filthy sinne of Lecheâ—y and Fornication with abominable adultery in the King but chiefly in the Prelacy whereby the whole Realme by such their evill example was so infected that the wrath of God was daily provoked to vengeance for the sinnes of the Prince and people and tooke so sharpe an edge that it shred the King off from the Scepter of his Kingdome and gave him a full cup of affliction to drinke After which this Bishop was sent Ambassador into Spaine to shew the King the rightfulnesse of Henry the fourth his Tiâ—le to the Crown of England and soone after his returne thence Anno 1404. as Thâ—mas Walsingâ—am reports perceiving Owen Glendor that Welch Râ—bell to prosper in his waâ—res against King Heâ—ry the fourth Conversus est in virum pravum factus transfuga ad Owenum hee turned a lewd Traytour and Rebell flying away from the King to Owen What became of him upon Owens defeate I find not Thus this Bâ—shop was a Traytor and Rebell to two severall Kings and which was worst of all to him whose title he thus tooke upon him publikely to defend but a little before Such faith and loyalty is there in lordly Prelates I shall not trouble you any more with our Welch Bishops only let me acquaint you for a farewell that the present Bishops of Asaph Bangor and Landaffe are now complained against in Parliament and impeached by the Commons House for the late Canons Oath malevoleâ—t benevolence and other crimes for which I suppose they will ere long receive their doome The Bishops of Bath and Wels. GISO the fifteenth Bishop of Bath and Wels had many conflicts with Harold before and after hee came to the Crowne so that he was forced to fly the Land all his time Ioseline the one and twentieth Bishop of this See joyned with Stephen Langhton that Arch-rebell against King Iohn and had an hand in interdicting the Realme and excommunicating the King for which he was glad to fly the Land for five yeares the King seizing upon his goods and temporalties whereupon the Monkes and Prelates raised many vile reports of the King which you may reade in Matth. Westminster Robert Stillington the nine and thirtieth Bishop of Bath and Wells though highly advanced by Kâ—ng Edward the fourth sided with that Usurper Richard the third and was a man specially employed in his Coronation hee was a great enemy to King Henry the seventh being sent Embassador to the Duke of Brittaine for apprehending him whiles hee was Earle of Richmond Anno 1487. Hâ—e was accused of high Treason for yeelding assistance to Lambert the counterfeit Earle of Warwicke and some such other treacheries whereupon having a guilty conscience he fled to the Vniversity of Oxford hoping that the priviledges of the same might be some shelter and defence unto him whereof the King having advertisement sent one Edward Willoughby his Chaplaine to the Chancellor of the University to require the Bishop to bee delivered to his Officers as being one to whom the Priviledges of the University could not extend being at the time no Student there so farre at least as to protect him in a matter of Treason unto which no priviledge ought to yeeld any patrociny After two or three refusals at last by the connivence and permission of the Chancellour hee was there arrested and committed prisoner to the Castle of Windsor where hee lay prisoner foure yeares space till his decease 1491. Hadrian de Castello the two and fortieth Bishop of this See though he conspired not against the King yet being at Rome and there made a Cardinall he entred into a conspiracy with Cardinal Alfonso Petruccio and others to murther Pope Leo the tenth out of an ambitious conceit that surely he should be elected Pope iâ— Leo were once dead a Witch having foretold him that a certaine old man named Adrian borne of meane parentage as hee was should be advanced to the Papacy This conspiracy comming to the Popes eares Petruccio was thereupon apprehended and executed The Pope comming into the Consistory promised pardon to all the other Cardinalls who should then and there immediately confesse their faults Hadrian hereupon and some other falling downe on their knees before him acknowledged what they had done and humbly besought him of mercy He promised to bee as good as his word Howbeit Hadrianâ—earing â—earing the worst shortly after stole secretly away and was neither seene or heard of ever afterward and thereupon deprived of his Biâ—hopricke William Barlow the six and fortieth Bishop of Bath and Wells incurred a Praemunire for presuming to visite the Deane and Chapâ—er of Wells being a Donative for which he was glad to buy his peace as appeares by Brooke Praemunire Sect. 21. Guilbert Bourne the seven and fortieth Bishop of Bath and Wells in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeth was deprived of his Bishoprick for refusing to subscribe and take the Oath of Alleageance and then committed to the custody of Master Cary Deane of the Queenes Chappell The Bishops since his time I shall pretermit for brevity and descend to William Pierce the present Bishop of this Diocesse This man having been Vicechancellor in the University of Oxford wherein hee was over-busie and turbulent in persecuting good men and in causing Pareus his Commentary on the Romans to be publikely burnt in an ignominious manner was for his good service made Bishop of Peterborough and from thence translated to Bath and Wells where his tyranny oppression impiety and practises have been so excessive that the whole County of Somerset with sundry particular persons both Ministers and people there weary of his insupportable government and vexatious oppressions have exhibited divers Petitions against him to the high Court of Parliament now assembled upon the full hearing whereof before a speciall Committee for that purpose the Committees have drawn up this following
Churches that they may make matter of promeriting to themselves that they may compose al things that other things concuâ—ring they may lay hold on a necessity of commiserating and providing for the poore But if they doe it that they may safely doe any thing without punishment that they may collect mony that they may foster dilate and corrupt flesh and blood trouble their Family or seek their owne glory domineering over the Lords heritage and not being exanimo an example to the flock although with their lips and in simulation of office they put on a Pastor yet they are more like to Tyrants then Princes Philophers say nothing is more pernicious to man then man and among men a secular or Ecclesiasticall Tyrant is most pernicious Yet verily in both kinds the Ecclesiasticall is worse then the secular For if Salt hath lost its savour it is good for nothing but to be cast out and troden under feet of men So he long since determined Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of Bath flourishing about the yeare of our Lord 1160. writes thus to the Bishop of Bangor concerning the wealth and State of Bishops The Title of poverty is glorious with Christ and that which hath becomed the Sonne of God ought not to misbeseeme you The Prince of the Apostles and Prelates saith Gold and Silver have I none Yea that great famous Augustine Bishop of Hippo therefore made no will because the poore servant of Christ had nothing at all whereof to make any bequest It is your duty to live of the Gospell as the Lord hath appointed not to goe pompously in the ornament of Cloathes in the pride of Horses in the multitude of Attendants It becomes you as a professour of Priestly and Episcopall holynesse to â—ut of all footsteps of your ancient conversation And in his Treatise of the Institution of a Bishop dedicated to John Bishop of Worcester He thus declaimes against the Lordlinesse Courâ—ship and secular imployments of Bishops especially those which concerne the Exchequer Certaine Bishops abusively call the liberty and almes of ancient Kings bestowed on them Baronies and Royalties and themselves Barons it being an occasion of most shamâ—â—full servitude I am afraid least the Lord complaine of them and say They have raigned but not by me they have made themselves Princes but I knew it not Thou must know that thou hast taken upon thee the Office of a Shepheard not of a Baron Certainely Iosâ—ph being in Aegypt instructed his Father and Brethren to say to Pharaoh We are Shepheards He would rather have them professe the office of a Shepheard then of a Prince or Baron Christ saith I am the good Shepheard But thou art made by him a shepheard or a steward a stewardship is committed to thee and know that thou must give an accounâ— of thy stewardship The husbandry of God is committed to thee thou hast need of a Weeding-hooke as an Husbandman of a staâ—â—e as a Shepheard of a Weeding-hooke that as the Sonne of a Prophet thou mayst pull up and destroy build up and plant use thy staffe by driving the Wolves from the sheep-fold by sustaining the weake sheep by raising up those â—haâ— are fallen by reducing those that have stâ—ayed But among the fruits of thy Episcopall office let eternall things be ever preferred before temporall Let another guide and dispatch thy temporall cares and affaires for thee but doe thou diligently attend the salvation of soules The mind consecrated to the discharge of Divine service ought to be free from worldly imployments Thou art addicted to great things be not taken up with the smallest These things what ever they are which â—end to the gaine of the World and pertaine not to the gaining of soules are small and vile If you shall have secular businesse saith the Apostle appoint those who are most contemptible among you to be Iudges Thou therefore O good Prelate set all things after the salvation of soules for soules are as far more worthy then bodyes and all things else that humane ambition causeth as Heaven it selfe excels Earth in dignitie Yet at this day with many Episcopall authority consists onely in this that their plowlands are fatted with chalke and dung that thâ—ir Fishponds bee multiplyed that their Parkes and the Ground of their possessions be inlarged In building Palaces Mils and Ovens All the care of Prelates is in increasing their rents What is it the voice of our Saviour to the Prince of the Apostles and Prelates if thou lovest me till thy Lands build high Houses we read that he said to Peter If thou lovest me feed my sheep Thou art the heire and Vicar of Peter feed my sheep by Preaching doe the worke of an Evangelist and Shepheard thou must not be ashamed of the Gospell if thou beleevest thou oughtest not to be ashamed of thy Pastorall office Be instant therefore in season out of season fulfill thy Ministry Thy ministry hath more burthen then honour If thou affectest the honour of it thou art an hireling if thou imbracest the burthen of it the Lord is able to increase his grace that thou maist receive gaine out of gaine and profit out of profit If thou shalt drowne thy selfe in the Labyrinthes of Court affaires especially of the Exchequer thou shalt suffer great losses of spirituall exercise No man can serve two Masters God and Mammon Let it not slip out of thy mind how in the tonsure of thy head when as thou wast elected into the Lords portion how thou hast renounced the ignominy of Lay-imployments Yea in the day of thy consecration thou hast made solemne vowes to renounce all secular things and imployments as our Bishops and Ministers yet doe in the presence of God and the whole Congregation which have bound up thy lips thou art obliged with the words of thy owne mouth when upon the interrogation of him that consecrated thee thou hast published without any exception that from hence forth thou wouldst wholly discharge and sequester thy selfe from all worldly businesses and dishonest gaines and wouldst alwayes bend thy whole study and care upon divine affaires What hast thou to doe with the revennues of the Exchequer that thou shouldest neglect the cure of soules but â—or one short houre What hath Christ elected thee to the receipt of custome Matthew being once taken from thence never returned thither againe Be not therfore in the number of those who prefer worldly imployments before spirituall swallowing a Camell and straining at a Gnat. We read that in the dayes of Constantine there were certaine Bishops flattering the Prince who gave greater reverence and heed to royall Edicts then to Evangelicall precepts And there are some Bishops now a dayes to whom the dispensation of Gods word is committed who are silent from good things dumbe dogges neither able nor yet willing to barke they are turned into an evill bow giving themselves up as
wicked Doctrine at Oxford were brought into judgement before the King and the Bishops of the kingdome who being devious from the catholique Faith and overcome in tryall Facies cauteriata notabiles cunctis exposuit qui expulsi sunt aregno they were stigmatized in the face which made them notable to all and then banished out of the kingdome VVhat this pravum dogma or wicked opinion was for which these men were thus stigmatized and exiled I finde not specified in Paris and Walsingham but Iohn Bale out of Guâ—do Perpinâ—anus de Haeresibus relates that those men were certaine Waldenses who taught That the Church of Rome was the whore of Babylon and the barren Fig-tree whom Christ himselfe had long agoe accursed and moreover said Non obediendum esse Papâ— ET EPISCOPIS Ordinesque Characteres esse magnae bestiae That men are not to obey the Pope AND BISHOPS and that Orders to wit Popish Orders are the characters of the great beast Had these Waldenses lived in our dayes they should not have beene branded onely in the face by our Lordly Prelates procurement but set â—n the Pillory and had both their eares cut off then banished into forraigne Islands and there been shut up close prisoners so strictly that neither their wives children friends should have any accesse unto them nor they enjoy so much as the use of bookes Pen Inke or Paper onely for opposing Episcopacy as we know some others have lately been for this very cause Expertus loquor So dangerous so fatall is it for any to oppose our Lordly Prelacy as these men did in their generation though â—hey smarted for it Yet this could not deterre our most learned â— Gualter Mapes Archdeacon of Oxford flourishing in king Iohns raigne about the yeare of our Lord 1210. from following their footsteps who in his Satyrs doubted not to stile Prelates Animalia bruta stercora Bruit beasts and dung and in his books Ad impios Praelatâ—s and Ad malos Pastores complaines that Alegis doctoribus Lex evacuatur Dilatatur impii regnum Pharaonis comparing the Bishops to wicked Pharaoh for their tyranny and oppression But of him before This Doctrine of his and other our Martyrs was this seconded by Sir Iohn Borthwike knight martyred in Scotland Anno 1540. as appeares by his answers in the sixth and seventh Articles objected against him by the Prelates The sixth Article Agreeable to the ancient Errors of Iohn Wickliffe and Iohn Hus Arch-Heretiques condemned in the Councell of Constance hee hath affirmed and preached That the Clergy ought not to possesse or have any temporall possessions neither to have any jurisdiction or authoritie in temporalties even over their owne subjects but that all things ought to bee taken from them as it is at this present in England Borthwicke The Lord in the eighteenth Chapter of the Booke of Numbers said thus unto Aaron Thou shalt possesse nothing in their Land neither shalt thou have any portion amongst them I am thy portion and inheritance amongst the Children of Israel for unto the sonnes of Levi I have given all the Tithes of Israel that they should possesse them for their Ministry which they doe execute in the Tabernacle of the Congregation Albeit I doe not doubt but that the Order of the Levites and of the Clergy is farre different and variable For the administration of their sacred and holy things after their death passed unto their posterity as it were by right of inheritance which happeneth not unto the posterity of our Clergy in these dayes Furthermore if any heritage be provided or gotten for them I doe not gainâ—-say but that they shall possesse it but still I doe affirme That all temporall jurisdiction should be taken from them For when as twice there arose a contention amongst the Disciples which of them should be thought the greatest Christ answered The kings of Nations have dominion over them and such which have power over them are called beneficiall you shall not doe so for hee which is greatest amongst you shall be made equall unto the youngest or least and hee which is the Prince or Ruler amongst you shall be made equall unto him that doth minister minding thereby and willing utterly to debarre the Ministers of his Word from all terrene and civill dominion and Empire For by these points he doth not onely declare that the office of a Pastor is distinct and divided from the office of a Prince and Ruler but they are in effect so much different and separate that they cannot agree or ioyne together in one man Neither is it to be thought that Christ did set or ordaine an harder Law then hee himselfe did take upon him For so much as in the twelfth of Luke certaine of the company said unto him Master command my brother that he divide his inheritance with mee Hee answered Man who made me a Judge or a divider amongst you Wee see therefore that Christ even simply did reiect and refuse the office of a Judge the which thing hee would not have done if it had beene agreeable unto his office or duty The like thing also hee did in the eighth Chapter of Iohn when as hee refused to give iudgement upon the woman taken in adultery which was brought before himâ— Whereas they doe alleage â—hat Moses did supply both offices at once I answer that it was done by a rare miracle Furthermore that it continued but for a time untill things were brought unto a better state besides that there was a certaine forme and rule prescribed him of the Lord then tooke hee upon him the civill governance and the Priesthood he was commanded to resigne unto his bâ—other and that not without good cause for it is against nature that one man should suffice both charges wherefore it was diligently fore-seene and provided for in all ages Neither was there any Bishop so long as any true face or shew of the Church did continue who once thought to usurpe the right and title of the sword whereupon in the time of Saint Ambrose this proverbe tooke his originall That Emperours did rather wish or desire the office of Priesthood then Priests any Empire For it was all mens opinions at that time that sumptuous palaces did pertaine unto Emperours and Churches unto Priests Saint Bernard also writeth many things which are agreeable unto this our opinion as is this his saying Peter could not give that which hee had not but hee gave unto his succesâ—ours that which hee had that is to say carefulnesse over the Congregation for when as the Lord and Master saith That he is not constituted or ordained Judge betweene two the servant or Disciple ought not to take it scornfully if that he may not judge all men And lest that hee might seeme in that place to speake of the spirituall judgement hee straightway annexeth therefore saith hee your power and authority shall be in offence and transgression not in possessions For
this peece of it may seasonably promote have induced mee to divide it into two parts the first whereof thou hast here compleate the second God willing thou shalt receive with all possible expedition In the mean season I shall desire thy favourable acceptation of this moity and of a perfect Table of the severall Chapters of the whole Treatise wherein thou maist behold the latter part in Epitome till thou enjoy it in grosse A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS OF THE FIRST PART Chap. I. COntaining the severall Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Seditions Contumacies and Disloyalties of the Archbishops of Canterbury against their Soveraignes Kings of England and the severall Warres Tumults and Dissentions occasioned and raised by them in or against our Realme Chap. II. Of the severall Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Seditions State-schismes Contempts and Disloyalties of the Archbishops of Yorke against their Soveraignes and of the Warres Tumults and Civill Dissentionâ— caused by them Chap. III. Comprising the severall Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Contumacies Disloyalties Warres Dissentions and State Schismes of the Bishops of London Winchester Durham Salisbury and Lincolne The TABLE of the Chapters of the second Part. Chap. IV. Comprising the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Conâ—umacies and Disloyalties of the Bishops of Ely Exeter and Hereford Chap. V. Containing the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Contumacies and Disloyalties of the Bishops of Chichester Carlile Chester and Norwich Chap. VI. Comprising the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Contumacies and Disloyalties of the Bishops of S. Davids Landaffe Bangor Asaph Bath and Wels. Chap. VII Containing the severaâ—l Treasons Rebellions Seditions Schismes Contumacies Warres and disloyalties of the Bishops of France Normandy Scotland and Ireland with reference unto England Chap. VIII Containing certaine conclusions deduced from the premises with the judgements and râ—solutions of divers of our ancient Writers and Martyrs and some of our learnedest Bishops and Authors in Queene Elizabeths raigne touching the pretended Divine Iurisdiction of Bishops their Treasons Rebellions Temporalties large Possessions and the uselessenesse unprofitablenesse and mischievousnesse of Lordly Bishops and their government in our Church Chap. IX Comprising an answer to the principall Objections alleaged by the Prelates in defence of the Divine pretended institution and for the continuance of their Episcopacieâ— in our Church ERRATA PAge 11. l. 40. read The King thinking p. 73. l. 21. such l. 33. aâ—t au Royans Râ—y p. 78. l. â—0 faithfull p. â—25 l. 28. granted grâ—nted p. 132. l. 5. Edward deceasing p. 144. l. 1. Dâ—acanâ—s p. 147. l 9 Datary p. 150. â— l 8. Penry p. 152. l. 24. against p. 156. l. 16. Saxons p. 171. l. 11. Archiepiscopall l. 15 un intâ—rruptâ—d p. 176. l. 38 oppressions p 194 l. 13. undefiâ—ed p. 212. l. 14. they the. p. 220 l. 11. favour feare p. 234. l. 1. be appâ—ehended p. 2â—8 l. 18. this the p. â—3â— l. 6. dele a. p. 242. l. 1 dele andâ— l. 12. Edmond Edward pâ— 241 l 8. Bishop p. 260. l. 13. were where p. 261. l. 14. excellently learned p. â—62 l 37. ripped p. 284. l. 2â—â—â—ele in p. 277 l. 27.35 deluded deâ—ivered p. 280 l. 2. Cales l 25. forfeiting fortefying p. 281 l. 31. said laid 282 l. 23 wiâ—e wâ—â—e p 292. l. 23. greaâ—lyâ— p 295. l. 30. upon this p. 305 l. 20. left lift l. 28. or of p. 312. l. 40. everâ— even p. 315. l. 9. learned unlearned p. 318. l. 24. examination excommunication p. 323. l. â—9 Geofâ—yâ— Hugh p. 327. l. 17. gravissima l. 27. accuse accurse p. 331. l. 20. strangers p. 334. l. 4. from his p. 336. l. 29. imployed In the Margin p. â—35 l. 6. Beacon l. 8. vol. 3. p. â—51 l. 5. Bishop See THE PROLOGVE THere is nothing more frequent in these latter dayâ—s in the mouthes of our domineering Lordly Prelates than this triviall Paradox of Archbishop Bancroft which some would Originally father upon our late Soveraigne King James NO BISHOP NO KING as if Kings could neither bee nor continue Kings unlesse Prelates were suffered both to be and continue Lords and Princes Crownes irreparably lost if Bishops Miters were but once cast downe This absurd and groundlesse Assertion as it is evidently disproved by those many flourishing Kings and Kingdomes which have well subsisted withâ—ut Lord Bishops both before these Mushrome Lords Spirituall onely in Title but wholly Temporall in reality first sprouted up by insensible degrees in the Church of Christ so it is most infallibly convinced of notorious falshood by the multitude of those most execrable Treasons Treacheries Conspiracies Rebellions Contumacies Insurrections Seditions and Anti-Monarchiall practises of Lordly Prelates against their Soveraignes in all ages since they grew rich and potent in all Kingdomes and Churches where they have beene admitted of which there are so many presidents as would fully fraught many Folio Volumes and require another Baronius or Tostatus to digest into severall vast Tomes And I dare further adde to the immortall prayse of this loyall generation of Lordly Prelates that there is no one calling or profession of men whatsoever in the Christian World guilty of so many traiterous treacherous perfidious seditious rebellious contumacious practises and conspiracies against their lawfull Princes or that have proved such execrable firebrands of dissentions commotions bloody warres Rebellions and detestable Schismes both in Church and State as these Prelaticall Lords Yea I suppâ—se I may confidently averre without any errour or calumny that Lordly Prelates have beene the Originall Authors and contrivers of more Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Schismes Warres and Contentions in Christian Kingdomes than all other rankes and callings of men whatsoever not severally considered but united This I could at large demonstrate by an whole Volume of examples of Popes and Lordly Prelates in forraigne parts but I neede not travell abroad since we have so many presidents at home of our owne English Lordly Prelates as may abundantly suffice to illustrate this truth the chiefest whereof I have here collected and faithfully transcribed out of the Marginall Authors quoted to every of them whose very words I onely recite for the most part but where brevity or necessitie enfoâ—ce me to use my owne expressions for methâ—d or connexion sake when the Historians either somewhat vary or are over-tedious in their relations or where one Historian relates some particulars which another omits in which case I must desire the Reader to peruse all the Authors quoted to each example lest examining onely one or two of them which record but a part and not the entire relation he should either wrong himselfe or censure me of calumnie or forgerie without just cause Neither let the Reader here expect an exact enumeration of all the Treasons Conspiracies Trecheries Rebellions Seditions Conâ—umacies Warres or State-schismes that our English Prelates have beene guilty of since they became potent Lordsâ— for many of them no doubt were so secretly contrived and carryed by them that the Historians of their â—imes could have no information of them
Proclamation was made that no man should dare to harbour or give him entertainement by meate drinke or lodging At last after much adoe the Arch-Bishop made his peace and brought him into favour with the King who dying King Edward the third advanced him to the See of Canterbury The King going into France with a great Armie and laying claime to that Crowne committed the Government of the Realme here at home to the Arch-Bishop He besides other promises of faithfull diligence in the trust committed to him assured the King hee should want no money to expend in this exploit whereunto all kindes of people shewed themselves so willing to yeeld what helpe they possibly might as hee tooke â—pon him to discerne the King might command of them what hee liâ—t No sooner was the King over Seas but infinite summes of Money were collected with the very good liking of all the people This Money which men thought would have maintained the Warres for two or three yeares was spent in lesse than one The King wanting Money puts the Arch-Bishop in minde of his promise calling continually on him for more Monies The Arch-Bishop blames his Officers beyond the Seas for ill managing of his Treasure advising him to make peace with the French upon reasonable conditions sending him no more Money The King grew exceeding angry with the Arch-Bishop for this Motion and usage and his Souldiers calling for Mony he told them that the Arch-Bishop had beâ—rayed him to the French King who no doubt had hired him to detaine their pay in his hands and to satisfie his Souldiers needes was enforced to take up what Monies he could at hard rates from Usurers And though some excuse the Arch-Bishop in this yet others thinke him guilty of practising against the Kings further good â—ortunes in France because Pope Benedict the Twelfth was displeased much therewith as pretending it was pernicious to Christendome and thereupon put Flanders under Interdict for leaving the French King and adhering to King Edward and therefore the Arch-Bishop to please the Pope whom hee obeyed more than the King who had written a Leâ—â—er to the King and him to desist from that Warre thus thwaâ—â—ed the Kings deâ—ignes by not sending him such supplies of Money as hee promised and in moving him to peace The King taking it very hainously to be thus dealt with and that his brave beginnings and proceedings in France should bee thus crossed hereupon steps suddenly over into England and caâ—â—s the Bishop of Chichester then Lord Chancellour and the Bishop of Liâ—hâ—â—eld then Lord Treasurer prisoners into the Tower whither he intended to send the Arch-Bishop But hee having some inkling of the Kings intention got him to Canterbury and there stood upon his guard being accused by Heâ—â—y Bishop of Lincolne and Gregory Scrope then Lord chieâ—e Justice of England of Trechery and Conspiracy with the French and of High-treason the whole blame by the generall voyce of all men lying on him Sir Nicholas Cantilupus hereupon â—ollowed him to Canterbury with Iohn Faâ—ingdon a publike Notary who required him to make present payment of a great summe of Money which the King had taken up of out-landish Merchants upon the Arch-Bishops credit or else to get him over Seas immediately and yeeld his body prisoner to them till â—he debt was discharged for that the King upon his promise had undertaken hee should so doe The Arch-bishop sayd he could give no present answere but would take time to advise thereof writing divers Letters to the King not to hearken to Flatterers and those who defamed other mens actionâ— and to make choyse of better Counsellourâ— and not to disturbe the peace at home whiles he made waâ—â—es abroad After which hee called the Clergie and people into the Cathedrall Church of Canterbury and made an Oration to them taking Ecclesiastiâ—us 48.10 for his Theame He feared not any Prince neither â—oâ—ld any bring him into subjectionâ— no word could overcome â—im c. In which Sermon hee highly commended and approved Thâ—mas Becket Arch-Bishop of Canterbâ—ry who with-drew himselfe wholly from all Secular Affaires and betooke himselfe onely to the Government of the Church and blamed himselfe much for that hee had left the care of the Church and wholly yea dayly iâ—ployed himselfe in the managing the Kings affaires for which he now received no other reward for his merits towards the King and Kingdome but envie and the danger of his head promising with teares that hereafter hee would be more diligent in the Government of the Church Which Sermon ended to keepe off all Royall violence from him he published certaine Articles of Excommunication after the horrid Popish manner with Tapers burning and Bells ringing In which Articles hee Excommunicated all those who disturbed the peace of the King and Kingdome all Lay-men who should lay violent hands on the Clergie or invade their Lands Houses Goods or violate the Liberties of the Church or Magna Charta or forge any crimes oâ— any one but especially every one that should draw himselfe or any Bishop of his Province into the Kings hatred or displeasure or should falsely say they were guilty of Treason or worthy of any notable or capitall punishment Having published these Articles in the Church of Canterbury hee commanded the Bishop of London and all the Suffragans of his Province to proclaime them in their Churches and Diocesse The King hearing of this strange insolencie writes to the Bishop of London acquaints him how trecheroâ—sly the Arch-Bishop had dealt with him and how by these Excommunications hee thought to shift off his calling to an account and therefore commanded him not to publish themâ— Afâ—er which the King sent Ralph Eaâ—le of Stafford with two Notaries to the Arch-bishop to summon him in the Kings Name without delay to appeareâ— before him to consult with his other Nobles and Prelates concerning the affaires of England and France The Bishop gave no other answere but this That he would deliberate upon itâ— Soone after there came certaine Messengers from the Duke of Brabant desiring to speake with the Arch-Bishop who refusing to speake with them they cited him by Writings which they hanged on the High Crosse at Canterbury to make payment of a great summe of Money which the King of England had borrowed of him The King after this sends some Letters to the Prior and Covent of Canterbury who shewing the Letters to the Arch-Bishop he on Ash-Wednesday goes up into the Pulpit in the Cathedrall Church and there calling the Clergie and people to him spake much to them concerning his fidelity and integrity in the Kings businesse after which hee commanded the Kings Letters to be read and then answered all the Crimes and Calumnies as he â—earmed them layd against him in those Letters and putting his Answere which he there uttered into Writing he published it throughout his whole Provincâ— The King hereupon makes a Reply to his Answere shewing therein how treacherously and
matter hath beene wondrous craftily conveyed for at the beginning the Bishops were not sworne so straitely unto the Pope as now For I doe reade in the â—ime of Gregory the third which wâ—s in the yeare of our Lord 759. how their oath was no more but to sweare for to keepe the faith of our Holy Church and to abide in the unity of the same and not to consent for any manâ— pleasure to the contrary to promise also to seeke the profits of the Church of Rome And if any Bishops did live against the old Statutes of Holy Fathers with him they should have no conversation but rather forbid it if they could or else truely to shew the Pope of it This Oath continued a great many of yeares till that a mortall hatred sprang betweene the Emperour and the Pope for confirming of Bishops then as many Bishops as were confirmed by the Pope did sweare the Oath that I have first written For this Oath that Gregory maketh mention of was not sufficientâ— because that by it the Bishops were not bound to betray their Princes not to revelaâ—e their Counsailes to the Pope The which thing the Pope must needes know or else he could not bring to passe his purpose that is to say he could not be Lord over the world and cause Emperours and Kings to fetch their confirmations of him and to kneele downe and kisse his feete The which when he had brought to passe he proceeded further adding more things to the Bishops Oathâ— to the maintaining of his worldly honour and dignity as it shall afterward appeare But first we will examine this Oath how it standeth with Gods Word and with the true obedience to our Prince I pray you tell me out of what Scripture or else out of what example of our Master Christ and his Holy Apostles you have taken this doctrine to learne to sweare to S. Peter or else to the Church of Rome or else to the Pope What neede you to sweare to S. Peter ye can neither doe him good by your fidelity noâ— yet hurt by your falshood Oathes be taken that he that the Oath is made unto might be sure of the true helpe and suâ—cour of him that sweareth against all men that could hurt him Now S. Peter hath none enemies and though he had yet is not he afraid of them neither can you helpe him nor deliver him if he had neede But the verity is that good S. Peter must here stand in the fore-front to make men afrayd with and to make men beleeve that you are his friends but God knoweth that you neither favour his person learning nor living For if S. Peters person were here with his net on his necke I thinke you would bid him walke begger if you called him not Hereticke Why doe you not sweâ—re to follow his living and to preach and teach his Doctrine but that maketh nothing for your purpose Therefore you sweare all onely â—o Saint Peters name But wherein will you be faithfull to Saint Peter to maintaine his worldly honours dignities or riches you know well he saith that he hath forsaken all these things for Christs sake and for these things I thinke he will require none Oath of you Wherefore if you will needes be faithfull and sworne unto S. Peter it must be in maintaining and in defending spirituall things as preaching of Christs Gospell purely and sincerely ministring truely after the institution of our Master Christ the blessed Sacraments of holy Church and in vertuous living giving example to the Holy Church of Christ. But now if this be your Oath truely you are perjured and worthy to weare Papers for you doe reckon your selves too high and too honourable to goe about such simple things as these be And therefore you have applyed your selves to other greater matters as to Christening of Bells to hallowing of Churches to blessing of Candles to consecrating of Holy Oyle to hallowing of Chalices vestments and Aâ—tars and to giving 40. dayes of pardon to them that receive your blessings in the streete and to some that visite Holy Saints and such like great matters which pertaine nothing to your Oath Wherefore I doe reckon that after the true forme of your Oath we have but few Bishops but that be perjured or abjured call it what you will both against God against S. Peter and against their Prince It followeth And to the Holy Church of Rome What needeth this what good can you doe to the Church of Rome or what profit is it to her that you sweare thinke you that â—he will compell you by your Oath to be true to her then must she needes sue you of perjury if you breake your Oath But marke how the Church of Rome is set in your Oath as the better person before the Pope wherefore it must needes follow that the Pope is under the Church and lesse than the Church and no head of the Church except you will make him a third person yeâ— neither pertaineth to S. Peter nor yet to holy Church but is a thing of himselfe and as your Law saith neither God nor man but middle betweene them both that is as much to say after my learning as the Devill himselfe But what meaneth it that you sweare onely to the Holy Church of Rome will you be traytors to the Holy Church of Constantinople or else to the Holy Church of England Or doe you thinke other Churches not holy tell us what you meane for it seemeth a marveilous thing and also a speciall thing that you make such an Oath all onely to the Holy Church of Rome naming none other Church Why are you not rather sworne to keep and to feede to nourish and to be true to your owne Church of the which you have taken cure and charge As S. Peter commandeth you See that you feede Christs flocke which is among you For of these you have taken your name living and dignity you are called Bishop of Winchester of London and of Lincolne and of these you are Fed but these be forgotten in your Oath and these you little regard but to maintaine the Holy Church of Rome that giveth you never a penny but robbeth all other Churches you must be â—â—raitely sworne And why Antichrist must have a cloake for his Treason For now if he be a Traytor he is to be excused Why for he is sworne to it But shall I tell you what I doe take out of it The truth is that you sweare to betray to kill and slay all members of all other Churches saving those that live after the whoredome and mischief that is used in Rome For if you should be bound to seeke out in Rome Christened men and those that doe live after the living of the holy Church I thinke you should finde but few yea and unto those you would thinke scorne to be sworne Ergo it must follow that you are sworne to the worst sort of Rome and that
unto our King and that absolution was blazen and blowne preached and taught throughout all the world and all doores and postes must bee decked with papers and bulls for your discharge But for to helpe your Prince you could never be discharged of your hereticall and trayterous Oath made unto the Pope against your Prince Here neither Peter nor Paul can helpe nor there is no key that can open that locke O Lord God how have we beene blinded thus trayterously to handle our naturall Prince But how this Caterpiller is come to be Lord and hath brought Kings under his feete I will speake God willing after this in a particular treatise It followeth and to his successors lawfully and regularly entring in After what Law I read in your owne Bookes of law after which me thinkes there be very few Bishops made wherein I finde among all other good things that he should be chaste of living meeke gentle to speake to mercifull well learned in the new and old Testament and that he should not forbid marriage nor should blame the eating of flesh and should also beleeve that all manner of sinnes as well actuall as originall be clearely forgiven in Baptisme How many of these things the Popes Holinesse is indowed withall and how many he alloweth his owne bookes and deedes will testifie Wherefore I reckon that your oath doth not meane this Law nor yet the Law that blessed Saint Paul writeth of For then I reckon that by the vertue of your Oath you have not beene bound to one Pope this 400. yeares so that it must follow that you have other Lawes than blessed S. Paul speaketh of or the Councell of Carthaginence to choose your Pope by the which as farre as men can reckon by common experience and practise be these Inprimis He that shall be able to be Pope must be a vengeable tyrant never keeping peace but alwayes warring for the defence as ye call it of S. Peters patrimony To suffer no Prince to dwell in rest by him but to snatch his possessiones to the unholy Church of Rome To set Princes together by the eares till they be both weary and then to take the matter in his hand and never to make an end till both parties hath given some possessions to his Holy Father-head to assoyle the soules that hath been slaine through his packing and he that dare most boldly and with least shame depose Princes without a cause he is best able to be Pope He that can by any traine craft or subtilty bring under him any Bishop or any spirituall person or invent any new clause in their Oath he is to be allowed afore other Moreover he that keepeth fewest women and hath most of them that you woâ— of he is holiest and apt to be head of your Church And he that can most tyrannously burne men for preaching of the Gospell and he himselfe to take no labours therein Item to burne Priests that marry wives and he himself to live in all mischiefe and whoredome yea in such abominablenesse as no man may with honesty speake you know what I meane this man I say hath a testimony afore his spiritualâ—y that he is a lawfull man to that Office Furthermore he that is a whores sonne as our Holy Father is now and can finde the meanes that 12. men will forswear themselves that he is lawfully bornâ— as this holy Clement did This is a fit Fatâ—â—â— for such children Finally he that can give most money and buy the greatest part or Cardinals of his side he is best worthy to be called Pope and to set on Peters stoole For it cannot be unknowne to you how that Thomas VVoulcy an holy pillar of your Church would have been Pope when this Clement was chosen and did offer for it a reasonable penny but Clement dashed him out of conceite with 2000â— pound more than he offered and so he was judged best worthy and entred in lawfully and regularly and unto him our Bishops be sworne and obedient And why because they will have such a head as they be members for how could else their Kingdome stand For if one should be chosen after the rule of blessed S. Paul or else after the living of these new Heretickes which be simple and poorâ— and care not for no dignities nor will never sweare nor fight and would rather marry a wife of their owne then take other mens and are alwayes studying and preaching Gods Word seeking onely the honour of God and the profit of his neighbour and will be subject and obedient in all things desiring none exception to his Prince This man I say should be unlawfull and not elegible for he were able to destroy the whole Kingdome of the Papists and not worthy to receive an Oath of my Lords the Bishops which will not gladly be prejured for such a mans sake For he were able to destroy the whole Church of Rome unto the which our Bishops have beene before sworne It followeth in your Oath I shall noâ— consent in Counsell or in deede that they should lose either life or member or that they should be taken or trapped by any evill meanes What neede you to sweare thus unto the Pope doth not the order of Charity binde you thus to use your selfe toward all men that is to say neither to hurt them nor to harme them neither to intrappe them nor betray them But all men must be betray'd and with craft and subtletie undone for the maintenance of this one person The truth is that never man spake against this Popet but you destroy him and betray'd him but this Popet hath blasphemed and betrayed all Protestants and yet you were never against him And why because you be sworne to him And you will keepe your Oath be it right or wrong But in your last Oath which hath beene newly made is added this clause that no man should lay violent hands upon them in any wise or any wrong should be done unto them by any manner of Colour This part is newly brought in siâ—â—e the flesh of the Pope hath beene so holy that no man might touch it but Harlots Christian men must patiently suffer injuries and wrongs but your head will forsweare that point and maintaine himselfe through your power against all men How neere that this is the Apostles living all Christian men can well judge It followeth in your Oath Their Councell that shall be shewed unto me either by their letters or by their messengers I shall open to no man to their hurt or damage Let Princes beware when the Pope sendeth counsâ—lls unto you for their meaning is to betray them For all the world knoweth that the Pope and you doe little regard what the beggars of the world doth handle But what Emperours Kings and Dukes doth handle â—hat must you let and destroy For that is the Counsell and you may shew it to no man No not to your King and why because you are sworne
that God had long admitted Kings or any Bishops as you take him was thought of Doth not the Holy Ghost command that we should honour King Also in another place Let all men bâ— under the higher powers for the power is of God and he that resâ—steth resisteth the power of Gods Ordinance Here Paul saith that Kings power is of God of Bishops Furthermore what reason is it to defend the Popes Prerogative against your Princes Is not your Prince nearer and more naturall unto you then this wretch the Pope But here is a thing that maketh me to marveile When you sweare to the Pope saving your order is as much to say as you shall not use no weapons but else you shall be ready and obedient in all things But when you shall sweare to your King then saving your order is as much to say as you have authoritie to confirme Kings and to be their fellowes and neither to be obedient unto them nor yet to answere to any Justice before them but clearely to be exempted and they not to meddle with you except they will give you some worldly promotion If I would use my selfe as uncharitably against you as you have handled me doubtlesse I could make something of this that should displease you How would you cry and how would you handle me poore wretch â—f you had halfe so much against me as this is but I will let you passe God hath preserved me hitherto oâ— his infinite mercy against your insatiable malice and no doubt but he will doe the same still I will returne to your Oath It followeth I shall come to the Synod when I am called unlesse I shall be lawfully let But why doe you not sweare to compell the Pope to call a Councell seeing that it hath beene so often and so instantly required of him by many Noble Princes of Christendome yea seeing that al Christendom such was their desire of Reformation doth require with great sighes an order to be taken and set in the highest Articles of our faith but unto this you are not sworne And why because it is against your holy Pope of Rome for it there were a generall Councell both he and you doe know that there must needes follow both over him and you a streight reformation Therefore after my Counsell say that you cannot come for you be lawfully let It followeth I shall honourably entreate the Popes Logaâ— both going and comming and in his necessity I shall helpe him I pray you see and provide well that he goe not a begging as Peter did And see also that he neither preach nor teach but pill and poll with all mischiefe and unshame fastnesse And whyâ— because you are sworne this to maintaine It followeth I shall visit yearely my selfe or by some other messenger the Pope of Rome unlesse I â—e dispenced with of them I pray you what pertaineth this to the Office of a Bishop yearely to visit Rome Christ and the most of his Apostles were never at Rome and yet they were meetly good Christian men But I reade in the traditions of the Turke that certaine of them must yearely visit their Mahomet From whom I thinke you have taken this custome Your owne Law saith that unto this clause must these Bishops all onely be bound that be immediately underneath the Pope Now are not you such for you sweare an oath to the King that you will immediately take your Bishopricke of him and hold it all onely of his grace Wherefore then doe you here sweare against your owne Law And also against your Oath made to your Prince Moreover you know that there was an old custome in the dayes of King Henry the second that no Bishop should goe out of the Realme without the Kings Licence Are you not bound to keepe this custome but answere that the Pope hath dispensed with you and that you are not bound to keepe any obedience toward the acts that your Prince maketh Moreover I marvaile sore that you be all so straightly sworne of so long time and never one of you that ever went in my dayes to discharge this Oath And why because you are dispensed with But were it not as good to leave it out of your Oath at first seeing you intend not to keepe it as afterward to dispence with you for it No forsooth for then the Pope could not bind you to come to Rome at his pleasure and betray your King and all his Counsailes But in your Oath that is newly made and that you have sworne last is added that if the Pope be on this side the mountaines then you shall visite him every yeare but if he be beyond the mountaines then every three yeares Oâ—â— that knew not your practise and the circumstances of youâ— facts that hath beene done would little suspect this addition but the very truth is there is a mischievous and abominable treason in it against Princes For if it chanced the Emperour or else any temporall Prince neere unto Rome to fall at variance with the Pope then did the Pope straight runne into France that is to say on this side the Mountaines where you must visite him yearely And why because your God is in distresse and hath conceived a deadly hatred against a Prince and cannot bring it to passe without your helpe and counsell Whereâ—ore you must come yearely And also he must know through your betraying how your Prince is minded and whether he be addicted to his contrarie part or not If he be you must betray his Counsell and that yearely and why because the Pope is on this side the Mountaines But and if he be in Rome and hath all Princes neckes under his girdle yet is it sufficient that you come every third yeare For you can at once comming devise as much Treason as Princes shall avoyd in five yeares But what belongeth this unto a Bishop that the Pope is on this side the mountaines or beyond If he be bound by Gods Law yearely to visite the Pope then must you visite him wheresoever he be though he were either with God or the Devill and if you be not bound by Gods Law what a presumption is it of him to bind you yea what an over-sight is it of you to let your selfe thus to be bound and what a wickednesse is it of you so straightly to keepe this Oath to the which you are not bound by Scripture against your obedience made to your Prince which is commanded by Gods Word But I pray you what example hath either he or blessed Saint Peter to bind by vertue of an Oath the other Apostles yearely to visit him at Rome All the world may perceive that this Oath is invented of insatiable covetousnesse that the Pope and you have toward honours and dignities And that is well declared by these words that follow in your Oath The possessions of my Church I shall not sell give lay to
afterwards with your rings onely and your Gloves and your silver Sheephooke if God be pleased you doe play the Bishops And here againe I guesse what they will object For all that say they oftentimes many Saints have beene Bishops not onely of one City but of many Cities I make answere As many as have beene â—oly Bishops in very deede and called Pastours by the calling of God all those for the most part were the Bishops of one City alone as Cyprian Hilary Ambrose Augustine Ireneus and these observed the tradition of the Apostles it is found in deede in Hisâ—oriographers that there have beene certaine such was holy Boniface and such also Tite unto Paul which did after their own judgement constitute other Bishops in the Cities as Titus did but yet wâ—re they not therefore the Bishops of many Cities and albeit that such manner of example could be shewed of the Saints shall the examples of holy men be prejudiciall to the Word of God Is not God greater than all Saints how oftentimes doe we finde that holy men have sinned erred God saved Daniel in a Dungeon of Lyons and he saved Ananias Azarias and Misael in the flaming Furnance of Babylon Is the hand or power of God now shortned and minished Is it any doubt but that be might preserve and keepe his elect and chosen persons if it should happen them by any meanes to be seduced and led out of the right way as Christ prophecied even in the middest of mens Ordinations and traditions and of the errours of the Devill we ought not to put confidence in any ensample deed or word of Saints but our Consciences ought to leane and to be grounded onely upon the Word of God which onely is he as Paul saith that cannot lye But let us furthermore heare Paul what he saith of this Ordinance of God for in this wise Luke writeth of him in the 20. Chap. of the Acts And sending messengers from Miletum to Ephesus he sent for Priests of the Church which when they were come to him he sayd unto them Take heede to your selves and to all the flocke in which the holy Ghost hath set or ordained you Bishops to governe the Church of God which he hath purchased and gotten with his owne blood Goe to now is here any new thing Is Paul a foole and doth he not know what he doth Ephesus was but one City alone and Paul calleth openly all the Priests or Elders by one common name Episcopos Bishops But peradventure Paul had not read those bookes and those Apologies wretchedly patched together of Papists nor the holy Decretals For how would he have bin bold else to make many Bishops overseers to one City to call al the Priests of one City Bishops in as much as they were not all Princes neither kept a gard of men and goodly Palfries but were certaine rascall persons and of the most abject and vile sort of men after the worldly estimation For Paul peradventure was ignorant of that which is growne in use now in our time that no man can be a great Bishop in very deed unlesse he doe as the Poet saith keepe an hundred Horses in goodly stables unlesse he have a gorgeous house full of royall Pompe unlesse he have many royall titles of Lordships For this alone is sufficient now in our time to that that Knights and Princes be they never so much unlearned and foolish yea and though their minds other whiles doe stand nothing towards it may by the commendations of their parents and kinsfolkes and otherwhiles by gifts and rewards be suddainely made Bishops But in good sadnesse thou seest plainly that the Apostle Paul doth call these onely Bishops which doe Preach the Gospell unto the people and doe minister unto them the Sacraments as now in our time be the Parish Priests and the Preachers Wherefore I doe not doubt but these although they doe Preach the Gospell but to very little Villages and Granges and if they be the faithfull and true ministers of the Word I doe not doubt I say that they have by good right the Title and name of a Bishop Contrariwise those valiant horsemen aâ—d tyrannous Bishops have no point of the Office of a Bishop saving onely those bare goodly titles and certaine disguised apparell in like manner as those Bishops which are painted on a Wall have indeed the shape and likenesse of Bishops but they are without life and speech For even such dead and idle stockes and blockes are the Popes Bishops in every point albeit that then they are evermore strong and quick when they doe exercise tyrannous cruelty against the very Pastours which doe busily governe Cities in the ministration of the Word of God and by more than devillish tyranny doe forbid them holy Wedlocke and to the open slander of the Church doe winke at the keeping of Whores doe blaspheme the Gospell doe extinct the Word of God and under the pretence and colour of vertue and godlinesse doe with incredible woodnesse exercise continually extreame tyranny upon the silly poore people By the reason whereof we doe see in the Courts and Palaces of some Bishops likewise as in the fountaine of all vice and mischiefe in the Court of Rome not so much as one crum not so much as the least shadow to bee found of Christian manners we see also all the Cities of Priests and namely those Noble â—eates of Priests to be nothing else but schooles of uncleanelinesse and bodily plesures Ware-houses of vices so much that in comparison of their houses the Courts of their secular Princes may be accounted Monasteries and holy schooles of vertue and godlinesse yea and Sodome and Gomorrah in comparison of them may seeme temperate measurable and thrifty For out of their Courts or houses commeth forth neither the Gospell nor any other holy Doctrine but onely Citations Excommunications Exactions Interdictions Citations I say in very deed peremptory that is to say slayers both of goods and of soules For such as the Bishops are themselves such also is their Doctrin And though thou do never so much cloath an Asse with a Lyons skin yet he continueth still an Asse and an Ape is still an Ape although he be clad in purple Besides this S. Paul writeth to the Philippians in this wise Paul and Timothy the Servants of Iesus Christ to all the Saints in Christ Iesu which are in the City of Philippi and to the Bishops also and the Deacons c. Loâ— Philippi was but onely one City and yet S. Paul saluteth all them that beleeveth together with the Bishopsâ— undoubtedly the Bishops whom he meaneth there were the Priests likewise as he was wont to constitute and ordaine in all the other Cities This is now the third place of Paul in which wee doe see what God and the holy Ghost hath constituted and ordained that is to wit that they
est nefas it is the highest impiety to preferre any other Businesse before this care or for any cause whatsoever to hinder them so as their ministeries be lesse â—ully adhibited to their Churches Moses was most amply endued with the spirit of God and excelled with incredible wisedome and he altogether burned with a most ardent study of planting and preserving the true religion yet seeing hee ought to governe the whole Common-wealth of Iâ—rael hee by Gods command set Aaron his brother with his sonnes over matters of religion that they might WHOLY bestow themselves in them The Maccabees truly joyned the Civill administration to the Ecclesiasticall but with what successe their histories testifie wherefore it is to be wished that Bishops according to Gods Law religionibuâ— solis vacent procurandis should onely addict themselves to matters of Religion and lay aside all other businesses from them though beneficiall to mankind and leave them to those who should wholly bestow themselves on them being chosen thereto by God There is no office that requires more study and care â—han the procuration of soules Satan knowing this very well hath brought to passe that Bishops and chiefe Ecclesiasticall Prelates should be sent for by Kings Emperours unto their Courts to manage publike affaires both of warre and peâ—ce Hence these mischiefes have ensued first a neglect of the whole sacred ministry the corruption of doctrine the destruction of discipline After as soone as Prelates began to usurpe the place of Lords they challenged their luxury pomp to themselves to which end since the wealth of Princâ—s was requisite that which they ought to bestow out of their Ecclesiasticall revenues upon the faithfull Ministers of Churches upon Schooles upon the poore of Christ all these things being taken from them by horrible sacriledge they spent them upon riot and princely pompe And when as the goods of the Church were not sufficient to maintaine this luxury and pompe they flattered away and begged and by various frauds tooke from Kings goodly rich poâ—sessions and great Lordships by which accessions their luxury and pride was thenceforth not onely fostered and sustained but likewise infinitely increased which afterwards so farre prevailed that the spoyles of single Churches would not suffice each of them but they brought the matter to this passe that one at this day may fleece or spoyle three or foure Bishoprickes Abbies and other Prelacies and such a multitude of parish Churches as is horrible to name for they say there is one lately dead in this Kingdome who fleaed above 20. Parishes So Bucer who held Bishops Ministers to be all one and that the power of ordination resting originally in Christ derivatively in the whole Church and ministerially onely in Bishops and Presbyters as servants to the Church belonged as well to Presbyters as to Bishops with whom Peter Martyr his fellow Regius professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford fully concurâ—es in his Commonplaces printed at London cum privilegio Ann. 1576. Class 4. Loc. 1. Sect. 23. p. 849. to which I shall referre you for brevity sake To these I might adde The image of both Pastors written by Huldricke Zwinglius translated into English by Iohn Veron dedicated to the Duke of Somerset Lord Protector and Printed at London Cum privilegio An. 1550. Wherein he proves the parity and identity of Bishops and Presbyters condemnes the Lordly and secâ—lar dominion Wealth Pompe Pride Tyranny Nonpreach and rare preaching of Prelates and manifests Lord Bishops as then they stood and now to be false Pastors and meer papall and antichristian officers not warranted by Gods word but because Zwinglius was a forraigner I shall passe it by without transcribing any passage thereof Mr. Iohn Hooper both a Bishop and martyr of our Church a great opposer of Ceremonies Episcopall Rochets and Vestments in which hee would not bâ— consecrated writes thus of the secular imployments wealth and calling of Bishops For the space of 400. yeares after Christ the Bishops applyed all their wit only to their owne vocation to the glory of God and the honour of the Realmes they dwelt in though they had not so much upon their heads as our Bishops have yet had they more within their heads as the Scripture and Histories testifie For they applyed all the wit they had unto the vocation and ministry of the Church whereunto they were called But our Bishops have so much wit that they can rule and serve as they say in both States in the Church and also in the Civill policie when one of them is more then any man is able to satisfie let him doe alwayes his best diligence If hee be so necessary for the Court that in Civill causes he cannot be spared let him use that vocation and spare the other It is not possible hee should doe both well It is a great oversight in Princes thus to charge them with two burthens the Primitive Church had no such Bishops as wee they had such Bishops as did preach many godly Sermons in lesse time than our Bishops horses be a bridling Their house was a Schoole or treasure house of Gods Ministers if it be so now let every man judge The Magistrates that suffer the abuse of these goods be culpable of the â—ault if the fourth part of the Bishopricke remained to the Bishop it were sufficient the third part to Schoolemasters the second to poore and souldiers were better bestowed If any be offended with me for this my saying he loveth not his owne soules health nor Gods Laws nor mans out of which I am alwayes ready to prove the thing I have said to be true Further I speake of love not of hatred And in his Apologie hee saith It is both against Gods Laws mans that Bishops and clergie men should be judges over any subjects within this Realme for it is no part of their office they can do no more but preach Gods Word and minister Gods Sacraments and excommunicate such as Godâ— Lawes do pronounce to be excommunicated who would put a sword into a madmans hand And in his exposition on Psal. 23.1580 f. 40. Although Bishops saith hee in the raigne of Constantine the Great obtained that among Bishops some should be called Archbishops and Metropolitans c. Yet this preheminencie was at the pleasure discretion of Princes not alwaies tyed to one sorâ— of Prelates as the impiety of our time beleeveth as we may see in the Councell of Calcedon Africke So that it is manifest that this Superior preheminency is not of Divine but of humane right instituted out of civill policie So Hooper The Booke of ordination of Ministers and Consecraation of Bishops compiled by the Bishops in King Edwards dayes ratified by two Acts of Parliament and subscribed to by all our Ministers hath this notable passage and charge against the Lordlinesse and secular imployments of Prelates and Ministers
his owne prayers unto God and private reading of those sundry confessions that were offered him c. Pag. 543. he thus proceeds Had you beene in the Primitive Church of Christ you would have gallantly disdained these other examples of Christian Kings and Countries converted and instructed by Merchants somtimes by women most times by the single perswasion of one man without all legall meanes or judiciall proceedingâ— the poore soules of very zeale imbracing the Word of life when it was first offered them and neglecting your number of voyces consent of Priestâ— and competent Courts as frivilous excâ—ptions against God and dangerous lets to their Salvationâ— Frumentius a Christian Child taken prisoner in India the farther and brought at length by Gods good Providence to beare some sway in the Realme in the non-age of the King carefully sought for such as were Christians among the Roman Merchants and gave them most free power to have assemblies in every place yeelding them whatsoever was requisite and exhorting them in sundry places to use the Christian prayers And within short time he built a Church and brought it to passe that some of the Indians were instructed in the faith and joyned with them The King of Iberia neere Pontus when he saw his wiâ—e restored to health by the prayers of a Christian Captive and himselfe delivered out of the suddaine danger that he was in onely by thinking and calling on Christ whom the Captive woman named so often to his wife sent for the woman and desired to learne the manner of her Religion and promised after that never to worship any other God but Christ The Captive woman taught him as much as a woman might and admonished him to build a Church and described the forme how it must be done whereupon the King calling the people of the whole Nation together told what had befallen the Queene and him and taught them the faith and became as it were the Apostle of this Nation though he were not yet baptized The examples of England France and other Countries are innumerable where Kings and Common wealths at the preaching of one man have submitted themselves to the faith of Christ without Councels or any Synodall or judiciall proceedings And therefore each Prince and people without these meanes have lawfull power to serve God and Christ his Sonne notwithstanding twenty Bishops as in our case or if you will twenty thousand Bishops should take exceptions to the Gospell of truth which is nothing else but to waxe mad against God by pretence of humane reason and order By all which it is evident that Parliaments may not onely be held and determine Secular matters but likewise Ecclesiasticall and Religious without the presence of Bishops which is no wayes necessary if expedient Touching the parity of Bishops Presbyters by Divine institution their difference only by custom he determins thus The title and authorithy of Arch-Bishops and Patriarkes was not ordained by the Commandment of Christ or his Apostles but the Bishops long after when the Church began to be troubled with dissentions were content to lincke themselves together and in every Province to suffer one whom they preferred for the worthines of his City and called their Metropolitane that is Bishop of the chiefe or mother City to have this prerogative in all doubts of Doctrine and Discipline to assemble the rest of his brethren or consult them absent by Letters and see that observed which the most part of them determined Before there began Schismes in Religion the Churches saith S. Hierome were governed by the Common Councill of the Seniors And therefore let the Bishops understand that they be greater than Ministers or Elders rather by custome than by any truth of the Lords appointment and that they ought to governe the Church in Common and in his Epistle to Evagrius having fully proved by the Scriptures that the Apostles called themselves but Presbyters Elders or Seniors he addeth That after their times one was chosen in every Church and preferred before the rest to have the dignity of a Bishop this was provided for a remedie against Schismes lest every man drawing some unto him should rent the Church of Christ in peeces For what doth a Bishop except ordering of others which an Elder may not doe And lest you should thinke he speaketh not as well of the chiefe as of the meaner Bishops he compareth three of the greatest Patriarkes with three of the poorest Bishops he could name A Bishop of what place soever he be either of Rome or of Eugubium or of Constantinople or of Rhegium or of Alexandria or of Tajus hath the same merit and the same function or Priesthood abundance of riches or basenesse of poâ—erty doth not make a Bishop higher or lower for they all be successours to the Apostles So that the Bishop of Rome by Commission from Christ and succession from the Apostles is no higher than the meanest Bishop in world The Superiority which he and others had as Metropolitanes in their owne Provinces came by custome as the great Councell of Nice witnesseth not by Christs institution Let the old use continue in Egypt Lybia and Pentapolis that the Bishop of Alexandria be chiefe over all those places for so much as the Bishop of Rome hath the like custome Likewise at Antioch and in other Provinces let the Churches keepe theer Prerogatives The generall Councell of Ephesus confesseth the same It seemeth good to this sacred and Oecumenicall Synod to conserve to every Province their right priviledges whole and untouched which they have had of old according to the custome that now long hath prevailed Next their authority was subject not onely to the discretion and moderation of their brethren assembled in Councell but also to the Lawes and Edicts of Christian Princes to be granted extended limited and ordered as they say cause For example the first Councell of Constantinople advanced the Bishop of that City to be the next Patriarch to the Bishop of Rome which before he was not And the Councell of Chalcedon made him equall in Ecclesiasticall honours with the Bishop of Rome and assigned him a larger Province than before he had So Iustinian gave to the City in Africa that he called after his owne name the See of an Archbishop Touching Bishops secular Jurisdiction imprisonment and temporall affaires he writes thus Bishops be no governours of Countries Princes be that is Bishops beare not the sword to reward and revenge Princes doe Bishops have no power to command and punish Princes have This appeareth by the Words of our Saviour expressely forbidding his Apostles to be Rulers of Nations and leaving it to Princes The Kings of Nations rule over their people and they that be great ones exercise authority with you it shall not be so that is you shall neither beare rule nor exercise authority over
your brethren Phi. the Word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they over-rule their Subjects with injustice and violence you shall not doe so Theo. So your new Translation over-ruleth the Word howbeit Christ in that place doth not traduce the power of Princes as unjust or outragious but distinguisheth the calling of his Apostles froÌ„ the manner of regiment which God hath allowed the magistrate Christ saith not Princes be Tyrants you shall deale more curteously than they doe but he saith Princes be Lords and Rulers over their people by Gods Ordinance you shall not be so Againe the Word which Saint Luke hath is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without any composition They be Lords and Masters and S. Paul confesseth of himselfe and other Apostles Not that we be Lords or Masters of your faith yea the compound 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is with power and force to rule men whether they will or no not with wrong and injury to oppresse them and therefore the conclusion is inevitable that Princes may lawfully compell and punish their Subjects which Bishops may not This distinction betweene them is evident by their severall commissions which God hath signed The Prince not the Priest beareth the sword Ergo the Prince not the Priest is Gods Minister to revenge malefactors Peter himselfe was sharpely rebuked by Christ for using the sword and in Peter all Pastors and Bishops are straitely charged not to meddle with it All that take the sword shall perish with the sword And of all men a Bishop must be no striker for if he that should feed his Masters Houshold fall to striking he shall have his portion with hypocrites The servants of God must be gentle towards all instructing those that resist with mildnesse not compelling any with sharpenesse Their function is limited to the preaching of the Word and dispensing the Sacraments which have no kinde of compulsion in them but invite men onely by sober perswasions to beleeve and imbrace the promises of God To conclude Pastors may teach exhort and reprove not force command or revenge onely Princes be governours that is publicke Magistrates to prescribe by their Lawes and punish with the sword such as resist them within their dominions which Bishops may not doe which he thus further prosecutes The watch-men and Shepheards that serve Christ in his Church have their kinde of regiment distinct from the temporall power and State but that regiment of theirs is by counsell and perswasion not by terrour or compulsion and reacheth neither to the goods nor the bodies of any men much lesse to the crownes and lives of Princes c. Princes may force their Subjects by the temporall sword which they beare Bishops may not force their flock with any corporall or externall violence Chrysostome largely debateth and fully concludeth this matter with us If any sheepe saith he goe out of the right way and leaving the plentifull Pastures graze on barren and steepe places the Sheepeheard somewhat exalteth his voyce to reduce the dispersed stragling sheepe and to compell them to the â—locke But if any man wander from the right path of the Christian faith the Pastour must use great paines care and patience Neque enim vis illi inferenda neque terrore ille cogendus â—erum suadendus tantum ut de integro ad veritatem redeat For hee may not be forced nor constrained with terrour but onely perswaded to returne to the truth And againe A Bishop cannot â—ure men with such authority as a sheepheard doth his sheepe for a sheepeheard â—ath his choyce to binde his sheepe to dyet them to seare them and cut themâ— but in the other case the facility of the cure consisteth not in him that giveth but onely in him that taketh the medicine This that admirable teacher perceiving sayd to the Corinthians not that we have any dominion over you under the name of Faith but that we are helpers of your joy For of all men Christian Bishops may least correct the faults of men by force Iudges that are without the Church when they take any transgressing the Lawes they shew themselves to be endued with great authority and power and compell them in spite of their hearts to change their manners But here in the Church we may not offâ—r any violence but onely perswade We have not so great authority given us by the Lawes as to represse offendours and if it were lawfull for us so to doe we have no use of any such violent power for that Christ crowneth them which abstaine from sinne not of a forced but of a willing minde and purpose Hilary teacheth the same Lesson If this violence were used for the true faith the Doctrine of Bishops would be against it God needeth no forced service he requireth no conâ—trained confession I cannot receive any man but him that is willing I cannot give â—are but to him that intreateth I cannot signe any but him that gladly professeth Origen agreeth with them both See the wisedome of the holy Ghost because that other faults are judged by the Lawes of Princes and it seemed superfluous now to prohibite those things by Gods Law which are sufficiently revenged by mans he repeateth those and none else as fit for religion of which mans Law saith nothing whereby it appeareth that the Iudges of this world doe meddle with the greatest part of Gods Law For al the crimes which God would have revenged he would have them revenged not by the â—pp Râ—lers of the Church but by the Iudges of the world and that Paul knowing rightly calleth the Prince Gods minister and judge of him that doth evill Phi. Bishops may not offer force with their owne hands but they may command others to doe it for them Theoph. A grosse shift As though Temporall Princes or Judges did execute malefactours with their owne hands Bishops by vertue of their vocation cannot claime the sword and consequently they cannot command or authorize any man to take the goods or touch the bodies of Christians oâ— Infidels which being a cleere conclusion it is most evident they can much lesse licence you to take the Crownes and take the lives of Princes to whom God hath delivered the sword to judge the earth and made them servants onely to himselfe since all other soules must be subject to them by the tenor of his owne prescription and their first erection as the Scripture witnesseth And touching Bishops having Conusans in their courts of Tythes c. he writes thus For Tythes Testameâ—ts Administrations Servitude Legitimations and such like you went beyond your bounds when you restrained them to your Courts and withouâ— Caesar made Lawes for things that belonged unto Caesar. The goods Lands Livings States and Families of Lay men and Clerkes are Caesars charge not yours and therefore your decrees judgements and executions in those cases if you claime them from Christ as things spiritâ—all not from
Caesar as matters committed of trust to you by Christian Princes are nothing else but open and wifâ—ull invasions of other mens rights you changing the names and calling those things Spirituall and Ecâ—lesiasticall which indeede be civill and temporall and shouldering Priâ—ces from their cushins who first suffered Bishops to sir judges in those causes of Honour to their Persons and favour to their sunctions which on your part is but a bad requitall of their Princely graces and benefits He addes S. Paul expressely writeth of the Prince that He beareth the sword not without cause and is Gods minister to revenge him that doth evill And our Saviour severely forbiddeth Peâ—er and the rest of the Apostles to meddle with the sword All that take the sword shall perish by the sword and to them all you know that Kings of Nations raigne â—ver themâ— and they that be great exercise authority with you it shall not be so The sword is but the signe of publicke and Princely power and where the thing is not lawfull the signe is unlawfull Since then the Lord interdicteth his Apostles and messengers all Princely power it is evident the sword which is â—ut a signe thâ—reof is likewise interdicted them Thus much Bernard sticketh not to tell Pope Eugenius to his face It is the Lords voice in the Gospell Kings of Nations are Lords over them and they that have power over them are called gratious and the Lord inferreth you shall not be so It is a cleare case the Apostles are forbidden dominion Gâ— thou then saith Bernard to the Pope and usurpe if thou dâ—re either an Apostleship if thou be a Prince or dominion if thou be Apostolike Thou art expresly forbidden one of them If thou wilt have both thou shalt lose both The patterne of an Apostle is this Dominion is interdicted service is enjoyned Gird thy selfe with thy sword the sword of the spirit which is the Word of God And this Pope Nicholas fairely confesseth The Church of God hath no sword but the spirituall wherewith she quickneth shee killeth not Your owne Law saith It is easily proved of Bishops and other Clergy mâ—n whatsoever that they may not either by their owne authority or by the authority of the Bishop of Româ— take weapon in hand and excercise the materiall sword and addeth his reason For every man besides him and his authority which hath lawfull â—â—wer and which as the Apostle saith beareth the sword not without cause to whom every soule ought to be subject every man I say that without his authority taketh the sword shall perish with the sword He that beareth the sword may lawfully put malefactors to death and wage warre with his enemies when need so requireth which Bishops may not doe The weapons of our warfare are not carnall saith Saint Paul Quid Episcopis cum bello what have Bishops to doe with battle saith Athanasius and Aâ—brose Pugnâ—re non debâ—o I ought not to fight If they may not fight much lesse kill if they may do neither they cannot beare the sword which is appointed by God and received of men to do both The words of our Saviour are cleare with us for the negative My Kingdome saith hee is not of this World if then your Priests Prelates and Popes will be the servants of Christ they must challenge no worldly Kingdome as from him or in his name The servant is not above his Master If the master with his owne mouth have denyed it the servants may not affirme it or usurpe it The souldiers of Christ must not intangle themselves with secular affaires much lesse make themselves Lords and Judge of earâ—hly matters which office properly belongeth to the sword and must be sustained of all those that beare the sword The Popes themselves beâ—ore their power and pride grew so great were of this opinion with us Thus and much more Bishop Bilson to the same effect Not to trouble you with more quotations of this nature which are infinite I shall conclude onely with two more auâ—horities of men of greatest eminence and learning in our Church in Queene Elizabeths later dayes The first of them is Dr. Whitakers Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge he in his Booke Contra Duâ—eum l. 6. sect 19. Controvers 4. De Ecclesiae regimine Quest. 1. c. 1. sect 1. 2. c. 2. sect 16. Quest. 4. c. 3. sect 25 26 27 28 29 30 31. De notis Ecclesiae qu. 5. c. 6. p 509 and Contr. 2. Concil qu. 3. c. 2. p. 586 587. reciting Saint Ieromes words at large on Titus 1. and to Euagrius concludes with him That in former times Bishops and Presbyters were all one and the same that every where a Presbyter was the same that a Bishop is that ALL Churches were not under the Government of one man but were governed by the Common Counsell of their Presbyters Ecclesiae inquit Jeronymus gubernabantur c. id est VBIQVE OMNES fuit hiâ— MOS Ecclesiarum gubernandarum That this custome was not changed by the Apostles sed POST Ecclesie judicto That Bishops are greater now than Ministers not by divine institution but custome and that humano non divino jure totum â—oc discrimen constat the whole difference betweene them is by humane not by divine Law or right That by ancient and divine right a Presbyter was lesse than a Bishop NIHILO in nothing After which he proceeds thus If the Apostles had changed that order as Sanders pretendeth what had it profited Hierome with so great diligence to have collected testimonies out of the Apostles whereby to shew that they were sometimes the same It might easily come into his memory that this order was changed by the Apostles themselves after the Church was disturbed and torne with discords But wherfore then saith Hierom Before it was said I am of Paul c. the Church was Governed by the Common Councell of Presbyters c. I answer this might deceive Sanders Hierome onely alluded to the place of the Apostle that hee might shew that schismes were the cause of changing this order as hee saith elsewhere that this was done to remedy schismes But this remedy was almost worse than the disease For as at first one Presbyter was set above the rest and made a Bishop so afterwards one Bishop was preferred before the rest and so this custome brought forth the Pope with his Monarchy by little and little and brought it into the Church Ierome so openly oppugneth the Pontificall Hierarchy that the Papists know not what to determine or answere concerning Hierome Michael Medina doubts not to affirme that Ierome was an Hereticke in this kinde and that he held the very same opinion that Aerius did verily Hierome was of the same opinion with Aerius whereby we may the lesse regard that Aerius is so often objected to us AB INSULSIS HOMINIBUS
done for them before when the Commons in this Parliament required that all such Lands and revenues which sometime belonged to the Crowne and had beene given away by the King or by his predecessors King Edward or King Richard should be restored againe to the Kings use unto which request the Arch-Bishop and other the Prelaâ—es would in no wise consent Thus by this Arch-Bishop Arundel that Petition of the Commons the â—pirituall Temporalities came to naught Afterwards in an other Parliament Anno 1410. the Commons of the â—ower House exhibited a Bill to the King and Lords of the Upper House containing in effect as followeth To the most excellent Lord our King and to all the Nobles in this present Parliament assembled your faithfull Commons doe â—umbly signifie that our Soveraigne Lord the King might have of the Temporall possessâ—ons Lands and Tenements which are lewdly spent consumed and wasted by the Bishops Abbots and Priors within this Realme so much in value as would suffice to finde and sustaine an 150. Earles 1500. Knights 6200. Esquires and 100. Hospitals more than now be which is more largely and particularly related in Fabian The King as some write mis-liked the motion and therefore commanded that from thenceforth they should not presume to study about any such matters Another thing the Commons then sued to have granted to them but could not obtaine That Clerkes convict should noâ— thenceforth bee delivered to Bishops Prisons Moreover they demanded to have the Statâ—te either revoked or qualified which had beene enacted without their consent in the Second yeare of this Kings raigne against such as were reputed to be Heretickes or Lollards But the King seemed so highly to favour the Clergie that the Commons were answered plainely that they should not come by their purpose but rather that the said statute should be made more rigorous and sharpe for the punishment of such persons and all this by meanes of this bloodly Arch-Bishop Arundel of whom we have heard sufficient Henry Chichely being elected Arch Bishop by the Monks of Canterbury with the Kings consent immediaâ—ly after Arundels death hee refused to accept of this their Legall election and against the expresse Statutes of the Realme touching Provisions and Premuniâ—es accepted of the See onely by Collaâ—ion from Pope Iohn the 23. in affront both of the King and those Lawes which the Pope endeavored in vaine to get repealed and therefore opposed in point of practise all that he might reserving by a Decree of the Councell of Constance all vacancie to his own dispoâ—all bestowing all the Bishoprickes of England as soon as they were voyd at his own pleasure by the Arch-Bishops connivence in affront of the Lawes and the Kings royall Edicts This Arch-Prelate published throughout his Province Pope Martins Bulls for the extirpation of the Wicklevists and Hussites by force of armes and promised the same Indulgences to those who should take up the Crossado and warre against them as those enjoyed who went to the holy Land to fight against the Sarecens For which good service the same yeare Anno 1429. he received the Title of the Cardinall Presbyter of S. Eusebiusâ—rom â—rom Pope Martin the 5. who also created him his Legate here in England without the Kings privity and contrary to Law But to colour the businesse lest he should seeme to receive that power Legatine without the Kings permission and Licence against the Lawes and Customes of the Realme one Richard Condray was made the Kings procurer that hee might appeale to the next generall Councell from all injuries grievances and prejudices offered or to be offered by the Pope or Court of Rome to the King and the Kingdome Thereâ—ore as soon as it was known that the Arch-Bishop had received this Legatin power without the Kings privity or licence Condray made this appeale to Humfrey Duke of Gloster Lord Protector and others oâ— the Kings privie Councell in writing In which he expressed that no Legate of the Sea Apostolicke ought to come into the Kingdome of the King of England or other his Lands or Dominions but at the vocation petition requisition or intreaty oâ— the King of England for the time being the Roman Pontifex tolerating and consenting thereto as well tacitely as expresly in which appeale notwithstanding if the sayd Arch Bishop not as a Legate but as a Cardinall would say open or propound any thing from the Pope to the King it might be lawfull for him to doe it In which the King would so farre assiâ—t as he mighâ— doe it by the Lawes and Priviledges of his royall Crowne and of his famous Kingdome of England The appeale being read the Arch-Bishop in the presence of the Prelates and Nobles there present confessed and protested That it was not nor is nor should be his intention by his entring into England nor by any things done or to be done by him spoken or to be spoken for to exercise the Legatine power which hee had undertaken without the Kings permission or to derogate in any thing from the rights priviledges liberties or customes of the King or Kingdome or tâ— contradict â—hem but to preserve defend maintaine and roborate all and every of them By this device he deluded both the King Counsell and Lawes how well hee kept this his protestation his subsequent Acts will evidence For immediately after hee made a Synodicall Constitution That no married man or Lay man should exercise any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction or be Iudge or Register in any Ecclesiasticall Court in causes of correction of the soule under paine of incurring the greater excommunication ipso facto if they offered to intermeddle in any of the premises contâ—aâ—y to the Councels prohibition which further makes voyd all citations processe and Acts whatsoever had and made by Laymen in the Cases aforesayd and suspends all Ordinaries from the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and ingresse into the Church who should grant any married or Lay man power to exercise any Ecclesiasticall Office or authority under them What the true intent of this Arch-Prelates Constitution was and how farre this Decree intrenched upon the Kings Prerogative Royall appeares by the Statute of 37. H. 8. c. 17. made purposely to repeale this Constitution which I shall here insert In most humble wise shew and declare unto your highnesse your most faithfull humble and obedient Subjects the Lords Spirituall and Temporall aud the Commons of this present Parliament assembled that whereas your Majesty is and hath alwayes justly beene by the Word of God supreame head in Earth of the Church of England and hath full power and authority to correct punish and represse all manner of Heresies errours vices abuses Idolatries hypocrisies and Superstitionsâ— springen and growing within the same and to exercise all manner of Iurisdictions commonly called Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction Neverthelesse the Arch-Bishop of Rome and his adherents minding utterly as much as in him lay to abolish obâ—cure
and delete such power given by God to the Princes of the earth whereby they might gather and get to themselves the government and rule of the world have in their Councells and Synods Provinciall made ordained and established and decreed divers ordinances and constitutions that no Lay or marryed man should or might exercise or occupie any Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall nor should be any Judge or Registerâ— in any Court commâ—nly called Ecclesiasticall Courâ— lest their â—alse and usurped power which they pretended and went about to have in Christs Church should decay waxe vile and of no reputation as by the sayd Councels and Constitutions Provinciall appeareth which standing and remaining in their effect not abolished by your Graces Lawes did seeme to appeare to make greatly for the sayd usurped power of the sayd Bishop of Rome and to be directly repugnant to your Majesties Title of supreame head of the Church and prerogative Royall your Grace being a Lay-man and albeit the sayd Decrees Ordinances and Constitutions by a Statute made the 25â— yeare of your most noble raigne be utterly abolished frustrate and of none effect yet because the contrary thereunto is not used nor put in practise by â—he Arch-Bishops Bishops Deanes and other Ecclesiasticall persons who have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall but by under and from your royall Majesty it addeth or aâ— the least may give occasion to some evill disposed persoâ—s to thinke and little to regard the proceeding and censures Ecclesiasticall made by your Highnesse and your Vice-gerent Officialls Commissaries Judges and Visitatorsâ— being also Lay and married men to be of little or none effect or force whereby the people gathereth heart and presumption to doe evill and not to have such reverence to your most godly injunctions and proceedings as becommeth them But forasmuch as your Majesty is the onely and undoubtedly supreame head of the Church of England and also of Ireland to whom by Scripture all authority and power is wholly given to heare and determine all causes Ecclesiasticall and to correct all vice and sinne whatsoever and to all such persons as your Majesty shall appoint thereunto that in consideration thereof as well for the instruction of ignorant persons as also to avoyd the occaâ—ion of the opinion aforesayd and setting forth of your prerogative royall and supremacy It may therefore please your Highnesse that it may bee ordained and enacted by authority of this present Parliament that all and singular aswell Lay as those that be married now or hereafter shall be married being Doctors of the Civill Law lawfully create and made in any University which shall be made ordained constituted and deputed to bee any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Officiall Scribe or Register by your Majesty or any of your Heires or Successours to anyâ— Arch-Bishop Bishop Arch-Deacon or other person whatsoever having authority under your Majesty your Heires and Successours to make any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Offâ—ciall or Register may lawfâ—lly execute and exercise all mannâ—r of Jurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and all Censures and Corrections appertaining oâ— any wise belonging unto the same albeit such person or persons be Lay married or unmarried so that they be Doctors of the Civill Law as is aforesayd any Law Constitution or Ordinance to the contrary notwiâ—hstanding By this Act it is apparent that the end of the former Constitution was trecherously to undermine and abolish the Kings Prerogative Royall in causes Ecclesiasticall and to make the Pope and our Prelates absolute Monarches and our Kings meere Cyphers to execute their Mandates when by the expresse words of this Law with that of 1. Ed. 6. c. 2.26 H. 8. c. 1.1 Eliz. c. â— 5 Eliz. c. 1.8 Eliz. c. 1. and 1. and 2. Phil. and Mâ—ry c. 8. it is most clearely resolved that our Arch-Bishops and Bishops have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall over other Ministers by any divine right as they now vainely if not trayterously pretâ—nd but by from and under our Kings in whose name and right and under whose Seale alone all their Ecclesiasticall processe ought to issue as hath beene elsewhere plentifully manifested it being no lesse than a Premunire by the Statute of 1. Edw. 6. c. 2. â—or any Bishops or Ecclesiasticall Judges to issue out processes in their owne names and under their owne Seales as now our Prelates doe This Law of Premunire was such a curbe to our usurping Prelates that this Arch Prelate Chichely in the last Synod hee held Anno. 1439. without delay or difficulty granted King Henry the sixt a Tenth and promised him large supplyes from the Clergie in all things if he would abrogate those hard Lawes of Premunire where-with the Clergie were very falsely accused and oft taken and ensuared as in unjust sâ—ares whereas in truth those Lawes were the principall safety both of King and people to preserve and free them from the unjust incroachments of Popes and Prelates upon their Liberties Lawes and Estates which made the Pope and them so frequently to sollicite their repeale And by his countenance William Lindwood collected and set out the Provinciall Constitutions of the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury in their Synods in affront of the Kings prerogative Royall and the Lawes of the Realme dedicating them to this Arch-Prelate and entreating him to put them in due Execution being neglected and quite disregarded formerly both by Prelates Judges and people as he complaines in his Epistle Dedicatory to him In briefe when in the Parliament held at London Anno 1414. under King Henry the fifth the Commons reviewed their former Petition in Parliament made to King Henry the fourth but foure yeares before to seize the Bishops and Abbots Temporalities shewing how many Earles Knights and Esquires they would maintaine The Bishops and Abbots whom it touched very neare much â—earingâ— the issueâ— determined to assay all wayes to put by and overthrow this Bill and minding rather to bow than breake they first agreed to offer the King a great summe of money to stay this new moven Demand The cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise Prelates neither decent nor convenient for they well â—oresaw and perfectly knew that if the Commons perceived that they by rewards or by offer of money would resist their request and petition that they stirred and moved with a fury would not onely raile and despise them as corrupters of Princes and enemies of the Publickeâ—Wealth but would so cry and call on the King and the â—emporall Lords that they were like to lose both worke and oyle cost and lining Wherefore they determined to cast all chances which might serve their purpose and in speciall to replenish the Kings braine with some pleasant study so as that hee should neither phantasie nor regard the serious Petition of the importunate Commons Wherefore on a day when the King was present in Parliament this Henry Chichely Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after low