the third year of the Hundred seventy and seven Olympiade and in the year that Q. Hortensius and Q. Metellus called the Cretensian were Consuls at Rome Aristobulus suddenly undertook the War against Hircanus Aristobulus and Hircanus strive for the kingdom and fought with him near unto Jericho where a great number of Hircanus's followers submitted themselves of their own accord to Aristobulus Through which accident Hircanus was forced to flie to the fortress of the higher City where Alexandra Aristobulus mother had imprisoned both his Wife and Children as before is I specified The rest of the faction for fear of his brother who had gotten the victory retired themselves within the precincts of the Temple The peace betwixt Hircanus and Aristobulus where they were besieged and taken After this a Peace was Treated of betwixt both the brethren and their difference was decided in this manner That Hircanus should pass the rest of his life without medling with State Affairs and Aristobulus should reign This League was ratified between them in the Temple and confirmed with oaths conjunction of hands and embraces in the sight of all the people which being finished Aristobulus retired himself into the Palace and Hircanus to Aristobulus lodging to lead a private and quiet life CHAP. II. K Antipater an Idumaean persuades Hircanus to flie and to retire himself to Aretas King of the Arabians who promiseth to re-establish him in the Kingdom of Judea BUT a certain friend of Hircanus Hedio Ruffinus cap. 11. by Nation an Idumaean and by name Antipater being very rich Antipater the Idumaean Hircanus 's friend and by nature both factious and industrious was as much Aristobulus's Enemy as Hircanus's Friend True it is that Nicholas Damascene writeth of this man That he was descended of the noblest amongst those Jews who returned from Babylon into Jewry Antipater of Judaea as Nicholas Damascenus implies first called Antipas but this he did on purpose to gratifie Herod Antipater's son who by a casualty became afterwards King of the Jews as we will express hereafter in time and place L convenient This Antipater was at the first called Antipas according to his fathers name who as it is reported was made Governor of all Idumaea by King Alexander and his Wife and afterwards made a League with the Arabians Gazeans and Ascalonites corrupting them and insinuating himself into their favors by divers great Presents bestowed upon them This young Antipater considering with himself what Aristobulus power was and fearing lest some mischief might befall him through the hatred the young King had conceived against him he communicated with certain of the greatest amongst the Jews and secretly and cunningly incensed them against Aristobulus Antipater incenseth the Princes of the Jews against Aristobulus telling them That they had done amiss both to see and suffer Aristobulus to detain the Kingdom unjustly in his hands and to dispossess his elder brother Hircanus to whom by right of inheritance it did belong He likewise M accosted and sounded Hircanus ordinarily with these words telling him That he lived in danger of his life and would doubtless be snared except he sought his own security and fled his evident danger alledging That Aristobulus 's friends would never cease to consult how they might shorten his life to the end that he might live in more security To these instigations of his Hircanus gave small credit for that of his own nature he was courteous and could not easily be induced or seduced by detractions but this negligence and carelesness in him was the cause that he was accounted a silly man On the contrary side Aristobulus was of a different and more heroick nature being more active in performance and careful to prevent Now although Antipater saw that Hircanus made small account of his instigations yet N ceased not daily to invent and propose new surmises and accusations urging Aristobulus's hatred and practice to murther him and prevailed so by his importunity that at last he persuaded him to flie to Aretas King of Arabia promising him That in so doing he would give him both aid and assistance Hircanus was the more easie to be induced to follow Antipater's advice for that Arabia was adjacent to Jewry Whereupon he first of all sent Antipater to Aretas to take assurance of him that he should not betray him into his Enemies hands if he should submit himself unto him and require his assistance When Antipater had received his assurance from the King he returned to Jerusalem unto Hircanus and not long after that took him away with him and departed the City by night and afterwards with great journies arrived at Petra where Aretas kept his Royal Court. And being O very familiar with the King he entreated him to re-establish him in the Kingdom of Jewry and did so much by his importunity and the Presents which he gave him that he H persuaded Aretas to attempt the matter The year of the World 3900. before Christ's Nativity 64. Whereupon Hircanus promised That if he confirmed him again in his Royal dignity he would upon the recovery of his Realm restore unto him those twelve Cities which his father Alexander had taken from the Arabians the names whereof are these that follow Medaba Nabello Livias Tharabasa Agalla Athona Zoara Orona Narissa Rydda Lusa Oryba Hedio Ruffinus chap. 3. CHAP. III. Aristobulus is enforced to retire into the Castle of Jerusalem the King Aretas besiegeth him The cruelty of some Jews who stoned Onias a just man to death The punishment which I God inflicted upon them for it ARetas Aretas maketh War against Aristobulus and inforceth him to flie to Jerusalem induced by these promises was content to send forth an Army against Aristobulus and himself in person conducted in that expedition 50000 Men Foot and Horse and had so much the upper hand of his Enemy that divers after this victory of their own accord submitted themselves to Hircanus and Aristobulus perceiving himself to be destitute of all his friends and followers The Arabian besiegeth Aristobulus in the Temple fled unto Jerusalem The King of Arabia followed him with all expedition and besieged him in the Temple in this siege the common people assisted Hircanus neither were there any but the Priests only that stuck to Aristobulus's side The Jews 〈◊〉 into Egypt Whereupon Aretas drew up the Forces he had and busily set the Army K both of Jews and Arabians about the siege Whil'st these things were thus the feast of unleavened bread which we call the Passeover was at hand and the Princes of the Jews forsaking their Countrey were fled into Egypt About that time a certain man called Onias such an one who for his virtue was beloved of God and in times past had by his devout prayers and supplications in a time of drought obtained rain from God hid himself perceiving that this sedition would be
Province But as we have undertaken the War for the Empire and in defence of Justice and Piety we have punished these ungrateful disloyal and perfidious persons Our will is that you suffer our allies to live in peace and as touching that which you have obtained of our adversaries our pleasure is that you restore the same to those that are dispossessed For none of them had obtained either Province or Army by the consent of the Senate but had usurped them by force and afterwards bestowed them on those who have been Ministers of their impieties and injustice But since they have been punished according to their L deserts we require that our Allies enjoy their own without any hindrance and if you hold any places at this present which belong to Hircanus Prince of the Jews that were seized since the time that Caius Cassius by an unjust War invaded our Provinces restore them unto him without offering to hinder him from the possession of his own And if you have or pretend to have any right in them when I shall repair to those places it shall be lawful for you to debate your right and we will so judge that our allies shall receive no wrong Marcus Antonius Emperor to the Governors Senate and People of Tyre Health I have sent you my Edict my pleasure is that you carefully consider it and that you register it among your publick Records in Roman and Greek letters and set it up in Writing in an M open place to the end that it may be read by all Men. Marcus Antonius Emperor and Triumvir in the presence of the Tyrians assembled for their publick affairs hath declared That Caius Cassius during the troubles by the assistance of his Souldiers hath usurped another mans Province and hath in like sort spoiled our Allies and hath ransackt the Nation of the Jews who are friends to the people of Rome and for that by our valor we have repressed his insolence by our Edicts and Judgments we will correct his offences to the end that all things may be restored to our Allies and that all whatsoever hath been sold and appertained to the Jews whether they be Prisoners or Possessions be restored to their Masters to the end that each Man may be at liberty as he was before and that each mans possession may be restored to his first owner And my pleasure is N That whosoever disobeyeth this Ordinance he may be punished accordingly He wrote to the like effect to the Sidonians Antiochians and Arabians all which we will insert in a convenient place to testifie what account the Romans made of our Nation O CHAP. XXIII The year of the World 3924. Cefore Christ's Nativity 41. A The beginning of Antonius's love for Cleopatra he is very severe to those Jews who came to accuse Herod and Phasaelas Antigonus Aristobulus's son contracteth a friendship with the Parthians AFter this Antonius went into Syria Hedio Ruffinus chap. 11. and Cleopatra came forth to meet him near unto Silicia Cleopatra cometh into Cilicia to Antonius and entangled him in her love At that time also One hundred of the chiefest among the Jews came in Embassage to him to accuse Herod and Phasaelus they had chosen the most esteemed Orator that might be found Messala likewise undertook the B defence of the young men that were accused Herod accuseth by one hundred Jews before Antonius and made them answer Hircanus also was there in person who was already by marriage allied unto them After that Antonius had heard both the one and the other in the City of Daphen he demanded of Hircanas which of both the parties governed the Common-weal best who returned him answer That they who were on Herod's side were most studious of the publick good Antonius maketh Phasaelus and Herod Tetrarchs Antonius who long since had born a good affection towards them by reason of the ancient hospitality that he had received of their father during the time Gabinius was in Judaea established them both Governors of the fourth part committing to their hands the affairs in Judaea and to this effect wrote Letters and committed fourteen of their enemies to prison had not Herod interceeded for their lives he had C condemned them to death Ten thousand Jews repair to Tyre to accuse Herod who are partly slain partly wouned and partly put to flight Notwithstanding this as soon as they returned from their Embassage they could not contain themselves in quiet but resorted once more unto Antonius to the number of 10000 to the City of Tyre where Antonius was But Antonius already corrupted by store of mony by Herod and his brother who commanded in that place ordained that the Embassadors of the Jews should be punished for that they had attempted to make new disturbances and he confirmed Herod's Government At that time Herod walking by the Sea side came unto them advising both them and Hircanus who at that present was with them to give over their appeal lest some misfortune should befal them Which they not regarding certain Jews and Inhabitants of that City all at once ran upon them killed some of them and hurt others and the rest taking their D flight towards their Counerey ever afterwards contained themselves and lived in quiet through the fear the had conceived But when the people ceased not to exclaim and protest against Herod Antonius was so displeased that he commanded all those whom he held prisoners to be put to death The year after 〈◊〉 the Kings son and Barzapharnes a Prince among the Parthians invaded and seized Syria About this time Ptolomey died the son of Mennaeus and his son Lysias reigned in his stead who plighted friendship with Antigonus the son of Aristobulus who obtained his favor at his hands by the councel and sollicitation of a certain Prince of great authority and credit with him E CHAP. XXIV Antigonus being assisted by the Parthians besiegeth Phasaelus and Herod in the Palace of Jerusalem but in vain Hircanus and Phasaelus are perswaded to repair to Barsapharnes ANtigonus having promised the Parthians to give them One thousand Talents of Silver Hedio Ruffinus chap. 22. and five hundred Women Antigonus promiseth the Parthians a great sum of money to 〈◊〉 him in the Kingdom if so be they would deprive Hircanus of the Kingdom and restore it unto him and withal put Herod and his friends to death The F Parthians undertook it and marched towards Judaea though they had not received as yet any of Antigonus's Money Pachorus led his Troops along the Sea-coast and Barzapharnes conducted his more within the Land The Tyrians shut their Gates against Pacorus Pacorus sendeth Horsemâ—n to Antigonus in Judaea but the Sidonians and Ptolomaidans received him into their City He sent a body of Horse into Jewry to discover the estate of the Countrey and to give succors to Antigonus The commander of these Horse was
by reason that he flying unto the enemy M menac'd them with the surprizal and utter ruine of their City The King in regard of the natural humanity and justice that was in him was not any wayes hereby provoked against Jeremy Jer. 39. 11 12. yet to the intent that he might not seem utterly to oppose the Governors The reward of godly Preachers in this life he deliver'd the Prophet into their hands to deal with him howsoever they pleased Who having obtained this liberty from the King entred the Prison on the sudden and laying hold on Jeremy they let him down into a Pit full of mud to the intent he might die in that place and be strangled by the filth in effect he was set therein up to the neck But one of the Kings servants an Ethiopian by Nation certifi'd the King of the Prophets affliction assuring him That his Friends and Governors did not justly so to thrust and bury the Prophet in the mud and cursedly to conspire against him N tiring him with bonds and tortures worse than death Whereupon the King hearing this was sorry that he had deliver'd the Prophet to the Governors and commanded the Ethiopian to take 30 men of his Court with him with cords and such other things necessary as might concern the safety of the Prophet charging him with all expedition to deliver him from that captivity Hereupon the Ethiopian furnish'd with men and necessary means drew the Prophet out of the mud and dismiss'd him without any guard That done the King sent for him in private demanding of him If he had any message to deliver him from God Zedechias neglecteth the Prophets good counsel for fear of the Governors praying him to let him understand whatsoever he knew as touching the success of the siege The Prophets answer was That although he should tell him yet it would not be believed and that if he should exhort him he would not give ear or listen unto him O But said he O King thy friends have condemned me to death as if I had been a most wicked Malefactor But where are they now at this present that have deceived thee and born thee in hand The year of the World 3354. before Christ's Nativity 610. saying That the Babylonian would not come and besiege thee Now will I take heed how A I tell thee the truth for fear lest thou condemn me to death Hereupon the King swore unto him That he should not die neither that he would deliver him into the hands of the Governors For which cause Jeremy grounding himself upon the faith which he had plighted unto him counselled the King to yield up the City to the Babilonians because that God had willed him to signifie unto the King that if he would save his life and avoid the imminent danger and save his City from utter ruine and preserve the Temple from burning he should submit or otherwise that none but he should be reputed to be the cause of all those evils that should happen unto the City and Citizens and of that calamity that should confound both him and all his family When the King heard this he told him B That he would do according as he had counselled him and perform whatsoever he thought necessary to be done but that he feared that his Subjects who were already gone over to the King of Babylon would do him ill offices with that King and that by their means he might be accused and deliver'd unto death But the Prophet encourag'd him telling him That his fear was in vain assuring him that he should suffer no evil if so be he yielded up the City and that neither his wife nor children nor the sacred Temple should suffer any mischief Upon these words the King dismissed Jeremy charging him to communicate the counsel that was held between them to no one of the Citizens no not to the Princes if they should ask of him wherefore the King had sent for him advising him to answer if so be they were inquisitive That he resorted to the King to request him that he might be no more imprisoned all which the Prophet performed but they pressed him very much to know C for what cause the King had sent for him CHAP. X. Jerusalem is taken and the People carried into Babylon by Nabuchodonosor MEan-while the Babylonian continued his violent siege against the City of Jerusalem 2 Kings 25. 1. c. and having raised Towers upon certain Bulwarks Jerusalem besieged eighteen months and at length taken he drave away by this means D all those that approached near unto the walls he raised also round about the City divers platforms that equalled the walls in height Mean-while the City was as valiantly and couragiously defended by the Inhabitants for neither Pestilence nor Famine plucked down their spirits And although that within the City they were tormented with these scourges yet were not their resolutions broken nor did the enemies inventions astonish them nor their engines afright them so that all the battel betwixt the Babylonians and Jews seem'd to be a tryal both of valor and art whil'st these do assuredly hope to surprize the City Ver. 5 6 7. and the other thought their safety consisteth herein Zedechias flieth by night and is surprized by the enemy if they ceased not by new inventions to frustrate their enemies endeavors And in this state continu'd they both for the space of 18 months until they were consumed by Famine E and by the darts that were shot against them by those that shot from the Towers At length the City was taken by the Princes of Babylon in the eleventh year of the Reign of Zedechias the ninth day of the fourth month who were put in trust by Nabuchodonosor to manage the siege for he himself made his abode in the City of Reblata Now if any man be desirous to know the names of them that had command at such time as Jerusalem was surpriz'd these they be Nergelear Aremantus Emegar Nabosar and Echarampsor The City being taken about midnight the Princes of the Enemies Army entred into the Temple which when Zedechias understood he took his wives and his children with the Princes and his friends and fled thorow a great valley by the desart which when the Babylonians understood by certain Jews that were revolted and had submitted themselves F unto them they arose early in the morning to pursue them and overtook and surprized them near unto Jericho Whereupon those Princes and friends of Zedechias that had taken their flight with him seeing the Enemies near unto them forsook him and scattering themselves here and there endeavour'd each of them to save himself When therefore the Enemies had apprehended him attended by a few followers only and accompanied by his children and wives they brought him unto the Kings presence who no sooner beheld him but he called him wicked and perfidious and upbraided him
Epistle to the Prefects of Syria Sisin and his Associates being certified of the Kings pleasure resolved to conform themselves unto it and taking the care of the sacred buildings upon them they assisted the Princes and Magistrates of the Jews Ezra 6. 17. in such sort as the building of the Temple was finished I with great diligence The finishing of the Temple by the instigation of the Prophets Aggeus and Zachary according to Gods commandment and by the directions of the Kings Cyrus and Darius so that it was finish'd within seven years In the ninth year of the Reign of Darius and the three and twenty of the eleventh month call'd by us Adar and by the Macedonians Distre the Priests and Levites and all the rest of the people offer'd sacrifices and gave thanks for the renovation of their former felicity after their captivity and for their new Temple also sacrificing 100 Bulls 200 Sheep 400 Lambs 12 Goats according to the number of the 12 Tribes of Israel and for the sins of each of them The Priests and Levites also according to the laws of Moses appointed Porters to every gate For the Jews had built Galleries round about and within the Temple K Now when the Feast of unleavened bread which is the feast of Easter drew near Ver. 15. in the first month called Xanthicus by the Macedonians The Temple dedicated 23 of March or as it is in the 1 of Esdras 6. dedicated the third of March Ver. 16 c. and Nisan by the Hebrews all the people of the Towns round about Jerusalem resorted thither and celebrated the Feast purifying themselves their wives and children according to the ordinance of their Forefathers And after they had solemniz'd the Feast call'd Easter or the Passeover in the 14th Moon they rejoyced for seven days space sparing no cost how great soever They offer'd burnt-offerings also and sacrifices of thanksgiving The Passeover celebrated acknowledging Gods goodness that had brought them home into their native Countrey to live according to the laws of their Forefathers The form of Commonweal in Jerusalem and had caused them to find favor in the eyes of the King of Persia Thus dwelt they in Jerusalem sacrificing unto and serving God and living under L the Government of their Nobility For they set up a kind of Aristocratical Government and the chief authority remain'd in the High-Priests until the Asmonaeans obtained the Kingdom for before the captivity of Babylon they were under the Government of Kings who began from Saul and Davids times about some 532 years six months and ten days and before their Kings certain Governors call'd Judges reigned and under this sort of Polity liv'd they more than 500 years The Samaritans mighty enemies of the Jews from the death of Moses and Joshua And this was the state of the Jews after their captivity during the days of Cyrus and Darius True it is that the Samaritans were their mighty and malicious adversaries and did them many mischiefs trusting in their riches and pretending to be the Persians kinsmen because their original proceeded from thence For they refused to pay M that Tribute which the King had commanded them to disburse unto the Jews to make their sacrifices and the Governors of Syria and Phoenicia lost no opportunity which might promote their design For which cause the Jews determined to send Ambassadors unto King Darius The Embassage of the Jews to Darius to accuse the Samaritans and to that intent Zorobabel and four others were sent As soon therefore as the King understood by these Ambassadors what crimes and accusations they had brought against the Samaritans he dispatched his letters and addressed them to the Governors and Council of Samaria the tenour of which letters was to this effect King Darius to Tangara and Sambaba Governors of Samaria to Sadrach and Bobelon N and to their companions our servants being in Samaria health Zorobabel Ananias and Mardocheus Ambassadors in the behalf of the Jews accuse you to be disturbers of the building of their Temple C. 7. v. 11 12. alledging that you refuse to discharge that which by my decree you ought to furnish them with A commandment to supply the charge of the building of the Temple and Sacrifices for the charge of the Sacrifices My will is therefore that upon the sight of these Letters you deliver out of the Royal Treasury in Samaria appointed for the Tributes all that which shall be necessary for them to perform their Sacrifices upon the requests of the Priests to the intent they let pass no day without sacrifice and prayer unto O God for me and for the Persians This was the contents of his Letters CHAP. V. The year of the World 3506. before Christ's Nativity 458. A Xerxes succeeds his Father Darius in the Kingdom he permitteth Esdras to return with a great number of Jews to Jerusalem Esdras obligeth those that had taken strangers to Wife to send them back His Praise and his Death Nehemiah obtains leave to build the walls of Jerusalem and finisheth that great work AFter Darius death his son Xerxes succeeded him not only as Heir in the government of his Kingdom but also as Successor unto his piety and devotion towards God for he changed not those institutions of his Father that concern'd religious service Hedio Ruffinus cap. 5. but B but with great benevolence favoured all the Jews 1 Esdras 7. During his Reign Joacim the son of Jesus was High-Priest Xerxes King of Persia amongst them also that remained in Babylon there lived a Priest with the Jews in that place called Esdras Esdras learned in the law a just man and one of great reputation amongst the people and whereas he was very skilful in the laws of Moses he was much esteem'd by the King This man intending with certain other Jews of Babylon to return to Jerusalem besought the King that he would vouchsafe to bestow his letters of commendations to the Governors of Syria in his behalf Nehem. 2. 1. ad 11. Whereupon the King gave him letters of recommendation to the Governors Xerxes favoureth the Jews certifying them of his favor towards Esdras and to the Princes in those parts to this effect C Xerxes King of Kings to Esdras the Priest and Reader of the Divine Law health It is decreed by me and seven other of my Council that whosoever in my kingdom of the Israelites their Priests or Levites will repair with thee unto Jerusalem may freely do it with my licence and may settle themselves in Judea there to serve the God of their Fathers bearing with them those Presents unto the God of Israel which I had my friends have vowed to offer unto him I likewise give thee licence to take with thee all the gold and silver which any of thy Nation living here in Babylon will offer up unto God to buy
Joseph the Nephew of the High-Priest Onias obtains pardon for his Vncle of Ptolomy King of Egypt gets the favor of that Prince and raiseth a very considerable fortune for himself Hircanus the son of Joseph becomes a great Favourite of Ptolomy The death of Joseph BUt a certain man call'd Joseph The Taxation of the High-Priest for offending the King the son of Tobias and of Onias sister who was the High-Priest being young in years but honored in Jerusalem for his wisdom foresight and justice having certain notice by his mother of the arrival of this Ambassador came unto the City for he had been absent in the Village of Phicala where he was born and sharply reproved Onias his Uncle on the mothers side because he did not any wayes provide B for the security of his Countrey but sought to draw his Countreymen into a general hazard in that he retained in his hands that mony which was levied for the Tributeâ— whereby he told him that he had obtained the Government over the people and purchased the High Priesthood And that if he were so bewitched with mony that for the love of it he could have the patience to see his Countreymen in hazard and behold his Citizens suffer all that which cruelty could inflict upon them he advised him to repair to the King and to require him to bestow the whole or the half of the Tribute upon him Hereunto Onias answer'd That he would no more execute the Government and that if it was possible for him he was ready to give over the Priesthood rather than repair unto the King Whereupon Joseph asked him If he would permit him in the peoples behalf to go Ambassador to Ptolomy C Whereunto Onias answer'd That he gave him leave Upon this occasion Joseph went up into the Temple and summoned the people to a general Assembly exhorting them to be no ways troubled and to conceive no fear through the negligence of his Uncle Onias wishing them to be of good courage and promising them that he himself would go Ambassador unto the King and faithfully plead their Cause before him and persuade him that they had committed no insolent neglect or contempt against his Majesty which when the people understood they gave Joseph hearty thanks Whereupon he presently came down from the Temple and honorably entertained the Ambassadors that came from Ptolomy and having presented them with gifts of great value and feasted them magnificently for many dayes he sent them back to their Prince assuring them that he would in person follow D them And the rather was he incited to this journey because the Ambassador had persuaded him to come into Egypt under such assurance that he would obtain all his requests at Ptolomy's hands the rather for that he was won with the young mans free spirit and noble entertainment The Kings Ambassador honourably entertained who reporteth Joseph's liberality upon his return into his Countrey As soon as the Ambassador returned into Egypt he certified the King of Onias's ingratitude and Joseph's humanity certifying him that he would come in person to entreat pardon for the People for that offence they had committed against him and the rather for that he was in especial authority among the People and he so far enlarged himself in the praise of Joseph that both the King and Queen Cleopatra had a good opinion of him although he was as yet absent But Joseph sent unto Samaria to his Friends and E borrow'd money making preparation for his Voyage Having therefore furnished himself with Apparel Vessels and Horses and with almost twenty thousand drachms he arrived at Alexandria At that time it hapned that the Princes and Governors of Phoenicia and Syria repaired thither to farm their Tributes for the King was accustomed every year to sell them to the men of most respect in every City these meeting with Joseph on the way began to mock at his baseness and poverty But when he came to Alexandria and had intelligence that the King was at Memphis he set forward and went out to meet him When therefore the King accompanied with the Queen and Athenion his Friend who had discharged the place of Ambassador in Jerusalem came riding in his Chariot Athenion who had been F honorably entertained by Joseph perceiving him upon the way certified the King that it was he of whom he had spoken upon his return from Jerusalem protesting on his behalf that he was a virtuous and honorable young man Whereupon Ptolomy received him with more kindness than the rest and made him come up into his Chariot where he was no sooner seated but the King began to accuse Onias for what he had committed But Joseph said unto him Pardon him O King and have respect to his old age For you know that ordinarily old men and young children have one and the same understanding but from our selves who are young you shall have what you please to require without any pretext or cause of discontent G H This wise answer increased the affection which the King had allready conceived for him The year of the World 3770. before Christ's Nativity 194. whereupon he commanded that he should be lodged in his own Palace and that daily he should accompany him at his Table As soon as the King came back to Alexandria the Lords of Syria seeing Joseph sitting near unto the King were displeased and the day drawing near wherein they were to know what they should pay for their tribute they that were of the greatest quality in their countrey farmed it so that the Tributes of Coelosyria Phoenicia Judea and Samaria amounted together to eight thousand talents Whereupon Joseph arising blamed the farmers because they had designed amongst themselves to beat down the price of the tributes promising to give double and that he would likewise return the I forfeitures that were levied upon the goods of such as offended The tributes of Coelosyria committed to Joseph which were farmed together with the tributes The King gave ear to this discourse of his with great content and said that he approved the sale of these tributes unto Joseph who would hereby so considerably augment his revenue When therefore he was asked whether he could give suretie he made him answer with great confidence O King said he I will give thee such pledges as are both worthy and honorable and such as you cannot mistrust When therefore the King desired him to produce them I will said he O King present thee for sureties thy self and the Queen thy Wife that one of you may be surety for me to the other Ptolomey smiling hereat granted him the farm of the tribute without farther surety This favor of his displeased those Governours of the Cities that were come into Egypt in that K they saw themselves contemned and constrained to return with shame unto their houses But Joseph obtained 2000 footmen from the King that he might by their
Seleucus the Son of Nicanor who builded it In that City dwelt divers Macedonians divers Greeks and a great number of Syrians The Jews afflicted by the Babylonians repair to Seleucia The Jews fled thither and continued there about five years without any molestation But in the sixth year when the Plague encreased in Babylon the Jews that remained there were enforced to seek them some new habitation and that removing of theirs into the City of Seleucia was the cause likewise of their further mischief as I will make manifest The Greeks who dwelt in Seleucia are ordinarily at debate with the Syrians and have always the upper hand but after that the Jews came to inhabit that place in a certain Sedition that arose among them the I Syrians had the upper hand by the means of the Jews who joyned their Forces with theirs who of themselves were valiant and good Soldiers The Greeks being repulsed in this Tumult and having no other means left them to maintain their former honour but to break that League of Friendship which was between the Syrians and the Jews devised in private each one with those Syrians with whom they were acquainted promising to live in peace and amity with them whereunto they condescended willingly For the chiefest of these two Nations concluded the Peace which presently after followed to the end that on both parts they should joyn in hatred against the Jews Fifty thousand Jews slain in Seleucia So that altogether charging them at unawares they killed more than fifty thousand of them they were all put to the Sword K except some few who through the mercy of their Friends and assistance of their Neighbours were suffered to escape The Jews that were saved repair to Ctesiphon These retired themselves to Ctesiphon a City of Greece that was not far from Seleucia where the King resideth every year and keepeth the greatest part of his Moveables hoping in that place through the reverence of the King they might remain in more safety and security All the Nation of the Jews that were in these Quarters stood in great fear For the Babylonians and the Seleucians with all the Assyrians of that Countrey agreed amongst themselves to make a general War against the Jews The Jews retire into Nearda and Nisibis whereby it came to pass that they assembled themselves at Nearda and Nisibis trusting themselves to the strength of these Fortresses which were inhabited also by men who were expert in Arms. See here what the condition of the L Jews was who remained in Babylon A THE NINETEENTH BOOK Of the ANTIQUITIES of the JEWS B Written by FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS The Contents of the Chapters of the Nineteenth Book 1. The Cruelties and Follies of the Emperour Caius Caligula Several Conspiracies against him Chaereas being assisted by several others killeth him Some Germans of his Guard kill some of the Senators afterward The Senate condemns the thoughts of his memory 2. The Soldiers resolve to promote Claudius Caius's Vnkle to the Imperial Dignity Saturninus's Speech in the Senate for Liberty Chaereas sends to kill the Empress Cesonia C Caius's Wife and her Daughter Caius's good and evil Qualities The Soldiers carry Claudius into the Camp to make him Emperour The Senate sends to him to pray him to forbear 3. King Agrippa encourageth Claudius to accept of the Empire The Soldiers who had been for the Senate forsake it whether Chaereas would or not and joyn with those that had sworn to Claudius So Claudius becometh Master and condemns Chaereas to die He suffers with a wonderful Constancy And Sabinus who had been one of the chiefest of the Conspiracy killeth himself 4. Claudius the Emperour confirmeth Agrippa in the Kingdom adding Judaea and Samaria thereunto He giveth the Kingdom of Chalcis to Herod Agrippa's Brother D and maketh Edicts in favour of the Jews 5. King Agrippa goeth to his Kingdom and putteth his Chain being a token of his Imprisonment into the Sacred Treasury of the Temple of Jerusalem He provideth for the Dignity of the High Priesthood He is highly displeased at the Dorites insolence who had caused Caesar's Statue to be erected in the Jews Synagogue 6. Petronius Governour of Syria's Letters to the Dorites concerning the Emperour's Statue which they caused to be erected in the Jews Synagogue King Agrippa bestoweth the High Priesthood on Matthias Marsius is made Governour of Syria 7. Silas General of Agrippa's Forces his great Imprudence obligeth this Prince to put him in Prison Agrippa fortifieth Jerusalem but the Emperour Claudius commands E him to forbear His excellent Qualities his stately Buildings The cause of his falling out with Marsius Governour of Syria He bestoweth the Great Priesthood on Aelioneus dieth after a terrible manner Leaveth for his Successor his Son Agrippa and three Daughters The Inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebastes prove extreme ungrateful to his Memory Claudius the Emperour sends Fadus to be Governour of Judaea because of Agrippa's Minority CHAP. I. The year of the World 4004. after Christ's Nativity 42. The Cruelties and Follies of the Emperour Caius Caligula Several Conspiracies against F him Chaereas being assisted by several others killeth him Some Germans of his Guard kill some of the Senators afterward The Senate condemns the thoughts of his Memory CAius did not only express and manifest his fury towards those Jews that dwelt in Jerusalem Hedio Ruffinus chap 1. and in other neighbouring places Caius's Tyranny towards the Jews but also thorough all the Countreys both by Land and Sea which were subject to the Roman Empire filling the whole World with an infinite number of mischiefs yea such and so odious that the like hitherto have never been heard of Caius's Tyranny towards the Senators and Patricians But Rome especially felt the G force of his fury but especially the Senators Patricians and Noblemen were plagued They also that were called Roman Knights who in Wealth and Dignity were next unto the Senators for that out of their number such men were chosen who were to supply the Senate were most persecuted For with ignominies H they were abused with banishments and confiscations weakned and by slaughters wholly exterminated He likewise usurped the name of God commanding his Subjects to dignifie him with more than humane honours and ascending the Capitol which amongst all the Temples in Rome is most religiously honoured he was so bold as to salute Jupiter Cajus calleth himself Jupiters Brother and to call him Brother Many such impieties were committed by him which shews that his unbridled and extravagant madness did never forsake him Amongst other his mad pranks that he played this is worthy of memory for on a time thinking it to be too much trouble for him to cross the Sea between Puteol a City in Campania and Misenum another Town seated by the Sea-shore in a Gally and otherwise esteeming it a thing correspondent to his greatness who I
Jews the liberty to live according to their own Laws and Customs and hath commanded that they should converse in equal freedom among the Greeks For these causes I command you that they who have been so bold as to contemn Augustus's Decree against whom their own Magistrates have been displeased excusing themselves that this accident happened not by their motion but by the fury of the common people be brought before me by the Captain Proculus Vitellius to yield a reason of that which they have done exhorting the Magistrates that if they E will not be accounted Parties in this Contempt they endeavour to discover those that are guilty to Proculus and give order that no Sedition or Violence be offered thereupon Which notwithstanding it seemeth that they effect although we and the most honoured King Agrippa whom I take for my good and special Friend endeavour nothing more than that the Nation of the Jews should not assemble and take Arms under colour of their defence And to the end that whatsoever Augustus hath ordained concerning this matter may be the better known unto all men I have added his Edict which he published in Alexandria And although they are sufficiently known unto all men yet hath the most honoured King Agrippa read them unto me when I sate in my Tribunal Seat concluding according to right that the Jews ought not to be excluded nor hindred from enjoying those benefits F which are granted unto them by Caesar I therefore charge all men that henceforward they take heed lest they seek any occasion of Mutiny or Sedition and that every one live according to his Religion See here how Petronius proceeded in this matter both to amend that which was past and also to prevent that which was to come that none should be so bold to attempt the like Jonathan the Son of Ananus is restored to the Priesthood and refuseth it and prayeth that his Brother Matthias may minister therein After this Agrippa took the Priesthood from Simon Canthara and gave it again to Jonathan the Son of Ananus whom he esteemed to be more worthy than the other But Jonathan declared that he was not desirous of this Dignity for in effect he refused it saying O King I most willingly acknowledge the honour which it pleaseth you to bestow upon me and know well that it is a Dignity which of your own free will you bestow upon me notwithstanding that God judgeth me unworthy It G sufficeth me that I have once been invested with the Sacred Habit For at that time I wore it with more holiness than I can now receive it at this present yet notwithstanding if it please you to know one that is more worthy of this honour than my self I will inform you of one My Liege I have a Brother who towards God and you is H pure and innocent whom I dare commend unto you for a most fit man for that Dignity The King took great pleasure in these his words and leaving Jonathan he bestowed the Priesthood on Matthias his Brother according as Jonathan advised him And not long after this Marsus Prefect of Syria Marsus succeeded in Petronius 's room and took upon him the Government of Syria CHAP. VII Silas General of Agrippa's Forces his great Imprudence obligeth this Prince to put I him in Prison Agrippa fortifieth Jerusalem but the Emperour Claudius commands him to forbear His excellent Qualities his stately Buildings The cause of his falling out with Marsus Governour of Syria He bestoweth the Great Priesthood on Aelioneus dieth after a terrible manner Leaveth for his Successor his Son Agrippa and three Daughters The Inhabitants of Caesarea and Sebaste prove extreme ungrateful to his Memory Claudius the Emperour sends Fadus to be Governour of Judaea because of Agrippa's Minority SIlas being made General over the King's Army Hedio Ruffinus chap. 7. and for that he had always been faithful unto him Silas by too much reviving the King's miseries and misfortunes and ripping up his own deserts groweth into the Kings hatred and is sent Prisoner into his Countrey and had never forsaken him in any danger that was offered K without partaking the utmost extremity but had always adventured on the greatest dangers in respect of his entire and constant resolution he made this account that being so firm a friend to the King he should also be partaker and Companion with him in the Honour Therefore he submitted not himself to the King but challenged to himself a liberty to speak what he pleased For this cause he grew hateful in the King's sight for that in particular he boasted of himself beyond measure and oftentimes refreshed the memory of those Adversities the King had past the rather to express how affectionate he had been towards him and his continual talk was nothing else but of the hardships he had endured Now for that he observed no measure in this his discourse the King took it as an injury done to his Honour and was offended with the L unbridled Licence of this man's prattle For nothing soundeth more harsh in a man's ear than the memory of his fore-passed misery and it is but the part of a fool to rip up the courtesies he hath employed on another man At length Silas grievously provoked the King's displeasure against himself that rather subscribing to his wrath than his wit he not only dispossessed Silas of his General 's place but also sent him bound into his Countrey there to be held Prisoner Yet notwithstanding time asswaged this displeasure and the King taking it into better consideration and remembring what Silas had endured in his behalf Agrippa sendeth for Silas out of Prison who dissembling not his displeasure is left still in Prison he revoked the Sentence that he pronounced And as he was ready to celebrate the Festival day of his Birth and all his Subjects were to take their pleasure he speedily sent for Silas to the end he might be partaker thereof M and feast with them But Silas who was of a free nature supposing that he had just cause to be displeased concealed it not from those who were sent unto him but spake unto them after this manner To what honour doth the King invite me at this present purposely to deprive me of it again For he hath not only deprived me of those Honours which he bestowed upon me in acknowledgment of the affection I have always shewed unto him but he hath altogether abused me if he thinks that he can restrain me from speaking freely he deceiveth himself For my Conscience knoweth how many hazards I have delivered him from and as long as I breath I will ring in all men's ears how much I have endured for his Conservation and Honour in recompence whereof I am this day in Bondâ— and shut up in an obscure Prison N which I will never forget Yea and when my soul shall depart out of this body she
THE WORKS OF JOSEPHUS With great diligence Revised and Amended according to the Excellent French Translation OF Monsieur ARNAVLD D'ANDILLY Also the Embassy of PHILO JUDAEUS TO THE EMPEROR CAIUS CALIGULA Never Translated before With the References of the SCRIPTURE A New Map of the HOLY LAND And divers Copper-Plates serving to Illustrate the HISTORY Francis Patricius de Regno Lib. II. Cap. 10. Historiarum cognitio Regibus Ducibus Imperatoribus omnibus Principibus perquam necessaria habenda est quam Cicero appellat Testem Temporum Vitae Magistram veram Memoriae veritatis Nunciam Bernardus Epistola ad Suggerium Tune recentia jucundius bona clarescunt cum fuerint malis comparata prioribus LONDON Printed for Abel Roper at the Sun against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street M.DC.LXXVI ADVERTISEMENTS CONCERNING THE WORKS OF Josephus I. Of the Jewish Antiquities THE Title alone of this History seems to recommend the same more than any Preface could do inasmuch as professing to deduce things from the Creation of the World to reach as high as the Reign of Nero and to derive the greatest part of its Relations from the Records of the Old Testament it implies that no other can equal it in Antiquity in Continuance and in Authority But that which further renders it after the Holy Scripture preferable to all other Histories is That whereas those have no other ground-work but the Actions of Men this represents to us the Actions of God himself There is seen resplendent everywhere in it his Power his Government his Goodness and his Justice His Power opens Seas and divides Rivers to give a dry passage to whole Armies and cause the Walls of the strongest Cities to fall down without battery His Government regulates all things and gives such Laws as may be stil'd the Fountain from which has been drawn whatever wisdom there is in the World His Goodness makes to fall from Heaven and to issue from the bosome of Rocks wherewith to satisfie the Hunger and allay the Thirst of a great People in the driest Desarts And all the Elements being as the Ministers of the Decrees which his Justice pronounces the Water destroys by a Deluge those which it condemns the Fire consumes them the Air overthrows them by its Tempests and the Earth opens it self to devour them His Prophets foretell nothing but they confirm the same by Miracles They who command his Armies undertake nothing but they atchieve it And the Leaders of his People being fill'd with his Spirit act like Angels rather than Men. Moses alone may be a Proof of all this Never did so many eminent Qualities meet together in one Person Nor did God ever shew in any Man under the Old Law since the Fall of the First how high the perfection of a Creature may rise whom he vouchsafes to accumulate with his favors Wherefore since a great part of this History may in some sort be said to be the Work of that incomparable Lawgiver because the same is wholly taken out of him it ought to be read not only with Esteem but also with Respect and the sequel to the end of what is contained in the Bible deserves no less in regard it was dictated by the same Spirit of God which guided the Pen of Moses when he writ the five first Books of the sacred History But moreover what might not be said of those admirable Patriarchs Abraham Isaac and Jacob of David that great both King and Prophet who deserv'd the unequal Elogium of being a Man according to God's own heart of Jonathan that most accomplisht Prince whose soul the Scripture saith was inseparably ty'd to that of that holy King of the illustrious Maccabees whose Piety equal to their Courage effected an union of the Supreme Power attending Royalty with the most Sacred Functions of the High-Priesthood and lastly of Joseph of Joshua of Gideon and of divers others who may pass for perfect Models of Virtue Conduct and Valor If the Heroes of Pagan Antiquity never atchiev'd anything comparable to these Heroes of God's People whose Actions might pass for Fables if it were not impiety to refuse credit to them there is no reason to wonder since those Heathens had onely humane Force but the hands of those whom God chose to fight under his Command were arm'd with his invincible help and the example of Deborah shews that even a Woman may become in a moment a great General of an Army Now if the Favors wherewith God cherishes those that are his ought to induce Monarchs not to trust but in his assistance the dreadful Punishments which he executes on those that lean on their own strength oblige them to tremble and the rejection of Saul and divers other great Princes instructs them by the terrible representation of their Fall to have recourse to God that they may escape the like misfortunes Yet not only Princes but Princesses also may find in this Book examples both to avoid and to imitate Queen Jezabel is a dismal one both of impiety and punishment And Queen Esther is a rare one of all the perfections and of all the rewards which can render the virtue and felicity of a great and holy Princess admir'd If great Personages find so great Examples here to lead them to avoid Vice and embrace Virtue there is no person of any condition whatsoever but may profit likewise by so useful a Book 'T is of general benefit for all so proper to imprint a respect of the Divine Majesty by the view of so many effects of his infinite Power and of his adorable Providence that his heart must be very hard that is not affected therewith And how can Christians but be mov'd with such a holy respect since the same History teaches us that those illustrious and so celebrated Conquerors Cyrus Darius and Alexander though Idolaters could not forbear having a Veneration for the Majesty and the Ceremonies of that Temple which was but a Figure of the Christian Church But if this History be so excellent in it self it must be confess'd that no man was so fit to write it as he that gave it both to his own Age and to Posterity For who could be better inform'd of the Customs and Manners of the Jews than a Jew Who could be better instructed of all the Ceremonies and Observations of the Law than a Priest Who could better relate the Events of so many Wars than a great Captain And who could better comprehend things and make judicious Reflections upon them than a man of great Quality and a great States-man Now all these qualifications concenter in Josephus He was a Jew by birth He was not only a Priest but of the first of the four and twenty races of the Priests who held the chief rank amongst those of their Nation He was descended from the Asmonaean Kings His great Exploits in War had made him admir'd even by the Romans And the several great Employments of which he so worthily acquitted
himself leave no room to doubt of his experience in Affairs Lastly His Life written by himself join'd with his History of the Jewish Wars make him sufficiently known And as for his manner of writing I think it needless to commend it since this Work manifests it so excellent everywhere particularly in the Nineteenth Book where he relates the Actions and Death of the Emperor Caligula which no Roman Author has done so accurately I think I may say without fear that there is not in Tacitus any History which surpasses that eloquent and judicious Narration I know some will wonder that after having mention'd the greatest Miracles he diminishes the belief of them by saying That he leaves every man at liberty to have such opinion thereof as he thinks fit But in my judgment he does it onely on this account That having compos'd this History chiefly for the Greeks and Romans as 't is easie to gather by his writing the same in Greek and not in Hebrew he fear'd their incredulity would render it suspected to them if he affirm'd positively the truth of things which seem'd to them impossible But whatever Reason induc'd him to use that Caution I pretend not to defend him either in those places or any others where he is not conformable to the Bible This alone is the Divine Fountain of written Truths which cannot be sought elsewhere without hazard of Error and one cannot excuse himself from condemning whatever is found contrary thereunto I do it with all my heart and there is no person but ought to do it in order to read this excellent History with satisfaction and without scruple Neither yet do I pretend to justifie this Author in some places where he speaks of the several sorts of Government nor as to some other particular sentiments which no body is oblig'd to follow Nor do I engage my self in any matter of Criticism the contests whereof I leave to such as are exercis'd in that sort of study If in some places as amongst others in the description of the Tabernacle and of the Table of Shew-bread some difference be found between this Translation and the Greek the cause thereof is that those passages are so corrupted in the Greek Text that all I could do was to bring them into the condition wherein they are II. Of the History of the Jewish War against the Romans c. If the History of the Jews advances its Author into the rank of the best Historians 't is plain that in that of their War against the Romans he has surpass'd himself Several reasons have concurr'd to render this History a Master-piece the greatness of the Subject the sentiments excited in his breast by the ruine of his Countrey and the share he had in the most considerable Events of that bloody War For what other Subjects can equal this great Siege which manifested to all the Earth that one City alone would have been the Rock of the Roman Glory had not God for punishment of its sins overthrown it by the storms of his wrath What sentiments of Grief can be more lively than those of a Jew and of a Priest who saw subverted the Laws of his own Nation whereof no other was ever so jealous and that magnificent Temple the object of his devotion and of his zeal reduc'd to ashes And what greater interest can an Historian have in his Work than to be oblig'd to bring into it the principal Actions of his own Life and to labour for his own Glory by an unflattering advancement of that of the Conquerors and by acquitting himself at the same time of what he ow'd to the generosity of those two excellent Princes Vespasian and Titus to whom the honour of having finish'd this great War was due But for asmuch as there are so many remarkable Occurrences in this History I think to do the Readers a pleasure in presenting them here with an Abstract thereof from which general Idea they may afterwards proceed to the particulars depending thereupon It is divided into seven Books The first Book and the second to the twenty eighth Chapter are an abridgment of the Jewish History from Antiochus Epiphanes King of Syria who spoiled the Temple and went about to abolish Religion to Florus Governor of Judea whose avarice and cruelty were the chief occasion of that War which they maintain'd against the Romans This abridgment is so delightful that Josephus seems to have design'd to shew that he could like excellent Painters represent the same objects in different manners with so much art that it should be hard to know to which to give the preference For whereas these Histories are sometimes interrupted by the Narration of things hapned at the same time they are here written in a continu'd series and give the Readers the pleasure to behold in one Table what they saw before separately in several From the twenty eighth Chapter of the second Book to the end Josephus relates what pass'd in consequence of the troubles rais'd by Florus till the defeat of the Roman Army commanded by Cestius Gallus Governor of Syria In the beginning of the third Book Josephus shews the consternation of the Emperor Nero upon this ill success of his Arms which was likely to be follow'd with a revolt of all the East and how casting his eyes on all sides he found only Vespasian fit to bear the weight of so important a War and accordingly gave him the conduct thereof He relates afterwards in what manner this great Captain accompany'd with Titus his son enter'd into Galilee whereof our Author himself was Governor and besieg'd him in Jotapat where after the greatest resistance imaginable he was taken and led Prisoner to Vespasian and how Titus took divers other places and perform'd actions of incredible valor The fourth Book brings in Vespasian conquering the rest of Galilee the Jews beginning to tumultuate in Jerusalem the Factious who took the name of Zealots becoming Masters of the Temple under the conduct of John of Giscala Ananus the High-Priest stirring up the people to besiege them there the Idumaeans coming to their assistance exercising horrible cruelties and afterwards retiring Vespasian taking sundry places in Judea blocking up Jerusalem in order to besiege it and forbearing that design by reason of the troubles risen in the Empire before and after the death of the Emperors Nero Golba and Otho Simon son of Gioras another Head of the Factious receiv'd by the people into Jerusalem Vitellius who had seiz'd upon the Empire after Otho's death rendring himself odious and contemptible for his cruelty and debauchery the Army commanded by Vespasian declaring him Emperor And lastly Vitellius assassinated at Rome after the defeat of his Forces by Antonius Primus who had embrac'd Vespasian's party The fifth Book relates how a third Faction of which Eleazar was Head was form'd in Jerusalem That afterwards those three Factions were again reduc'd to two and in what manner they made War one against another It contains
S. Matth. 23. ver 38 36. All these things had been foretold by our Saviour and written by the Evangelists before the revolt of the Jews and at a time when there was not yet the least appearance of so strange a Revolution Now inasmuch as Prophecy is the greatest of miracles and the most powerful way whereby God Almighty authorizes his doctrine this Prophecy of Jesus Christ to which no other is comparable may be justly accounted the chief and most irrefragable evidence to mankind of his Divine Birth and Mission For as no other Prophecy was ever more clear so neither was any more punctually accomplisht Jerusalem was destroy'd to the ground by the first Army that besieg'd it there remain'd not the least footstep of that proud Temple the wonder of the Vniverse and the object of the Jews vanity and the calamities which ruin'd them answer'd precisely to that dreadful Prediction of our Saviour But to the end so great an Event might serve as well for the instruction of those that were to be born in afier-times as for those that were spectators of it it was necessary as I have said that the History should be written by an irreprochable Witness To which purpose 't was fit the Writer should be a Jew and not a Christian lest he might be suspected to have accommodated the Events to the Prophesies 'T was fit he should be a person of quality to the end he might be fully inform'd of all things 'T was fit he should see with his own eyes the wonderful things which he was to relate to the end he might be capable of credit And lastly 't was fit he should be a Man whose eloquence and judgment might be sutable to the greatness of such a subject All which qualifications so necessary to render this History compleat in all points meet so perfectly in Josephus that 't is evident God Almighty chose him expresly to persuade all reasonable persons of the truth of this marvellous occurrence 'T is certain that having contributed in this manner to the confirmation of the Gospel it appears not that he made any benefit thereof for himself or that he had any share in the blessings so plentifully poured down in his time upon all the earth But if there be reason to commiserate his unhappiness in this point there is some also to bless the Providence of God who has made his blindness serve to our advantage since the things he writes concerning his own Nation are in respect of the incredulous incomparably of more force for confirmation of the Christian Religion than if he had embrac'd Christianity so that we may apply to him in particular what the Apostle saith of all the Jews III. Josephus's Answer to Appion The next of the Works of Josephus besides his Life written by himself is an Answer in two Books to what Appoin and some others had written against his History of the Jews against the Antiquity of their Race against the Purity of their Laws and against the Conduct of Moses Nothing can be more solid than this Answer wherein Josephus proves invincibly the Antiquity of his Nation by the Egyptian Chaldean Phenician and even by the Greek Historians themselves He shews that all which Appion and those other Authors have alledg'd to the disadvantage of the Jews are ridiculous Fables as well as the plurality of their Gods and he excellently sets forth the greatness of the actions of Moses and the sanctity of the Laws which God gave the Jews by his intervention IV. The Martyrdom of the Maccabees The Martyrdom of the Maccabees follows next 'T is a piece which Erasmus so famous among the Learned calls a Masterpiece of Eloquence and I confess I understand not why having with reason so advantagious an opinion of it he paraphras'd it and not translated it Never was Copy more different from its Original 'T is hardly any of its principal Lineaments and if I mistake not nothing can more advance the reputation of Josephus than to see that so able a Man intending to embellish his Work has on the contrary so much diminisht the beauty of it and thereby shew'd how much Josephus is to be esteem'd for writing not after the manner of most of the Greeks in a long-winded style but closely and compendiously as affecting to say nothing but what is necessary And I cannot sufficiently wonder that no person hitherto has made a Translation of it from the Greek either into Latin or French at least to my knowledge For Genebrard instead of Translating Josephus has only Translated Erasmus For my part I have faithfully adhered to the original Greek without following that Paraphrase of Erasmus any where which invents names that are neither in Josephus nor the Bible for the mother of the Maccabees It should seem Josephus did not write this famous Martyrdom authoriz'd by the Holy Scripture but to prove the truth of a discourse which he makes in the beginning to shew that Reason is the Mistress of Passions and he attributes to it a power over them which there would be reason to wonder at if it were strange that a Jew should be ignorant that this power belongs only to the grace of Jesus Christ He is contented to declare that he means only a Reason accompany'd with justice and piety V. The Embassy of Philo to C. Caligula the Roman Emperor This is a brief account of all the Works of Josephus Now because Philo although a Jew as well as he writ also in Greek upon part of the same Subjects but handles the same rather as a Philosopher than an Historian and because none amongst all his Writings is so esteem'd as that of his Embassage to the Emperor C. Caligula of whom Josephus speaks particularly in the 10th Chapter of the 18th Book of the Jewish Antiquities I conceiv'd that this Piece having so great affinity therewith it would not be amiss to shew by a Translation of it the different manner of writing of these two great Persons That of Josephus is undoubtedly more compendious and has nothing of the Asiatic style so that he expresses that in few words which Philo doth sometimes in as many lines The History of that Emperor may be made up from the Writings of these two famous Authors inasmuch as Philo relates as particularly and eloquently the Actions of his Life as Josephus has written nobly and excellently the passages of his Death Both the one and the other were so extraordinary that 't is an advantage there remains such Images thereof to Posterity to animate good Princes to merit by their Virtue as great affection for their Memory as People have horror for those who have shew'd themselves unworthy of the rank which they held in the World It remains only to add That as this Volume comprehends all the ancient holy History so the Readers are desir'd to peruse it not only for Divertisement or Curiosity but also with an aim to profit by the useful Considerations for which
it affords so much matter And that whereas the old Translation of Doctor Lodge was not undeservedly complain'd of on many accounts much pains hath been taken in this Edition to amend it as the Reader will easily find by comparing it with the former If it be not so complete as could be wish'd the Reader is desir'd to accept candidly what has been done for his satisfaction and to consider that though an old repair'd Building can hardly have all the beauty yet it may have all the conveniency of a new Fabrick A brief Computation very useful to the understanding of the History FRom Adam till the Deluge were years 1656 From the Deluge till Abraham's time 291 From Abraham till the Departure out of Egypt 500 From the Departure out of Egypt till the Building of the Temple by Solomon 480 From the Building of the Temple till the Babylonish Captivity 410 From the Return from the Captivity till the Maccabees time 432 From the Maccabees time till that of Herod 134 From Herods time till the final and fatal destruction of Jerusalem 103 The Jews have two sorts of years the Civil which begins in September and the Sacred or Ecclesiastick which begins in March They have twelve Months or Moons and every third Year hath a thirteenth Month of 22 dayes and the fourth hath a thirteenth Month of 23. Before the Captivity of Babylon they accounted the Months successively by 1 2 3 c. since their Return they have named them rather after the manner of the Chaldees than the Hebrews The Hebrew The English The Greek Nisan March Andineen Zin or Jar. April Veritien Sivan May. Distre Tamuz June Xantique Ab. July Arthemisien Elul August Desien Ethanin or Tisri September Paneme Bul or Marksuan October Loie Casleu November Gorpian Thebet December Hyperberete Sebath January Dien Adar February Apellâ—â—â— This Nation in their beginning was governed by Judges Moses Joshua Othoniel Adol Baruc and Debora Gedeon Abimelech Thola Jair Jeptha Absan Elon Abdon Samson Eli Samuel After them they had these Kings Saul David Solomon Roboam Abia Asa Jehoshaphat Joram Manasses Amon Josias Joachas Ochozias Athalia Joas Amasias Oziâ— Jonathan Achaz Ezechias Eliacim Joachim Zedechias The Captivity of Babylon continued 70 years Governors after the Captivity were Zorobabel Rhesa John Ben Resa Judas Hircanâ—s Joseph Abner Heli Mahat Nagge Hagaieli Naum Amos Mattathias Joseph Arses Jannes Hircanus Mattathias The Maccabees who were both Princes and Priests Judas Jonathan Simon John Hircanus These following were both Kings and Princes Aristobulus 1. John Alexander Alexandra Aristobulus 2. Hircanus Aristob son of Aristob Aristobulus 3. Hircanus The Race of Herod Antipater Herod the Great Archelaus the Great Agrippa son of Agrip. The names of the High-Priests from the Departure out of Egypt till the building of the Temple by Solomon Aaron Eleazar Phinees Abisua Busqui Oses Heli Achitob Achimelech Abiathar Sadoc Achimaas Azarias From the building of the Temple till the Captivity of Babylon Joram Joses Axioram Sudeas Joathan Vrias Nerias Odeas Sellum Helcias From the Return out of Babylon till the Maccabees time Saraia Josedech Josua Joachim Eliasib Eleazar Manasses Onias 2. Simon 2. Onias 3. Joiada Jonathan Jadus Onias 1. Simon 1. Jason Onias 4. Lysimachus Alcimus High-Priests from the Maccabees time till the final destruction of Jerusalem Simon Boethus Joseph 1. Joseph 2. Joazar Eleazar Joshua the son of Sias Joazar Ananus Ismael Theophilus Simon Mattathias Elion Joseph 3. Ananias Ismael Joseph Annas Eleazar Simon Joseph Caiaphas Jonathan Josuah son of Danneus Josuah son of Gamaliel Matthias Phinees or Panaas Kings of Israel otherwise called Kings of the ten Tribes or of Samaria Jeroboam 1. Nadab Baasa Ela Zamri Amri Achab Joram Jehu Joachaz Joas Jeroboam 2. Zachary Manahem Pecha son of Manaheâ—â— Pecha son of Romelia Oseas Kings of Assyria and Babylon Phulbelocus Phulasser Salmanasser Senacherib Assaradon Berodach Benmerodach Nabuchodonosor 1. Nabuchodonos the great Evilmerodach Neriglossorar Labosardach Baltasser Kings of Persia Cyrus Cambyses Smerdas Magus Darius son of Histaspis Xerxes son of Darius Artabanus the Tyrant Artaxerxes with a long hand Xerxes Sogdianus Darius the Bastard Artaxerxes Mnemon Artaxerxes Ochus Arsames Darius son of Arsames Kings of Syria after the death of Alexander the Great Seleucus Nicanor Antiochus Soter Antiochus sirnam god Seleucus Callinicus Seleucus Ceraunus Antiochus the Great Seleucus Philopater Antiochus Epiphanes Antiochus Eupator Demetrius Soter Alexander Epiphanes Demetrius Nicanor Antiochus Sedetes Demetrius Nicanor Alexander Zebina Antiochus Gryphus Antiochus Cyzicenus Seleucus Gryphus Antiochus Pius Kings of Egypt after the death of Alexander the Great Ptolomey Soter Philadelphus Evergetes Philopater Epiphanes Philometor Evergetes Phiscon Lathyrus Alexander Auletes Cleopatra Kings of the Tyrians Abibalus Hiram Belastartus Abdastartus Astartus Astarimus Phelletes Ithoballus Badezor Merimus Pigmalion An Explication of the Coins and Measures mention'd in this History SAth was a measure containing about some seven quarts English The Epha contained three Saths The Core or Homer contained ten Epha's that is to say thirty Saths and was the same measure both in dry and liquid things The Log contained a French measure The Hin contained twelve Logs The Bath contained as much as the Epha The Cad was a kind of Pitcher containing such a quantity as a young Maid might well carry The common Sicle contained the weight of four ounces whether it were of gold silver or any other metal The sacred or holy Sicle weighed half an ounce of any metal whatsoever The common Sicle of silver was valued at about a shilling of our money The holy Sicle of silver was valued at about two shillings The common Drachm was the eighth part of an ounce The sacred Drachm was the fourth part of an ounce The Pound weighed twelve ounces The ordinary Talent contained fifty four pounds eight ounces and a quarter of Troy weight in any metal yet it was not minted money but a mass made up after the manner of an Ingot The sacred Talent contained one hundred pounds Furthermore Note That when Josephus mentions the Olympiads without any specification of the years therein contained he ordinarily means the space of four years compleat The Stadium Stade or Furlong according to the Greeks account which I suppose Josephus most respected in this History either of 600 Foot as the Olympique that is of 120 paces or as the Pyrrhique which contained 1000 Foot that is 200 paces The Names of the AUTHORS alledged in this History A. Acusilaus Agatharcides Alexander Andrew Apion Apollonius Molo Apollodorus Ariphanes Aristaeus Aristotle B. Berosus C. Cadmus Castor Chaeremon Cherilus Clearchus Conon D. Demetrius Phalereus Dim E. Ephorus Euhemeras Eupolemus H. Hecatusaeus Hellanicus Hermippus Hermogenes Herodotus Hesiodus Hestiaeus Hierom of Egypt Homer Hyperocides I. Isidore L. Titus Livius Lysiâ—â—achus M. Manethon Menander Mnafeas Mochus N. Nicholas of Damas. P. Pherecydes Philon Philostratus Polybius Polycrates Possidonius Pythagoras S. Strabo T. Thales Theodotus Theophilus Theopompus Theophrastus Thucydides
call'd Rabatha was four Cubits in breadth and nine in length This success did not only bring present advantages to the Hebrews but also open'd them a way to greater Conquests Ruffin cap. 5. for they took sixty well fortifi'd Cities which were under C his Government Hedio cap. 6. Hierico so that there was not any of the meanest Soldiers but were greatly enrich'd with pillage After this Moses remov'd his Camp toward Jordan and pitched it in a broad Plain near the City of Jericho which is rich and fruitful and aboundeth with Palm-trees and Balm And now were the minds of the Israelites in such sort confirm'd that they desir'd nothing more than War and Battel and Moses thinking good to make use of this their forwardness having sacrific'd to God in way of Thanksgiving and feasted the People he sent part of them arm'd to destroy the Countrey of the Madianites and to force the Cities of that Region which War had this Original CHAP. VI. D Of the Prophet Balaam WHen Balac King of the Moabites who was both an old Friend and Confederate with the Madianites saw the progress of the Israelites Numb 22 23 24. per totum he began to suspect the security of his own fortune and estate for he knew not that God had inhibited the Hebrews to attempt the Conquest of any other Countrey but the Land of Canaan And therefore more rashly than prudently he resolv'd to oppose them and for that he durst not assail them in Battel whom he knew elevated with the success of many Victories yet desirous to hinder them from proceeding any further he sends Ambassadors to the Madianites to consult with them what was fit to be done C. 22. 1. ad 5 The Madianites knowing that E beyond Euphrates there liv'd a famous Prophet call'd Balaam who was their especial Friend sent some of their most honourable Princes together with Balac's Ambassadors Balac King of the Moabites Embassage to the Madianites beseeching him that he would come unto them and curse the Israelites The Prophet entertained the Ambassadors with great humanity and ask'd counsel of God concerning what answer he should give them Balaâ—s and the Madianites Embassage to Balaam God forbad him to do that which they deâ—ir'd And so Balaam told them that he wanted not will to gratifie them but that God to whom he owed the gift of Prophecy forbad him for that Army which they desired should be cursed was dearly beloved of God For which cause he gave them counsel to make peace with the Israelites upon any conditions which said he dismissed the Ambassadors But the Madianites being instantly requested by Balac once more sent their Ambassadors F to Balaam who desirous to satisfie them in their demands consulted with God But God offended with him commanded him to assent to the Ambassadors and he not conceiving that God spake thus to him in his anger Ver. 15. because he had not obey'd his order departed onward with the Ambassadors The second Embassage to Balaam But as he Travelled upon the way the Angel of God came and met him in a narrow place between two stone walls which when the She-ass whereon Balaam was mounted perceived she started out of the way and crushed her Master against one of the walls Ver. 21. ad 28. and neither by the strokes which he gave her being grieved by his bruise nor by any other means The Angel resisteth Balaam could she be drawn forward Whil'st the Angel kept his station and the Prophet continu'd tormenting the Ass God caus'd the Beast to speak to Balaam with a humane and articulate voice Ver. 28. 31. blaming him for that having G never before that time received damage by her The Ass speaketh to Balaam he had so cruelly tormented and beaten her and understood not that God did prohibit him from the performance of that which he desired The year of the World 2493. before Christ's Nativity 1473. As he stood amazed at the Prodigy an Angel appeared to him blaming H him and telling him that the Ass was not in fault but that himself deserv'd to be punisht for resisting God's will These words encreased Balaam's astonishment and he prepar'd himself to return back again but God commanded him to continue his intended journey Balaam is reproved by the Angel charging him to say nothing but that which he should inspire to him After God had given him this charge he went unto Balac who entertained him honorably Ver 35 36. and caused him to be brought to a certain Mountain from whence he might behold the Hebrews Camp Balaam cometh to Balac Balac also himself being Royally attended accompanied the Prophet conducting him unto a Mountain which was but 60 Furlongs from their Camp Balaam having well consider'd it desir'd the King to build seven Altars on which to offer seven Bulls and seven Rams All which being readily executed by the King he offer'd I a burnt Sacrifice to the end he might presage on which side the Victory would turn which done he address'd his speech in this manner toward the Army of the Israelites Happy People of whom God himself vouchsafeth to be the Conducter on whom he bestoweth so large blessings C. 23. 1. ad 10. and abundance of riches Balaam's prophecy of the people of Israel and over whom his Providence incessantly watcheth No other Nation shall equal you in the love of virtue your Successors also shall surpass you because amongst Men God only favoureth you and taketh care that no Nation under the Sun shall either exceed or equal you in happiness You shall likewise possess that rich Land which he hath promis'd you and your posterity shall be perpetual Lords thereof and the glory of your name shall fill both the whole Earth and Sea and so shall your Nation be multiplied that there shall K be no place of the World where it shall not be diffus'd Blessed are you most worthy Army and deserving great admiration being composed of the descendants of one single Man The Land of Canaan at this present will suffice you but know that hereafter the whole World will not be too great for your inhabitation so that both in the Islands and in the Continent you shall live in so great number that you shall equal the Stars of the Firmament And though you are like to grow so innumerable yet notwithstanding God will furnish you with all sort of good things in abundance in Peace and in War he will render you victorious Wherefore we ought to wish that our Enemies may resolve to take Arms and to assault you since they cannot do it without their own total destruction So greatly are you favoured and loved by God who takes pleasure to abase the proud and great and to raise the weak and humble L Thus spake Balaam in his prophetical spirit being inspired by the Spirit of
of these as they can 〈◊〉 let the Benjamites lay hold of without reproof neither being inhibited nor encouraged by us and if their Fathers shall be displeased therewith and shall require revenge we will say that they are in the fault who have negligently kept their Daughters and that we ought not too much to whet our wrath against the Benjamites for that we had too much already used the same toward them Ver. 20. ad fin This advice was approved by all and it was decreed The Benjamites are permitted to ravish them Wives That it was lawful for the Benjamites to seize and violently take to themselves Wives amongst them Now when the Feast was at hand the 200 Benjamites of K whom we have spoken came two by two and three by three and lay in ambush near the City amongst the Vines and other Thickets and close places in which they might hide themselves to surprize the Damsels who suspecting nothing securely and pleasantly wantoned on their way but the young men breaking from the ambush laid hold of them being scattered and divided here and there and after they had married them they departed home to labour their Land and began to study anew how to recover their former prosperity Thus the Tribe of Benjamin which was well nigh utterly exterminated was preserved by the wisdom of the Israelites and it flourished and increased in a little time as well in number of men as in all other things The like accident hapned to the Tribe of Dan Hedio Ruffin cap. 7. al. 4. which fell into the like mischief for this L cause which ensueth The Israelites about this time having forgotten the exercise of Arms Judg. 18. 2 c. and being onely occupied in Tilling their Land The Tribe of Dan oppressed by the Canaanites the Canaanites in contempt of them raised Forces not for that they were afraid for their own Estates but to the intent that defeating the Hebrews with some memorable overthrow they might more securely inhabit their Cities for the future They brought into the Field a great number of Footmen and Chariots and they drew Aschalon and Acharon two Cities within the lot of Judah into thier Confederacy and divers other Cities of the Champion Countrey so that the Tribe of Dan was driven into the Mountains having no place in the Champion where they might peaceably inhabit and for that they were neither able to recover their Lands from M the enemy nor had sufficient habitation for their number of Men they sent five Men of their Tribe into the Champion Countrey to see if they could find any place that were fit and convenient for them to establish and fix their Colonies These Men Travelled a days journey not far from the Mountain of Libranus and lower than the sources of Jordan bordering upon the great Plain of the City of Sidon In which place having observed that the Land was good and fertile in all sorts of fruits they made their report to their People who Travelling thither with their Army built a City in that place called Dan by the name of the son of Jacob so called and of their own Tribe Many adversities befell the Israelites from that time forwards They of Dan seek out a place to inhabit both by reason they were unexercised in Travel and for that they contemned Piety For having once forsaken the N observation of the Ordinances they abandon'd themselves to Pleasures living according to their own appetites so that they polluted themselves with those Vices which were most usual amongst the Canaanites O A CHAP. III The year of the World 2586. before Christ's Nativity 1438. How the people of Israel by reason of their wickedness were by God delivered to the servitude of the Assyrians FOr this cause the wrath of God was kindled against them Judg. 31. 2 3 4. in such sort that he abandon'd them and through their luxury they soon lost the felicity which they had gotten by infinite pains The Israelites oppressed by Schisart For Schisart King of the Assyrians levied and an Army against them killed a great number of their men in fight and either by force or composition took divers of their Cities and brought them under his subjection Many also willingly submitted B themselves to him through fear and payed great tribute enduring all kind of outrage for the space of eight years after which they were delivered by these means following CHAP. IV. Their liberty restored by Cenez A Certain man of the Tribe of Juda called Cenez a man of understanding and courage was advertised by a voice from Heaven Ibidem c. 3. v. 9 10 11. that he should not permit the Israelites to be reduced into so extreme necessity without taking care for them but adventure himself to set them at liberty Cenizus or as the holo Scripture speaks his Son Athaniel rigned eight years Upon which calling to him some few whom he knew C generous enough to fear no danger when a yoke so insupportable was to be shaken of They began with outting the throats of the Assyrian Garison which Schisart had placed over them This first success caus'd the number of his followers to increase a little more and more so that in a little time they seemed sufficient to equal the enemy in open field whereupon encountring him in one battel they overcame him and recovered their liberty and the rest of the scattered and confused Army retired toward Euphrates After Cenez had by this action given proof of his valour he received the government at the peoples hands and exercised the office of Judge forty years and died CHAP. V. D How the people were made subject to the Moabites and how by Jodes they were exempt from servitude AFter his death the government being void the affairs of the Israelites began again to fall to ruine Hedio Ruffinus chap. 8. and the rather for that they neither yielded due honour to God Judg. 3. 12 ad 15. or obedience to the Laws whence it came to pass that Eglon King of the Moabites seeing the disorder of their policy made war against them Eglon King of the Moabites conquereth the Israelites and defeated them many times And for that he was a Prince of greater puissance than any of his Predecessors he weakened their Forces so that he constrained them to pay tribute This man removing his Court to Jericho and proud of his Victories omitted no E means whereby he might vex and molest the people so that they lived for the space of 18. years in great misery But God being moved with compassion of their calamities delivered them from their intolerable thraldom after this manner Jodes the Son of Gera of the Tribe of Benjamin a young man endow'd with Valour of mind and strength of body to attempt any worthy action dwelt at Jericho Jodes or Ehud insinuated himself into Eglons
himself before the King and had declared unto him the success of the battel the question L was asked how Absalon did whereunto he answered The like fortune happen to all thine enemies O King as hath hapned to Absalon These words quite extinguished the delight and joy that David conceived in the victory and the excess thereof much troubled his servants for the King ascending into the highest part of the City bewailed his son beating his breast tearing his hair and afflicting himself after such a sort as cannot be expressed and crying out in a mournful manner My son said he would God my son that I were dead with thee For although of his own nature he was of a tender disposition yet loved he Absalon above all the rest of his children When the Army and Joab were informed that David lamented his son in his sort 2 Sam. 19. 1 2 3 4. they had this respect unto him Joab and his army enter the city in mournful manner that they would not enter the City after a triumphant and victorious M manner but they entred hanging down their heads and weeping all of them most tenderly as if they had returned from some defeat But when the King having his head covered persevered to bewail his son Joab entred in unto him and said O King you consider not that in this behaviour of yours you dishonour your self for it is to be thought that you hate those that love you and expose themselves to all perils for your sake yea that you hate your self and your own succession and that contrariwise you love your most mortal enemies most entirely since you bewail them when they are justly deprived of their lives For if Absalom had had the victory and had possessed the Kingdom there had not any one of us been left alive that love you but had all suffered death nay and in the first rank your self and your own children neither would they being our enemies have lamented but laughed at our deaths N yea Ver. 5 ad 8. they would punish them likewise David is taxed for lamenting his son and upon Joabs persuasion presenteth himself unto the people who should have any compassion of our miseries yet are you not ashamed to lament after this manner for a man that hated you who although he received his life from you yet he shewed not that honour and respect which he was obliged to express towards a father Desist therefore from thy unjust lamentation and offer thy self in presence to thy well-deserving Soldiers and give them thanks that by their valor have obtained this victory otherwise if thou continue as thou hast begun this day will I translate the Kingdom from thee and give thee a more just occasion to lament than hitherto thou hast had By these words Joab allayed the Kings Lamentations and drew him to the care of his Common-weal for cloathing himself in a Royal habit whereby he might appear the more glorious unto his Soldiers he sate in the gate so that all the people hearing thereof flocked O out to salute him A Whilest these things past after this manner they that remained alive of Absalons Army returning home unto their houses sent messengers to every Village to remind them how many benefits they had received at Davids hands and how after many and grievous Wars he had brought them to a secure liberty and how unjustly they had revolted from him and translated the Kingdom unto another For which cause it behooved them since he was dead whom they had chosen Ver. 9. to make their submission unto David that he might be reconciled to them The kingdom of Israel is once more offered unto David and receive the people into his favor and that according as heretofore so now also he would vouchsafe them his pardon and protection David being informed of these things by express Letters commanded Sadoc and Abiathar the chief Priests that they should certifie the Princes of the Tribe of Juda that it would be B a great indignity for them that other Tribes should prefer David to the Kingdom before them especially since he was of their Tribe In like manner he commanded them to speak with Amasa the General Ver. 13 14. and expostulate with him why he who was his Nephew by the sisters side David not only giveth Amasa his pardon but maketh him General also of the whole Army did not persuade the Army to recommend the Kingdom to his hands willing them to assure him that he was not only to hope for pardon for that which was past but also for the government of the whole Army according as Absalon had granted it unto him Hereupon the High Priest not only conferred with the Princes but also informed Amasa what the King had promised in his behalf whereby they drew him to their party Ver. 15. And first of all The Tribe of Juda cometh as far as Jordan to meet with David and make a Bridge over the floud those of his own Tribe recalled David into his Kingdom the rest of the Israelites by their example and Amasa's authority did the C like and flocked from all parts to congratulate his happy return to Jerusalem But the Tribe of Juda signalized themselves above the rest by going out as far as the bank of Jordan to meet him with these came Simei the son of Gera with a thousand men which he had brought with him of the Tribe of Benjamin Siba likewise Sauls freeman came thither with his 15 sons and 20 servants who made a bridge over Jordan that the King might the more easily pass over with his Army As soon as he came unto Jordan he was saluted by the Tribe of Juda Simei is pardoned and Simei marched forward on the bridge and prostrating himself at the Kings feet Ver. 22 23. asked pardon for his offences and besought him to be reconciled and that in recovering his authority he would not make him the first example of his justice but that he should remember this also that he had repented of his error D and did with the foremost march out to meet him upon his return Whilest thus he besought the King and lamented Abisai Joabs brother spake after this manner Why should he not dye that hath thus villanously reproached the King whom God hath established But David turned back unto him and said Ye sons of Servia will you never cease to promote new troubles and to add new divisions to your former commotions Know ye not that this is the first day of my Reign For which cause I swear an oath that I will pardon all them that have committed any crime against me and that no one man shall depart from me without my pardon For which cause be of good cheer Simei and fear thou not that I will seek thy blood Whereupon he cast himself down before the King and afterward marched on his way After this Mephibosheth
the Son of Abiathar came hastily in amongst them Adonias for â—ea of the Kings displeasure flyeth from his banquet and taketh hold of the hornes of the Altar This young man did Adonias most willingly behold and L said that he was a messenger of some glad tidings but contrariwise he recited unto them all that had befallen Solomon or had been decreed by David Whereupon Adonias and all his guests forsook the banquet and suddenly fled every man unto his own house But Adonias fearing the Kings displeasure by reason of his ambition and arrogancy ran unto the Altar and laying hold of it after the manner of a suppliant hung thereon according as he in reason had cause to do Now when these tydings were brought unto Solomon and what he had done and how he required that Solomon would assure him that he would never more call to memory that which had hapned but pardon his offence Solomon answered him graciously and moderately and pardoned that fault notwithstanding with this caution that if hereafter M it should appear that he intended or acted any rebellion it should be Adonias himself who should be the author of his mischief with this answer he sent some to deliver him from the Altar When as therefore he came into Solomons presence and had saluted him he was commanded to repair home unto his house without fearing any mischief that might befall him yet by the way was he admonished to behave himself uprightly for the time to come if he respected his credit or profit But David willing that his Son should be accepted for their known and anointed King amongst the people 1 Chro. 23. 3â—4 assembled the Governors in Jerusalem David numbreth the Levites and distributeth their offices with the Priests and Levites and first of all taking the number of them he found thirty three thousand men that were N above thirty three years old 23000 of which he appointed to take charge of building of the Temple six thousand to be Judges and Scribes with the like number of Musicians to play upon instruments who were furnished therewith by David as we have heretofore declared and distributed by him according to their families So that separating the Priests from the rest of their Tribe 1 Chron. 23. 6 ad 24. he found four and twenty families of them The division of the Priests into 24. kindreds sixteen of the house of Eleazar and eight of the house of Ithamar giving order that one only family should officiate for the space of eight days And thus were all the families distributed by lot in the presence of David of the High Priests Sadoc and Abiathar 2 Chron. 24. 5 27. and of all the Governors The first family that went up to the Temple was inrolled first He devided tâ—e Levits into 24. parts the second next and so successively the rest to the number of 24 and this O order remaineth even unto this day He made also 24 divisions of the Tribe of Levi who ascended according as they were chosen by loâ— in the same manner as the Priests H every eighth day He honoured in particular those of Moses posterity for the appointed them to be keepers of Gods treasury and of those presents which the Kings should offer He appointed also that all as well Levites as Priests should serve God day and night according as they were commanded by Moses That done he distributed his whole Army into twelve companies v. 13 14. with their Governors Centurions and other field Officers Moses posterity appointed to keep the divine treasure every squadron contained four and twenty thousand men whom he appointed to guard and attend King Solomon for the space of thirty dayes continuing from the first to the last with their Captains over Thousands and Centurions He likewise established those men in Office and Authority over every squadron 1 Chron. 26. 1 ad 12. whom he knew to be most resolute and couragious The Aâ—my divided into 1â— parts He appointed also Surveyors who should I have the charge of the treasure of the burroughs and fields and of the Cattel whose names in mine opinion it were unnecessary to declare 1 Paral. 27. After that every one of these things were in this manner disposed David assembling the governors of the Tribes commendeth his son Solomon to them he summoned all the civill Magistrates of the Hebrews and in general all those that had any commission over the affairs or demains of the Kings to a general assembly and placing himself on a high Throne he spake after this manner My bretheren and countreymen I am desirous that you should know that having determined with my self to build a Temple unto God I have made provision of a great quantity of Gold and Silver 1 Chron. 28. ad finem the summe whereof amounteth to an hundred thousand talents but God by the Prophet Nathan hath forbidden me to build the same by reason of your Wars and because my hands have been stained with the slaughter of the Enemies which I have conquered K in so many Wars in which I have been ingaged for the publick good and the interest of the State but he hath commanded that my Son who shall succeed me in my Kingdom shall erect a Temple unto him Now therefore since you are satisfied that amongst the twelve sons of Jacob Juda by the general consent of them all obtained the principality and that I amongst my six brethren have been preferred and placed by God in the Kingdom and notwithstanding no one of them supposeth himself to be injured so do I also request that Solomon having obtained the Empire my other sons should neither in respect of him nor amongst themselves nourish any unnatural hatreds and seditious but knowing that he is chosen by God they may willingly submit themselves to his dominion For whereas if God shall think meet you ought patiently to submit your selves to the yoak of a foreign Prince how much greater reason have L you to rejoyce that God hath confered this honour on one of your Bretheren whereof you also by your Proximity of blood may seem in some measure to partake I desire nothing more than that Gods promises may be accomplished and that the felicity which attendeth this Nation under the Government of Solomon may be durable Which without doubt will so fall out and all things shall happily succeed if thou my Son be a maintainer of piety and justice and the antient Laws and ordinances of thy progenitors otherwise if these be neglected there is no other thing to be expected à v. 11 ad 1â— but misery and distruction After he had finished these sayings David giveth his son the model of the Temple he gave his Son the model of the building of the Temple with all the foundations both of the houses and chambers together with the number height and breadth of the same He also
limitted the weight of those vessels that were to be fashioned either of Gold or of Silver M exhorting him to imploy all his care and diligence in performing the same He incouraged likewise the governors and the Tribe of Levi to assist him both because his years were not yet come to maturity as also because by Gods divine providence he was elected King and appointed to build the Temple assuring them that the building would be very easie and no wayes laborious considering that he had prepared a great number of talents of Gold and far more of Silver and Wood besides a great multitude of Carpenters and hewers of Sone a great quantity likewise of Emeraulds and other sort of precious Stones Lastly he told them that now also for the present he would bestow on them to that use other three thousand talents of pure Gold 1 Chron. 29. 5 ad 9. out of his own treasury to adorn the holy place and the chariot of God and the Cherubins that should stand upon the Ark and cover it with their wings N This speech of the Kings was received with great joy by all the Governours The Princes of the people gave a huge summe of Gold Silver Brass and precious Stone towards the building of the Temple Priests aud Levits who shewed a greater readiness and voluntarily proffered to contribute towards the carrying on of this holy work five thousand talents of Gold and ten thousand stateres of Silver an hundred thousand and of Iron many thousand talents and if any one of them had a precious Stone he brought it and delivered it into the Treasurers custody who was called Jalus being one of Moses posterity This thing pleased all the people and David seeing the affection and readiness of the Governours and Priests and in general of all the rest began to bless God with a loud voyce calling him the Creator and Father of this whole World the fashioner both of divine and humane things and the President and Governour of the Hebrews whose Kingdom he had committed O into his hands After this he prayed for all the people that God would be pleased to continue his favors unto them and to inrich the heart of his Son Solomon with all Princly virtues He commanded the people likewise to sing praises unto God which they performed and prostrated themselves upon the earth and afterwards gave thanks A unto David for all those benefits they had received during the time of his Government The next day as a sacrifice to God they offered up a thousand Calves a thousand Rams and a thousand Lambs for a burnt-offering and for peace-offerings they slew many thousand other Beasts 1 Paral. 29. The King celebrated a feast all that day with the whole people and Solomon was anointed with Oyl the second time The sacrifices and festival solemnized upon Solomons Coronation and proclaimed King Sadoc also was established High Priest of all the people and Solomon was conducted into the Kings house and placed in his Fathers Throne and from that day forward they obeyed him CHAP. XII The last instructions of David to Solomon his death and the magnificence of his funeral B NOT long after this Hedio Ruffinus cap. 16. David failing through age and knowing that he should depart out of this world he called for Solomon his Son and spake unto him after this manner 1 King 2. 1. ad 4. My Son I must now depart and sleep with my Fathers and enter the common way which both they that now live Davids last counsel to Solomon and those which come after shall tract from whence we shall not return nor behold and revisit those things that are done in this life For which cause whilest I yet live and draw onward to my death I earnestly exhort thee as heretofore I have counselled thee that thou behave thy self justly towards thy Subjects and piously towards God that hath honoured thee with this kingdom charging thee to keep his precepts and laws which he hath given us by Moses and to take heed lest either surprized by flattery or mis-led by favour or seduced by covetousness or any other sinister affection thou be drawn to neglect C and forsake the same for thou canst by no means continue in Gods favour except thou keep his laws for otherwise he will withdraw his providence from thee But if according to the obligation which lieth on you you shall follow my counsel and diligently perform your duty thou shalt establish the Kingdom in our family and no other house at any time but our own shall obtain the dominion over the Hebrews Remember likewise the iniquity of Joab who through emulation v. 5. slew two good and just Generals Abner the Son of Ner and Amasa the Son of Jethram David willeth Solomon to punish Joab punish him as thou thinkest meet for hitherto he hath escaped punishment because he was stronger and more powerful than my self I commend also unto thee the Sons of Berzillai the Galaadite v. 7. whom for my sake advance to honour and dignity Nor would I have thee esteem the kindness which thou shalt shew them to be any courtesie David commendeth Berzellai's Sons to Solomon but only a recompence and D requital of the obligations which I have received from their Father in the time of my banishment and for which he made us indebted to him As touching Simei the Son of Gera of the Tribe of Benjamin v. 8. who during the time of my flight How Simei should be punished and at such time as I retired my self into my Camp injured and reviled me and afterwards came out to me near unto Jordan and took assurance of me that for that time I should not punish him I leave him to you to be punished according as you shall find an opportunity After he had thus exhorted his Son and had communicated with him all his affairs both touching his friends v. 10 11. and those whom he thought worthy of punishment he gave up the ghost after he had lived seventy years The years of the age and Raign together with the vertues of David and Reigned in Hebron a City of Juda for the space of seven years and an half and thirty three in Jerusalem over the whole Nation E He was a just man adorned with all vertue requisite in a King that should govern so many Nations For he was valiant beyond comparison and in those battels which he fought for his Subjects he was the first that thrust himself into danger and exhorted his Souldiers to behave themselves valiantly not commanding them like their Governour but fighting with them as their fellow-soldier He was very well qualified by his knowledg and experience to make the best use of the present and to manage his future occasions he was moderate and just courteous and favourable to those that were afflicted which are those ornaments which are
worthy of a great Prince and in this great authority wherein he was placed he stept not any ways awry but in the case of Vria's Wife He left as much or rather more riches behind him than any other King of the Hebrews or other Nations had F done His Son Solomon buried him most Royally in Jerusalem with all those ceremonies which were accustomed in Royal obsequies and amongst other things he buried a great quantity of riches with him the incredible estimate whereof may be conjectured by that which followeth The sumptuous Sepulchre of David For one thousand three hundred years after the High Priest Hircanus being besieged by Antiochus surnamed the Religious who was Demetrius's Son and willing to gratifie him with some summe of money to the intent he might raise the siege Hircanus â—aketh a huge sum of money out of Davids Tomb. and remove his Army and unable to levy money by any other means he opened the Sepulchre of David from whence he took three thousand talents which he delivered to Antiochus and by this means delivered the City from the siege as we have declared in another place Herod spoileth Davids Sepulchre And again a long time after this Herod also opened it and took from G thence a great summe Nevertheless no man violated that part of the monument where the body of the King was laid for it was so artificially hidden under ground that it would be very difficult to discover it A The Eighth Book of the Antiquities of the JEWS Written by FLAVIVS JOSEPHVS The Contents of the Chapters of the Eighth Book 1. How Solomon obtaining the Kingdom expelled his enemies 2. Of the riches prudence and wisdom of Solomon and how first of all he builded the Temple in Jerusalem B 3. How Solomon being dead the people revolted from Rehoboam his son and made Jeroboam King of the ten Tribes 4. How Susac King of Egypt sacking Jerusalem carried away the riches of that City into Egypt 5. The War of Jeroboam against Abias Rehobohams son and the slaughter of his Army and how Basanes extirpated Jeroboams posterity and possess'd the Kingdom 6. The Invasion of the Ethiopians under Asa and the overthrow of their Army 7. The Race of Basanes being rooted out Zamri ruled in Israel with his son Ahab 8. Adad King of Damascus and Syria is twice overthrown by Ahab 9. Of Jehoshaphat King of Jerusalem C 10. Ahab being provoked to War by the Syrians is overcome and slain in battel CHAP. I. How Solomon obtaining the Kingdom expelled his enemies WE have declared in the former Book what David was how great his virtue hath been 1 Kings 2. what profits and benefits those of his Nation received by him Solomon King of Israel after Davids death what Wars he undertook what Victories he obtained and how happily at last through extremity of age he departed D out of this life But after that Solomon his son being at that time very young had obtained the Kingdom and was placed in his fathers Throne according as David had determined and the divine power had decreed the whole people according to the common course in the election of new Princes with many acclamations wished him a long and prosperous Reign But Adonias who during his fathers life-time thought to possess and seize himself of the Royal estate came unto the Kings mother and with all humility and reverence saluted her To whom Bethsabe said That if there were any thing wherein she might serve him he should let her know it and that she would willingly apply her self unto it Whereupon he began to say That it was a thing very well known that the Kingdom appertained unto him both in regard of his age as also in respect of E the favor and good liking of the people Ver. 17 ad 24. but since that it had been transferred unto Solomon her son Adonias requireth Abisag to wife by the Will of God he was content therewith and would be his servant being very glad of the fortunate success of his Affairs He therefore besought her that she would sollicite Solomon in his behalf and persuade him to give him Abisag to Wife â—ho had slept with David for that he had not any carnal company with her by reason of his age and that as yet she was fully possessed of her virginity Bethsabe promised him to further his suit to the uttermost of her power and willingly to employ herself toward the accomplishment of the Marriage since she knew the King was willing to gratifie her in whatsoever she should desire as also for that she would instantly intreat him so that he departed from her with assured hope of good success in F his designed Marriage Hereupon Bethsabe presently addressed herself to the King intending to certifie him both what Adonias had requested and what she had granted When Solomon heard that his Mother came to visit him he went out to meet her and embraced her and afterwards conducting her into his Presence-chamber he sate him down and commanded his servants to place a seat on his right hand for his Mother who being seated by him spake unto him after this manner My son vouchsafe me one favor that I shall request at thy hands and send me not hence discontented and dissatisfied through thy refusal Solomon answered her That she should command him by reason that duty tyed him to the satisfaction and favor of his Mothers suits reproving her for that insinuation she had used by reason that thereby she evidently expressed that she was not G thorowly assured to obtain her demand but that she feared a refusal and repulse she therefore required him to give the Damsel Abisag for Wife to Adonias his Brother The King displeased at this her suit dismissed his Mother alledging that Adonias had ill designs and that he wondered that in requiring Abisag to Wife he had not requested Solomon H likewise to give him place in the Kingdom for Adonias was elder than he and had more mighty friends than he had namely the General Joab and the High Priest Abiathar For which cause he forthwith sent Benaia Captain of his Guard to kill Adonias his Brother Ver. 25. Then calling unto him the High Priest Abiathar The pains said he that thou hast endured by accompanying my father David Adonias is slain and attending and bearing the Ark with him make thee escape from death yet notwithstanding for that thou hast been assistant to Adonias Ver. 26. 27. and followed his faction Abiathar iâ— dispossessed of the Priesthood I banish thee from my presence charging thee not to see my face any more but to retire thy self to thine own house and there to live in thy Countrey until thou hast ended thy dayes since you have made your self unworthy of that charge wherewith you are entrusted For this cause was the House of Ithamar deprived of the Priestly I
natures was he ignorant of neither had he omitted to search after their qualities in particular The Author in this place abuseth the gifts of God bestowed on Solâ—mon in extending them to those Arts which are forbidden by the express word of God and discoursed of them all and had knowledge of their several and secret properties He obtained also the knowledge of the Art of Magick for the profit and health of Men and the exorcising and casting out of Devils for he devised certain incantations whereby the diseased are cured and left the method of conjuration in writing whereby the Devils are enchanted and expelled so that never more they dare return And this kind of healing to this day is very usual amongst those of our Nation For I saw a certain private man amongst the Hebrews by M name Eleazar in the presence of Vespasian his Sons Tribunes and other Soldiers that cured divers that were possessed And the manner of his Cure was this He applied to the Nose of the Demoniack a Ring A Jew casteth out Devils under the Seal whereof was a root of those things that Solomon had declared which drew the Devil out of the Nostrils of the Sick as soon as he smelled the root and as soon as the Man was fallen he adjured him never more to return intermixing some mention of Solomon and rehearsing those Incantations that were invented by him After this the said Eleazar being desirous to shew unto them that were present the efficacy of his Art he set a Pot or Pitcher of water not far from the place where the possessed stood and commanded the Devil at such time as he forsook the Man to overturn N the Pot and thereby to give a sign unto those that stood by that he had forsaken the possessed which act of his manifestly declareth how great the science and wisdom of Solomon was For which cause I thought good in this place to make mention thereof that the worthy endowments of this King might be known unto all Men and how beloved of God he was 1 Kings 5. 1 ad 12. and how surpassing in all kinds of virtue When Hiram King of Tyre understood that Solomon succeeded his father in the Kingdom he was glad thereof Hiram's Ambassadors to Solomon for he was Davids friend for which cause he sent Messengers unto him to salute him and to congratulate his succession to the Crown by whom Solomon returned an answer in these terms Solomon to Hiram the King Know thou that my father having a great desire to build a O Temple unto God hath been hindred from performing it by the continual Wars and Troubles he hath had for he never took rest before he either had defeated his enemies or made them tributaries A unto him For mine own part I thank God for the peace which I possess and that by the means thereof I have opportunity according to mine own desire to build a Temple unto God for he it is that foretold my father that his house should be builded during my reign For which cause I pray you send some one of your skilfullest men with my servants to the mountain Libanus Ver. 6. to hew down trees in that place for the Sidonians are more skilful in hewing and preparing timber Solomon requireth Carpenters and workmen from Hiram than our people are and I will pay the Workmen according to your direction When Hiram had read this Letter he was very glad to peruse the Contents of the same and wrote back again unto him to this effect The King Hiram unto King Solomon Thou hast cause to thank God that he had delivered thy fathers Kingdom who was a wise and virtuous Prince into thy hands For which cause B since no news can come unto me more acceptable I will accomplish all that thou requestest for after I have caused a great quantity of Cedar and Cyprus wood to be cut down Ver. 7. ad 10. I will send it thee by Sea by my servants Hiram promiseth Solomon wood and instead thereof requireth corn whom I will command and furnish with convenient vessels of burthen to the end they may deliver the same in what place of thy Kingdom it shall best please thee that afterwards thy Subjects may transport them to Jerusalem And I desire that by way of exchange you would furnish us with Corn whereof we stand in need because we inhabit an Island The Copies are yet at this day kept not only by those of our Nation but also by the Tyrians so that if any man desire exactly to know what they be let him search the publick Records of the Tyrians and he shall find in them matters agreeing to that we have C said All which I say to the end the Readers might be assured that I go not beyond the truth in any sort and that I insert not in this History matters that are meerly apparent and deceitful and only fashioned for delight neither fear I that any man shall examine my Writings nor desire I likewise that every Man give credit at the first sight to the same or that I be held blameless in suffering my self any wayes to vary or improperly dilate ought in this History The truth of Josephus History but contrariwise if I cannot approve the truth by sufficient testimonies I desire not to be allowed As soon as Solomon had received these Letters from the King of the Tyrians he praised his facility and benevolence and presently sent him that which he demanded Ver. 11. every year therefore he sent him two thousand measures of Wheat The King sendeth Hiram a great quantity of wheat oyl and wine and two thousand Baths of Oyl and two thousand Baths of Wine each D Bath containing about 72 Quarts From that time forward the friendship betwixt Hiram and Solomon increased more and more so that both of them protested that it should continue for ever The King ordered that thirty thousand Workmen should be provided whom he gave in charge to work continually alotting to each man his part He ordained that ten thousand of them should cut wood in Libanus for the space of one Month Ver. 14. and that then they should rest two Months The order of the Carpenters in Libanus returning every man unto his own dwelling place until such time as the twenty thousand had in their turn accomplished the task in the time that was prefixed unto them and then the first ten thousand renewed their work and followed the same in the fourth month Adoram was constituted Superintendent over them Besides these there were Seventy thousand Men appointed E to carry stones and wood Ver. 15. ad fin who were strangers in that Countrey according to the commandment of David The order of the Masons and other workmen There were fourscore thousand Hewers of stone over which were 3200 Commissaries these had the King commanded to cut the greatest
Earth This Amri dyed in Samaria and Achab his Son was his Successor Hereby a Man may easily perceive what care the Divine Majesty hath of humane affairs and how he loveth the virtuous and utterly rooteth out the vicious For the Kings of Israel through their impiety in a short and successive course the one after the other O were cut off and confounded with all their Families But Asa King of Jerusalem and the two Tribes living happily in the favor of God for his piety and justice attained to a reverend and old age and after he had reigned one and forty years he dyed a good death The year of the World 3028. before Christ's Nativity 936. and after his death Jehoshaphat his son whom he begat on his wife Abida succeeded A him who in all things that concern'd piety or fortitude seem'd to emulate and equal his Grandfather David according as it shall be declar'd hereafter But Achab King of Israel made his abode in Samaria and govern'd the Kingdom for the space of 22 years without any alteration of those ordinances which his progenitors Kings of Israel had established alias chap. 10. but that he exceeded them daily in wickedness For he imitated all their impieties Asa dieth Jâ—hoshaphat succeedeth him but especially the Apostasie of Jeroboam for he adored those Calves that were erected by him and besides that 〈◊〉 far worse impieties than the former 2 Chron. 17 1 2. He took to wife Jezabel the daughter of Iâ—â—obal King of the Tyrians and Sidonians of whom he learnt to adore the gods of her Nation for she was a busie and audacious woman â— Kings 16. 30 31. and so insolent that she feared not to build a Temple in honour of Bell the god B of the Tyrians and to plant a Grove furnish'd with all kind of Trees and to ordain Priests and false Prophets also in honour of that god The King also took delight to have these Men oftentimes about him exceeding all other Kings before him in madness and malice Jezabel To him came a certain Prophet named Elias 1 Reg. 17. 1 ad 4. sent by Almighty God that was born in Thesbon in Galaad telling him that he fore-prophesied That neither dew nor rain should fall on the Earth a long time The dearth of victuals prophesied to the Israelites until that himself who was prepar'd to depart from him should appear again unto him and binding the same with an oath for the better confirmation thereof he retir'd himself to the Southward where he liv'd by a certain River from whence he fetcht his drink for his meat was daily brought him by Ravens C Now when the River through want of rain was grown dry God commanded him to repair unto Sareptha a City not far from Sidon and Tyre and scituate in the midst between them both where he should find a Widow-woman who would furnish him with food Ver. 4 5. As soon therefore as he drew near unto the gate Crows feed Elias he saw a woman that lived by her labour gathering of sticks and God gave him to understand that it was she to whom he was sent Ver. 9 ad 16. Whereupon he came unto her and saluted her praying her that she would bring him some water to cool his thrist The widow of Sareptha entertaing Elias neither flowre nor oyl fail and as she was ready to depart he called her back again and willed her to bring him some bread also Whereupon she sware unto him that she had nothing in her house but an handful of flowre and a little oyl and that she was come forth togather sticks to the end she might bake the same and make bread D for her self and her son and when they had eaten the same they must needs perish through famine because they had not any thing more left Go said the Prophet and be of good courage and conceive better hopes and when thou hast prepared meat for me bring it for I tell thee that thy flowre shall not fail nor thy pot of oyl be empty until God send rain upon the earth When the Prophet had spoken thus she approach'd unto him and performed that which he commanded and she herself had sufficient to feed upon and she gave the rest unto her son and to the Prophet so that they wanted nothing so long as the drought continued Menander maketh mention of this great drought in the acts of Ithobal King of the Tyrians Menander of the famine during the time of Elias speaking after this manner In this time there was a season without rain from the E Month of October until October in the next year after whereupon the Prince caused prayers and supplications to be made which were follow'd with great store of Thunder He built the City of Botris in Phoenicia and Auzate in Lybia Doubtless he expressed hereby the drought that hapned in Achab's time for about that time Ithobal reigned over the Tyrians as Menander â—â—stifieth in his History The woman of whom we have spoken heretofore that entertained the Prophet seeing her son fallen sick and lying sensless as if he had been already dead or yielding up the ghost wept and brake out into so great a passion that she forbore not to say that the cause of her misfortune was in that the Prophet was come into her house and had discover'd her sins and that he had been the cause that God for her punishment had taken away her onely son But he F comforted her and willed her to be of good courage and commanded her to bring the child unto him assuring her that he would restore him to life Now when she had brought him he took the child and carried him into his lodging and laid him on his bed 1 Kings 17. 17. ad finem and cryed unto God saying That since the loss of her onely son seem'd to be but an unequal recompence unto her that had so charitably received him he therefore besought him Elias restoreth the widows son to life that he would command the soul to return into the body and restore life unto the Infant Whereupon God having compassion on the mother and being willing to gratifie the Prophet and to the intent that no man might suppose that he came unto her to prejudice her he restored the child to life beyond all expectation For which the mother gave thanks unto the Prophet saying That by this means she was thorâ—wly persuaded G that God had spoken unto him Not long after he sought out Achab according as God had commanded him to let him know that he should have rain At that time the famine H reigned over the whole Countrey The year of the World 3040. before Christ's Nativity 924. and there was great want of necessary victuals so that Men did not only faint for want of bread but the Earth also for want of rain could not bring
that remained after the battel consulted with his friends how he might war against the Israelites Who advised him from thenceforth never more to fight with them in mountainous places for that their God was powerful upon the Mountains and for that cause they had been overcome by them but if he fought with them in the Plain both he and his should be assured to have the upper hand Moreover they counselled him that he should dismiss those Kings that he had confederated with him to the end that each of them might return into his own Countrey and that E in their stead he should retain their Forces over which he should ordain Chieftains besides to supply their places that were lost they advised him to levy Horsemen and Chariots thorow all his Countrey Adab supposing that they had discreetly counselled him in this matter ordered his Army according as they had advised And as soon as the Spring was come Ver. 23 ad 27. he assembled his Army Adad's second expedition against the Israelities and led them forth against the Israelites and coming near unto the City of Aphec he encamped in a plain field But Achab with his Forces marching out to meet him pitched his Tents near unto him although he were far inferiour both in force and number To him the Prophet appeared again telling him That God would once more give him the victory to make it known that his power was not only in the Mountains as the Syrians persuaded themselves but in the Plains also Thus continued F both the Armies and encamped the one against the other for the space of six days On the seventh when the Enemy forsook their Trenches early in the morning and placed themselves in battel-array Achab drew out his Army and faced them and presently charged them where after a long and dangerous fight between them the Enemies were put to flight and many of them slain in the chase For some of them were intangled with their own Chariots others slew those of their own party and some few of them found the means to flie unto their City of Aphec who perished likewise to the number of Seven and twenty thousand being slain by the walls that fell upon them besides One hundred thousand men that perished in the fight But Adad attended by some of his principal Officers went and hid himself in a Cave under the ground and they representing G unto him that the Kings of Israel were merciful and that there was hope of pardon to be had if after the manner of Suppliants they sent unto him Adad permitted them Whereupon they incontinently presented themselves to Achab cloathed in H Sackcloth The year of the World 3040. before Christ's Nativity 923. with Ropes about their Necks according to the manner of Supplicants amongst the Syrians telling him That Adad besought his Majesty to grant him his life promising on his behalf that from thenceforth he would alwayes continue his servant and acknowledge his favor Achab answer'd them That he was very glad that their King was as yet alive and had escaped from the fury of the fight offering him by them that kindness which one brother ought to shew unto another Ver. 31 ad 34. And sware unto them that he should offer him no wrong if he discover'd himself unto him Adad is received into favor by Achab and dismissed upon condition Whereupon they brought him from the place where he was hidden and presented him unto Achab who was mounted upon a Chariot Adad prostrated himself before him but Achab stretching out his hand made him come up unto him into his Chariot and kissed him willing him to be of good courage assuring I him That he should be no otherwise treated by him than as became the dignity of a King Hereupon Adad gave him thanks protesting That during his life-time he would never be forgetful of his favours promising him moreover to restore unto him those Cities which his Predecessors Kings of Syria had taken from the Israelites and that he should have as free access to Damascus as to Samaria After this Treaty confirmed by oath Achab gave him many worthy Presents Ver. 35. ad fiâ—â— and sent him back into his kingdom Thus ended the War betwixt Adad and the King of the Israelites After this a certain Prophet called Micheas came unto another Israelite commanding him to wound him upon the head assuring him That God was so pleased and had so commanded him When this Israelite would in no sort condescend hereunto he prophesied unto him That since he had disobeyed Gods commandment K he should meet with a Lyon which should rent him in pieces Which coming to pass according as it was foretold the Prophet addressed himself again unto another commanding him to do the like and when he had wounded him in the head he bound up the wound and came unto the King Achab was reproved for dismissing Adab telling him That he had been in the Wars and had received a Prisoner in charge from his Captains hands and that his Prisoner being fled from him he feared lest he that had committed him to his charge should for that cause take his life from him the rather for that he threatned no less Achab answer'd him That he was justly condemned Whereupon Micheas discover'd his head and made it known who he was And to this intent used the Prophet this artifice that his words might be of greater force and value For he told the King That God would chastise him because he had permitted the blasphemer L Adad to depart unpunished assuring him That God would cause him to be slain by Adad and suffer the people of Israel to be slaughtered by the Syrian Army The reward of learned Preachers The King displeased with the liberty and free speech of the Prophet commanded him to be cast into Prison and being vehemently affrighted with this his Prediction he departed home unto his house CHAP. IX The exemplary Piety of Jehoshaphat King of Juda his Prosperity his Military power He marrieth Joram his Son to a Daughter of Ahab King of Israel and assisteth him M with his Forces against Adad King of Syria HItherto have we spoken of Achab but now I must return unto Jehoshaphat King of Jerusalem Jehoshaphats piety who having enlarged his kingdom and planted Garisons in those Cities that were subject unto him and in those likewise which his Grandfather Abiah had possessed in the Tribe of Ephraim 2 Chron. 17. 1. at such time as Jeroboam reigned over the ten Tribes the King had perpetual assistance and favour at Gods hands in that he was a just and virtuous Prince studying day and night for nothing more than how he might please and honour God The Kings his Neighbors round about him honour'd him with Presents so that his riches and reputation were very great N In the third year of his Reign he assembled the
from building the City or Temple and wrote back again after this manner The King Cambyses to Rathymus the Chancellour and to Belsen and Semelius Scribes and to all his other Counsellors and Inhabitants of Samaria and Phoenicia Health Having read your Letters I have commanded the Records of mine Ancestors to be examined and I find that the City of Jerusalem hath been always an enemy to their Kings and that the inhabitants thereof have always raised Sedition and Wars I have likewise found that their Kings have been mighty and that they have exacted from Syria and Phoenicia continual C Tributes Hedio Ruffinus cap. 9. alias cap. 4. For this cause I have ordained that the Jews shall not be permitted to re-edify their City for fear lest the boldness of that people being thereby encouraged they should according to their former custom Darius the Son of Hystaspis made Emperour of the Persians practice a new Rebellion After the receipt of these Letters Rathymus and the Scribe Semâ—lius and those of their faction took horse and rode speedily to Jerusalem leading with them a great number of People and prohibiting the Jews from the building their City or Temple Thus was this work interrupted until the second year of the Reign of Darius Ezra 5. v. 6. ad finem King of Persia for the space of nine years For Cambyses reigned six years during which time he subdued Egypt and upon his re-return from thence he dyed in Damascus And after the death of Cambyses the Magi that held the Empire of the Persians for the space of one year being taken away the D chief of the seven principal Families of Persia made Darius the Son of Hystaspis King CHAP. IV. Darius gives leave to Zerobabel a Prince of the Jews to re-build the Temple a great number return to Jerusalem under his conduct and apply themselves to the work The Samaritans and others write to Darius to forbid them but he acts contrary to their desires E DArius Darius voweth to send the sacred Vessels to Ierusalem during the time that he lived a private life made a vow unto God that if he obtained the Kingdom he would send back unto the Temple of Jerusalem all those Vessels which were as yet remaining in Babylon It fell out that about the same time that he was made King Zerobabel Zerobabel who was appointed Governor over the Captive Jews came unto him from Jerusalem And being the Kings antient friend he with two others had three of the Principal Offices of the King's House conferred upon them and were placed the nearest about his person The first year of the Reign of Darius he entertained all his Courtiers with great pomp and magnificence both those of his Houshold and those also that were his Governors and Princes of Media and Persia and the Commanders in India confining upon Ethiopia with all the Chieftains F of his Army in one hundred twenty and seven Provinces Now after they had Feasted and were full of Wine they departed each of them unto their Lodgings to betake themselves to rest Darius propoundeth three questions to three of his Guard but King Darius being laid in his Bed reposed very little all the night long but passed the time without sleep Whereupon seeing he could not compose himself to rest he began to discourse with these three great Officers promising unto him that should most truly and aptly answer those questions that he should demand to grant him licence by way of reward to wear a Purple Garment and to drink in a Golden Cup to lye on a Golden Bed and to ride in a Chariot whose Horses should be harnassed with Gold and to wear the Tiara or linnen Wreath and a Golden Chain about his neck and sit in the next place to the King and should likewise G be called his Kinsman in regard of his Wisdom After he had made these large promises he demanded of the first whether Wine were the strongest of the second H Whether the King were stronger The year of the World 3443 before Christ's Nativity 521. of the third Whether Women or Truth were the strongest of the three As soon as he had deliver'd them these questions to deliberate upon he laid him down to rest Upon the morrow he sent for the Princes Chieftains and Governors of Persia and Media and afterwards sitting aloft in that Throne from whence he was accustomed to determine controversies between his subjects he commanded those three young men in the presence of that Princely Assembly publickly to resolve those questions which he had proposed Whereupon the first of them began after this manner to express the force of Wine The first expresseth the power of wine Noble Princes when I consider the force of Wine I find nothing that can surpass it for Wine disturbeth the judgment and maketh the Princes understanding like to that of a Child who hath I need of one that should always direct him It giveth the slave that freedom in discourse which his thraldom had deprived him of It equalleth the poor man to the rich It changeth and transformeth the soul assuageth the miserable mans grief and maketh the Prisoners forget their bonds and think themselves very rich so that they think not on mean things but talk of Talents and such things as appertain unto the most wealthy It causeth them to lose all apprehension both of Princes and Kings and taketh from them the remembrance of their friends and familiars It armeth them against their greatest friends and maketh them suppose their nearest relations to be strangers and when the Wine concocted by night and sleep hath forsaken them they rise and know not what they have committed in their drunkenness When the first of them had spoken thus in favor of Wine The second extolleth the Kings power he that had undertaken to K shew that nothing was equal to the power of Kings began after this manner Kings saith he have dominion over men Esdr 3 4. who govern the earth and at their pleasure can command the Sea to serve them Kings have power and dominion over those men who master and command the most untamed and mightiest creatures it therefore appeareth that their force and puissance exceedeth that of all these If they command their subjects to wage War and to expose themselves to danger they are obedient and if they send them out against their enemies they willingly obey them by reason of their force By their command they level Mountains beat down Walls and raze Towers And if they command their subjects to kill or be killed they resist not for fear lest they should seem to transgress the Kings commandment When they have obtained the victory all the glory and profit of the War redoundeth unto the King They likewise L that bear no Arms but intend the tillage of the earth after they have born all the toil they reap and
against Mardocheus Haman having all his treacheries and crulty discovered in the banquet is adjudged to the gallows and thereupon presently commanded that he should be hanged upon the same gibbet until he were dead And here we cannot but admire the Providence of God in considering his wisdom and justice in that he not only punished the wickedness of Haman as he had deserved but also caused him to fall into the same snare which he had prepared for another maâ— Thus died I Haman who had unjustly abused the Kings friendship as for his goods they were given unto the Queen After this the King called Mardochus unto him for already he had notice that he was his Wifes Uncle and gave him the ring which he had given unto Haman Hesther 8 1 2. the Queen likewise gave him his goods Hamans goods bestowed on Mardocheus and intreated the King to deliver her from those apprehensions into which she had been cast by those Letters which were sent out by that wicked man Haman in his Majesties name to the Governours of the several Provinces with instruction to Massacre the Jews extirpate and their whole Nation assuring him that she could not live to behold the death of her brethren and the total ruine of her Countrey The King made no difficulty in granting her request assuring her that K he would not contradict her will permitting her to write in the Kings name all that she would have done in the behalf of the Jews promising that when she had done the same he would Seal it with his own Seal and give her authority to send it thorow all his Provinces to the end that they that read those Letters confirmed by the Kings Seal should not any wayes oppose the execution of them Whereupon he sent for his Secretaries of State commanding them to write unto the Magistrates of all the Nations touching the Jews and to the Princes and Governors of one hundred twenty and seven Provinces from India as far as Ethiopia The Contents of which Letters were these L Artaxerxes the great King to the Governours and those that faithfully rule under us Health Many men being puffed up withpride av 5 ad finem by reason of the many benefits and honors The Kings Letters for the security of the Jews which they receive throgh the liberality of their benefactors do not only excercise their pride towards their inferiours but also are not afraid to wax insolent against those who are the authors of their benefits extinguishing as much as in them lieth all manner of gratitude amongst men and believing that it is in their power to deceive God himself and rob him of his Justice so that when the favor of their Princes hath given them power and authority in the Government of their affairs in stead of applying themselves to the benefit of the publick they have given M place to the hatred they have conceived against some particular men and deceived their Princes by false accusations and detractions and provoked their wrath against those who have not done amiss whence it cometh to pass that they have been sometimes in extream danger to lose their life The proof whereof appeareth not only in ancient Histories the knowledg whereof we have only obtained by hear-say but by that likewise which hath been audaciously attempted before our eyes so that hereafter we ought not to give credit to detractions and accusations nor to such things as men inforce themselves to perswade but it behoveth every man to judge according to the truth of that he knoweth and to punish those which are guilty and to pardon the innocent in considering their acts and not the words that are spoken For it is most notorious unto all men that Haman the Son of Amaeath an Amalechite by Nation and by that N means a stranger and not of the Persian blood but entertained by us hath in all things enjoyed the fruit of our bounty hitherto so that he hath been called our father honoured by all men and obtained amongst all men and in all things the second place after us yet could he not make a moderate use of his happiness nor prudently entertain the greatness of his felicity but hath sought means to deprive Mardocheus of his life who preserved mine seeking by his fraud and malice to practise the ruine of Esther the companion of our life and Kingdome and by this means striving to dispossess me of my most faithfull friends he determined to transfer the Kingdom unto others Touching my self in that I know that the Jews who are by this wretch destinated to die are no wicked men but such as live vnder a strict and holy disipline praying God continually that it would please him to continue the Kingdom O in us and our Successors I absolve them not only from that penalty contained in my former Letters sent by Haman which by these presents I utterly disanul but my pleasure likewise is that they be had in all honour As for him that practised these things against them I have caused him and all his race to be hanged before the gates of Susan according to the just A Judgement of God inflicted on them for their offences My will and pleasure therefore is That the Copy of this Letter be sent through all Countreys belonging to us to the intent that the Jews be suffered to live according to their own Laws in peace and that assistance may be given them to the end they may revenge themselves of those who have offered them outrage in their adversity And I command that this be done the thirteenth day of the twelfth month called Adar which is the day that God ordained for their preservation when they were appointed to be slain which day I wish may be fortunate to those that love us and a monument of revenge on those that intended our ruine My pleasure likewise is that all men Cities and Nations should know that whosoever shall neglect through obstinacy to fulfil the tenor of this my Mandate he shall be pursued with fire and sword and let these Coppies be set up B throughout all our Dominions and let each man of the Jews upon the prefixed day prepare himself to be revenged on his enemies As soon as the Posts had received these Letters they presently mounted on horsback and rode each of them his appointed way The Jews reveng them on their enemies and Mardocheus being cloathed in a Royal habit and adorned with a crown of Gold on his head and a chain of Gold about his neck came forth and the Jews of Susan seeing him thus honoured by the King supposed that his good success was an assurance of their own and when the Kings Letters were published The Jews lookt upon them as a favourable ray of light which portended their deliverance and their enemies were in so great fear that divers of other C Nations circumcised themselves supposing in that
he wept with all those that accompanied him And having chosen out certain of his best Soldiers he commanded them to assault the Garison that were in the Fortress whiles he himself purged the Temple Which command of his being exactly and resolutely fulfilled he sent for new Vessels a Candlestick a Table an Altar of Incense all made of Gold He put also veils or hangings to the doors accustomed to be spread abroad and made Gates to the Temple And having thrown down the Altar of burnt-offerings which had been prophaned by Antiochus he built a new one of all sorts of stones neither hewen nor hammered according to art The 25 day of the month of Chasleu with us September there were lights set upon the Candlesticks and perfumes F laid upon the Altar and loaves upon the Table and sacrifices offer'd upon the new Altar The Temple left desolate for 3 whole years space All which hapned the same day three years wherein the sacred Religion was changed into prophaness and impiety For the Temple was ruinated and left desolate by Antiochus and remained in that state for the space of three whole years For this desolation hapned in the 145th year 〈…〉 and the 25th day of the month call'd Apellaeus or August in the 153 Olympiad and the Temple was purified the same day in the year 148 and the 154 Olympiad This desolation of the Temple hapned according as Daniel had foretold four hundred and eight years before for he declared that the Macedonians should destroy it After that Judas had re-establish'd the service of the Temple 〈…〉 both he and his Countreymen G solemniz'd a feast for eight dayes omitting not any kind of lawful pleasure banquetting sumptuously and honouring God in Hymns and Psalms Thus rejoyced they H at this re-establishment The year of the World 3801. before Christ's Nativity 163. seeing that contrary to all hope after so long time they had recover'd the customs of their Countrey and their ancient Religion so that a Decree was made for those that should come after whereby it was commanded That for the space of eight dayes the rebuilding of the Temple should be solemnized with the ceremonies and ancient ordinances And ever since that time until this day we celebrate this feast called the Feast of Lights for this reason in my opinion because this so great felicity began to shine unto us as a light contrary to all hope He inclosed the City likewise with a wall and built high Towers thereon in which he placed Garisons against the incursions of the enemies He fortified the City of Bethsura also that it might serve as a Fort against the enemy I Whil'st these things passed thus Hedio Ruffinus cap. 13. the Nations round about displeased with the re-establishment and power of the Jews Machab. 5. slew divers of them whom they surprized by ambushes and treachery Judas maketh continual War with the neighbouring Nations On those Judas made continual War to hinder their incursions and to make them partakers of those evils they had inflicted upon the Jews So that invading Acrabathan he slew the Idumaeans that were descended from Esau and brought away a great prey out of their Countrey and shut up the sons of Baan their Prince who lay in wait for the Jews and having besieg'd them he overcame them setting fire on their Towers and killing all the men that were therein After this he departed from thence and made War upon the Ammonites who had a great and mighty Army under the conduct of Timotheus These he encounter'd and overcame and took their City of Jazor K and burnt it and led away their wives and children into captivity and afterwards returned into Judea The neighbouring Nations hearing of this assembled themselves together in Galaad against the Jews who inhabited the frontiers of Galaad who having retired to the Fort of Dathema sent Letters unto Judas to let him know That Timotheus intended to surprize the place whereunto they were retreated and requested him to deliver them from this danger And whil'st he was reading of these Letters certain messengers came unto him out of Galilee Hedio Ruffinus cap. 11. to inform him that they were assaulted by the Inhabitants of Ptolemais Tyre Sidon and other People thereabouts L CHAP. XII The Exploits of Simon the brother of Judas Machabeus in Galilee Judas accompanied with Jonathan his brother obtaineth a victory over the Ammonites Some other performances of Judas JVdas that he might send relief to these two parties that were assaulted both at the same time commanded his brother Simon to take 3000 chosen men with him and to go and succour those Jews that were assailed in Galilee and himself accompanied with Jonathan his other brother and 8000 fighting men repaired unto the Countrey of Galaad leaving the government of the rest of the Forces in the hands of Joseph the son of M Zachary and Azarias commanding them to have a careful and diligent eye to Judea and not to engage with any one until his return Simon coming into Galilee fought against his enemies Simon overcometh his enemies in Galilee delivereth the Jews that were captive and discomfited them and afterwards pursuing them that fled as far as the gates of Ptolemais he slew about 3000 and after he had gather'd the spoils of such as were slain he set many Jews at liberty who were Prisoners and having restor'd them to their goods he retir'd back again to his Countrey But Judas Machabeus and Jonathan his brother having past Jordan and marched on the other side thereof for the space of three dayes Judas and Jonathan succor the Jews besieged in Galaad came at length to the Nabathaeans who peaceably came out to meet them by whom he understood the state of those that were in Galaad and how divers of them were in extreme want inclosed and besieged in Castles and Cities of the Countrey by N their enemies These likewise besought him to make haste and encounter the strangers and to seek the means to save their Countreymen Hereupon he returned into the Desart and first of all assailed the Inhabitants of Bosra and took their City and set it on fire Bosta taken and burnt killing all the men that were therein who were able to bear Arms. Neither was he contented therewith but when night drew on he marched towards another Castle where the Jews were inclosed and shut up by Timothy and his Army and coming up to them about break of day he surprized the Enemy at such time as they were raising their ladders to scale the walls and made ready their engines for battery whereupon he caused the Trumpets to sound and after he had encouraged his People to fight valiantly and faithfully for their kinsmen and friends Judas succoreth the besieged Jews being in great danger and had distributed his O Forces into three Battalions he set upon the Enemies reerward
made great complaints unto him and demanded justice at his hand because the Temple of Dagon was burnt and destroyed accusing Jonathan for the firing thereof and the slaughter of many People therein K But Ptolomey hearing these accusations answered not a word But when Jonathan came to meet him at Joppa Jonathan meeteth with Ptolomey and is honourably entertained by him he courted him with Royal Presents and all the Honour that was possible and after he had conducted him as far as the River called Eleutherus he dismissed him and sent him back to Jerusalem When Ptolomey was come to Ptolomais he hardly escaped death and that contrary to all expectation by the contrivance of Alexander Treason intended against Ptolomey and discovered for which cause he taketh away his daughter from Alexander and giveth her to Demetrius for his wife and his friend Ammonius which Treachery being discover'd Ptolomey wrote unto Alexander requiring him That Ammonius might be punished for his Treason and Conspiracies practised against him according to the heinousness of the offence But seeing that Alexander deliver'd him not up into his hands he conjectured and concluded that he himself was the Author thereof and conceived a great displeasure against this perfidious L Prince who had heretofore very much disobliged the Inhabitants of Antioch by protecting this same Ammonius from whom they had received a great deal of mischief but in the end Ammonius was punisht for these his outrages and disgracefully slain like a woman whil'st in a womans attire he sought to hide himself as we have related in another place At that time Ptolomey began to repent of bestowing his daughter in marriage on Alexander and for refusing Demetrius to be his friend and confederate so that he broke off the affinity that he had with him and after he had withdrawn his daughter from him he presently sent Ambassadors unto Demetrius to confirm a league of peace and amity with him promising him to bestow his daughter upon him in marriage and to establish M him in his fathers kingdom Demetrius very joyful to hear of this Embassage accepted both of the league and the marriage There only remained one difficulty for Ptolomey to surmount which was how he might persuade the Antiochians to admit Demetrius against whom they were so much incensed for the indignities which his father Demetrius had offered them but this difficulty he overcame by this means The Antiochians hated Alexander because of Ammonius as we have related before and by that means were the more easily drawn to drive him out of the City He perceiving himself to be thrust out of Antioch came into Cilicia Whereupon Ptolomey came unto Antioch and was both by the Citizens and Soldiers therein proclaimed King and was constrained to take two Diadems the one as King of Asia the other as King of Egypt But he being a man naturally N very just prudent moderate and not at all ambitious and unwilling to displease the Romans Ptolomey persuaded the Antiochians to accept Demetrius for their King and refused the Diadem of Asia he call'd together the Inhabitants of Antioch and prevailed so far with them that at last he persuaded them to accept of Demetrius for their King assuring them That if he should receive that kindness at their hands he would no more keep in memory those things that had fallen out betwixt them and his fathe protesting for his own part that he would instruct him both how to order the course of his life honestly and to manage his publick affairs with justice and promising them that if he attempted to do any thing that should be unworthy of a good Prince he himself would be the most ready to chastise him for his own part he would content himself to be King of Egypt And by this means the Antiochians were induced to receive Demetrius O But when Alexander was departed out of Cilicia with a great Army and was come into Syria and had burnt and spoiled the Countrey of Antioch Ptolomey accompanied with his son Demetrius The year of the World 3814. before Christ's Nativity 146. for he had already married his daughter unto him came forth A with their Armies and obtained a complete victory by overcoming Alexander who was constrained to flie into Arabia It came to pass in that battel that Ptolomies Horse hearing the noise of an Elephant was troubled and stumbled in such a manner that he threw his Master on the ground Alexander being overcome flâ—eth into Arabia and is slain in that place which when his Enemies perceiv'd they ran all together upon him and gave him divers wounds in the head whereby he was in danger to have been slain unless his Guard had rescu'd him notwithstanding he was so dangerously wounded that for four days he remained without any sense on the fifth day when he began to come to himself Zabel the Prince of Arabia who had beheaded Alexander sent his head unto Ptolomey Ptolomey's death wherewith he was well-pleased but this joy lasted not long for some few days after he died himself This Alexander sirnamed Balles reigned for the space B of five years as we have elsewhere related Demetrius sirnamed Nicanor having obtained the kingdom quickly discover'd his ill nature and treated Ptolomies Army very unworthily forgetting both the confederacy and affinity that he had contracted with him by Cleopatra his wife who was Ptolomey's daughter But the Men of War hating his ingratitude fled into Alexandria for their own security notwithstanding they left the Elephants in his power and possession But the High-Priest Jonathan having assembled an Army of all the Countrey of Judea Jonathan appeaseth Demetrius by Presents began to besiege the Castle of Jerusalem where there was a Garison of the Macedonians and a great number of wicked Apostates that were fallen from the Jewish Religion who in the beginning slighted the Engines that Jonathan had raised to take that C place in the strength whereof they reposed too much confidence But in the end some of them breaking out by night came unto Demetrius and told him of the siege at which he was displeased and taking a strong Army with him he departed from Antioch to make War upon Jonathan When he came to Ptolomais he wrote to Jonathan and commanded him to come unto him notwithstanding Jonathan gave not over the siege but took the Elders and Priests with him with gold and silver robes and a great quantity of Presents intended for Demetrius and when he had deliver'd them to him he appeased his wrath and after he had received many honours at his hands he obtained the confirmation of his Priesthood in as ample manner as he enjoyed it during the time of his Predecessors and although the wicked Jews accused him yet did not D Demetrius give any credit to them Moreover Jonathan requiring that for the whole Countrey of Jewry and for the three governments of Samaria Joppa and
Such was Aristobulus's fortune Aristobulus sent back again Prisoner to Rome with his son Antigonus that he was sent Prisoner back again to Rome and there kept in bonds after he had been King and High-Priest three years and six months A man in that dignity both magnificent and magnanimous yet the Senate sent back his L children according to the tenor of Gabinius's letters who had promised their delivery to their mother when she surrendred the Castles into his hands whereupon they returned into Jewry Aristobulus's sons discharged But Gabinius intending to make War against the Parthians and having already past Euphrates changed his resolution and determined to return into Egypt and re-establish Ptolomey as it is declared in another place In this expedition also he was supplied by Antipater's means with Victuals Money and Ammunition and by his advice those Jews that inhabit Pelusium who kept as it were the very entry into Egypt were reconciled to him When Gabinius returned back out of Egypt he found all Syria full of Tumult and Rebellion Antipater relieveth Gabinius in his journey to Egypt to install Ptolomey For Alexander Aristobulus's son taking once more possession of the Kingdom caused divers Jews from day to day to revolt and foraging the M Countrey with a huge Army he slew all those Romans whom he met withall and besieged all those that fled into the mount Garizim Gabinius seeing the affairs of Syria in that state sent Antipater before him unto them to appease these commotions and to cure them of their phrenzy Alexander Aristobulus's son usurpeth the Monarchy and if it were possible to reduce them to a better mind for Antipater was really a very discreet man He repairing unto them moderated divers of them Alexander overcome by Gabinius and brought them under obedience but it was impossible for him to reconcile Alexander for he having 30000 Men with him came forth to meet with Gabinius with whom he fought and was overcome with the loss of 10000 of his Men near unto the Mount Itabyr After that Gabinius had ordered all things in Jerusalem by Antipater's advice he presently N set forward against the Nabathaeans The conquest of the Nabatheans whom he overcame in battel He sent back also Mithridates and Orsanes Men of good account among the Parthians who had retired themselves unto him Mithridates and Orsanes causing a report to be spread that they were fled with Gabinius Now when Gabinius had perform'd great and magnificent exploits in War he returned to Rome surrendring the government to Crassus Nicholas Damascene and Strabo of Cappadocia who differeth in nothing from Nicholas have written of these Expeditions of Pompey and Gabinius in Judea CHAP. XII The year of the World 3941. before Christ's Nativity 53. A Crassus robbeth the Temple of Jerusalem He is defeated by the Parthians Cassius retireth into Syria and defends it against the Parthians Antipater's great credit his marriage and his children CRassus intending to make War against the Parthians Hedio Ruffinus chap 13. al. 14. came into Jewry and took away with him the sacred money which Pompey had not touched which amounted to the sum of 2000 Talents Marcus Crassus in his expedition against the Parthians taketh thâ— Treasure out of the Temple of Jerusalem He spoilt the Temple also of all the gold that was in it to the sum of 8000 Talents He took away a wedge of solid gold to the weight of 300 B pounds which pound amongst the Jews containeth two pounds and an half He that deliver'd him this wedge was a Priest and the Keeper of the sacred Treasure call'd Eleazar who gave him the same upon no malicious intent for he was a virtuous and just man but whereas he had the custody of the Tapestries of the Temple committed to his hands which were both admirable to behold by reason of their beauty and worth and withall were in like sort tied and fastned to this beam and perceiving that Crâ—ssus used all means to gather all the money he could he fearing lest he should have seized on all the ornaments of the Temple gave him this beam for a Ransom to redeem all the rest binding him upon the delivery thereof by an oath that he should not take any thing away that was in the Temple but should content himself with that onely piece of C great esteem and value which he gave him This beam was inclosed in another hollow beam of wood Crassus breaketh his oath so that no man knew thereof but only Eleazar Crassus therefore took his beam Whence the Temple of Jerusalem grew so rich as if he determined to leave all other things in the Temple yet notwithstanding he falsified his oath and carried away whatsoever was therein Neither is it to be wondred at that there was so great Riches found in our Temple since all those Jews that were dispersed thorow the face of the whole earth Strabo of Cappadocia and all those that feared God both in Asia and Europe for a long time offered their Presents in that place The greatness and multitude whereof wanteth no testimony neither is it feigned in way of ostentation but divers other Historians make mention thereof and amongst the rest Strabo of Cappadocia speaketh after this manner D Mithridates sent Men into the Isle of Coos to fetch from thence the money that Queen Cleopatra had laid up there and 800 Talents of the Jews But we have no publick money but that which is dedicated unto God It is therefore a thing most manifest that the Jews that inhabit Asia transported this money into Coos for fear of Mithridates For it is not likely that they who inhabited Judea and had a City so strong and a Temple so well fortified should send their money to Coos Neither is it credible likewise that the Jews remaining in Alexandria should do it for that they feared not to fall into danger through this War of Mithridates The same Strabo also saith in another place That when Sylla passed thorow Greece to make War against Mithridates and Lucullus he sent Men unto Cyrene which was troubled by E reason of the mutinies of our Nation wherewith the whole world was filled There were four sorts of people in the City of the Cyrenians one of them were Citizens the second were Labourers the third were Strangers and the fourth were Jews who at this present are intermingled thorow all Cities neither is there an inhabited place throughout the world neither was there any Nation that inhabit the same wherein these have not set foot and fortified For both Egypt and Cyrene being under the subjection of the same Princes and divers other Nations conformed themselves to their customs and nourished assemblies of Jews and advanced them and more and more used the Jewish ordinances It appeareth therefore that there was a Colony of Jews in Egypt A great part likewise of the
City of Alexandria is assigned to the Jewish Nation They have likewise their peculiar Magistrate who governeth the people endeth F and decideth their differences and maintaineth their contracts and ordinances as if he governed in his own Commonwealth By this means this Nation hath fortified and established it self in Egypt for that the Jews had their original amongst the Egyptians and for that Judea is near unto Egypt from whence the Jews are descended And as for Cyrene they have entred it in that it bordereth with that Countrey which is under the obedience of the Egyptians in like manner as Judea doth or rather for that in times past it appertained to the same Kingdom Thus far Strabo After that Crassus had disposed all things according to his own pleasure Crassus slain in Parthia he removed and marched forward to make War against the Parthians Cassius resisteth the Parthiaâ—s where both he and all his Army were destroyed as is declared in another place As for Cassius he retired himself into G Syria and took possession thereof to the end he might affront the Parthians who being A proud of their victory lately obtain'd made excursions so far and coming to Tyre he at length arrived in Judea where upon his first entrance he took the City of Tarichaea and led away from thence 30000 Prisoners He put Pitholaus also to death for having maintain'd Aristobulus's faction All which he did by Antipater's procurement and persuasion Antipater's Wife and Children who was in great credit with him and who also at that time was highly esteem'd amongst the Idumaeans amongst whom he married his Wife who was descended of one of the most famous families of Arabia her name was Cypron by whom he had these four sons Phasaelus and Herod who after was made King Joseph and Pheroras and one daughter called Salome This Antipater also made alliance with other Princes and especially with the Arabian to whose custody he committed his children during the time B he made War against Aristobulus But Cassius gather'd another Army and marched towards Euphrates to go against the Parthians as it is specified and recorded by other Writers CHAP. XIII Pompey causeth Alexander to be beheaded Aristobulus's son Philippion son of Ptolomey Mennaeus Prince of Chalcis marrieth Alexandra Aristobulus's daughter His father Ptolomey putteth him to death and marrieth this Princess C SHortly after this Caesar being Lord of Rome Pompey and the Senate being fled on the other side of the Ionian Sea Hedio Ruffinus cap. 14. al. 15. set Aristobulus at liberty determining to send him into Syria with two Legions as being a sufficient man to govern the State-affairs in those parts Nevertheless Aristobulus failed of his hopes and authority he expected at Caesar's hands Aristobulus delivered out of Prison is poysoned For Pompey's adherents prevented and poyson'd him so that he was buried by those of Caesar's faction His body was kept embalm'd with honey for a long time until that Antonius sent it into Jewry Hedio Ruffinus cap. 15. al. 16. to be entomb'd amongst the Kings and Princes Scipio by Pompey's commandment caused Alexander Aristobulus sons head to be cut off charging him with some misdemeanors which he had committed against the Romans he was executed in Antioch The slaughter of Aristobulus's son Ptolomey the son of Mennaeus who govern'd in Chalcis at D the foot of the mount Libanus took his brothers and sent his son Philippion to Ascalon to Aristobulus's Wife commanding her to send her son Antigonus and his daughters one of which called Alexandra was beloved by Philippion and married by him but afterwards he being slain Pompey Philippions father married her and continued the careful maintenance of his brother and sisters-in-law CHAP. XIV Antipater by Hircanus's order assisteth Caesar mightily in the Egyptian War and sheweth much valor E AFter Pompey's death Hedio Ruffinus cap. 16. al. 17. and that Victory which Caesar had obtained against him Antipater Governor of Judea by the commandment of Hircanus was very useful unto Caesar Antipater gathereth Soldiers out of Syria for Caesar's service For whereas Mithridates the Pergamenian brought him certain supplies and could not bring them on by reason of an arm of Nilus passing through Pelusium but was constrained to stay at Ascalon Antipater came unto him and brought with him 3000 Soldiers and dealt so with the Princes of Arabia to associate them with Caesar that by his means all they of Syria gave him their assistance and never altered their affection that they bear unto Caesar These were Jamblicus a great Lord and Ptolomey his son and Tholomaeus the son of Sohemus dwelling on the mount of Libanus and well nigh all F the Cities Mithridates being departed from Syria came to Pelusium where being repulsed and excluded by the Citizens he besieged the City Antipater in this War behav'd himself valiantly Antipater helpeth Mithridates to take Pelusium and after he had beaten down a pane of the Wall he first of all set forward to enter the City Whil'st Pelusium was in this estate the Jews that inhabited Egypt in the Countrey of Onias The Jews of Onias's Countrey are confederated with Caesar would neither grant passage to Antipater nor Mithridates that marched towards Caesar But Antipater who was of their Nation persuaded them to take their parts shewing them the Letter of the High-Priest Hircanus in which he invited them to be friends unto Caesar and exhorted them to furnish his Army with whatsoever they stood in need of Memphis in Egypt so that seeing that Antipater and the High-Priest were agreed together they submitted themselves They that dwelt round about Memphis G hearing that they were thus united sent for Mithridates also unto them who came and received them into his favor CHAP. XV. The year of the World 3917. before Christ's Nativity 47. A Antipater continueth to acquire great reputation in the Egyptian War Caesar cometh to Syria establisheth Hircanus in the High-Priesthood and conferreth great honours upon Antipater notwithstanding Antigonus Aristobulus's sons complaints WHen he was come to a place called Delta The conflict of the Egyptians with Mithridates at Delta he fought with the Enemies in a place which is called the Camp of the Jews in which battel Mithridates led the right Wing and Antipater the left Being hotly engaged the Wing that Mithridates commanded Alias cap. 18. began to give ground and was like to have been utterly routed had noâ— Antipater B running with his Soldiers along the River side obtained the upper hand of his Enemies by putting the Egyptians that were Conquerors to flight and restored Mithridates And pursued them so far that he got their Camp and called Mithridates to take part of the prey that he had recover'd from the fugitive Enemy Mithridates commendeth Antipater's service to Caesar Mithridates lost 800 of his men in this battel but Antipater
and his sons may be remunerated by the Senate and People of Rome according to the measure of their loyalties and good deserts Julius Caius Caesar Roman Consul To the Governors Senate and People of Patras Health The Jews are come unto us to Delos with some of the Colonies of their Countreymen in the presence of your Ambassadors and assure us of a Decree made by you whereby you forbid them the practice and ancient use of their sacrifices and oblations I think it not fit that you make any such Decrees against our friends and associates neither that you forbid them to live according to their fashions and customs or to employ their purses together in supplying their feasts and sacrifices since in Rome it self they are not interdicted or forbidden to perform the same For at such time as Caius Caesar Consul had prohibited by Edict That in celebrating the Bacchanals no one should dance about the City yet were the L Jews alone exempted from this inhibition and neither have they been prohibited to contribute neither to banquet together My self also in like case in the defence I have made to forbid all other societies have excepted the Jews therein and have given them leave to assemble and demean themselves according to the customs ceremonies and ordinances of their Countrey If therefore you have made any such Decrees against our friends and associates you shall do well to disanul them by reason of the vertue of the Jews and the forwardness they have protested in performance of our service After Caius Caesar's death M. Antonius and P. Dolobella bring Hircanue's Embassadors into the Senate the Consuls Marcus Antonius and Publius Dolobella assembled the Senate and having brought in Hircanus's Embassadors they declared their request and contracted amity with them The Senate likewise ordained that each thing should M be granted them that they required And Dolobella having received Hircanus's Letters sent them throughout all Asia to Ephesus which is the Metropolitan City of Asia in these The General Dolobella to the Princes Dolobellas's Letters to the Ephesians Senate and People of Ephesus Health terms The General or Emperor Dolobella this word Emperor was in those times a title of honour conferred on those Generals who had obtained some great Victory Alexander the son of Theodore Embassador to Hircanus the High-Priest and Prince of the Jews hath given us to understand that his Subjects cannot go to Wars because it is not lawful for them to bear Arms nor travel on the Sabbath day as also for that they may not seek for their victuals and other necessaries on that day according to the custom of their Countrey for this cause I grant them exemption from the War as my Predecessors have done permitting them N to use the ceremonies and rites of their Countrey assembling themselves to make their oblations and sacrifices as their laws and customs require in contributing to the offering of the sacrifices in the Temple And my will is That you write to this effect to every City of the Province See here how Dolobella honoured Hircanus when he sent his Embassadors unto him Lucius Lentulus Consul pronounceth that the Jews that are Citizens of Rome Lucius Luâ—ulllus in the French Lentulus in the Latine being Consul maketh an Edict in the behalf of the Jews and that observe and offer the sacrifices of the Jews in Ephesus before the Tribunal be exempt from warfare by reason of their Religion Given the nineteenth of October There are besides these many other Edicts and Ordinances made to this purpose by the same Generals and by the Roman Senate in favor of Hircanus and our Nation and some O other Cities In like sort there were divers Decrees and writs sent unto the Governors and Rulers of the Provinces concerning our Priviledges all which may be easily believed by those that shall read our History with no prejudicate opinion if they consider those that we have here inserted The year of the World 39â—2 Before Christ's Nativity 42. For we have shewed more express and lively A testimonies of the friendship that we have had with the Romans and such as at this day are affixed to Pillars and engraven in Tables of Brass on the Capitol and that hereafter shall remain affixed for ever For which cause I have thought it to be a frivolous and unnecessary matter to insert all in this place Josephus's conclusion concerning these Edicts and I think that there is not any man of so sinister judgment that will not believe how much we have been esteemed by the Romans as they have given testimonies by divers Decrees published in our behalf neither may any man suppose that we lie considering the truth of that which we publish Thus have we sufficiently declared the amity and league that in time past we have had with the Romans Caecilius â—assus murthereth Sextus Caesar About this time it came to pass that the estate of â—yria was B sore troubled upon the occasion that ensueth Caecilius â—assus one of Pompeys followers laid an ambush for Sextus Caesar and slew him and seising upon his Army usurped the Government Whereby there arose great War near Apamea For Caesars Captains marched out against Caecilius with great force both of Foot and Horse to whom Antipater sent his sons with forces to second them in remembrance of the benefits he had received at Caesars hands supposing it to be an act of justice that the murtherer should be punished for his so hainous offence Marcus succeedeth Sextus in Syria Now whereas this War continued a long time Câ—sar slain by Cassius and Brutus Marcus came and succeeded Sextus And Caesar was slain by Cassius and Brutus in the midst of the Senate after he had commanded three years and six months as it is expressed in another place C CHAP. XVIII Cassius cometh from Syria draweth Seven hundred Talents out of Judaea Herod gains his favor Malichus's ingratitude towards Antipater AFter Caesar's death Hedio Ruffinus chap. 20. the brand of Civil War began to flame and the chiefest of Rome made it their business to raise forces Cassius cometh into Syria and exacteth more then 700 Talents of silver from the Jews But Cassius came into Syria with an intent to take the Army that was near to Apamea and having raised the siege he drew both Bassus and Marcus to be of his faction and travelling from City to City he gathered a number of Soldiers and much warlike provision and imposed huge Tributes D Herod winneth Cassius's heart by the money that he levieth in Galilee but especially he afflicted Jewry and exacted of that Countrey Seven hundred Talents of Silver Antipater seeing the State in so great fear and trouble committing the exaction of a part of this money to his sons the rest he commanded to be assigned to Malichus who was his Enemy Herod first of all gathered that which was commanded him
greatly moved against Pheroras for affirming that he was in love with Glaphyra The young Prince hearing this became jealous and was in a great rage and now what honour soever or gifts Herod for the love of his Son gave her Alexander did interpret it in the worst sence and not able to put up such M injuries he went to his Father and with tears related unto him what Pheroras had told him Herod was never more surprised and not enduring to be falsely accused of so shameful a fact inveying against the great malice of his friends who for his good offices he did them so rewarded him He presently sending for Pheroras very sharply began to chide him saying O most impious that liveth amongst men art thou become so ungrateful either to speak or think such a matter of us Thinkest thou that I do not perceive thy drift that thou spakest not these words unto my Son to discredit me but also to the intent by this means thou mightest work some treason against me and cause me to be poysoned For who but a good Son as this is would suffer his Father suspected for such a matter to live and not to be revenged of him for such offence Whether dost thou think that thou didst put N these speeches into his mind or by them a sword into his hand to kill his Father withal Or what was thy intent seeing thou hatest him and his Brother and only counterfeiting good will towards me to belye me and to report that of me that without impiety could not be thought Get thee hence thou wretched Imp seeing thou hast thus abused thy Brother who hath deserved so well at thy hands Go basest of men I will leave thee to the gnawing worm of thy own perfidious Conscience to be thy Executioner all thy life time And for your greater confusion I will content my self to confound your wickedness with my goodness in not punishing you according to your deserts but treating you with that mercy of which all the world knoweth you to be so unworthy The King having uttered his anger against his Brother Pheroras he being taken in a manifest fault answered that that report was first devised by Salome O of whom he heard it Salome excuseth her self Which she being then present hearing began to exclaim saying it was not her device and that they all laboured to make the King hate her and put her to A death being one who did especially wish him well and what in her lay seeking his safety and that now he was in danger of more Treason than ever before For said she I was the only cause that you did put away the woman whom you so doted after perswading you to marry the King's Daughter and this is the cause that you hate me With these speeches tearing her hair and striking her breast she made a shew of innocency but this gesture was a colour to hide her bad intent So Pheroras was left in great perplexity not knowing what to say or do and could find no pretence to excuse his fact for on the one side he confessed that he told it unto Alexander and on the other he could not make Herod believe that he heard it of Salome This contention endured a good while at last the King being wearied sent away his Brother and his Sister and B greatly commending his Son 's moderate mind and that he had given him intelligence of those speeches it being then late he went to supper After this contention The effect of calumniation Salome was hardly thought of because she was judged to be the Author of this ill report and the King's Wives hated her because they knew her to have strange qualities and so variable that one while she would profess friendship and presently after hatred Wherefore they still had something to inform Herod of against her taking occasion happening by chance which was this There was a King of the Arabians named Obodas a slothful man and one given to idleness And there was one Syllaeus that did govern all this man was a crafty fellow and in the prime of his youth and very beautiful This Syllaeus coming unto Herod about C some business and viewing Salome who then sat at supper with him began to set his mind upon her and finding she was a Widow he entred into talk with her and she finding her Brother now not so friendly unto her as before he had been and also entangled with the beauty of this young man did not greatly deny to marry him and many Feasts being made at that time they shewed evident signs of their mutual consent and love one to another The King's Wives told the King of this in jest Herod commanded Pheroras at supper time to note if he could espy any tokens of familiarity betwixt them and Pheroras told him that by signs and mutual viewing one another Syllaeus the Arabian desiring Salome to wife was denied they sufficiently shewed their intents After this the Arabian being suspected departed into his own Countrey But two or three months after he came again into D Judaea only for this purpose and talked with Herod touching this matter requesting him to let Salome be his Wife affirming that that affinity would be profitable unto him for the traffick between his people and the Arabians whose Prince he was to be and did already enjoy a great part of the Dominion Herod told all this unto his Sister and asked her if she would marry him and she answered she would Then they requested that Syllaeus should become a Jew in Religion or else it was not lawful for him to marry her He would not condescend hereunto affirming that he should be stoned to death by his people if he did it and so he departed without obtaining his purpose From that time forth Pheroras and especially the King's Wives accused Salome of intemperancy affirming that she had had the company of the Arabian Now Herod E determined to marry his Daughter unto Salome's Son whom Pheroras refused for the love of his Maid which Son of Salome's was her eldest that she had by Costabarus to shew his good will towards Salome his Sister But he was disswaded by Pheroras who told him that the young man would never love such a Father in Law because of his Father's death perswading him rather to marry her to his eldest Son who was to succeed him in his Tetrarchy which he easily perswaded the King unto and so obtained pardon for his former offence Herod married his Daughter to Pheroras's Son Wherefore the match being changed the Maid was married unto the young man who had a hundred Talents in dowry with her more than otherwise should have been given with her But all this while this dissention of Herod's house did not cease but rather encreased F it having a shameful beginning and coming to a sorrowful end Herod had three Eunuchs whom he greatly esteemed for their
being in prison his friends were tortured he would afterwards have gone to Rome Wherefore endeavouring to find some stronger argument of his Son's impiety and because he would not be thought rashly to have committed his Son to prison he caused the most noble and eminent of all Alexander's friends to be tortured and they confessing no such matter as he expected he put them to death Whilst thus all the Court did resound with fear One accused Alexander to have sent letters to Rome against his Father torments and contentions a certain B man accused Alexander to have sent letters to his friends at Rome to entreat them to cause him to be sent for by Caesar thither that he might accuse his Father of certain conspiracies against Caesar and how he more esteemed the friendship of Mithridates King of the Parthians than the friendship of the Romans affirming also that he had poyson ready prepared at Ascalon Herod hearing this was comforted by flatterers about him as having not done any thing rashly and so he gave now full credit unto all Alexander confesseth the treason and who had a hand in it Yet the poyson was diligently sought for but could not be found Alexander being now oppressed with this calamity he yet took courage and because he would more incite his Father's displeasure against him he did not deny it Perhaps meaning to make his Father ashamed of himself for giving credit so easily unto forged C tales or at least if he could not effect that entangle all the Court and him too in calamity and misery Which that he might the better do he writ four little Pamphlets and sent them unto his Father telling him that it was needless to use any more torments for indeed treason was intended against him and that Pheroras and his most trusty friends were herein conspirators And that in the night time Salome came secretly unto him and as it were forced him to lie with her And that all of them aimed at this mark to have him made away that so they might enjoy their wished liberty He also accused Ptolomeus and Sapinnius of this conspiracy who were more faithful unto their King than all others So that now these men who before were most friendly one to another began like mad men to rage one against another and punishment so D hastily pursued every one that they had not time to speak in their own defence Neither was their punishment deferred till their cause was tried and the truth known so that some were bound and imprisoned others presently put to death others laughed in their sleeves to see that day yet discontented for that any delay was used for their punishment Herod was so troubled with the contention in his house that he was weary of his life So that the King's Court was now greatly defaced with sorrow and heaviness wherewith the usual felicity thereof was destroyed Herod himself amidst these calamities could not but be weary of his life who not daring to trust himself in any bodies hand he was tormented with a dayly and hourly fear of some untimely death that would befall And many times perswaded himself that he did see his Sons before him with a drawn sword ready to kill him and this was his cogitation night and day E so that herewith he almost ran mad CHAP. XII How Archelaus King of Cappadocia reconciled Alexander to his Father WHilst Herod was thus troubled in his mind Hedio Ruffinus chap. 9 al. 13. Archelaus King of Cappadocia careful of his Daughter and the young Prince his Son in Law and pitying his friend Herod in such calamities Archelaus the King of Cappadocia feigneth displeasure against Alexander his Son in Law and so reconciled Herod unto him he thought it his duty to make a journey unto him And F finding him so affected as it was reported unto him before his coming he thought it an unfit way to argue him of too much credulity and rashness perceiving that thereby he would be rather exasperated so much the more labouring to excuse himself Wherefore Archelaus devised another way to appease these troubles he counterfeited indignation against the young Prince approving all the King's actions affirming that he would break the band of Wedlock between his Daughter and Alexander and that if she knew of the Conspiracy and did not inform the King thereof himself would punish her Then Herod contrary to his expectation seeing Archelaus so angry for the offence committed against him began to remit his anger And now with just consideration weighing what he had done by little and little G he began to have a Fatherly affection and to be hereby moved to compassion yet so oft as any one sought to excuse the young Prince he grew very angry thereat but when Archelaus also began to accuse him then Herod's heart relented and he with tears besought Archelaus not to yield too much to anger nor for the young Princes offence H break off the marriage Then Archelaus perceiving him to relent began to turn the matter against Herod's friends as the causes of all this mischief who had corrupted Alexander who of himself was void of malice and especially he aggravated the matter against Pheroras the King's Brother Archelaus layeth the fault of Alexander's offence upon others and especially upon Pheroras Pheroras having now incurred the King's displeasure perceived that none could so soon reconcile him unto the King as Archelaus wherefore clothed in black and making other signs as though he despaired of his life he went unto him who did not deny to help him what he could yet he told him that it was no easie matter for him to pacifie the King so highly offended perswading him rather himself to go unto the King his Brother and crave pardon of him confessing himself to have been cause of all this mischief by which confession of his I the King's wrath would be greatly appeased and so he also should have better occasion to entreat for him Pheroras confessed himself to be the author of all mischief and obtaineth pardon of his brother Pheroras followed his counsel which fell out happily for them both for the Prince contrary to any ones expectation was freed from all his troubles And Archelaus made Pheroras and Herod friends and he himself having obtained great friendship of the King in his adversities he returned joyfully into Cappadocia being rewarded with rich gifts and being accounted of as Herod's chiefest friend They also agreed amongst themselves that Herod should go to Rome because he had already written unto Caesar Herod accompanied Archelaus unto Antioch concerning this matter And they both went together to Antiochia and there Herod reconciled Titus the President of Syria unto Archelaus and so he returned into Judea K CHAP. XIII Herod declareth War against the Arabians for protecting Trachonites Robbers WHilest Herod being gone to Rome The year of the World 3956. before
present and of certain men that were lately come out of Syria also whether Herod had led an Army out of the limits of his own Kingdom Which they not denying and Caesar not vouchsafing to hear the cause why his displeasure against Herod was greatly encreased so that he writ threatning Letters unto him telling him that hitherto he had used him as a Friend The Arabians and Trachonites understanding that Caesar was offended with Herod rejoyce thereat but hereafter he would use him as a Subject which also Syllaeus signified unto the Arabians By which Letters they were made proud and would G neither render unto him the Thieves that were escaped nor restore the money he lent their King nor pay him rent for the pasture-ground that they hired of him Moreover the Trachonites hearing this rebelled against the Garrison of the Idumaeans and joyning with the Arabian Thieves The year of the World 3960. before Christ's Nativity 4. who wasted their Countrey not so much respecting H their own gain as their revenge and particular profit they did many mischiefs and exercised great cruelty against them Herod did put up all injuries and durst not once mutter Caesar being offended with him for the which cause he was not so couragious nor valiant as he was before Caesar offended with Herod For first of all Caesar would not admit his Ambassadours whom he sent to plead his cause before Caesar and Herod again sending other Ambassadours Caesar sent them back again their business undone Wherefore Herod being in this perplexity greatly feared Syllaeus who being now at Rome did easily perswade Caesar any thing for Caesar was very credulous and Syllaeus aimed at some greater matter Obodas dying Eneas succeeded him in the Arabian Kingdom For Obodas dying Eneas succeeded him in the Kingdom of Arabia changing his name called himself Aretas whom Syllaeus by I forged calumniations did seek to depose from the Crown and usurp the Kingdom unto himself giving great summs of money unto the Courtiers and promising great summs unto Caesar whom he now perceived to be angry against Aretas for that without his consent he presumed to take upon him the government of the Kingdom But at last he also sent letters and gifts unto Caesar and amongst the rest a Crown of Gold worth many Talents and in those letters he accused Syllaeus who as an impious and disloyal servant had poysoned his King Obodas in whose life-time he had also invaded the Government of the Kingdom committing Adultery with the Arabians Wives getting together other men's money Caesar would not give Audience to the Arabian Ambassadours thereby to obtain the Kingdom Caesar would not permit these Ambassadours to have Audience but refusing their gifts suffered K them to depart without obtaining that they came for In the mean time the affairs of Judea and Arabia every day became worse and worse every one seeking to trouble the estate of both Kingdoms and no man endeavouring to quiet them For the King of Arabia was not yet established in his Kingdom and therefore could not control his Subjects And Herod feared that if he did defend himself he should so much the more incite Caesar against him and so was forced to put up all injuries that were done unto him Herod sent Nicholaus Damasâ—â—ne to Caesar And finding no end of his miseries he at length determined to send again to Rome Ambassadours to see if by the help of friends Caesar might be perswaded to think better of him and so committed that Embassage unto Nicholaus of Damasco and sent him to Rome L CHAP. XVI Herod more incensed than ever against his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus by several Aspersions causeth them to be imprisoned Augustus is made sensible of Syllaeus's wickedness condemns him to die confirms Aretas in the Kingdom of Arabia he is sorry for having had so ill an opinion of Herod adviseth him to call a great Assembly at Berite where his Sons after new complaints given in against them are to be judged M IN the mean time the dissention of Herod's house was much encreased Hedio Ruffinus chap. 11. al. 17. by the augmentation of hatred against his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus and although at all other times his Court was never void of suspicion Eurycles a Lacedemonian insinuateth himself into Herod's familiarity which is a pernicious evil to Kings and Princes yet at that time especially this mischief was in his principal vigour and force For one Eurcyles a Lacedemonian and a Noble man of his Countrey but having a turbulent wit given over to flattery and pleasure yet cunningly dissembling both vices coming unto Herod and giving him gifts and receiving greater gifts at his hands was by him courteously entertained and familiarly conversing with him brought it so to pass that he was esteemed amongst his especial friends This Eurycles N lodged at Antipater's house Eurycles insinuated himself into Alexander's friendship being also familiar with Alexander for their often meeting one another For he said that Archelaus King of Cappadocia and himself was great friends and therefore he counterfeited himself to reverence Glaphyra very much and all men judging him indifferent in all parties he diligently noted whatsoever past and every word that was spoken seeking by all means he could matter to gratifie others carrying of tales and with such flattering fair speeches he insinuated himself into every man's friendship that he seemed Alexander's only trusty friend and that all his endeavours with others were only for to be more serviceable to Alexander in his concerns And by this his deceit he so insinuated himself into Alexander's favour that the young Prince thought him to be his only friend unto whom he O might impart his secrets so that Alexander shewed him how much he was grieved for not being in his Father's favour and related his Mother's misfortune and that A Antipater had now gotten all authority and dignity from him and his Brother and was the only man that could do all and that these injuries were no longer tolerable their Father being now incited against them that now he would neither admit them unto his Councils nor Banquets And he committed his griefs as he then thought into his friends bosom Eurycles observing all Alexander's words and actions related them to Antipater and Herod But Eurycles told Antipater all affirming that thought it nothing concerned him yet he could not but speak of it for the greatness of the present danger desiring him to beware of Alexander who did not stick openly to shew what mind he bare but did as it were manifestly shew that he desired to make away his Father Which done he received of Antipater most rich gifts and pledges of his good will towards him at length he perswaded him to B relate his news himself unto Herod The King gave an attentive ear whilst he related Alexander's malice and was so moved with the
circumstances that he conceived a deadly hatred against his Son which also without further delay he did make manifest Eurycles by craft got money of Archelaus for he rewarded Eurycles for his pains with fifty Talents Which he having received went unto Archelaus and speaking well of Alexander acquainted him how instrumental he had been in reconciling him unto his Father and receiving of him also a summ of money he departed before his malice was discovered and returned into his Countrey and using the like shifts there also he was at last by his Countreymen banished from Lacedemonia Hedio Ruffinus chap. 10. Furthermore Herod not content now as before to hear only that which was told him of Alexander and Aristobulus Herod doth give ear unto the accusers of Alexander and Aristobulus did himself also C conceive a proper hatred against them observing all things and making diligent enquiry though no man accused them and permitting all men to speak what they pleased against them And amongst the rest Evaratus of Cous had conspired with Alexander and he seemed now to hear no talk more willingly than this and such like But then greater misfortunes than all the rest befell the two Princes false accusations never ceasing to be forged against them and every one as it were striving to accuse them of some crime or other unto the King pretending the care they had of his safety Herod had two Champions Jucundus and Tyrannus confess that Alexander did solicite them to kill Herod as he was a hunting Jucundus and Tyrannus both acceptable unto him for their strength and tall stature and bigness of body These two for some offence were banished the Court and received into Alexander's service and placed amongst D his Guards and for that they were very active he bestowed many gifts and much money upon them Whereat the King presently conceiving suspicion began to torture them and after many torments they confessed that Alexander had hired them to kill Herod as he was a hunting wild Beasts for so it might easily be bruited abroad that he falling off his horse fell upon his own Lance and so was killed which once before had almost happened unto him They also declared unto him that certain gold was hidden and buried in the stable And they also accused Herod's chief Huntsman that at Alexander's command he had given Alexander's Servants the King's Lances and his Armour After them the Governour of the Castle of Alexandrium was taken and examined upon tortures and it was objected against him that he promised to receive E them into the Castle and deliver unto them the King's Treasure there But he denying it his own Son affirmed all to be true and brought forth Letters to testifie the same How Alexander writ unto the Captain of Alexandrium to receive him resembling Alexander's hand written to this effect So soon as by God's assistance we have done that which we intend to do we will presently come unto you be careful therefore that according to your promise you do receive us into your Castle Herod having had a view of these Letters did now without any doubt believe that indeed some treacherous practice was plotted against him by his Sons Diophantus the Scribe doth counterfeit other men's hands But Alexander affirmed that Diophantus the Secretary had counterfeited his hand and that the Letter was Antipater's device For Diophantus was accounted cunning in such matters and afterward being taken with the like he was therefore put to death And the King F produced them that had been tortured at Jericho before the people to accuse his Sons where they were stoned to death and the people hereat moved would also have killed Alexander and Aristobulus with the same death But Herod by the means of Ptolomeus and Pheroras did restrain them Alexander and Aristobulus are imprisoned and Aristobulus warneth his Mother in law and commanded the young Princes to be cast into prison and there to be kept so close that no man was admitted unto them but many â—pies were set who should narrowly mark all their actions and words and now they were accounted as condemned men both by other men's opinions and also by their own One of them to wit Aristobulus for grief inviting his Aunt and Mother in Law to compassionate his present calamity and to hate him that was the Author hereof affirmed that she also was in great danger being accused in hope to G marry with Syllaeus to have signified unto him by Letters all that past in Herod's Court. Which words the woman presently came and told to her Brother Herod The King no longer able to bridle his fury commanded them both to be bound and kept in several places The year of the World 3960. before Christ's Nativity 4. one from another and each of them to write what they had plotted against H their Father And being thus commanded they wrote that they neither prepared Treason nor yet thought of any Treason against him only they purposed to fly because they perceived that they could no longer live here because they were so suspected Alexander confesseth to Herod that he purposed to fly to Archelaus and in continual care At that time a Prince of Cappadocia came Ambassadour from Archelaus named Mela who was one of the greatest Lords of the Countrey And Herod desiring to shew his Son's malice he sent for Alexander out of prison commanding him to relate how and after what order or whither they meant to fly he answered unto Archelaus who had also promised them to send them to Rome Mela Ambassadour of Archelaus King of Cappadocia but that they had no further intent or purpose to effect any unlawful practice against their Father and that all other accusations were false And that he requested I that Tyrannus and the rest might have been better examined but Antipater prevented that who by his own forged rumours spred amongst the people did cause them to hasten their deaths Which being said Herod commanded both him and Mela to be led unto Glaphyra Claphyra Alexander's wife is demanded if she knew of any Treason against Herod that she might be asked whether she were any way privy to the conspiracy against Herod And coming unto her the woman seeing her husband bound presently tore her hair and being amazed with great compassion cried out The young man's cheeks were also bedewed with tears so that a long time after those that were present amazed and moved to compassion at this miserable sight could neither speak nor do the King's command At last Ptolomeus to whose charge Alexander was committed desiring him to speak whether his Wife was privy to his intent he K answered How could it be otherwise who is dearer unto me than mine own life being Mother of my Children then she answered crying out aloud that she was privy to nothing that was any harm yet quoth she if it will avail
you any thing or help to save your life I am ready to tell any lie whatsoever seeing I must die and will deny nothing you would have me to say Alexander answered Neither did I purpose any impiety against my Father as some suppose who ought not to think so neither dost thou know of any one this thou knowest that thou and I purposed to fly unto Archelaus thy Father and that he promised to convey us to Rome which she also affirmed Herod now thinking that Archelaus was disaffected towards him Archelaus excuseth himself to Herod delivered Letters L unto Olympus and Volumnius commanding them in the way as they went to pass by Eleusa a Town of Cilicia and deliver certain Letters unto Archelaus himself to the same effect and that from thence they should go to Rome and if so be when they came there they found that Caesar had been reconciled to him by Nicholaus his means that then they should also deliver certain Letters unto him declaring all that was past between him and his Sons and the proofs alledged to convince the Princes Archelaus writ again unto Herod that indeed he would have entertained the young men for fear that any greater mischance should befall them or their Father by reason of the suspicion against them yet was he was he not minded to send them to Caesar nor to have confirmed them in any malicious course Caesar and Herod made friends The Messengers coming to Rome found Caesar reconciled to M Herod and delivered the Letters unto him For Nicholaus his Embassage was to this effect So soon as he came unto Rome and had entred the Palace beside the charge he had given him he did also undertake to accuse Syllaeus For he perceived the Arabians at variance among themselves and that some of them had declared all Syllaeus his bad practices and that by his means many of Obodas's Kinsmen were murthered as his adversaries manifestly proved by his Letters which they intercepted Now Nicholaus desirous to reconcile Herod unto Caesar omitted not this occasion by chance offered him Hedio Ruffinus chap. 12. al. 18. for he well knew that if he began with the King's defence he should then find a hard and heavy Judge against him but if he began to accuse Syllaeus he should find also a fit occasion to plead his King's cause Nicholaus accuseth Syllaeus and excuseth Herod Wherefore Nicholaus taking N upon him to prove the accusation against him at the day appointed he conversed with King Aretas's Ambassadours accused Syllaeus as a murtherer of his Lord and King and many other Arabians and that he had borrowed much money to trouble the peace of the Commonwealth and that he had corrupted many women and honest Matrons both at Rome and in Arabia He added hereunto a most grievous crime to wit that he by his lies and false reports had deceived Caesar whom in all things he had misinformed concerning that which Herod had done Which when he once mentioned Caesar commanded him to omit the rest and only to relate the matter concerning Herod whether Herod did not enter into Arabia with an Army and did kill two thousand and five hundred men and carry away Captives and rob and spoil the Countrey O Nicholaus answered that to these demands himself was able to answer that Herod did none of these and that he did not deserve any displeasure Caesar contrary A to his expectation hearing this began to give diligent ear to what Nicholaus said And hereupon Nicholaus related unto Caesar how Herod had lent five hundred Talents and that he had a Writing in pawn wherein he was permitted after the day appointed if then it were not repayed him again to prey upon all the whole Countrey and satisfie himself A Narration of the Arabian Wars and the borrowed money and that this was no hostile invasion but according to Law and equity a requiring of his right and debt due unto him And that this was not rashly done though by the writing he was so permitted to do but by the consent of Saturninus and Volumnius Presidents of Syria in whose presence Syllaeus swore by Caesar's good fortune at Berytum that within thirty days after both the debt and also certain fugitives fled from the King should be restored unto him and that Syllaeus performed none B of these And so Herod went again unto the Presidents and they permitted him to go and take pledges for his money and that so by their permission he went into Arabia And this is the War that his adversaries have so tragically exaggerated and yet how can it be called a War seeing that it was done by the consent of the Presidents and that by Covenant after Perjury wherewith both God's and also Caesar's name was violated The Thieves of Trachon It now remaineth that I speak something concerning the Captives There were forty Thieves of Trachon and afterward more that fled from Herod for fear of punishment and fled into Arabia whom Syllaeus protected and succoured to the injury of all men and gave them ground to inhabit and was partaker of their preys notwithstanding that by his foresaid oath he was bound to restore them together with the C borrowed money neither can he name any man beside them taken in Arabia and carried away Captive and some of them also escaped This his forged tale concerning the Captives being thus refuted hear O Sovereign Caesar the lying invention which to provoke thee to wrath himself devised For I am well able to affirm this that when the Arabian Army assaulted us and one or two of our men were killed then at last Herod forced to make resistance he killed Nacebus and with him five and twenty and no more for every one of which Syllaeus falsely told Caesar a hundred and so told him that two thousand and five hundred were killed Caesar hereat greatly moved with an angry countenance looking upon Syllaeus he asked him how many Arabians were killed in the fight He amazed and knowing not what to reply answered D that he erred in the number Presently Caesar commanded the Writings to be read containing the conditions between them and the Writings of the Presidents and the Letters of the Cities containing the complaints of the Robberies Syllaeus condemned to die And so the matter was brought to pass that Caesar was reconciled unto Herod and condemned Syllaeus to die and repenting himself to have written so threatning Letters to Herod he objected that also unto Syllaeus affirming that by his false informations he had caused him to pass the limits of friendship in using his friend so hardly And so he sent Syllaeus into his Countrey that after he had satisfied his creditors he might be punished according to the sentence But he still continued angry with Aretas for that without his authority Caesar was purposed to give the Kingdom of Arabia to Herod and was altered by Herod's
age and beloved of him whom Alexander much accounted of This fellow many times amidst the multitudes exclaimed that truth and equity were banished out of the world and that in their stead malice and untruth reigned Whereby there was such a mist and a fog caused over the whole world that no man could see his own errors This his free Speech though it was not without danger yet all men hereat were moved for that he had some reason to shew his fortitude in so dangerous a time and every one was willing to hear his Speech and though themselves for fear were silent yet did they not reprehend him for speaking freely For the expectation of the event of so great mischief was able to have wrested from every one of them words of commiseration B Tyro with great audacity also came unto the King and begged of him that he might talk with him alone Tyro speaketh to Herod and not observing modesty he and the Captains were imprisoned which the King granting he used these words with great lamentation I can no longer O my King suppress this my grief which causeth me so boldly to speak though with my own peril yet if it please thee my King that which I intend to speak shall be for thine advantage Where now my Lord are thy wits Where is thy couragious mind ever hitherto able to match all difficult businesses whatever How happeneth it that thou hast so few Friends and Kindred For I account not them Kinsmen or Friends that permit such wickedness and hatred in thy Court which was most happy and fortunate And what art thou unto thy self Wilt thou not look and see what is done Wilt thou put to death C the two young Princes born unto thee by the Queen thy Wife who abound in all vertue and commit thy self now in thy old age unto one only Son who nourisheth impious Hopes and Designs and to thy Kindred who by thy own censure have often deserved death Dost thou not perceive that the people keeping themselves quiet and still do both condemn the errour of thy Friends and also pity and compassionate the two Princes Moreover all thy Soldiers and the Captains themselves have compassion on them and curse the Authors of this unfortunate calamity The King at first took these words of Tyro in good part as being admonished of the perfidious dealing of them about him and his own calamity But Tyro immodestly and Soldier like urging the King and for his own simplicity not able to D discern what fitted that time the King at last thought this rather a turbulent upbraiding him than a friendly adomonition and asking who those Captains and Soldiers were he commanded them all and Tyro also to be bound and kept in prison Then one Tripho the Kings Barber taking hereat occasion told the King that Tyro had often sollicited him Tyro is by his Son and a Barber accused to have practised Treason against the King as he shav'd the King to cut his throat with his razor promising him for recompence great rewards and that he should be one of Alexander's chief Friends Having spoken these words the King commanded him to be apprehended and the Barber and Tyro and his Son to be tortured Tyro his Son seeing his Father in most miserable torments and that he still persisted in them and by the Kings displeasure conjecturing that there was no hope of life told them that tortured E his Father that he would confess all the truth conditionally that his Father and himself might be no more tormented and having his request granted he told them that it was agreed that Tyro with his own hand should have killed the King for he could get opportunity to come unto the King when no man else was with him and so he would kill him and for Alexander's sake endure any torments whatsoever This spoken he delivered himself and his Father from further tortures but it is uncertain whether the tale he told was true or whether he devised it to free them both from torments Then Herod now laying all doubt aside if before he were in any thought what death his Sons should die Tyro with 300 Captains are accused before the people and slain Alexander and Aristobulus strangled at Sebaste and buried in Alexandrium and leaving no place to repentance and mercy he hastened to execute his purpose and producing 300 Captains and Tyro and F his Son and the Barber his accuser he accused them all before the people and the people throwing any thing that came to their hands at them they killed them every one And Alexander and Aristobulus was carried unto Sebaste and there by their Fathers command were strangled and their bodies carried by night into the Castle Alexandrium where there Grand-father by their Mothers side and many of their Progenitors lay buried But perhaps some will not marvel that a hatred so long a breeding should in the end so prevail that it overcame natural affections But one may justly doubt whether the fault were in the young Princes who exasperated by a hard Father so long time The cause of these calamities was Destiny and Gods Providence fell into such a hatred of him or whether it is to be imputed unto his unkindness and immoderate desire of Honour and Rule who could G not abide any to be his equal but rather chusing to do all at his own pleasure Or rather unto Fortune whose power the wisest living is not able to resist Wherefore I am perswaded Fortune hath predestinated all humane actions so that they must have a necessary event And this inevitable force we call Fate or fatal Destiny H for that there is nothing which it effecteth not But it sufficeth briefly to have touched this high matter which of it self is very difficult which attributeth something unto our actions and examineth the causes of the variety of our actions which speculation is already comprised in the two Volumes of our Law Wherein Alexander and Aristobulus offended Furthermore touching the Princes fault we may accuse their youthful arrogancy and their pride who did give too great ear to their Father's accusers and for that they were unjust searchers into his life and actions and that they maliciously suspected him and could not rule their tongues Herod's shameful errour not to be excused but hereby gave double occasion to their Adversaries and matters unto those tale-bearers that sought to get the King's favour But their Father 's shameful fault cannot be excused who suffered himself so to be over-ruled with passion that he I put them to death that were begotten of his own body without any proof or argument of the crimes laid unto their charge yea two young Princes of excellent feature of body not only beloved of their own Nation but also of strangers they were dextrous in all Exercises and commendable in Military Affairs and eloquent in Civil Discourses For in all these things
and Sabinus were come out into the streets notwithstanding they were forbidden by Pollio whom not long before Claudius had made Captain of his Guard And as soon as Claudius came into the Palace whither he assembled his friends he pronounced sentence against Chaereas For although his action was accounted both generous and noble yet he was condemned for this because he was perfidious whereupon he was adjudged to die to give example to others to the end that Princes and Emperours may hereafter live in safety He was therefore led to his death with Lupus Those that murthered Caius are executed and divers other Romans It is said of Chaereas that he endured this accident with a great courage which he expressed not only in that he changed not his countenance but also by the reproaches which he gave Lupus O who wept For when Lupus was putting off his Cloaths and complained of the cold that he felt he taunted him thus alluding to his name which was Lupus That never any cold A did harm to a Wolf Furthermore when he came to the place of Execution where a great number of people were gathered together to behold the spectacle he asked the Soldier that was appointed to behead him if he were a cunning heads-man and whether he had a new Sword wishing him to use that wherewith he murthered Caius His death was happy for he received but one stroke whereas Lupus was faint-hearted and received divers because he stretched not out his neck freely Some few days after at such time as the Romans solemnized their Expiations and that every one honoured the memory of his dear Friend they gave Chaereas a part of that honour and cast his portion into the fire saying That was to deface and purge their ingratitude whereof they were guilty towards him Thus ended Chaereas his Life But for Sabinus B although Claudius had not only absolved him but also suffered him to exercise his Office as he had done before Sabinus Killeth himself yet he thought that he should do amiss and against Justice if he falsified his Faith to his Associates and Confederates for which cause he shortned his own days thrusting his Sword through his own body to the very hilts CHAP. IV. Claudius the Emperour confirmeth Agrippa in his Kingdom adding Judaea and Samaria C thereunto He giveth the Kingdom of Chalcis to Herod Agrippa's Brother and maketh Edicts in favour of the Jews ONe of the first things that Claudius did after his establishment in the Empire Hedio Ruffinus chap 5. was to disband those Soldiers whom he suspected and published an Edict by which he confirmed the Kingdom to Agrippa Alias 4. that Caius had given him accompanying his bounty with many Praises Claudius giveth Agrippa Judaea Samaria and Lysanias 's Countrey adding moreover unto his Government all that which his Grandfather had possessed towit Judaea and Samaria which in that they were as one Lawful Inheritance appertained unto him He gave him also out of his own Dominions Abela and all the Countrey about Libanus that in times past appertained to Lysanias And D he caused the Alliance that was past betwixt them to be engraven and registred in an open place of the City of Rome Antiochus King of Comagena He took from Antiochus the Kingdom that he had and gave him in exchange a portion of Cilicia and Comagena He set Alexander Lysimachus Alebarcha at liberty Alexander Lysimachus Alebarcha who had been his old Friend and sometimes Governour in Arabia and once his Mother Antonia's Steward who had been committed Prisoner through Caius's displeasure and espoused Bernice Agrippa's Daughter to his Son Marcus which after the death of Marcus who died before he was maried was afterwards married with her Father Agrippa's allowance Herod Agrippa's Brother created King of Chalcis to Herod his Brother for whom Agrippa begg'd of Claudius the Kingdom of Chalcis At that very time the Jews that were in the City of Alexandria mutined against the Greeks For after Caius's death E the Nation of the Jews which had been oppressed during his Reign and injuriously dealt withal by the Alexandrines Sedition in Alexandria betwixt the Greeks and Jews recovered their former courage For which cause Claudius gave Commission to the Governour of Egypt to pacifie and appease that Uproar He sent also his Letters Patents into Alexandria and Syria at the request of the two Kings Agrippa and Herod to this effect Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Claudius's Edict in favour of the Jews in Alexandria Father of the people signifieth this that followeth Vnderstanding that the Jews Inhabitants in Alexandria and for that cause called Alexandrines have at all times enjoyed the self same Privileges of the City which the ancient and first Alexandrines have had Which Favours they have obtained by the Leave of those Princes that were our Predecessors as it hath been plainly made known F unto us as well by Letters which have been written unto us as by confirmed Decrees And that since Alexandria hath been united to our Empire by Caesar Augustus their Privileges have continued in force during the several Successions of many of our Governours which Rights of theirs have never been called in question no not in that time when Aquila was Governour in Alexandria Since in like sort Caesar Augustus hath not letted them but when the Governour of their Nation was dead they might establish other Substitutes and Governours in his place commanding that all of them should yield him obedience in observation of their Laws and Customs without constraint or impulsion to do any thing contrary to their Religion Yet notwithstanding the Alexandrines have mutined against the Jews being in the City of Alexandria in the time of the Emperour Caius by reason of the G folly and frenzy of Caius who disgraced and oppressed the Nation of the Jews because they would not violate their Religion nor acknowledge the said Caius for a God Our Will and Pleasure is that no one of the Privileges of the Nation of the Jews be abolished by reason of Caius's frenzy but my mind is to maintain those which heretofore have been H given them to the end they may continue and live according to their ancient Laws and Customs Commanding you and every one of you very carefully to provide that after the publication of this our Ordinance they be in no ways troubled This was the Tenour of that Ordinance which was made in favour of the Jews in Alexandria But that which was generally made in favour of those Claudius's Edict in the behalf of the Jews scattered thorough the whole Empire who were dispersed thorough the whole World was to this effect Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus High Priest Father of the people elected Consul the second time signifieth that which ensueth Our well-beloved Friends the Kings Agrippa and Herod have required us that we will permit all those
Son that he would suffer her to perform her Vows who willingly condescended to her desire and furnished her royally with all things that were necessary for such a Voyage giving her a great Sum of Money with her and bringing her on her way many days journey so that at length she arrived in Jerusalem to the great advantage of the Inhabitants of that City For at that time the City was oppressed with a grievous famine so that many died for want of food for which cause Queen Helena sent her servants some into Alexandria to buy a great quantity of Corn the rest into Cyprus to buy dried Figs who returned with all expedition they might whereupon Helena distributed the Victuals amongst the L poor leaving a singular memory of her Liberality to the whole Nation Her Son Izates also understanding of this Famine sent a great sum of Money to the Governour of Jerusalem But hereafter I will declare what other benefits the King and Queen have bestowed upon our Nation Now Artabanus King of Parthia perceiving that the Princes of the Kingdom had conspired against him Artabanus retireth himself to Izates and requireth his assistance resolved with himself to go unto Izates for the security of his person hoping by that means if it were possible to recover his Kingdom He therefore retired thither and brought with him about one thousand men of his Kinsfolk and domestick servants And by the way he met with Izates whom he knew very well by his Royal Train notwithstanding he was unknown unto him by countenance M Drawing therefore near unto him he first of all humbled himself on his knees according to the custom of the Country and afterwards spake unto him after this manner Dread King forsake me not who am thy servant neither reject thou my prayers For being dejected by means of my misfortunes and of a King become a private man I have need of thy succour Consider therefore the inconstancy of fortune and think with thy self that by providing for me thou shalt provide for thy self For if thou makest no reckoning of the wrong that is done unto me divers men will grow audacious to enterprize upon other Kings These words he pronounced with tears and with looks fixed upon the ground When Izates had heard Artabanus's name and saw his humble and submissive condition N Izates comforteth Artabanus and promiseth him his assistance he leapt immediatly from his Horse and said unto him King be of good courage and let not thy present and perplexed condition dishearten thee as if thy misfortunes were irrecoverable For this sorrow of thine shall be suddenly changed and thou shalt find a better friend and ally than thou hopest for at this time For either I will repossess thee of thy Kingdom of Parthia or I will lose mine own This said he caused Artabanus to get on Horsback and walked by him on foot yielding him this honour as to a greater King than himself Which when Artabanus saw he was discontented and sware by his Honour and Fortune to come that he would set foot on ground if he would not get up on horsback and ride before him whereunto he obeyed and mounting upon his Horse again he conducted him to his Palace yielding him all the O honor that was possible both in his Banquets and in his Assemblies not regarding his present condition but his former Dignity considering with himself that such casual A misfortunes and changes are incident to all men Moreover he wrote unto the Parthians perswading them to receive their King Artabanus assuring them on his Faith and Oath that he would obtain a free pardon for all that which was past and to that intent he offered himself to be an Arbitrator between them The Parthians gave him this answer Izates writeth to the Parthians and perswadeth them to receive their King that they would not refuse to entertain him but that they could not for that one who was called Cinnamus was advanced in his place and Dignity and that they feared lest a Sedition should happen amongst them Ginnamus who was a noble and honourable minded man knowing that their intent was such wrote himself unto Artabanus who had nourished and brought him up exhorting him to return upon his Faith Cinnamus restoreth the Kingdom to Artabanus and to receive again his own Kingdom Artabanus B upon this Motion gave credit to his words and returned back again Whereupon Cinnamus came forth and met him and prostrating himself before his feet called him King and afterwards taking the Diadem from off his own head he set it upon Artabanus head who by this means was restored to his former estate by Izates mediation after he had been driven out of his Kingdom by his chiefest Nobility And he did not forget the favours which he had received at Izates hands but did him all the honour that possibly he could imagine Izates receiveth great honours and gifts at Artabanus hands for he permitted him to wear the straight Tiara and to sleep upon a gilded Bed which is a Privilege which belongeth only to the Kings of Parthia He gave him also a plentiful and great Country which he had taken from the King of Armenia This Country was called Nisibis where in times past C the Macedonians had builded the City of Antioch Antiochia and Mygdonia builded by the Macedonians by them called Mygdonia Presently after Izates was thus honoured Artabanus died leaving his Kingdom to his Son Vardanes Vardanes after his fathers death laboureth to perswade Izates to make War against the Romans but he prevaileth not who repaired to Izates praying him to joyn with him in that War which he intended to make against the Romans but he prevailed not with him For Izates knowing the Romans force and good fortune imagined that he undertook a matter beyond his power Besides he had sent five of his young Sons to Jerusalem to learn our tongue and discipline and his Mother likewise to adore in the Temple for which cause he the rather held back and disswaded Vardanes from going against the Romans whose power and conquests he ordinarily reckoned up unto him to the end he might discourage him and by these assertions cause him to give over his purposed D intent of war against them But the Parthian was displeased with his perswasion and for that cause denounced a present War against Izates But his enterprize had but a fruitless issue for God cut off all his hopes For the Parthians understanding what Vardanes intent was After Vardanes was slain the Kingdom is committed to Gotarza and how he was resolved to make a War against the Romans killed him and gave the Kingdom to his Brother Gotarza whom not long after this his Brother Vologesus killed by treason restoring to his two Brothers by the Mothers side these Provinces that is to say the Kingdom of Media to Pacorus who was the eldest Vologesus King of
do in the design they had in writing For such as in times past published any worthy History endeavoured to write that which they themselves had seen and they were Eye-witnesses of those Affairs they committed to writing they more effectually performed all that they promised because they accounted it an act of dishonesty to report and publish Lyes in stead of History And truly in my opinion that man is worthy commendation who striveth by his studious endeavours to Register not only the Occurrences of times past but also those memorable events that have happened in N his own days And he only and truly is to be accounted industrious not that altereth and pruneth at his pleasure another man's Works but he that of himself compileth an History whereof no man hath before written For my own part being a stranger I have spared no labour and expence to declare the truth of these events in the ears of the Greeks and Romans For as touching their own learned men their mouths are always open where their own interest publick or private is concerned but if they come to a History Who may rightly be called a Historiographer wherein they should both tell truth and with great labour enquire of those things that are past here the travel is too tedious the bit is in their teeth so that they leave the matter to their performance who are uncapable and unapt both in stile and study to register the Actions of Princes and great O Captains whereby it appears that the Grecians make as little account of the truth of History as we esteem and seek it A Now to discover unto you the Original of the Jews what their Estate hath been in times past and after what manner they departed out of Egypt to shew what Countreys they conquered and what Colonies they planted were in my judgment both impertinent and to little purpose considering that divers of mine own Nation have before my time written an exact History of the actions of our Ancestors yea many Greeks also have translated these men's Writings into their own Tongue without much deviating from the truth I will therefore begin my History in that time where these Writers and our own Prophets have ended theirs and set down at large all those Wars that happened in my time As for those things that precede B my particular knowledge I will only touch them briefly and in a word or two First I will relate how Antiochus Antiochus Epiphanes the first Author and Fountain of the Wars of the Jews surnamed Epiphanes took the City of Jerusalem and possessed the same for the space of three years and six months and how he was driven out of that Countrey at last by the Asmoneans After this I will set down the Dissentions that happened amongst Antiochus's Successors for the Kingdom and how by this means they drew Pompey and the Romans into their Affairs The Epitome of the Wars of the Jews How Herod likewise the Son of Antipater being assisted by Sosius put an end to the Rule of the Asmonean Princes And how in Augustus Caesar's time after the death of Herod and during the Government of Quintilius Varus a Sedition was raised among the people And how in the twelfth year of Nero's Reign the War began What C likewise happened in Cestius's time and what Warlike Exploits the Jews performed in their first Attempts and Revolts how they strengthened the Cities and Forts about them and how Nero hearing of the great Overthrow which his Army received under Cestius their General and fearing lest he should lose all made Titus Vespasian General of his Army who being attended by his eldest Son came into Judaea accompanied with as great a number of Romans as he could possibly gather how a great number of his Allies were defeated in Galilee what Cities they took in that Province either by Assault or by Composition Besides all these things I will express what Order and Discipline the Romans observe in their Wars and how they are accustomed to exercise their Soldiers I will describe also the places and nature D of the Countrey of Galilee and Judaea together with the Mountains Lakes and Fountains thereof with all the Properties of the same not forgetting those miseries which the Captive Cities suffered and how they were surprized All which together with all those evils and miseries which during those troubles befell my self I will discourse with all truth and diligence the rather because I publish them to many who are no ways ignorant of them After this The signs and changes after Nero's death I will set down how upon the declining and downfall of the Jews Nero died and how at such time as Vespasian had undertaken the Expedition to Jerusalem he was recalled from it to receive the Imperial Dignity and how when E he returned into Egypt to establish that Province the Jews began to mutiny among themselves how many Tyrants arose among them who hatched much civil discord and debate in their Government Moreover how Titus departing out of Egypt came the second time into Judaea and ranged over the Countrey and how and where he levied and encamped his Armies How and how often the City was vexed by Seditions especially at such time as he himself was present What Onsets he gave Titus besiegeth Jerusalem and how many Mounts he raised in begirting the City with a triple Wall The strength and Provision of the City The manners and Sacrifices of the Jews The Scituation and Plat-form of the Temple and the Altars therein The Rites and Ceremonies used on Festival days The seven Purifications and the Offices of the Priests The Garments also of the High F Priest and the Holy Sanctuary of the Temple All which I will recount without any dissimulation or swerving from the truth of History After this I will relate what cruelty the Tyrants used towards their own Countrey-men The Humanity of the Romans towards the Jews what Humanity the Romans shewed to strangers and how often Titus who desired to save both the City and Temple exhorted the Seditious to mutual Amity Furthermore I will report how the people of the Jews after the many and grievous Calamities which they suffered in the Siege by War Sedition and Hunger were at length reduced into servitude after the taking of that great and potent City Neither will I omit the slaughter of such as deserted their Nation neither the punishment inflicted on those that were Captive The burning of the Temple and the overthrow of the City I will set down how the Temple was burnt against Caesar's Will and G what an infinite Mass of Sacred Treasure was consumed by the Fire and what signs and wonders happened before the same The Captivity also of the Tyrants themselves and the number of those that were led away into Captivity and what miseries they H endured How the Romans continuing their Wars utterly ruined the
himself M openly their enemy he caus'd his confidents to accuse them and at first made shew of defending them but afterwards he clos'd in with the accusers and cunningly perswaded Herod to credit the accusation which were that Alexander was so desirous of his death as to frame plots against his life and nothing made so much credit be given to these calumniations as that Antipater colourably excused his brother Herod incensed hereat every day withdrew his affection more and more from the two brethren and daily encreased his love towards Antipater The Nobility also were inclined after the same manner some of their own inclination and others out of compliance so did Ptolemaeus the chiefest of all the Nobility and the Kings Brethren and all his kindred for all mens expectation was upon Antipater And that which N grieved Alexander the more was that all these conspiracies design'd for his overthrow were made by the counsel of Antipater's Mother for she being Step-mother to him and his Brother was the more cruel against them because she could not endure their having the advantage above her Son of being born of so great a Queen And although many followed Antipater for the hope they had of him yet were they also compelled thereunto by the King's command who gave special charge to his dearest friends not to follow Alexander or his Brother And this Prince was a terrour not only to those of his own Kingdom but also to foreign Nations because Caesar had given him so great authority for he gave him license to take any one that was a fugitive from him out of any City although it were not under his Dominions Now the young men being O ignorant of the offences laid to their charge were in the greater danger for their Father did not openly tell them of any matter but they every day perceived A his good will towards them to decay which so much the more increased their grief In like manner Antipater by little and little animated Pheroras their Uncle and Salome their Aunt against them to whom he spoke with the same liberty as if she had been his Wife Moreover Glaphyra Glaphyra Alexander's wife encreased his conceived suspicion by her words Alexander's Wife contributed to the encreasing of these enmities by bearing her self above all women that were in the whole Kingdom for she derived her Pedigree by the Father's side from Tiâ—enus by the Mother's side from Darius Son of Histaspes and by inveying very much against the baseness of Herod's Wives who she said were chosen for their Beauty and not for their Nobility of Birth For Herod as we have said had many Wives as it was lawful for him by the B custom of the Countrey Aristobulus objecteth to his Wife her base Birth and all of them hated Alexander for Glaphyra's Pride and contumelious speeches Aristobulus also made Salome his enemy although she were his Wife's Mother because he often upbraided his Wife with her base Birth still teling her that he had married a private woman and his Brother Alexander a King's Daughter Ant. lib. 16. cap. 7. Which his Wife often with tears told to her Mother adding moreover that Alexander and Aristobulus threatned that if they got the Kingdom they would make their Father 's other Wives weave with their Maids and his other Sons Notaries of Villages because they applyed themselves to Learning Salome moved hereat could not contain her self but told all to Herod who easily believed her because she spake against her Son-in-law Alexander and Aristobulus oftentimes bewail their Mother and by that means provoke their Father Moreover another accusation was laid to their C charge whereat the King was greatly moved for he was informed that Alexander and Aristobulus did often bewail their Mother and lament her hard fate and cursed him and that often when he bestowed some of Mariamne's Cloaths upon his latter Wives they threatned that in a short time they would make them change them for Mourning Whereupon though Herod feared the fierce spirits of the young men yet because he would not take away all hope of amendment he called them to him as he was to go to Rome and as a King threatned them in few words and like a Father gave them many admonitions and requested them to love their Brethren promising them forgiveness of their former offences The two Brothers excuse themselves before their Father Herod so that hereafter they mended all But they beseeching him not to believe Accusations forged against them upon malice and answering D that the effect of matters would easily acquit them requested him not so easily to believe tales but to refuse malignant people opportunity and recourse unto him for that there would always be some that would malitiously invent tales to tell whilst there was any one that would give them the hearing and believing For they knew that Salome was their enemy and Pheroras their Uncle and both of them much to be feared especially Pheroras who was fellow with his Brother of all saving the Crown and had his own Revenues amounting to an hundred Talents a year and received all the Profits of the whole Countrey beyond Jordan which were given him by his Brother Herod also had obtained of Caesar to make him Tetrarch and had bestowed upon him for his Wife his own Wife's Sister after whose decease he offered E him his eldest Daughter and three hundred Talents with her for a Dowry But Pheroras falling in love with a mean person refused so honourable a Match whereat Herod being angry married his Daughter to his Brother's Son who was afterwards slain by the Parthians Yet after some time he pardoned Pheroras's offence Divers formerly were of opinion that in the life time of the Queen he would have poysoned Herod and Herod although he loved his Brother very well yet because many who had access unto him told him so he began to misdoubt And therefore examining by Torture many that were suspected at last he came to some of Pheroras's Friends but none of them confessed the Poyson but only that he was determined to flee to the Parthians with her whom he was so in love with and that Costabarus Salome's Husband F was privy thereunto unto whom the King had married her after her first Husband for suspicion of Adultery was put to death Salome her self was not free from Accusation for Pheroras accused her that she had purposed Matrimony with Syllaeus who was Procutator to Obodas King of Arabia a great enemy of the King 's And she being convicted both of this and all things else whereof her Brother Pheroras accused her yet obtained pardon as likewise Pheroras did so that the whole Tempest of all the Family was turned against Alexander and fell upon his head The King had three Eunuchs whom he loved extremely Alexander corrupteth his Father's Eunuchs and telleth them he is to succeed in the Kingdom and every one known
that they had punishment sufficient in losing all that which they had laid out and bestowed upon him F CHAP. VI. Of the Banishment and Death of Archelaus ARchelaus being now made Prince Ant. lib. 17. cap. 19. remembred the contests past and in revenge thereof Archelaus banished for his Tyranny and his goods confiscated he ill treated not only the Jews but also the Samaritans But in the ninth year of his Reign the Jews and Samaritans sent Ambassadours against him to Caesar by whom he was banished to Vienna a City of Gallia and all his Goods confiscated 'T is reported that before he was summoned to appear before Caesar he had a strange Dream Archelaus's Dream of the Oxen and ears of Corn. in which he saw nine great Ears of Corn devoured by Oxen and G presently sending for some Chaldeans he demanded what that Dream betokened Some interpreted it one way and some another but one Simon an Essean told him that the nine Ears of Corn betokened the number of years he had reigned and the Oxen signified the change of his Fortune for as much as these creatures in labouring H the Land turned up and altered the face of it And therefore nine years being past since he had been established Prince he was to prepare himself for death Five days after this Interpretation Archelaus was sent for to Rome to answer before Augustus the things whereof he was accused I have also thought it worth rehearsing to set down the Dream of his Wife Glaphyra Daughter to Archelaus King of Cappadocia who was first married to Alexander Brother to this man and Son to King Herod by whom he was put to death as we have said before After whose death she was married to Juba King of Lybia and he being dead she returned home to her Father where living in her Widowhood Archelaus refusing Mariamne marrieth Glaphyra Archelaus the Ethnarch beholding her was so inflamed with her love that presently he divorced his Wife Mariamne and married her Soon I after she came into Judaea she dreamed that she saw Alexander her first Husband standing before her and saying unto her Glaphyra saw Alexander in her sleep It had been enough for thee to have married the King of Lybia but thou not contented therewith comest again to my house greedy of a third Husband and which is worst of all art now married to mine own Brother I will not conceal nor dissemble this injury which thou dost me but I will recover thee against thy will And she scarcely lived two days after she had related this Dream to her friends CHAP. VII K Of Judas the Galilean who established a fourth Sect and of the three Sects amongst the Jews AFter that Archelaus's Dominions were reduced into a Province Ant. lib. 18. cap. 12. a certain Roman Knight called Coponius was made Governour thereof During his Administration The year of the World 3973. after Christ's Nativity 11. a certain Galilean named Judas incited his Countrey-men to revolt reproaching them for paying Tribute to the Romans and for being subject to any but to God This Judas was Author of a new Sect of his own devising nothing like other Sects For there are three Sects of Philosophers amongst the Jews one is that of the Pharisees L Three Sects among the Jews of which the Esseans were the best another of the Sadducees and the third of the Esseans which is the most famous of all the three The Esseans are Jews born but live in the greatest union together imaginable They consider all Pleasures as Vices that are to be avoided and esteem Continence and Victory over the Passions as the greatest Vertues They reject Marriage and account other men's Children put to them to be taught whilst young The Esseans Doctrine of Marriage as their own Kins-men whom they diligently instruct in their Manners and Opinions not for that they condemn Marriage and Propagation of Mankind but to avoid women's incontinence for they think that none of them keep themselves true to one man Among the Esseans goods are common Also they contemn Riches and all things with them are common and no man amongst them is richer than other And they have a Law amongst themselves M that whosoever will embrace their Sect he must make his Goods common for so neither any amongst them seems abject for Poverty nor any great for Riches but they have as it were all equal Patrimonies like Brethren They account it a shame to anoint the body with Oyl and if any man though against his Will be anointed therewith they use all diligence to wipe it away And they account themselves fine enough if their Cloaths be white They have amongst them Stewards to oversee all things for their common benefit who are chosen from amongst them by a common consent Their Revenue is distributed according to the need that every one haâ—h The Esseans Hospitality They have not one certain City but are dispersed in many Cities and if any of their Sect though a stranger come to them from another place they give N him any thing they have as if he were their ancient Acquaintance In like manner they go boldly to those whom they never in their lives saw before as though they were familiarly acquainted with them And therefore when they take a journey they only arm themselves against Thieves and carry nothing with them else In every City there is one appointed whose Office is to receive and lodge those of their Sect that come thither and to see that they neither want Cloaths nor any thing else necessary for them The Esseans Appâ—â—el All Children under Government brought up by them go apparelled alike and they never change their Apparel nor Shooes except they have worn out their first Apparel Among themselves they neither buy nor sell but every man that hath any thing which another wanteth giveth him it and taketh that of O him which himself needeth yea every one of them may take any thing he hath need of from whom he pleaseth without any change Above all towards God they A are very Religious for before the Son rise they speak of nothing but holy things and then they make certain Vows and Prayers after the custom of their Countrey as it were praying that God would please to make it rise upon the earth After this every one is dismissed to practice the Art he knoweth And when every one hath diligently laboured till eleven a clock Their Religion and labour they all meet together again and being covered with linen cloaths they wash their bodies with cold water and having thus purged themselves they go to their Cells into which no man that is not of their Sect is admitted And then they come to the Refectory as into a holy Temple where all sitting down with silence there is set before every man in order a loaf and a little mess of pottage
committed no act of hostility and also spoiled all that was without the Cities and always repulsed the Inhabitants if at any time they took courage to revenge themselves Joseph seeing things in this posture assaulted the City Sephoris in hope to take it but before such time as it revolted unto the Romans he had compassed it with so strong Walls that the Romans themselves could not have taken it and so his hope was frustrate for neither by force nor fair means would the Sephorites yield to him Hereat the Romans being angry troubled the Country more than before they now neither night nor day ceased from destroying it but robbed and spoiled all they found and all men able to bear Arms they slew and made the rest their slaves Thus all Galilee K was filled with fire and sword and no man escaped that calamity only those saved themselves that fled into the Cities that Joseph had walled In the mean time Titus came to Alexandria during Winter sooner than he was expected Titus bringeth a mighty Army into Judaea and so received there the Souldiers that he was sent for and having a prosperous journey he quickly came to Ptolemais and finding his Father there to two of the chiefest Legions to wit the fifth and tenth he also adjoyned that fifteenth Legion that he brought with him and there followed them eighteen Companies five out of Caesarea one Troop of Horse and five Companies of Horse out of Syria ten of these Companies of Foot had in every one of them a thousand Men the rest only six hundred and thirteen and in every Troop of Horse were an hundred and twenty L The Princes that were Allies also brought great Aid for Antiochus Agrippa and Sohemus brought each of them two thousand Bowmen and a thousand Horse and Malchus King of Arabia brought five thousand Foot and one thousand Horse the most of his Foot were Archers so that the whole Army together with the Kings Aid amounted to the number of threescore thousand Horse and Foot together besides them that followed the camp who were a great multitude and inferiour to none but their Masters in warlike discipline for one cannot too much admire the Romans who so train up their servants in time of Peace that they are very fit for War So that whosoever well beholdeth their Military Disciplin he shall perceive that they gained not this their goodly Empire by chance and fortune but by their valour for they do M not only then begin to use weapons when they come to fight but they practise military discipline before they need and they are not idle in time of peace but always practise themselves therein without ceasing Their exercises are like War it self and every Souldier is every day inur'd to some sort of Weapon The diligence and labour of the Romans in providing things necessary for the Wars even as though they were fighting against the enemy so that hereby they easily indure the burthen and travel of War For no disorder makes them forget what to do neither doth fear dismay them nor continuance of Fight and War weary and tire them So that whosoever they fight against who are not so well expert in these affairs as they they always overcome them and one may well call their exercises amongst themselves conflicts without blood-shed and their wars conflicts with blood-shed They are not easily overcome N at unawares for in what Enemy-country soever they come they fight not before they have fortified their Camp about The industry of the Romans which they do not rashly nor pitch their Tents in marish or high places after a disordered manner for if the place be unequal they make it plain And they proportion their Camp four-square for they have many Smiths The order of the Romans in their Camp and all kind of Workmen needful which still follow the Army to perform such business And in the innermost part of the Camp they make Quarters whose outside resembleth a Wall with Towers equally distant one from another and between them Engines of War to cast Stones and such-like that all kind of shot may be in readiness They also build four Gates large and wide both for their Horse easily to come in at and also for themselves if need require to enter in or issue out speedily O Within the camp there are streets divided by certain spaces in the midst lodge A their Officers and the Pretorium or Generals Tent is like a Temple so that it seemeth a City and a Market full of shops made in an instant There are also seats built for the Chief Officers to judg of controversies if any arise between the Souldiers and others All this place and all things belonging thereto are made in an instant partly by reason of the multitude partly by the industry of such as work and if need require they compass it with a Trench four Cubits deep and as many broad Thus the Souldiers enclosed with their Arms live quietly in their Tents without disorder and all things are done with good advice and prudence whether they need Water or Corn or Wood they all go to dinner at the time appointed and all sleep at once and a Trumpet giveth notice when to watch and guard The reverence and obedience of the Roman Souldiers to their Cap-Captains and nothing is done that is not commanded B In the morning all the Souldiers come to their Captains to salute them the Captains go to the Tribunes and they all to the General who gives them a Watch-word and tells them what he thinks good and how they shall behave themselves towards those that are under them how in fight to demean themselves and when to assault and when to retire How the Romans forsake their Camp When they go forth of the Camp a Trumpet sounds and no man is idle but at the first notice takes away his Tent and makes all ready for departure Then the Trumpet soundeth again warning them to be ready and having loden their Beasts with their baggage they expect the sound again as though they were to run a race and at their departure they burn their Camp because it is easie to build the like again and also least afterwards it should advantage their Enemies When the C Trumpet hath sounded the third time which is a sign to set forward then they hasten those that are slow lest they break their ranks And a Herald standeth on the right hand of the General asking thrice if they be prepared to fight and they as often answer that they are holding up their right hands with courage and so they march on orderly every man keeping his rank The Armour of the Roman Footmen as though they were ready to give Battel The Footmen have a Head-piece a Breast-plate and a Sword on the left side and on the right side a Dagger The Footmen guarding the General have a Javelin and a Shield the
time to invade Strangers CHAP. VII Of Simon of Gerasa Author of a new Conspiracy E IN the mean time a new War broke out at Jerusalem among the Jews For there was one Simon the Son of Giora born in Gerasa young in years and inferiour to John in subtilty Simon of Gerasa resorteth to the Thieves who now already had gotten the dominion over the City yet in Vigor and Boldness exceeded John This Simon having been for this cause also driven out of the Country of Acrabatena where he was Governour by the means of Ananus the high Priest Simon assembleth all robbers in the mountanous places came to the Thieves that seized upon Massada At his first coming he was so suspected by the Thieves that they only permitted him and the Women that came with him to dwell in the lower part of the Castle and they themselves kept the higher part yet afterwards his manners and behaviour was such that they put confidence in him and he became their Captain always when they went to spoil and rob any part of F of the Country about Massada After which he did all that he could to persweade them to attempt greater matters for being desirous of rule after he heard that Ananus was dead he departed into the high Places of the Country and with the voice as of a Crier proclaimed that all Bond-slaves that would follow him should have their Liberty and all others should be richly rewarded by which means he gathered together all the wicked and desperate People in the Country And having now a considerable Army he robbed and spoiled all the Towns and Villages thereabout and his number daily encreasing he also presumed to come into the plain Countries so that now Cities stood in awe of him and many considerable persons fearing him for his strength and prosperous success joyned with him So that his Army did not only consist of Thieves and G Slaves but many People of the Country came to him reverencing him as their Prince and King and they made Excursions into the Toparchy of Acrabatena and into the greater Idumea For he had fortified a Town called Nain wall'd about which he used H for his Retreat And in the Valley called Pharan he made many Caves and found many already made and in these Caves he kept his Treasure and the Booties he got also all Fruits of the Earth that he robbed and stole there he laid up in store as also Ammunition for many Companies The Fight between Simon and the Zealots And now no man doubted but that being thus furnished with Men and Ammunition he would go to Jerusalem The Zealots fearing this and desirous to prevent him who they saw every day encreased his number and grew more potent against them they armed many of their Company and went out to meet him Simon was not daunted at this but boldly encountred them and gave them so sharp a Battle that he slew many of them in fight and forced the rest to retire themselves into the Town yet not having men sufficient he would not besiege the I Town but first of all he purposed to subdue Idumea and so accompanied with 20000 armed men he hasted towards the borders thereof The Princes of Idumea understanding this presently assembled five and twenty thousand armed men and leaving at home sufficient Garisons to defend their Country against the Sicarii who held the Fortress of Massada they accompanied with these Forces went out and expected Simons coming into the borders of their Country where having met him they joyned battle and fought a whole day yet it appeared not which part got the Victory Then Simon returned to Nain and the Idumeans home Not long after Simon with a greater Army than before assaulted the borders of their Country and pitching his Tents in a Village called Thecue he sent one of his Companions L named Eleazar to them that kept the Castle Herodium not far from that place to sollicite them to yield it to him The Garison there presently received him into the Castle not knowing the cause of his coming But so soon as he began to perswade them to Treason they drew their Swords to kill him and he not having any place to flie to cast himself from off the Castle Wall into the Valley underneath and so died The Idumeans something fearing Simons Forces Eleazar Simon 's fellow casteth himself headlong into the trench and presently dieth James of Idumea the Betrayer of his Country before they would offer him Battle thought best to espie what number of men he had to effect which business one Jacob a Captain among them offered himself meaning indeed to betray his Country to Simon So departing from Olurus where the Idumean Forces were assembled he went to Simon and promised him to betray his Country to him receiving of him an Oath that for reward K of this deed he should be alwayes next in dignity to Simon himself and so he presently promised to help subdue all Idumea For this cause he was welcome to Simon and feasted liberally and had great Promises if he performed that which he offered and then returned to the Idumeans and fained that Simons Army was far greater than indeed it was And so terrifying the Governours of his Country and the People he by little and little perswaded them to receive Simon and without any more fight to yield to him the Sovereign Authority over them Jacob studying to bring this his purpose to pass privily sent Messengers to Simon willing him to come with his Forces and promising him to dissipate the Idumeans for M him which he also did For when Simons Army drew near he first of all got upon his Horse and together with his Associates that were partakers of his Treason fled to the Enemy Then fear fell on the Idumeans and every one without any more ado fled home Thus Simon against his own expectation entred Idumea without blood-shed Simon beyond all expectation enters Idumea without blood-shed and first of all assaulting a little Village called Chebron he took it and in it an exceeding great Booty a great quantity of Corn and many Fruits all which he carried away The Inhabitants report that this Chebron is not only more ancient than all Cities of that Land Hebron an ancient City where Abrahams house was but also than Memphis in Aegypt for they affirm it to have been built two thousand three hundred years since They also say that this was the place where Abraham N the Father of the Jews dwelt after he forsook Mesopotamia and that his Posterity departed from hence to Aegypt Indeed there are yet seen Monuments in the City richly wrought in fine Marble Six Furlongs from the Town there is an exceeding great Turpentine Tree A Turpentine Tree that hath continued ever since the Creation of the World which they affirm to have endured ever since the Creation of the World until this day
two Hills compassed with deep Vallies which Hills being rocky and steep were every way inaccessible The oldest of the three Walls by reason of the Valley about it and the Hill whereon it stood could not easily be taken The Fountain of Silo. for beside the difficulty of the situation it was very strongly built and repaired by David Solomon and other Kings This Wall beginning at the Tower called Hippicos The oldest Wall passeth on to that called Xystus and so to the Palace and at last endeth in the West porch of the Temple on the other side towards the West it begins at the same Tower and passing by the place that is called Betiso it descends to the Gate of the Esseans and so into the South and from thence again it bendeth into the East where is also Solomons Pond and reacheth unto the place called Ophlan I The Second Wall where it is joyned unto the East Porch of the Temple The second Wall beginning at the Gate that is called Genath which is a Gate of the former Wall and encompassing the North part of the City it reacheth to Antonia a Castle so called The third Wall beginneth at the Tower Hippicos The third Wall from whence it goeth to the North-part and from thence to the Tower Psephina over against the Sepulchre of Helena that was Queen of Adiabena Mother of King Izates and passing along by the Kings Caves it turneth towards the Tower near the Monument of Fullo and in the Valley called Cedron it joyneth with the old Wall Agrippa encompassed that part of the City that he built with this Wall it being before all open and without defence The City grew afterwards so populous that by little and little they were forced to inhabit without L the Walls and this Wall reacheth a great way being joyned unto the Hill next the City on the North side of the Temple There was also a fourth Hill inhabited Bezetha the fourth Hill named Bezetha situate against Antonia but separated from it with very deep Ditches made on purpose to render the approaches to the Fort Antonia more dangerous and difficult the deepness of which ditches made the Fort seem higher than it was This place being added unto the City is called in that Country-language Bezetha which signifieth the new City And the Inhabitants desired it might be fortified Agrippa's cost in building the Wall Agrippa Father to this Agrippa that finisht the Wall begun the Wall aforementioned But fearing Claudius Caesar hearing how sumptuous a Wall he built should suspect him for designing to revolt he only laid the Foundation of it and left it K unfinished The City could never have been taken by force had he finished that Wall as he began it being built twenty Cubits long and ten Cubits broad with hard Stone which could neither easily be undermined nor battered with Engines and this Wall was built ten Cubits high and no doubt had been raised higher had not the liberality of the founder been checked Yet afterwards by the Jews industry the same Wall was raised twenty Cubits high the Battlements hereof were two Cubits high and the Tower three Cubits and in all it was twenty four Cubits high as before Upon the Wall were three Towers twenty Cubits broad and twenty Cubits high M built four-square very strong and of as firm a foundation as the Wall it self which for the building and fair stone was not inferiour to the Temple above Within this strong Tower which reacheth twenty Cubits high were Rooms for men to lodg in and Cisterns to receive Rain-Water and large turning stairs to every Room in it and this third Wall had four-score and ten of these Towers The third Wall had 90. Towers and between every Tower were two hundred Cubits space The middle Wall had fourteen Towers and the old Wall had threescore and the compass of the whole City was three and thirty Furlongs And although the third Wall was admirable yet the Tower of Psephina which was built upon a Corner of the Wall Psephina was 70. Cubits high between the North and the West part of the City was more admirable against which part Titus had encamped himself for N it was seventy Cubits high had eight Angles and was so fair a Prospect that from thence upon a clear Sun-shine day one might perceive Arabia and see the uttermost parts of all the dominions of the Hebrews unto the Sea Just opposite to this was the Tower Hippicos and near unto it were other two that King Herod builded upon the old Wall which in bigness beauty and strength surpassed all the rest in the World For King Herod Herod called three Towers by the names of three his most dearest Friendâ— besides his natural liberality and desire to adorn this City pleased himself so much in beautifying these Towers that they excell'd all other and then he dedicated them to three most renowned persons whose names they also did bear to wit to his Brother his Friend and his Wife she as is aforesaid having been put to death for jealousie and the other two been slain in the Wars after they had fought O and performed valiantly The Tower Hippicos called by the name of his Friend had A four Corners and every one of them was five and twenty Cubits broad as many in length and thirty Cubits in height being no place hollow and above the high places and stone-work there was a Well to receive Rain-water twenty Cubits deep above it were houses with double roofs twenty five Cubits high and divided into many rooms Hippicos 85 Cubits high and above them were Battlements two Cubits high and Turrets three Cubits high so that the whole height was accounted to be eighty five Cubits The second Tower that by his Brothers name he called Phaselus Phaselus 90 Cubits high was in breadth and length fourty Cubits and so many Cubits high in figure of a square Pillar all which height was solid and not hollow within and above this a Porch ten Cubits high decked with Turrets and Pinacles Over the midst of this Porch he built another B Tower distinguished into goodly Rooms and sumptuous Baths that it should not want any thing necessary for a Prince on the Top it was beautified with Turrets and Pinacles so that all its height was almost fourscore and ten Cubits And it resembled the Tower Pharus at Alexandria wherein continual light is kept to guide the Seamen that sail thither but this was of greater circumference In this house at that time Simon lodged and tyrannized over the people The third Tower was according to the Queens Name Mariamme a goodly Tower 55 Cubits high called Mariamme the Wife of Herod twenty Cubits high all solid and other twenty Cubits broad having more magnificent and beautiful Houses and Lodgings than the rest For the King thought it meet that the Tower called by his Wives name should be
mistaken in their account for the L Jews Sallied privately at the Gate by the Tower of Hippicos threw fire into their Trenches among their Engines and assaulted them bravely when they had done But the Romans being quickly sensible of their danger got immediately together and with the excellence of their Discipline repelled not only the first insult and fury of the Jews but beat back all their supplys So there began a grievous Battle about the Engines the Jews striving to fire and the Romans to hinder them great noise and clamour there was and many in the Front were slain on both sides At first the Jews had the better Titus putteth the Jews to flight and driveth them into the City and their fire did some mischief upon the Engines and all had been quite consumed had not the Souldiers from Alexandria hindred it who for the opinion that M they had of themselves did fight stoutly being accounted the most valiant of all in this Battle till such time as the Emperour with certain select Horsemen fell violently upon the Enemies and himself slew 12 men for whose deaths the rest fearing fled and were forced to retire into the City and so the Engines were saved It chanced that one of the Jews was taken alive John Captain of the Idumeans by the shot of an Arrow that wounds him in the breast dieth and Titus commanded that he should be crucified before the Wall what perhaps the rest being terrified might yield After Caesar was retired John the Captain of the Idumeans talking upon the Wall with one of his friends being striken in the breast with an Arrow by an Arabian Souldier presently died which caused great lamentation among the Jews and sorrow amongst the Seditious for he was very valiant and wise N A CHAP. VIII The fall of the Tower and how the two Walls were taken THE night following there was a great tumult among the Romans For Titus the Emperour had commanded to build three Towers 50 Cubits high a piece each one upon a several Mount that from thence he might the more easily beat the Enemies from the Walls But one of these Towers in the midst of the night fell down B without any assault And making a great noise with the fall fear fell upon the whole Army who suspecting it a Stratagem of the Jews every one ran to his Arms and so there was a great tumult in the Camp and because no man could tell what it was a long time they stood amazed every one asking his fellow what had hapned But seeing no Enemy come they began to apprehend Treason amongst themselves till such time as Titus understanding the matter caused the truth thereof to be presently proclaimed throughout the Camp and the Tumult with much ado was appeased The Jews bore up couragiously against all other dangers but were much gauled from these Towers which Titus had erected for they were slain and wounded from thence with small Shot Darts and Arrows for they could build nothing to defend themselves C so high nor had they any hope to destroy them for neither could they be thrown down for their weight nor fired being covered with Iron therefore flying from the reach of the shot they could not hinder the Ram from battering their Walls which never ceasing Nicon that is to say Victor the Romans great Ram. at last prevailed somewhat So the great Ram which the Jews called Nicon because it overcame all at last battered the Wall and the Jews being weary with fighting having watched all night before out of sleepiness or because they perswaded themselves that the Wall was superfluous they having two more beside it they all forsook their quarters and retired to the second Wall and the Romans entred the first that the Ram called Nicon had battered The Romans get the first Wall Then the Romans that had passed and entered the first Wall went and opened the Gates and let in the whole Army Having thus gotten D the Wall the seventh day of May they destroyed the greatest part thereof and also the North-side of the City which before Cestius had wasted Titus removed his Camp from thence and went unto the place called the Assyrians Camp and seized upon all between that and Cedron and being without shot of an Arrow from the second Wall he began again to assault it Then the Jews dividing the Wall betwixt them to defend each others part resisted most valiantly John and his partakers defended all Antonia and the North part of the Temple from Alexanders Tomb and Simon defended all from Johns Tomb unto the Gate by the Tower Hippicos The Jews conflict with the Romans And many times issuing out of the Gates they fought hand to hand with the Enemy but alwayes repulsed by the discipline of the Romans only for want of knowledge in Warlike E affairs The Jews boldness yet in all fights upon the Wall the Jews had the Best for though the Romans had the advantage in fortune and knowledge yet the Jews being desperate attaqued them without fear for they are very couragious in Adversity Moreover the Jews were necessitated to fight to save their own lives and the Romans were as hasty to conquer Neither party was weary neither party desisted in their assaulting of one another In the day time the Jews in Commanded-Parties made their Salleys upon the Romans who omitted no kind of fight from Sun-set all the night long which was more terrible to them both than all the service of the day before The Jews feared lest the Romans should get the Wall and the Romans apprehended lest the Jews should have Sallied out upon their Camp Thus all night long they stood to their Arms F and early in the morning they were at it again The Jews strove one with another who should undergo the most danger and most deserve his Captains favour Simons followers were so much at his beck that if he should have commanded any of them to have killed himself The custom of the Romans to Conquer he would presently have done it The Romans were encouraged to fight by their discipline and success as having never been used to be overcome Again their frequent Wars continual Exercises and large Dominions gave them great Courage especially Titus their General being present to provoke them for it was thought a heinous crime to be a Coward in the presence of such a Captain as Caesar was Caesar himself beholding and looking on was a witness of their deeds that behaved themselves valiantly and rewarded every man as he behaved himself It was an advantage G to be known unto the Prince for a Valiant man so that many of them shewed their alacrity was far greater than their strength At this time Longinus one of the Horsemen coming out of the Roman Army pressed H into the midst of the Jews Forces and casting them down that stood in his way by violence slew
Crowns of Gold some in other works that it appear'd that without reason we judged them to be rare and scarce Moreover the Pictures of their Gods were carried with them which were admirable both for greatness workmanship and all of precious matter Moreover divers sorts of living creatures were there to be seen all adorned with some attire agreeing and alluding unto their nature There was also an infinite multitude of men in Purple Garments wrought L with Gold who carried all these things and all those that were designed to serve for this pomp were attired in such Garments than which nothing could be more Glorious Even the Captives were not without gorgeous attire The building of the Pageants but the variety and beauty of the Garments made the Sadness of their countenances less remarkable The Pageants that were born in the Triumph were of admirable bigness so that the people that beheld them wondred how it was possible that men should carry them for many were built with three or four lofts one above another surpassing all that can be imagined for work and cost some of them being hang'd about with Tapestry of Gold and all things annexed unto them whereon they were carried were made of wrought Gold or Ivory Wherein was curiously represented the manner of War and all Stratagems and Arts of M fighting that could be devised some in one part of the Pageant some in another There might one have beheld most most fertil and fortunate Countries destroyed whole Troops of Enemies slain some flying others taken Prisoners strong and huge Walls battered down with Rams Castles and Fortreses destroyed great and populous Cities assaulted and a whole Army entring the Breach all places filled with massacred men and how those that were not able to fight yielding themselves asked mercy the Temples set one fire and after all else was wasted the houses thrown down upon their owners heads and a River not flowing as it was wont into tilled places and to serve for the use of Man and Cattel to drink but carrying Streames of blood to quench part of the flames A Table of Gold of the weight of a great talent which consum'd the City to ashes all which the Jews in their War N endured These things were so artificially represented to the view of those that had not seen them as though they were now a doing Upon every Pageant stood the Governour of the City representing the manner how it was taken After all these followed many Ships and in every place were carried the spoils taken in War amongst which those that were taken in the Temple of Jerusalem were most remarkable The last of the spoils was the Law of the Jews for there was a Golden Table weighing many Talents and likewise a Golden Candelstick the use whereof was now not such as we were wont to put it to for in the midst of the stem thereof was fixed a Base and out of it proceeded many small branches framed like a three-forked spear every one being at the top made like a Lamp which were 7 in number shewing the honour of the seventh day which is called the Sabbath amongst O the Jews After all this was carried the Jews Law which was the last of all the spoils Then followed some that carried several Images of Victory all made of Gold A and Ivory Afterwards came Vespasian followed by Titus and Domitian accompanied them gallantly adorned and Mounted on an excellent Horse and so they went all to the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus and there was the end of all this pomp Here they made some stay For it was an ancient Custom of their Country to repose themselves there till some came and brought news to them of the death of him who was General of their Enemies This at this time was Simon Giora Simon the Son of Giora is drawn with a Halter about his neck thorow the market place who was also carried in the Triumph and having a Rope fastned about his neck was drawn all along the Market-place where they that drew him kil'd him For it is the custom of the Romans there to put malefactors to death that are condemned After word was brought that he he was dead all the B people made joyful exclamations and so they fell to Sacrifice which done according to the custom they returned to the Palace where they made a great Feast as others also did for themselves at their own Houses For this day was sacred amongst the Romans in joy of the Victory over their Enemies and an end of civil Calamity and the beginning of good Fortune and hope which they had in their new Princes When the Triumphs were ended Vespasian buildeth and dedicateth a Temple to Peace and all the Roman Empire quieted Vespasian built a Temple and dedicated it to Peace which he did in so short a space that it was admirable and having bestowed great cost upon it he also beautified it with divers Pictures and carved works And he placed in that Temple all things C that men of former Ages had gathered together from the uttermost parts of the Earth And he placed there all the Golden Vessels and other things that the Jews used in their Temple doing them great reverence But their Law and the Tapestry or Purple Veils of the Sanctuary he commanded to be kept in the Palace CHAP. XXV D How Herodium and Machaeron were taken by Bassus CAesar sent Lucius Bassus into Judea to be Lieutenant General there who receiving the Army of Cerealis Vetilianus took the Castle and Garrison of Herodium by composition After this gathering together all his Troops which were dispersed in divers places of the Country with the tenth Legion he purposed to War against Machaeron for he thought it necessary to destroy that Castle left its strength might move many to rebel for by reason of the situation of the place they that werein it had great assurance of safety and those that sought to assault it were in great danger For it was built upon a Rock that was exceeding high and which made E it almost inexpugnable and nature had so devised that it was hard to come to it being environed round about with Valleys of incredible depth and very difficult to pass over for that which is on the West part is threescore Furlongs large and endeth at the Lake Asphaltites on which side Machaeron hath a very high Prospect and it is environed on the North and South with Valleys of the like depth whereby it is impossible to win the Castle but that Valley which is on the East side is at least a hundred Cubits deep and endeth upon a Mountain near Macheron Alexander King of the Jews seeing the Nature of the place there built a Castle which afterward Gabinius in the War against Aristobulas destroyed But Herod when he was King Herod environeth Machaâ—ron with a great Wall and Tower judged this place worthy to
drawn together what forces they had pleased to defend them And is it not as improbable when he says that that Prince made not only a great slaughter among them but pursued them with his whole army cross the Desart to the very frontiers of Syria whereas it is notoriously known that Desart is so dry that there being no Water to be found in the whole tract it is almost impossible for an entire Army to march through it though there was no Enemy to give them C impediment To conclude therefore our Nation neither came of the Egyptians as Manethon confesseth The Epilogue that the Jews came not of the Egyptians neither was mingled with the diseased of that Country for it is probable that many of those sick people perished in the Stone-works many in the great fight and battel and the rest of them in the flight It now remaineth that I refute that which he speaks of Moses The Egyptians do all agree that this man was a divine person An answer to Manethons slanders touching Moses and one to be admired and they commit great impiety in labouring to challenge him for their Country-man saying that he was a Priest of Heliopolis banished with the rest for leprosie For he is recorded to have lived five hundred and eighteen years before this time and to have guided our Ancestors out of Egypt Moses was not a Leper into that Country wherein we now inhabit D and his own words testifiy his body to have been clean from that Disease of Leprosie for he commandeth all Lepers to be expelled out of the Towns and Villages and to live apart by themselves To be cloathed in different Garments and declared that whosoever touched them or came under the same roof with them should be accounted unclean And if a Leper happened to be cured of that disease he appointed certain purifications cleansings and baths of fortunate waters and all his hair should be shaved off and that then after many and sundry Sacrifices he should be admitted into the holy City Certainly had he been visited with that infection and calamity himself he would surely have been more gentle and merciful to such as should have been E afflicted with that Disease He did not only make these severe Laws against Lepers but he also interdicted all that wanted any joynt or parcel of the body from being Priests or exercising any office at the Alter Moses took his name of Moy which in the Egyptian tongue signifieth Water yea he also appointed that if any Priest should have any of these defects betide him after he was a Priest that then he should be deprived of the dignity How can it then be probable that to his own prejudice and discredit he would have enacted such Laws And as to what he says about changing his name Osarsiph into Moses it is as incredible as the rest there being no analogy between them the name of Moses importing preservation from the Water for Moy among the Egyptians signifies Water Against Cheremon the Historiographer and now I suppose I have made it apparent that Manethon whilst he kept himself F to the writings of the ancients did not err much but when he left them he forsook the truth and fell upon ridiculous stories which he either invented himself or beleived out of prejudice to our nation I now think it not amiss to examine a little the words of Chaeremon who professing himself to write the Egyptian History maketh mention of the same King Amenophis his Son Rhamses as Manethon doth and reporteth that the Goddess Isis appeared to Amenophis in his sleep checking him for that her Temple was destroyed and that Phiritiphantes a holy Scribe told the King that if he would expel all polluted and unclean persons out of Egypt that then he should not be any more terrified with these night-visions Moreover that hereupon making search for all sick and diseased persons he banished them out of his Land to the number of 250000. And that their Captains were called Moses and Joseph holy Scribes G also that these Egyptians names were so that Moses was named â—isithes and Joseph Petesephus and that they came to Pelusium where they found 380000 left there by Amenohpis whom he would not permit to come into Egypt also they all entring into H a league together suddenly invaded Egypt and Amenophis not abiding the brunt fled into Aethiopia leaving his wife great with child who hiding her self in caves and dens did bring forth a child whom they called Messenes Messenes Son of Amenophis who afterward drove the Jews into Syria being in number 200000 and this done he recalled his Father Amenophis out of Aethiopia And thus Chaeremon saith But I imagine that which I have already said to be sufficient to declare the vanity of both these Writers For if that which they report were true it were impossible that they should so much differ but they labour to devise lyes and write nothing agreeable to other mens writings Manethon's Chaeremon's history compared together For Manethon feigneth that the cause of the banishment of the Lepers was the â—ings desire to see the Gods and Chaeremon saith that it was for I that Isis after appeared unto him in his sleep Manetâ—on also saith that Amenophis gave the King that counsel so to cleanse the Country and Chaeremon saith that he that counselled the King was called Phiritipâ—antes Nor do they agree better in their numbers Manethon reports them 80000 the other 250000. Manethon says these Lepers were sent directly to the Quarries to work there in the squaring of Stone and that afterwards Avaris was given them for a Quarter where having begun their War they sent Embassadors to Jerusalem to get that City into Confederacy Chaeremon tells us on the other side that when they were forced out of Egypt they found at Pelusium 380000 men whom Amenophis had repulsed that joyning with them they returned againe into Egypt and compelled Amenophis to fly into Aethiopia But that which is most observable K is that an Author that was so exact in the Story of the apparition of Isis should forget to let us know from whence this great Army of 380000 did come whether they were Egyptians or Strangers and for what reason Amenophis refused to admit them Moreover The difference between Manethon's and Chaeremâ—n's History Chaeremon feigneth a dream of the Lepers and Isis and reporteth that Joseph together with Moses was expelled whereas Joseph lived four ages before Moses every age containing at least a hundred and seventy years Ramesses also Amenophis Son according to Manethons History being a young man fled into Aethiopia and was banished with his Father and afterwards assisted him in the Wars whereas Chaeremon reporteth that he was born in a Cave after his Fathers departure and that he getting the victory did drive the Jews into Syria who were in number two hundred thousand L
what more She set before her Childrens Eyes the examples of the Prophets how Abel by his brother was slain Isaac to be offered in stead of a sacrifice how Jacob was banished Joseph kept in prison Daniel cast before the Lions the three Children into the O fiery furnace She rehearsed also unto them the Book of Isaiah where it is said Although A thou do go through the fire the flame shall not burn thee That of David The just shall have much tribulation and Solomon who proposeth the tree of life to such as do the will of God The joy of the blessed in everlasting Life not omitting that of Ezeckiel These dry and withered bones shall live again Also that of Moses Canticle I will kill and restore to life and the length of your days is in my hand Unhappy Tyrant what did thy Cauldrons red hot and thy torments profit thee what availed thee to cut away their Eye-lids and to pull out their tongues thou thy self for so doing dost now endure far worse than all these And they whom thou killedst believe me enjoy Everlasting comfort and are now secure of bliss and revenge For they who suffer for Gods sake shall have happy success when God the Father of all things shall reward them with life everlasting that follow B him Thus have I consecrated these worthy memorials which I find in the holy Scriptures of the sacred Maccabees to the reading of all men who shall live in any age hereafter The end of all Josephus Works FINIS PHILO'S RELATION H OF AN EMBASSY I In which he was the Chief Person From the Jews of Alexandria to the Emperour CAIUS CALIGULA The PREFACE of Philo upon the blindness of man and the incomprehensible K Grandeur and Majesty of God HOW long shall we confound old Age and Infancy and be as imprudent at sixty as at sixteen For what greater imprudence can there be than to look upon Fortune as a settled and certain thing when there is nothing more inconstant and to consider this Nature which is immutable as subject to continual changes Is it not to invert the order of things and shuffle them together like Counters to fix our Eyes upon uncertain things as if they were more firm and durable than those which were certain The reason of this Error L proceeds from this that present objects doe more easily affect Men of ordinary understanding than objects that are more remote and most men do allow more credit to their Senses though deceitfull than to the reflections of their mind because nothing is more easy than to suffer our selves to be taken with what is presented to our Eyes whereas there must be Argumentation and Reason to comprehend things that are future and invisible Not but that the Eye of the Soul is as quick and piercing as the Eye of the Body but some people dazle it by their intemperance and others by their stupidity which is the greatest fault of all So many extraordinary events happening in our Age inforces a beleif that there is a providence and that God Almighty takes particular care of virtuous Men who have recourse to him in their necessityes and more especially of those who are consecrated to his service M They are as it were the partage and propriety of this Supream Soveraign whose Empire has no end To these people the Chaldeans gave the name of Israelits which is as much as to say Seers of God and certainly it is an happiness preferrable to all the Treasures of the Earth For if the presence of those whose age renders them venerable to us as our Masters Superiours and Parents imprints so great a respect in us that it many times corrects our Enormities and disposes us to virtue How great an advantage and incouragment is it to us to elevate our minds above all Created things and accustom our selves to the contemplation of God who is not only uncreated but infinitely good infinitely beautiful infinitely happy or to speak more properly whose goodness surpasses all goodness whose beauty surpasses all beauty and whose happiness surpasses all happiness and yet this is but a weak and imperfect explication N of his Grandeur for how can words be able to describe him who is so transcendently above every thing that after our mind has advanced it self as high towards him as is possible by the attributes which it has given him as by so many stairs yet it is forced back again without being able to approach or understand him for he is so vastly incomprehensible that if every Ceature of the Creation was changed into so many Tongues they could not express that sovereign power by which he Created all things that Royall conduct meriting an Eternal Monarch and by which he preserves the World and that just distribution of rewards and punishments which are dispensed with so much equity and wisdom that our chastisments may be put into the number of his Mercies and Blessings not only as they are part of his justice but as they are many times serviceable to the conversion of sinners or at least as they restrain and hinder O them from continuing in their Crimes for fear of those pains which they see inflicted upon others A CHAP. I. The incredible Felicity of the first seven Months of the Reign of the Emperour Caius Caligula The Emperour Caius Caligula is an Eminent example of what I have said Never was there seen a greater tranquillity than that which was injoyd by all the Provinces both by Sea and Land when he was advanced to the Empire after the death of Tiberius B The East the West the North and South were all in profound peace The Greeks had no difference with the Barbarians The Souldiers and Citizens lived quietly and in good intelligence together So great a felicity seemed to be incredible it could not be sufficiently admired that so young a Prince mounting the throne he should be attended with so much prosperity that his desires could not exceed his injoyments His Riches were immence his Forces both by Land Sea great and formidable his Revenues prodigious flowing into his Exchequer as from an inexhaustible Stream from all parts of the habitable World For his Empire extended to the Rhine and the Euphrates the first separating it from Germany and other wild Nations and the other bounding it from the Parthians Sarmatians Scythians and other people no less C barbarous than the Germans So that it might be said from the rising to the setting of the Sun not only upon the continent but in the Isles and even in the parts on the other side of the Sea all was in peace and felicity The people of Rome all Italy and all the Provinces both in Europe and Asia lived in a perpetual feast For it was never seen before under the Reign of any of their Emperours that every man by the blessing of God injoy'd his estate in that quietness and
rather like his Son than his Grand-Child O A It is reported that Caius commanded him to kill himself in the presence of several Tribunes and Captains forbidding them strictly to give him any assistance because forsooth it was not decent that the descendents of an Emperour should die by any inferiour hands For he would needs pass for a strict observer of the Laws at the very time when he broke them and a Bigot in Religion when he was committing so great a Crime without the least compunction or remose for making a Stalking-Horse of the truth by so strange an hypocrisie The poor Prince who had never seen any murders before nor been accustomed to those counterfeit Combats in which young Princes are usually exercised in time of Peace presented his Throat to the person who stood next him but he and all the rest B refusing to dispatch him he took the Dagger himself ask'd them where he was to strike and they in their great Civility having instructed him he stab'd himself immediatly and that with many blows till by a lamentable and unmercifull compulsion he had murder'd himself CHAP. IIII. Caius puts to death Macro Colonel of his Pretorian bands to whom he was oblig'd C both for his life and his Empire VVHEN Caius had finished that business which of all his affairs was of the greatest importance there being no body left that could pretend to the Empire or to whom any turbulent persons could in prudence apply he turn'd his indignation upon Macro resolving that he also should feel the effects of his Cruelty and Ingratitude This Macro had not only serv'd him faithfully since his advancement to the Throne which would have been no extraordinary thing because Princes who are fortâ—nate shall never want flatterers but he had been a great means that Tiberius had chosen him D for his Successor For besides that there never was Prince of greater Sagacity and Penetration than Tiberius the experience which his years had given him gave him so large an insight into the secretest Cogitations of Man that he began to be jealous of Caius he suspected him an Enemy in his heart to the whole family of the Claudii and that if he had any natural affection at all it was only for his Relations by the Mothers side so that Tiberius began to be apprehensive for his Grand-Child if he should leave him a Minor Again he looked upon Caius as uncapable of the Government of so great an Empire by reason of the weakness and levity of his parts which seem'd rather inclining to folly than otherwise so little Solidity was there to be observed either in his word or his actions But there was no Stone that Macro left unturned to E discusse these suspitions and especially his apprehension for his Grand-Child He assured the Emperour that Caius had an extreme respect for him so great an affection for his Cousin that he would willingly leave the Empire to him that it was nothing but his retention and modesty that made people think him weak in his intellectuals When Macro found these Reasons would not work he feared not to offer himself in Caution and the Emperour had no reason to suspect his Sincerity after the Testimony which he had given of it not only in discovering but defeating the Conspiracy of Sejanus In short he was always commending Caius if it may be called commending to undertake his justification against all uncertain surmises and underermined accusations and carried himself so towards him that if Caius had been his Brother or F his Son he could not have done more Several have attributed the Cause to the respects which Caius always shew'd to Macro but more to the good offices of his Wife who for some private Reasons was always crying him up and magnifying him to her Husband and every one knows the influence of Women especially if they be immodest for then no Art nor Flattery can escape them that may conceal their transgressions from their Husband Macro being ignorant of some passages in his house interpreted these artifices for affection the greatest of his Enemies passed in his thoughts for the truest of his friends That he had preserved Caius in so many dangers and could not imagine that he would ever be ingrateful gave him the confidence to admonish him with great liberty upon an apprehension that he would either ruin himself G or be corrupted by other people He was like a good workman jealous of his own manufacture and could not endure it should be spoil'd Caius falling asleep one day at the Table Macro was bold to wake and admonish him that it was neither decent nor H secure for he in that condition might easily be slain When Caius was looking upon his Dancers or Mimicks with such extraordinary pleasure and attention that he could not contain from imitating their Gestures when not contenting himself to smile or be pleas'd he brake out into a loud Laughter among the Comedians or Buffoons or when he sung or play'd among the Musitians he jog'd him Gently if he was with in reach to the end he might give over and told him in his Ear what no body else durst have ventur'd to have said You are not SIR to abandon your self to the pleasures of your sence like other men but are rather to surpass them in gravity and prudence as much as you transcend them in dignity and I extraction How strange will it appear for the Monarch of the World to be unable to moderate himself in such slight and contemptible things The great honour that invirons you obliges you to do nothing unsuitable to the Majesty of so great and so redoubted an Emperour When you are in the Theatre or Circus or in the place of any publick exercise you are not to consider the show or spectacle so much as the pains and care which those persons who present it have taken to do it to your content and are to argue thus with your self If these persons have taken so much pains in things that are useless to the life of man and only serviceable to the pleasures of the spectators that thereby they may merit their applauses acclamation what is there incumbent upon a Prince who professes an art infinitely more estimable Do yoâ— not know that there is nothing equal to governing well seeing it causes plenty in all places capable of Cultivation and secures Navigation by which all the Provinces have Commerce and K communicate their respective Commodities Envy and Jealousie to frustrate this happy Communication have like poison infected some persons and some Towns But since your August Family has been advanced to the Sovereignty and Supreme power which extends it self as well over the Seas as Lands of the whole Earth it has repelled these monsters into the most recluse and obscure Solitudes To you alone it is that this supreme Authority is committed Providence has plac'd you as a judicious Pilot
many in all the quarters of the Town cut down the Trees that were about them demolished some of them utterly burned others and the flames of them consumed several of the neighbouring Houses by which also the guilt Bucklers Statues and Inscriptions which the Roman Emperours had set up in honour of the Courage or Virtue of several of the Jews which ought to have been reverenced were burned and consumed In short Nothing was able to restrain their madness For in stead of apprehending punishment or Correction they understood the hatred which Caius had conceived M against the Jews and that nothing would please him better than to have them treated with that terrible Cruelty Again to cajole the Spirit of this Prince by their new flatteries to oppress and destroy us with more security and invade and subvert our Laws without fear they set up his Statues in such Oratories as they were not able to demolish by reason of the great number of Jews which gave them opposition and that which they erected in the principal of all the Oratories was placed in a Chariot drawn with four Horses in Brass in which they were so ardently zealous that having no Horses lately cast they took them out of the place appropriated to their publick Exercises lame and crippled as they were and as was reported made antiently for Queen Cleopatra the last of that Name Which N action of theirs ought rather to have offended Caius than otherwise For seeing he affected such extraordinary honours though the Horses had been new yet having been made for a Woman they were unworthy of him and though they were set up in favour of him yet they were too much spoiled and imperfect to give him satisfaction Besides they thought they should merit very much by changing these Oratories into Temples to augment the number of those which were dedicated to him which nevertheless they did not so much in honour of him as in hatred to our Nation And of this there needs no better proof than that for three hundred years together during the reign of ten of their Kings they never consecrated a Statue to any of them in their Chappels though they placed their Kings in the rank of their Gods and gave that Title to some of them And O it is no wonder that though they knew they were but men they should honour their A Princes like Gods seeing they payed the same adoration to Doggs Wolfs Lyons Crocodiles and several other amphibious Creatures insomuch as all Egypt is full of Temples Altars and Groves consecrated to their honour But as they were the greatest flatterers in the World and considered the Fortune more than the person of any Prince they will answer perhaps That the Roman Emperors being more puissant and prosperous than their own Kings it was but justice to give them more honour What answer can be more ridiculous For why then did they not give the same honour to Tiberius to whom Caius was obliged for his Empire since that Prince reigned three and twenty years with such prudence and felicity that he preserved to his dying day not only the Greek Provinces but the Barbarous in profound Peace and the enjoyment B of all things Was it that in his Birth he was inferiour to Caius He excell'd him on both sides both by the Father and Mother Was it that his Education or Learning was less What person in his time was wiser or more eloquent Was it that his years were not so many and by consequence his Experience not so great What Emperor ever ended his days in a happier old Age And even in his Youth was not his capacity and judgement wonderful which is not commonly acquired but but by number of years yet you never thought him worthy of such extraordinary honour What shall I say likewise of that inestimable Prince who seemed by the Eminence of his Virtues to be raised above the condition of men and by the multitude of his good deeds and the felicity of his Reign was the first who merited the glorious name C of Augustus and having received it himself from no body transmitted it to his posterity The Sea was in opposition against the Land and the Land against the Sea Europe was in Armes against Asia and Asia against Europe All the Grandees of the Empire divided to determine who should remain Master and it may be said that the whole race of mankind was ready to perish by this bloody and cruel war kindled at the same time in all parts of the world when in so horrible a Tempest this great Prince took the Rudder into his own hand restored Peace to the whole World renewed Plenty and Trade civiliz'd the Manners of the most barbarous Nations overwhelm'd as it were all the great Towns with so much happiness that they might have pass'd for Free States maintain'd Peace encouraged Justice and forbore not uncessantly to pour out his Favours D upon the People with full hands even to the end of his days This incomparable Emperour had Egypt under his Dominion for three and forty years together yet you never paid him that honour which you have done to Caius you set not up his Statues in the Oratories of the Jews though never Prince deserved so much reverence as he not only as he was the Foundation of the August Imperial Family But as he was the Uniter of that Soveraign Power which was divided before and used it with such moderation that thereby he procured the publick Felicity there being nothing more certain than that saying of the Antients The Government by many is most dangerous in respect of the mischiefs which do follow their diversity of Judgement The Example likewise of other People ought to have obliged you for in all other places they payd him E divine honour and consecrated many rich Temples to him such as are not to be seen either Ancient or Modern in other Towns and particularly in Alexandria For what other is comparable to that which upon his account bears the name of Sebastian built near the Port and in such esteem with Marriners and Sea-men It is so spacious and lofty it is visible a far off It is full of excellent Pictures admirable Statues and other rich Presents both of Silver and Gold that have been offered by great Persons nothing is more Magnificent than its Portico's its Quire its Galleries its Library and its Grove In so general a Concuorse of People could any man of sense say That this was not to pay Augustus all the honour that was due to him except putting up his Statues in the Oratories of the Jews No without doubt But that which hindred it F then was that they understood that incomparable Prince took as much pleasure to see every body live regularly and according to the Laws of their Country as he did care to have the Roman Laws put in execution and if he received any honours extraordinary from the blindness
of his adorers it was not that he approved it himself but that he thought it might conduce to elevate and enhance the Grandure and Majesty of the Empire For what can be a greater instance of his Moderation and that he would not suffer himself to be puffed up or dazled by the vanity or extravagance of their respects than that he would never admit the Tittle either of a God or a Master and indeed not only rejected that flattery but expressed great approbation of the horror and detestation of those which declare for such things Otherwise how could he have permitted that the G Jews the greatest part of whom have been Enfranchised by such Masters as had taken them Prisoners in the Wars should be allowed to possess in Rome so great a part of the City as lyes beyond the Tyber He was not ignorant that they had their Oratories where H they met for their Devotions especially on their Sabbath day That they raised their Tenths to send them to Jerusalem and that they offered their Sacrifices there also Yet he did not Banish them from Rome and he was so far from abolishing their Religion or subverting their Laws and their Customs that he gave rich Presents to our Temple and ordained that every day Sacrifice should be made to God Almighty which is observed to this day and will be observed for ever and remain an eternal Mark of the virtue of that incomparable Emperour He ordered likewise that the Jews should be comprised in the publick distributions of Money and Corn which were made among the People in certain Months and if it happened those Distributions were made upon their Sabbath-day at which time it is not permitted I among them to do or receive any thing especially for their own profit and advantage he took care that their portions should be reserved and delivered the next day which made the Jews so considerable among other Nations that though naturally they had no kindness for them yet they durst not molest them in the exercise of their Religion And Tiberius treated them in the same sort though Sejanus did what he could by his Calumnies to ruine those who inhabited at Rome because he knew they could not be brought to joyn in his abominable Conspiracy against his Master And this Prince sent afterwards to all the Governors of Provinces that except some few who had been medling in that Plot all the rest of the Jews should be well treated and not obliged to K change any thing of their Customs because they were naturally peaceable and had nothing either in their Laws or Manners contrary or inconsistent with the Tranquillity of the Empire CHAP. X. Caius being already inraged against the Jews of Alexandria was much exasperated by an Egyptian called Helico who had been formerly a Slave but was then L in very great favour CAIuS having passed to that degree of Vanity as not only to pronounce but to believe himself a God he found no People either among the Greeks or Barbarians more ready than the Alexandrians to humor him in his extravagant imagination For there are no People more subtile more hypocritical more flattering nor greater lovers of Confusion and trouble than the Inhabitants of that Town And so little is their respect for the Name of God that they make no difficulty to attribute it to Ibis and several other Creatures And as they are very prodigal of that honour they do easily delude such as are not acquainted with that impiety in the Egyptians whereas it is impossible to do so M with those who do know and detest it Caius being ignorant of their cunning supposed it was real and not pretended that they thought him a God because they proclaim'd it publickly and with all the formality and acclamations wherewith they were accustomed to declare their respects towards their Gods besides he considered the sacriledges they had committed upon our Oratories as a great testimony of their Zeal and there were no Poems or Histories that he could read with so much delight and pleasure as the Relations that were sent him upon that Subject Those who made it their business to applaud or decry what ever lik'd or displeased him contributed much to that humour for most of them were Egyptians and unfortunate N slaves brought up from their infancy in that abominable error which prompted them to pay divine Worship to Serpents and Crocodiles The chief of this abominable Band was a wicked fellow called Helico who by his ill practices had wrought himself into the Court He had some smattering of Letters and he whose slave he was first and had taught him his knowledge presented him to Tiberius But that Prince had never any great esteem for him by reason that the manner in whch he had been educated in his youth had rendred him grave and severe and made him despise every thing that was not serious When after his death Caius succeeded to the Empire this dangerous creature observing that there was nothing dissolute or voluptuous to which Caius was not inclined said thus to himself Now is the time Helico that must needs be favourable O to your designs be sure you do not neglect to improve it to your advantage You have a Master A as you would desire your self You have access and are acceptable to him your wit is plyable enough you have a faculty in Drolling and those tricks and inventions which are so apt to dispose People to mirth are your excellence and element you are versed in the Liberal and all other Sciences you do not only know how to please by your flatteries but by expressions whose cunning the more dangerous by how much it is more secret and occult excites suspicion and indignation against them whom you have a design to prejudice when your Master is in an humour to hear you and that he is ready almost alwayes to do so much is he disposed to hear any thing of Calumny or Reproach you need not trouble your self much for subject for with that the Jews will abundantly supply you you have no more to do but to declaim against their Laws and their Customes and that you have learned from your Infancy not only from particular B persons but from most of the inhabitants of Alexandria Let us see then what you can do These things running in Helico's head he stirred not from Caius either night or day and in the times of his private relaxations and divertisements he left no opportunity of incensing him against the Jews by his forgeries and suggestions which were the more effectual by being slyly and wittily delivered for he would not profess himself their Enemy but acted cunningly and subtilly by which means he did them more mischief than if he had openly declared himself When the Embassadors of the Inhabitants of Alexandria who had acted so cruelly against us understood how much this wretched man was serviceable to them they gave him not
only money but hopes of procuring him great honours as soon as the Emperor C should come to Alexandria where they did not question but he would suddenly be and on the other side there was nothing but he promised them so much did he hugg himself in the hopes of receiving those great honours in the presence of the Embassadors who would not fail to repair to so famous a City from all parts of the World to pay their Complements to so great a Prince Having no knowledge that we had an Enemy so dangerous and considerable as Helico we aimed only to defend our selves against such as were professed But when we found it we applyed all our Interest and industry to sweeten and take him off No man did or could do us more mischief than he for he was one at all Games at all Recreations Feasts and Debaucheries with Caius His Office of first Gentleman of the D Bed-Chamber which was one of the best places about the Court gave him the advantage of his Ear when ever he desired and his Master took great pleasure in hearing him He laid aside all other designs and intended nothing so earnestly as to ruine us by his Calumnies and Scandals which he did with so much artifice and mingled them with his Jokes in so pleasant a manner under pretence of entertaining of Caius rather than malice to us that he made such an impression against us in the Emperours mind as we could never extinguish E CHAP. XI The Jews of Alexandria appoint an Embassie to Caius to represent their Sufferings in which Embassie Philo is chief Caius receives them kindly in appearance but Philo found he was not to be trusted AFter we had tried all our skill to make Helico our Friend finding it was but labour in vain because he was so insolent and proud no body durst come near him and not knowing besides whether it was from any personal or particular spleen against us that he provoked and exasperated the Emperour to our Destruction we concluded to F steer another Course and resolved to present a Petition to the Emperour which should contein in short what we had Remonstrated not long before to King Agrippa when he was at Alexandria in his passage to Syria to take possession of that Kingdom which had been conferred upon him by Caius Hereupon we departed for Rome secure as we thought of finding the Emperour an equitable Judge whereas we could not have had a mortaller Enemy He received us in the field of Mars as he was coming out of his Mothers Gardens his Countenance was pleasant and chearful his Words obliging he made a sign with his hand that he would be our Friend and sent us word afterward by the Master of the Ceremonies called Homus that he would hear our business at leisure In so much as there was not one of those who were present nor indeed one of G our whole Nation unless of more than ordinary sagacity that believed not our Embassie would succeed to our desires and every body came and Complemented us thereupon But my age and experience in Mundane affairs giving me a further prospect H and penetration that which transported other people became suspected by me for I reasoned thus with my self How comes it to pass that Embassadors being here from all quarters of the World we should be the only persons to whom the Emperour should vouchsafe to send word that he would give us Audience For do's not he know that being Jews we should think our selves happy to be treated like other People Can we without folly expect favour extraordinary from a young Prince of another Nation or believe that he has not greater inclination for the Alexandrians than for us and makes such haste to determine our business in obligation to them I wish to God that in stead of being an equal Arbitrator his sentence be not Arbitrary and that he does not prove himself our Enemy and their Protector I CHAP. XII Philo and his Collegues discover that Caius had commanded Petronius the Governour of Syria to set up his Statue in the Temple of Hierusalem WHilst these thoughts were in my head and gave me no quiet either night or day another misfortune that could not be foreseen and portended not only K the destruction of a part but of the whole Nation of the Jews fell out to accomplish my trouble We waited upon the Emperour to Puteoli to which place being retired along the River for diversion he entertain'd himself in the Houses of Pleasure which are numerous and very Magnificent not thinking in the least of our Affaire though he had ordered us to follow the Court and we were ready expecting every hour when he should have decided our Controversie when on a suddain a certain Person came to us with his Eyes staring his Breath spent and an universal discomposure in his Looks he took some of us aside and said Have ye not heard the terrible News He would have proceeded but his Tears came so fast upon him that they stifled his Words so strangely that do what he could it was not possible for him to go L on One may easily conceive our astonishment and surprize We conjur'd him to tell us the cause of his affliction seeing it was nothing in appearance but for weeping before us and if the occasion was worthy of so many tears it was but just being accustomed to sorrows as we had been that we should consent and add our Compassion to his He made a new effort and told us with more sighs than words The Ruine of our Temple is decreed for the Emperour has ordered his Statue to be set up in the Sanctuary and to give the Name of Jupiter to it as an Inscription The unexpectedness of the news made us almost immovable and it was quickly confirmed to us by other People We immediately retired and shut our selves up in our Lodgings to lament the general destruction of our Nation and sorrow being Eloquent what was it that it did not prompt us to say M Having in this manner expos'd our selves in the midst of Winter to the perils of a dangerous Voyage in hopes to have founâ—d some redress for our Sufferings we met upon the Land with a Tempest much more cruel than those which happen at Sea because they are natural and by consequence supportable whereas this was caused by a man who had nothing humane but his shape by a young Prince who lov'd nothing but change and trouble and who seeing his Will and Pleasure sustained by the whole Power of the Empire he suffered himself to be carried away without any restraint to all Licentiousness and Tyranny which was an Evil the more great and deplorable because not capable of any visible remedy For who durst be so bold as to represent to him that it was not consistent with his duty to violate the sanctity of the most August N Temple in the World Or could
the Consecration of the Statue to the Artists who being to make it excellent had required more time that it might be done more suitable to the dignity of the person it was design'd to represent He thought by this trick to gain time and it was likely Caius might comply because Harvest was at hand and he might very well apprehend that the Jews being made desperate and not valuing their Lives after the violation B of their Laws might burn their own Corn and destoy all their fruit which would be the more inconvenient because he was assured that Caius was upon a Voyage to Alexandria for it was not likely that he would expose himself wholly to the dangers of the Sea with so great a Train but rather steer his Course along the Shore of Asia and Syria where he might imbark and disimbarke as he pleased and have the benefit of his Long-boats of which he had 200 in his fleet to supply it with provisions and forrage which was requisite to be prepared in great quantities in all the Towns in Syria but especially the Ports by reason of the vast numbers which attended him as well from Italy as from all other parts of the world It was not doubted but this Letter would have been kindly received by Caius and C that he would have approved of the delay not in consideration of the Jews but for the convenience of making such provision of Victuals and therefore it was written and dispatched But the Choller of this Prince was so inflamed at the reading of it that his Eyes sparkled with fury and clapping his hands together in a great transport he said How Petronius Have not you yet learned to obey your Emperour Your great imployments have puff'd you up with pride aud it seems you know nothing of Caius but his Name but you shall know him better hereafter by your proper experience You have more consideration of the Laws of the Jews who are my mortal Enemies than for my Commands who am your Prince You apprehend their great numbers as if you had not an Army as great and terrible D to the King of Parthia and the whole East yet your compassion for that pitiful Nation is stronger than your desire to please and obey me You pretend forsooth the necessity of making provision for my passage to Alexandria as if I could not be accommodated from the neighbouring Provinces and as if the plenty of other Countries were not able to supply the sterility of Judea But why do I protract and spend time in unprofitable words 'T is by the death of this impudent fellow that I must convince him of the greatness of his fault and that mine anger never ceases though my threatnings may This furious Prince returned an Answer to Petronius but being fearful of provoking such of his Governours as were capable of raising Rebellion and particularly those E who commanded such potent and large Provinces as that upon the Euphrates and who had the command of such Armies as that which was then in Syria he dssembled his Choller applauded the descretion and prudence of Petronius only advised him by the by not to protract the Consecration of his Statue any longer for seeing Harvest was over there could be no considerable reason to defer it F G CHAP. XVI H King Agrippa comes to Rome and being told by Caius that he would have his Statue erected in the Temple of Jerusalem he falls into a swond having recollected himself he writes a Letter to Caius NOT long after King Agrippa arrived at the Emperors Court knowing nothing of the Letter from Petronius nor of the Answer which Caius had returned when Agrippa came to pay his duty to the Emperour he easily discovered by the manner I of his reception that he was highly offended He considered with himself whether he had done any thing that might disgust him but remembring nothing of that he concluded as was true that his passion was against some Body else Nevertheless observing that that agitation of Spirit appeared not in his Countenance but when he cast his Eyes upon him his fear continued and it came often into his mind to take notice of it to him but he forbore lest by an imprudent curiosity he should pull the anger of his Prince which was fixed upon other People upon himself No man seeing farther into Peoples thoughts then Caius he quickly perceived that Agrippa was disturbed and told him I will tell you what you are so desirous to understand You know me too well to be ignorant that I speak no less with my Eyes than with my Tongue K These honest men of your Nation are the only People who disdain to acknowledge me for a God and do seem to run themselves desperately into ruine by refusing their obedience to an order that I have given for the setting up a Statue of Jupiter in their Temple They have met together from all the Cities and Countries to present a Petition which in effect is nothing but to testify their contempt and disrespect to my Commands He would have proceeded but Agrippa was surprised with so violent a sorrow that he fainted before him and had fallen down had he not been sustained by those who were about him He was carried off to his Lodgings where he continued insensible for a considerable time The concernment of this poor Prince augmented the hatred that Caius had conceived L against our Nation If Agrippa said he who has alwayes had an affection for me and has been obliged to me by so many favours has so great a Passion for the Laws of his Country that he is not able to endure that I should cross them or so much as mention it to him without hatred to his Life what am I to expect from the rest of the Jews who are not obliged by any Consideration of me to abandon their sentiments All that day and a good part of the next Agrippa remain'd in such astonishment that he could not recollect himself at length about evening he began to lift up his head and opening his eyes with much trouble he cast them upon the People who were about him but knew no body and having done so he fainted again but with something more freedom of breath Not long after he opened his eyes again and coming a little to himself M Where am I said he with the Emperour and is he present Take courage Sir said some about him You are in your own Lodgings and the Emperour is not present You have slept enough awake now if you please and try if you know us Here are none but your Friends and your Servants whom you love and I am sure they love you beyond their own Lives Then the Prince opened his Eyes recollected himself and found by their countenances what an impression his malady had made in their hearts The Physitians caused the greatest part of those who were present to withdraw that they might
apply their remedy and give him to eat with more convenience Upon their presenting him something to eat he told them N Trouble me not with your Delicates in the affliction I am in it is sufficient to keep me from starving and indeed I should not perswade myself to eat at all had I not some hopes of being able to assist my Country-men in so unfortunate an extremity These words he delivered with Tears and then took what was barely necessary for the sustenance of his Life and would not suffer them to mingle one drop of Wine with the Water which he drank After which he told them I have now received what I could not have refused without destruction to my body There remains nothing but that I imploy the utmost of my endeavours with the Emperour to divert the storm that impends and thereupon calling for materials he writ this Letter to the Emperour O A SIR MY Respects and awe for your Majesty deters me from presenting my self before you Your Lustre amazes me and your Comminations affright me A Letter will better express my humble request than I could do it by word of mouth You know great Sir that Nature has engraven in every man's heart an ardent affection for his Country and a singular veneration for the Laws which have been derived to him from his Ancestors as you have sufficiently testified by your Affection to the one and by the great care your Majesty takes to have the other observed B The same inclination is so naturally and so strongly radicated in all subjects that there is scarce a People to whom their Laws do not seem just though in effect they be otherwise and the cause is for that they judge commonly more by Respect than by Reason You are not ignorant Sir that I am by Nation a Jew and born in Jerusalem where that blessed Temple is placed that is decicated more particularly to the honour of Almighty God My Predecessors have been Kings of that happy Country Some of them have been Chief Priests and exulted more in that dignity than the Crown being perswaded that as God was above Men so the Priesthood was above the Throne Divine things being the Object of the one and but Humane things of the C other Finding my self Great Sir obliged by so many Ligaments to this Nation this Interest and this Temple I could not refuse them my Intercession to your Majesty Let me therefore with all humility beg that you would not permit my poor Country-men to lessen their Zeal and Allegiance to you of which no People in Europe or Asia have alwayes given greater testimony for your August Imperial Family in what ever their Religion and Laws would dispence with They have not only made Vows and Sacrifices for the prosperity of your Empire upon publick Feasts and Solemnities but every day Which shews that it was not only by bare words and false ostentations but by real effects proceeding from the sincerity of their hearts that they signified D their affection to your Predecessors As to that sacred City in which I had the happiness to be born I may say it is not to be considered only as the Metropolis of Judea but it is the Capital City of several other Provinces by reason of the many Colonies with which it has peopled Egypt Phenicia the upper and lower Syria Pamphilia Cilicia several other parts of Asia as far as Bithynia and a great way on the other side of the Sea In Europe it hath furnished with Colonies Thessalie Beotia Macedonia Etolia Athens Argos Corinth with the greatest part of Peloponnesus besides the most celebrated Isles as Eubea Cyprus and Candia What shall I say likewise of the Countries beyond the Euphrates in which unless E it be part of the Province of Babylon and some other Governments most of the Cities that are seated in fruitful Countries are inhabited by the Jews So that if the Country in which I had the honour to be born may find favour in your Eyes you will not great Sir obligâ— one single Town but a vast number of Cities in all places of the World and it would be a thing suitable to your Grandeur and Fortune to have all people participate of your favours to them for there is no part of the Earth in which your glory will not be proclaimed nor any person living that will refuse you those praises and acknowledgments that will be due to you At the request of some of your private friends you have given whole Cities the freedom of Rome and thereby advanced them before others to whom they were formerly F inferiour in which you obliged no less than the Towns the Persons by whose intercession you granted that honour I can say without vanity that among all the Princes who pay obedience to your Majesty there are very few who precede me in dignity but none who surpasses I may say equals me in point of affection to your Majecty both as I am born your Subject and obliged by many express and particular favours I dare not be so confident as to beg the freedom of Rome for my Country-men to exempt them from Tributes or give them Infranchisment I request Sir only a favour that will be no charge or inconvenience to your Majesty but a great benefit to them and there is none so great a benefit to the Subject as the favour of their Prince G Jerusalem had the first news of your happy succession to the Empire and published it immediately through all the neighbouring Provinces Since the Jerusalem was the first City in the East that proclaimed you Emperour may not she with reason H hope for some particular grace at least not to be put into a worse condition than any of her Neighbours Having spoken for my Nation and Country-men it remains that I do now with all humility supplicate you for our Temple being consecrated to God Almighty and his Majesty inhabiting it We have never admitted any Image or Statue there because Painters and Sculptors represent only such Deities as are visible and the God which we worship being invisible our Ancestors have thought that they could not without impiety undertake any such representation Agrippa your Grandfather had a respect for this Temple Augustus ordered by Letters express that the First-fruits should be brought thither from all parts and that not a I day should pass but Sacrifices should be made The Emperess your great Grandmother had it in the same Veneration There was neither Greek nor Barbarian nor Prince how great soever his pique was to us nor Sedition nor War no Captivity nor other of the greatest desolations that could happen to any People that could ever prevail with us to admit an Image into our Temple for even our greatest Enemies have born a reverence for this place because it was consecrated to the Creator of the Universe for fear of those dreadful Judgements which they knew had befallen those
persons who had had the boldness to violate it of which without instancing in Forreign Examples I shall recount such as are domestick to your Majesty K When Marcus Agrippa your Grandfather in favour to King Herod my Grandfather condescended to visit Judea and coast along the Shore to Jerusalem he was so taken with the Magnificence of the Temple with its Ornaments the diversity of the Orders of the Priests with their Vestments and particularly with the habit of the Chief-Priest with the formality of their Sacrifices and the Devotion of those who assisted That he could not forbear testifying his admiration He took so much pleasure in the contemplation of these things that there was not a day past whilst he remained at Jerusalem but he visited them all offered magnificent Presents and granted to the Inhabitants of that great City all that they could desire but exemption from Taxes Herod paid him all the honour he could devise and having received much greater L from him attended him in person to the Sea-side the People flocking from all parts to throw boughs and flowers in his way accompanying him with a thousand Benedictions Is it not Sir a thing known all the World over that the Emperour Tiberius your great Uncle during the 23 years of his reign had the same respect for our Temple not suffering any body to make the least alteration in the Orders observed there Upon which account though otherwise I was a great sufferer by him I cannot contein from recounting an action that redounded much to his honour and I know you take delight in hearing the Truth Pilate the then Governour of Judea consecrated to him in the Palace of Herod at Jerusalem certain guilt Bucklers not so much in honour to M him as hatred to our Nation There was no Image ingraven upon the Bucklers nor no Inscription but the Name of him who dedicated them and the Name of him to whom they were dedicated Nevertheless the People tumultuated in such manner that they imployed the four sons of the King the other Princes of the Blood and the most considerable Persons of our Nation to perswade Pilate to cause the Buckers to be removed by reason it was contrary to the Customs of their Ancestors which Customs neither Kings nor Emperours had ever infring'd before and seeing Pilate who was of a violent and obstinate nature did seem to refuse them they cryed out Have a care of troubling the Peace which we enjoy Have a care how you provoke us to Revolt and to War 'T is not by the violation of our Laws that he Emperor is to be honoured you N must find another pretence to colour so unjust an Enterprize and so insupportable to us for this magnanimous Prince is far from intrenching upon our Customs If you have any Commission to that purpose any Letter or other Order to authorize you in what you do let us see it and we will depute persons to wait upon him with our humble Remonstrances These words exasperated Pilate yet gave him much trouble for he feared that if they sent their Deputies they would inform the Emperour of his Exactions Injustices and horrible Cruelties by which he had afflicted many innocent persons and put as many to death In so great an anxiety Pilate notwithstanding his Passion and Severity knew not what way to steer He durst not take away the Bucklers because they had been consecrated and if he durst have ventured upon that he could not frame himself to comply O with the People and besides he knew the mind of Tiberius A Those who interceded for the Jews perceiving that though he dissembled it what he could yet he repented of what he had done writ a Letter to Tiberius with great instance and respect and there needs no further proof of its effects than that after he had signified his displeasure to Pilate in his immediate Answer he sent to him his Commands to remove the Bucklers to the Temple at Cesaria which was built in honour to Augustus and it was done accordingly by which invention all due respect was paid to the Emperour without any invasion of our Laws Those Bucklers had no image upon them and yet now our Controversie is about a Statue Those Bucklers were placed only in the Palace of the Governour and this Statue must be set up in the Sanctuary a place so holy that there is only the high Priest permitted B to enter and that only one time in the year after a solemn Fast to burn Perfumes in honour to God and by his humble Prayers to implore his blessing on our whole Nation for the next year If any other not only of the Comonalty but of the Priests not excepting him who is next to the high Priest presumes to enter or if the high Priest himself enters it above once a year or more times that very day in which he has liberty to enter than what is allowed by our Law it will cost him his Life nothing can save him so peremptory has our great Lawgiver been in his Orders for the reverencing this holy Place and for the making it inaccessible You are not then to doubt great Sir but your Statue shall be no sooner erected but several of the Priests will rather kill themselves their Wives and their Children than be spectators of such C violence to their Laws Thus it was that Tiberius acted upon this occasion and as to that Prince the happiest that ever govern'd the Empire your most excellent Predecessor who having given Peace to the whole World deserved for his virtue and great exploits the glorious name of Augustus when he understood that we admitted not into our Temple any visible Image as being improper to represent an invisible God he admired the Piety and Knowledge of our Nation being learned himself and accustomed to pass the greatest part of his time at meals in discourse of Philosophical points that be had been taught by the greatest Masters and in the Conversation of learned Men which he kept constantly about him that his Mind might receive its repast as well as his D Body I could instance in several other things evincing his kindness to our Nation but I shall content my self with two Being informed that there was a neglect in bringing in our First-Fruits he sent to the Governours of the Provinces in Asia to permit only the Jews to assemble together because their meetings were not like the Bacchanals to drink and debauch and contrive against the Peace of the Publick but Academies of Virtue where People were instructed to love Justice and Temperance and as to their First-Fruits which were sent annually to Jerusalem they were imployed only to offer Sacrifices to God in the Temple Wherefore this great Prince expresly forbad every body for molesting E the Jews in what related to their Meetings and First-Fruits If these were not the very words I am sure it was the sence as your Majesty
may know by one of the Letters of C. Norbanus Flaccus of which I have brought you a Coppy C. Norbanus Flaccus to the Magistrates of Ephesus Greeting The Emperour has writ to me that in all places under my Government where there are any Jews I should permit them to assemble according to their ancient Customs and to raise mony to be sent to Jerusalem I do advise and require that you give them no interruption Doth not the favour and affection of Augustus to the Jews appear clearly hereby seeing he permits the Jews to assemble publickly to collect their First-Fruits and perform other actions of Piety and Devotion F I will give you another proof and that no less considerable He commanded that a Bull and a Ram should be offered every day at his charge in honour to our God which is observed to this day without any discontinuance yet he knew that there was no Image permitted either within the Temple or without and no person surpassing him in knowledge he thought it but reasonable that there should be a Temple peculiarly dedicated to the invisible God in which there should be no Image and where men might utter their Prayers and Devotions with confidence of relief The Emperess Julia your Majesties great Grand-mother imitating the Piety of her incomparable Husband adorned our Temple with several inestimable Vessels of Gold without any Image ingraved upon them because though Women do not G easily comprehend invisible things yet her Wit and inclination to great matters had so elevated her in that as in other things above the pitch of her sex that she understood intellectual things as well as sensible and she was perswaded that the later H were but Types and Shadows of the former Since then you have so many pregnant Examples at home of the great affection of your Predecessors to us Continue I beseech you what they from whom your person and succession is derived have so carefully preserved They are Emperours who intercede in the behalf of our Laws to an Emperour They are great Princes to a great Prince They are Grand-fathers and Grandmothers to a Grand-child Several to one single Person all of them admonishing as it were in these terms Do not you abolish what we have established and what has been alwayes observed but consider that though the subversion of this Order may possibly produce no ill effects immediately yet the uncertainty of future Events ought to make I the most hardy to fear if they have not wholly renounced the fear of their Creator Should I go about to recount all my Obligations to your Majesty the day would fail me before I had finished and yet it troubles me to pass them over too soon But so great benefits will publish themselves You have beat off my Irons but those Irons incumbred but part of my Body and the pain that I now suffer oppresses my Soul You have delivered me from the apprehension of Death and afterwards reviv'd me when a greater apprehension had put me into such a state that I was lookt upon as dead Preserve then I beseech you that Life that you have restored and would not doubtless have restor'd to have prolong'd my misfortunes Your Majesty has advanced me to the greatest honour that can be aspired you have K given me a Kingdom and added to that Kingdom Trachonitis and Galilee After such extraordinary Favours do not I beseech you refuse me another so necessary that the not granting of that will make the other unprofitable and when you have rais'd me to so glorious so illustrious a condition do not humble me down again into darkness and sorrow I do not beg of you to continue me in that high sphere where your favour has plac'd me All that I beg is That you would not interfere with the Laws of my Country and if you deny me that what will my Country-men what will the whole World think of my Interest with you Will not they have reason to believe that I have either L betrayd my Country or lost the honour of your favour which are two the greatest Evils that I dread Nevertheless I must of necessity fall into one of them seeing I must either be Cowardly or Perfidious in deserting an Interest that ought to be so dear to me Or else I must have lost my Interest in your kindness if imploring your Mercy for the preservation of the Temple and my Country you should not think fit to use me with the same favour that former Emperours have shown to all such as they did honour with their kindness If I be so unfortunate as to be pleasing to you no longer do not cast me into Bonds as Tiberius did but put me immediatly to death For why should I desire to live having lost you Majesties favour in which only I repos'd my greatest confidence and M hopes N O A CHAP. XVII Caius was wrought upon by Agrippa's Letter and sent to Petronius to do nothing in the Temple at Jerusalem But he repented presently and caused a Statue to be made in Rome which he ordered to be sent privately to Jerusalem at the same time when he should go to Alexandria where he likewise resolved to be acknowledged for a God The B Injustice and Cruelty of that Prince WHEN King Agrippa had seal'd and dispatch'd this Letter to Caius he expected the success with all imaginable impatience as judging that not only the Conservation or Ruine of Judea was at Stake but the Interest of the whole Nation of the Jews spread abroad over the whole Earth This Letter produced great agitation in the mind of Caius He could not with patience behold his Pleasure disputed and yet he could not but be touched with the Reasons and importunity of Agrippa He blam'd his affection for them who were the only People that durst withstand the Consecration of his Statue and yet he could not but approve C prove the sincerity of that Prince as proceeding from the nobleness and generosity of his mind At length his kindness for Agrippa prevailed against his Choller he was mollified by degrees returned him a favourable answer and granted him the highest of all favours that he would desist from the aforesaid Consecration After which he writ to Petronius to make no farther alteration in the Temple but he blended his grace with such severe Conditions as gave them always occasion to tremble for he added this Clause to his Letter But if in any other Town beside Jerusalem any body thinks fit to erect any Statue or Altar to me or mine and any one be found so audacious as to oppose it it is our pleasure that he be punished upon the place or sent Prisoner to us Was not this to revoke or cancel his favour at the same time when he granted it seeing D those words could not be considered but as seeds of Commotion and War For who doubted but those People who were Enemies to the
gave to him There was a person named Isidorus a great and dangerous Calumniator who perceiving Caius to be infinitely well pleased with his Flatteries and Cajolments said to him Sir You would abhor these people much more and those who sent them did you know their malice against you They are the only People who refuse to offer Sacrifice for your safety and generally the whole Nation is guilty of the same stubbornness At which words we were not able to contein but cryed out that it was false for we sacrificed Hecatombs to that purpose and having washt our Altars with the blood of our Victims we did not devour the flesh B our selves like several other Nations but burned all together in that sacred fire and this we have done more than once or twice for we did it three times First upon your advancement to the Throne Next when you recovered of your great fit of sickness which was an affliction to the whole World And the third time when we made it our solemn prayer to God Almighty to give you success in your Enterprizes in Germany 'T is true the furious Emperour reply'd you offered Sacrifices but it was to another not to me and therefore What honour did I receive by it We could perceive at those horrid words our blood to freeze in our veins In the mean time Caius passed from one appartment to another finding fault where any thing was amiss and giving order how it should be mended We followed him jostled C and derided by our Adversaries who abus'd and mock'd us like Mimicks on a Stage and indeed our whole negotiation might have passed for a Comedy having nothing in it but appearance of Truth For he who ought to have been our Judge was our Accuser and our own party animated him against us Having him therefore for an Enemy and such an Enemy what could we do but be silent And being silent is a kind of defence especially where nothing can be said that would have been pleasing to him and the fear of his violence upon our Laws had shut up our mouths When he had given direction about his buildings he demanded seriously and with great gravity of us Why we were so scrupulous in eating of Hogs-flesh Upon which our Adversaries to Cajole him with their flatteries fell out into so immoderate and undecent D a laughter that some of the Prince's Officers which were about him could scarce brook so great disrespect and it was so much the greater by how much his humor was such there was not any but his Privado's and Intimates that could without danger take the liberty upon them of but smiling in his presence We replyed most humbly to the Emperour That the Customs of People were different and that as among us there were some things forbidden so there were others prohibited to other Nations And one of our Company instancing in those who eat no Lamb the Emperour laught reply'd They have no reason for the flesh is not good These raileries augmented our trouble very much but at length in some kind of heat he asked us upon what grounds we founded our freedom We began to lay before him our grounds and he foreseeing E well that they would be reasonable and that we had many more to corroborate them he rose up on a suddain and ran into a great Chamber causing his servants to shut the Windows whose glass was contrived so as to let in the Light but keep out the Wind and was as clear as Chrystal We followed and he came to us again and demanded of us very moderately what we had more to say We would have gone on with our Reasons but in stead of hearing them he ran again in great speed into another Hall where he had commanded several ancient Pictures to be brought for him to see so that finding our selves so often interrupted in our affairs and in such different manner supposing we were to expect nothing but death we addressed our selves in our extremity to the true for protection against the counterfeit God and it pleas'd him to F have compassion on us and by his infinite goodness to moderate the fury of Caius who commanded us to withdraw and went away himself only saying to those who were next him These People are not so bad as unfortunate and besotted not to believe me to be of Divine nature In this manner we departed not only from his Judgment but from his Theater and Prison for what was it but a Theater where we were laughed at and derided And the rigors of a Prison are they comparable to the torments we endured from so many Blasphemies against God and so many Menaces from an enraged Tyrant against us Because ours forsooth was the only Nation that obstructed his being owned for a God G Upon this we desisted and respited for a while not out of love to our Lives for could our death have been servicable to the conservation of our Laws we would have embrac'd it with joy as conducting us to a happy Eternity But because besides this it would H have been destructive to our Laws and offensive to those who sent us for as much as the management of such things are usually judged by their success we comforted our selves in some measure that we had escaped such a danger yet not without continuing in great apprehensions what judgment the Emperour would give For how could he be informed of the Equity of our Cause when he vouchsafed not so much as to hear us And what could be more cruel than to see the safety of our whole Nation depend upon the manner after which we five who were Embassadors should be treated For if Caius should declare in favour of the Alexandrians what other Town would let the Jews live in quiet What other Town would forbear them What other would not destroy their Oratories What other would not refuse them the Exercise of their Religion I So that the abolition of all their Priviledges and the entire Ruine of the whole Nation were before us and the thoughts of them overwhelmed us with sorrow and the more because we could see no resort nor refuge from our miseries For those who before seemed to favour our Affairs began now to despair of our safety and retired not daring to assist us any farther though we sent to importune them so little expectation had they of Bounty or Justice from a Man who would make himself a God FINIS THE TABLE The TABLE of the CHAPTERS IN THE Embassie of PHILO TO THE Emperour CAIUS CALIGULA THE Preface of Philo upon the blindness of Man and the incomprehensible grandeur of God Pag. 828 CHAP. I. In what Incredible felicity the People lived the first seven months in the Reign of Caius Caligula pag. 829 CHAP. II. The Emperour Caius having Reigned but seven Months falls into a desperate fit of sickness The marvelous affliction that all the Provinces exprest for it and their inexpressible
Victory of Josuah over the Canaanites 125 c d. Victory of the Israelites over the Benjamites 13 m. Victory of Saul over the Ammonites 152 n. over the Amalechites 156 m n. Victory of David over Goliah 160 m. of him against the Philistines 163 a. 180 k l. Victory of Joab 183 f 191 d. Victory of Achab against the Syrians 230 c. Victory of Amasias 247 o. of Joas ibid. k. 248 d. of Vespasian 679 h. of the Romans 680 l. 683 e. Victuals failed the Israelites 95 e f. 239 i. Victuals very plenty 240 d e. 576 h i. Villany most horrible 130 l m. A Village called Abrahams House 36 i. Villages burned 469 f g. Vine of Gold 362 d e. Vineyard planted by Noah 34 n. Vineyard of Naboth 228 f. Vines to be planted 113 d. Violence not to be used 116 m. Virgins of the Medianites taken 109 a b. Vision of Jacob 45 b. 48 k. Vision of Joseph 91 a b. Vision of Pharaoh 55 b c. Vision of Amram 63 d e. Vision of Nabuchodonosor 268 d e. Vision of the Goat and Ram 272 k l. Vision of Archelaus 473 e f. Vision of the hand 271 h. Vitellius cometh to Jerusalem 482 n. remitteth the tribute ibid. maketh Jonathan high Priest 483 c. warreth against Aretas 485 b. Vitellius Emperor 703 b. encampeth his Army in Rome 707 c. forsaken of his souldiers 709 f slain 710 k. Ulcer one of the Plagues of Egypt 69 e. Uncle of Saul 151 b. Unconstancy of Mans love 151 c. Unjustice death 436 i k. Unjust 166 k. 227 m n. 436 i k. Voice in the inner Temple 753 d. Vologesus King of Parthia 531 d. incited to kill Izates 532 h. compelled to return 532 l. Volumnius President of Syria 439 a. arbiter between Syllaeus and Herod ibid. his sentence c. 444 m. Voluptuousness of the Israelites 107 b c. Vonones discomfited 479 e. submitteth himself to Syllanus 479 f. Vow of Jeptha 138 o Vow of Anna 143 g. Vows of the Esseans 615 f. Voyage of Vespasian by Sea 761 d. Urias Bersabes Husband 184 i. refuseth to repair to his Wife and why ibid. k. is slain 184 n. Uron Miriams husband 77 a. holdeth up Moses hands ib. a. Use of the plough by whom found out 29 b. Use of the Sea and the ten Lavers 210 a. Usury and Theft 810 a. W. Ways paved 216 m. Weight of Gold brought 213 e. Weights found out and by whom 29 f. Wall built about Jerusalem 735 b. First Wall taken 725 d. Second Wall taken 726 o. Walls of Jerusalem finished 285 m. Walls of Jericho fall down 123 b. Walls of Babylon 788 l. Walls of the Temple beautified with Gold 208 o. Want of water 678 c. Want of water and victuals 73 d. 236 f. 238 g. c. 412 g. Warrantize of security promised to Rahab 122 i. War how to be undertaken 118 h. War intended for Liberty 688 k. War between Antonius and Augustus 581 b. War between the seditious and peaceable 630 h. War of the Egyptians with the Aethiopians 65 b c. War of the Amalechites against the Israelites 76 i. War of the Philistines against the Israelites 159 c. 171 b. War of David 180 i. 181 e. War of Adad against Achab 229 l. Civil War of the Israelites 131 b c. ib. f. 135 d e. 219 i. 223 i. Wars of the Jews written at Rome 783 e. Water poured on the Earth c. 67 d. Water turned into Blood 67 d. Water failed the Israelites 73 d. changed ibid. g. Water of Bethleems well c. 196 g. Water delivered by measure 652 i. Weariness of the Hebrews 73 d. Whale devoureth Jonah 249 k. Witch of Endor 171 c. VVitch of Arabia 596 n. VVicked Man punished 169 b. 240 e f. VVickedness most horrible 130 m n. VVickedness cause of calamity 129 b. 130 l m. 131 â— d. 132 m. 133. b. VVidow of Sareptha 226 d. VVidow of Obadias 273 n. VVife of Putiphar enticeth Joseph to lie with her 53 a b c. accuseth him to her Husband 54 h i. VVife of the high Priest 94 k. VVife of the dead brother 154 c. VVife of the Levite villanously abused 130 m. VVife of Phinees 145 c. VVife of Jeroboam 222 d. goeth to ask counsel and why ibid. d e. VVill of God to be obeyed 110 k l. VVinding slairs 209 h. VVisdom of the Law-maker 26 m n. of Joseph 558 c d. VVisdom of Solomon 205 b c. 215 d e. VVisdom of Daniel 267 o. A false VVitness his punishment 112 n. False VVitnesses suborned 229 h. VVives of Solomon numbred 217 h. inticed him to commit Idolatry 216 g. 217 h. VVives of Herod 449 e. VVives of Esau 44 i. VVives of Jacob 47 b. VVives of Lamech 29 f. VVomen Created 28 i. tempted and fell ibid. l. punished n. VVomen married for a Virgin c. 114 m n. Two VVomen accuse one another 205 d. VVomen seduce Solomon 216 o. VVomen at discord 433 f. VVomen eat their own children 239 h i. 734 i k. VVomen sing Songs 160 n VVomens terms 48 i. VVord of God not without Fruit 252 g. VVork-Masters of the Tabernacle 72 n. VVorkmen building the Temple 207 a b e f. VVorks of God 809 d. World made in six days 27 e f g. Wrastling of Jacob c. 48 m. Wrath of God against the Egyptians 72 k l Wrath of Saul against David 162 i. Wrath of David against Nabal 168 m. Wrath of God against the Jews 741 d. Wrath of Florus 623 a. Wrath of Herod 586 n. 589 c. 675 b. Wrath of Vitellius 710 i. Wrath pacified 22 l. 562 n. Wrath bridled 750 h. Writers why they omit of speaking of the Jews 791 e. Wrongs done by the Amalechites 118 m. Wrongs done by the Ammonites 183 c. X. Xantique a month 92 k. Xerxes King of Persia favoureth the Jews 282 b. his Letters to the Princes of Syria ibid. c. granteth Nehemiahs request 284 e f. Y. Years of Adam 30 i Years of Jubilee 94 m. 7 Years plenty and searcity 55 d e f. Great Year 32 m. Years between the building and destruction of the Temple 75 f. Years of the Captivity of Babylon 274 e. Young-Men pull down the Eagle 460 i. put to death 602 k. Youthly course of Manasses 257 o. Youthly course of Amos 258 d. Z. Zabulon burned 635 n. Zabulon Jacobs son 47 a. what it signifies ib. his sons 61 b. Zacharias stoned to death 246 c. and why ibid. Zacharias son of Achaz slain 261 k. Zacharias King of Israel slain 250 d. Zacharias encourageth the People 280 d Zacharias condemned by the Zealots 696 i. acquitted ibid. l. slain in the Temple 696 k. Zacharias one of the chief of the Zealous 690 l. Zamaris the Babylonian Jew 449 f. Zambrias marrieth Chosby 107 f. speaketh against Moses ibid. g. slain together with his Wife 108 k. Zamri King of Israel 225 m. rooteth out Basas posterity ibid. burneth himself in the Palace 225 m. Zaraeus King of Aethiopia 224 k. overthrown ibid. â— Zeal of