married not again Manuel and his Issue who were not next of kin to her would not inherit any thing of hers In the mean time seeing Ferdinand only demanded the Princess of Castile to hinder the House of Austria from settling in Spain If Manuel granted her he would raise a Civil War in Castile the success whereof it was impossible for him to foresee If the Arms of Ferdinand prevailed there his Majesty of Portugal would not be the better for it since his Father-in-law was neither liberal nor grateful but if Ferdinand succumbed Portugal would immediately after have upon its back besides the Forces of Castile those of Germany and the Low Countries which he would be the less able to resist that there was no communication betwixt the Kingdoms of Portugal and those of Arragon to receive Succours from thence So that the Princess of Castile was fairly * In the Manual of Osorio denied to Ferdinand who not being able to carry her despaired of having her for Wife At the same time he lost all hopes of getting the Kingdoms of Castile from the House of Austria but despaired not of excluding it from his own Succession and that he might compass that he chose rather to court the Neece of his greatest Enemy than to remain a Widower John de Foix Vicecount of Narbonne married Mary Magdalen of Orleans Sister to Louis the Twelfth King of France by whom he had two Children the incomparable Gaston de Foix who was afterward killed at the Battel of Ravenna and Germana de Foix whom the most Christian King caused to be brought up with his Daughters Ferdinand pitched upon her for his second Wife and seeing he commonly proposed to himself more than one end in his actions he had two in this as you shall see The first was that Germana might one day furnish him with a plausible pretext of usurping Navarre in that the Viscount of Narbonne the Father of that Princess was concerned in that famous case of conscience upon which Theology had always been consulted though the determinations thereof were never acquiesced unto but always decided by the Sword. This is not a proper place of giving instances of it and the business here is only to lay down plainly the matter of fact Gaston de Foix Prince of Bearn had a Son already of his own name Gaston by Leonora of Arragon his Wife at that time when she succeeded to the Crown of Navarre by the death of Charles Prince of Vienne her only Brother and of Isabella her eldest Sister without Children Leonora being settled in the Succession of Navarre was brought to bed of a second Son who was John Viscount of Narbonne John pretended to the Crown of Navarre in exclusion of his elder Brother as being the Son of a Queen and a King whereas his elder Brother was but the Son of a Count and Countess The difference could not be sifted to the bottom because the elder Brother having married Magdalen of France Sister to King Charles the Seventh was put into possession of Navarre and left it to his Children The Viscount left also his Pretensions to Gaston de Foix his Son and to Germana his Daughter Gaston was of so warlike a temper that it was easie to be foreseen that he would be slain and Ferdinand looked upon Germana as a presumptive Heiress that might bring him a Title to the Crown of Navarre which he well knew how to make the best of in time and place convenient The second end that Ferdinand proposed to himself in his marriage with Germana was to strike in with France in a Juncture when possessing no longer the Kingdoms of Castile he was not now strong enough to return what he had usurped upon Louis the Twelfth in Italy In the three views then that we have been mentioning he caused an offer to be made to his most Christian Majesty of treating with him upon two conditions the one that he would give him in Marriage Germana his Neece the next that if Male Children sprung from that Marriage that might live to be in a condition one day to Reign the Kingdom of Naples should belong to them with the consent of France which in that case should yield to them all the claim it had to it but if the Marriage were barren or at least as to Male Children capable of reigning that then the Kingdom of Naples should return to the Monarchy of France in exclusion of the Daughters of Ferdinand's first marriage and of their Posterity Louis accepted the offer of Ferdinand because he only considered it on the side it was advantageous to him His most Christian Majesty had been unfortunate in the Wars of Naples he had lost three great Armies there his Treasures were exhausted by the prodigious charges he had been at and his most courteous disposition hindered him from oppressing the People as must needs have been done to continue that War. The occasion that presented for recovering the Kingdom of Naples was favourable He had the greater reason to embrace it that it would not cost him one drop of bloud and though it was not altogether certain that it would succeed yet there was but little wanting to make it infallible The truth was Ferdinand was not old but his former incontinence had so weakened him that his Physicians durst not hope for any more Children from him He had entertained frequent and long correspondences with the Countess of Eboly by whom he had had the Archbishop of Sarragossa Alphonso d' Arragon and a Daughter married to Bernardin de Valesco Constable of Castile with the Lady Tole de Bibao by whom he had had a Daughter that was a Nun in the Monastery of Madrigal and with a Portuguese Lady of the House of Perreira by whom he had another Daughter that was a Nun as well as the former * In the Book of Mayerne It was to be presumed that that amorous inclination seconded by the plumpness and vigour of Germana would quickly send Ferdinand into the other world and that by consequent France would not long expect to enter again into the Kingdom of Naples In fine the interests of Arragon were for ever or at least for some time divided from those of Castile and France found its advantage in both these Junctures though it would have found it far more in the first than in the second The Marriage of Ferdinand and Germana was no sooner consummated but that Prince made a project of securing himself entirely in the possession of the Kingdom of Naples upon pretext of being in a better condition of fulfilling the Treaty which he had concluded with Louis the Twelfth That Crown had been partly conquered and partly usurped by the Castillians which gave them occasion to pretend that it was annexed to their Monarchy and not to that of Arragon The great Captain Gonsalvo de Cordova had not expelled King Frederick and the French from thence and seeing he was born a Subject of
received investiture of them that it was not in the power of the Feudatary for any cause or pretext that might be to frustrate his eldest Son or the Male Children of that eldest Son by giving them to his other Children nor to deprive the Paternal Cousins how remote soever of the same in favours of their own Daughters Constant and uninterrupted custom had exactly agreed with these Laws and no instance could be given that they had ever been violated as to that particular in whole or in part It was not so in the Succession which the Archduke expected from the Catholick King and he had more reasons than one to fear that he might be disappointed of it though at first view it appeared to be full as sure as that of the Emperour For in the first place Ferdinand had sufficiently testified his displeasure that his Dominions one day should fall to the House of Austria by omitting nothing that could naturally be done to prevent it He acted not with so much sincerity as the House of Austria in the marriage of his Son (1) John of Arragon Prince of Spain and Daughter (2) Joan of Arragon surnamed the Fool. with the Son (3) Marguerite of Austria and Daughter (4) The Archduke Philip. of the Emperour and whereas Maximilian had given him an only Daughter he had only given to Maximilian for Philip of Austria the second of his four Daughters The Eldest he married in Portugal shewing by so publick a preference that he had rather his Succession should descend upon a Prince whose Grandfather was a Bastard and great Grandmother the Daughter of a Shoomaker Jew than be wanting in circumspection to remove his Son-in-Law the Archduke Philip from the succession to the Crowns of Castile and Arragon His forecast nevertheless was vain and in a very few years the Emperours Sons Wife became Heir apparent of so many Kingdoms Any but the Catholick King would in so sudden a revolution have adored the Order of Divine Providence and wholly submitted to it Nevertheless that Prince opposed it by a longer and more steady obstinacy than that of Jonas in declining to go to Niniveh His Wife was no sooner dead but that he married another in the sole prospect of having a Son by her and because he drew towards fifty years of age and that the disorders of his youth gave him ground at that age to distrust his own vigour he had his recourse to Physick and took Potions that were thought fit to supply that defect In the second place the Catholick King had lusty handsome Bastards and if he preferred them before the Children of his lawful Daughter in succeeding to the Throne he would in that do nothing contrary neither to the Custom of Spain nor the inclination of the Spaniards It was no new thing in that Country the remotest of Europe on the Affrican side to promote Bastards to the Throne in exclusion of lawful Children and Ferdinand himself descended in right Line from Henry the Second who was a Bastard There was besides another instance of that irregularity in his Family For his Uncle Alphonso of Arragon Elder Brother to John of Arragon his Father dying without Children by Testament which in that part was executed frustrated John of Arragon of the Kingdom of Naples and left it to a Bastard whom he had by a Person of quality Educated in that prospect In the third place the Catholick King could not only take from the Archduke Arragon and the Crowns that depended upon it but also he might by the way we shall now treat of hinder him from reigning in Castile and in the Monarchies annexed to it This young Prince drew his Title to Castile from Queen Isabella his Grandmother by the Mothers side and yet that Princess had not inherited it without violence and encroaching upon the most sacred and inviolable Laws of Civil Society Henry the Fourth her Brother King of Castile married the Infanta of Portugal and that Infanta during his marriage with her was brought to bed of a Daughter the most beautiful as they say that ever was born in Spain This Daughter by the Fundamental Laws of the State excluded her Aunt from succeeeding to so many Kingdoms because she was nearest by a degree and represented her Father Nevertheless the Aunt pretended that her Brother was impotent and that the Daughter that was fathered on him was begotten by his Favourite Don Bertram de la Cueva Duke of Albuquerque For that reason or under that pretext she made a great Party and raised a War in Castile But the Party of the Daughter proving the stronger the Aunt had her recourse to Ferdinand and gave her self to him having no other way to engage him to espouse her interest against her Neece Ferdinand having married the Aunt transported all the Forces of Arragon into Castile He overcame them who favoured his Wives Neece and dispossessed her of the Kingdom But was now in a condition to repay the injury which he had done her by recalling her into Castile where he had the Power raising her to the Throne and marrying her to one of his Bastards Upon the Reasons we have been mentioning Chievres made the reflections they deserved He long considered with himself the prejudice that might befal the Archduke by not entertaining an entire correspondence with his maternal Grandfather Nevertheless having put into the balance together the hurt that might redound to that Prince by breaking with France during his minority if he Leagued too strictly with the Catholick King and the injury the Catholick King might do him if he united not so closely with him he found the first alone to weigh far more than all the others put together and by the boldest result of prudence that is to be found in the History of Spain he judged it to be avoided rather than the rest He kept the Archduke in friendship with the French and Germans He thought it enough not to give the Catholick King any cause or pretext to complain of him in particular and in the following Books we shall find that his conduct in that point was as fortunate as it had been judicious The End of the First Book THE HISTORY OF Monsieur De Chievres The Second BOOK CONTAINING The most remarkable Occurrences in the Monarchy of Spain during the years One thousand five hundred and thirteen and One thousand five hundred and fourteen THat we may conceive the motives which induced Chievres to prefer the Paternal Grandfather of Charles of Austria his Pupil before the Maternal and that we may understand the advantages which Charles drew from that preference we must necessarily presuppose that Ferdinand the Catholick King who was the Maternal Grandfather spoken of here bounded not his ambition within Spain after he had entirely driven the Moors from thence by the conquest of the Kingdom of Granada It troubled him to be confined to one of the extemities of Europe without any appearance of
growing greater seeing he had the Pyrenean Mountains for a Barriere and crossing that Chain of Rocks which Nature seemed to have laid to hinder the two most powerful Kings of Christendom from marrying together he found on the other side France so powerful in that part where it bordered on him that there was much greater cause to fear that it might take from him his Territories of Biscay Arragon and Catalonia if he attacked France than there was hopes of conquering Guyenne and Languedock in it He resolved then to weaken it before he attacked it and seeing it had got footing in Spain by the acquisition that the most Christian King Louis the Eleventh had made of the Counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne from whence it might easily seize Catalonia the places whereof were not at all fortified at that time he made it his whole care to recover them and succeeded therein by a way not before practised Christian Princes having not been as yet accustomed to cheat under a pretext of Religion Louis the Eleventh had bought of John King of Arragon the Father of Ferdinand In the Contract of Engagement the two Counties by a Contract of Engagement which bore that his most Christian Majesty should lend upon the Counties three hundred thousand Livers that both should be put into his hands for security of the debt That the King of Arragon should have full liberty to redeem them within nine years to be reckoned from the Date of the Contract upon payment of the Principal and Interest but that if he failed upon any cause or pretext whatsoever to do it within the limited time he should lose his reversion and the propriety of Roussillon and Cerdagne should remain to France The King of Arragon let the time clapse through a mere inability of redeeming the Counties and Louis the Eleventh perceiving the ninth year almost expired without any offer from the King of Arragon of repaying his Money observed a formality which was not necessary and served only to give him what in Law is called abundantiam Juris He caused the King of Arragon to be summoned by a Herald to redeem the Counties and that Prince not having done it his most Christian Majesty united them to the French Monarchy and left them at his death to Charles the Eighth his only Son. Charles had been already nine years in peaceable possession of them and seeing by the Law of his State what had been united ten whole years successively could not for the future be dismembred Roussillon and Cerdagne were no more alienable than the other Provinces of France seeing two most Christian Kings had enjoyed them without molestation during the space of thirty years But it had pleased Louis the Eleventh to bring up Charles the Eighth in such a gross ignorance that he had no knowledge of his own affairs and Ferdinand taking that young Prince on his weak side corrupted as they say by money Oliver Maillard a Monk of the observance his Confessor That Cordelier represented to Charles that Christian Charity allowed not Christians of what quality soever they were to take advantage from the misfortunes of others and that notwithstanding that was a thing which the late King had done and which his most Christian Majesty continued to do That when Louis the Eleventh had caused the late King of Arragon to be summoned to repay the money lent upon the Counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne he found him in an utter incapacity of satisfying him and that nevertheless his Majesty had therefrom taken all the advantages that are allowed by the Law of Nations That the King of Arragon was at that time pestered in a Civil War and a Foreign War both at once seeing on the one hand the King of Castile incomparably stronger than he had entered his Dominions with an Army and on the other hand the Catalonians had revolted That his Majesty of Arragon died before these Affairs were concluded and that Ferdinand his Son was no more in a condition than he to redeem the two Counties since he was forced to employ all his own Revenue and that of the Queen of Castile his Wife for driving the Mahometan Moors out of the Kingdom of Granada and that by consequent the prescription expired not in respect of him because he was taken up in a Holy War That his most Christian Majesty therefore was no less obliged in conscience to restore him the Counties and that though in the Court of Man he had a very good right to demand the Money and the Interest of the Debt which his Predecessor had lent yet he had not so in the Court of Heaven since France had recovered more out of the same Counties than amounted to the first Sum lent That he must not neither make deduction of the Expences that the late most Christian King was forced to be at in raising an Army of forty thousand men even according to the account of Spanish Authors and sending them into Roussillon for the reduction of the Town of Perpignan that had revolted That the Rebellion of that important place ought neither to be imputed to the late King of Arragon who had no hand in it nor to Ferdinand his Son that had neither directly nor indirectly countenanced it and that so Roussillon and Cerdagne ought without farther delay to be restored to him Charles who was not sharp-sighted enough to distinguish the truth from the falshood in this Discourse of his Confessour obeyed the Father but not so implicitely as the Cordelier pretended he should His Majesty indeed restored the Counties without receiving either Principal or Interest of the money disbursed by his Father but in return he required two conditions of Ferdinand which would have been no less troublesom to him than the payment of the money had they been as faithfully performed as they were stipulated in a solemn Treaty * In the last Treaty of France for the Counties The first was that Ferdinand should enter into no League offensive or defensive against France the other that he should not marry any of his four Daughters neither in Germany England nor Flanders and that he should not give them any Husbands without the consent of the most Christian King or his Successours but before a year was over Ferdinand broke the first condition and made no more scruple afterward to violate the second Six months after he entered into the Pyrenean League of Italy against Charles his Benefactor and had the greatest hand in robbing him of his Conquests Not long after he formed the project of hedging in France on the side of Picardy Champagne and Burgundy as he bordered it already on the side of Guyenne and Languedock and made account of bringing into his Family the Low Countries and the ten Hereditary Provinces of the House of Austria That House was reduced to Maximilian the First the Emperour the Archduke Philip and the Archdutchess Margaret his Children The Archduke was so tender and had cost so
Austria in Germany it would be his own fault if he conquered not the Kingdom of France and that afterward the rest of Europe would make but a weak resistance whereas if the States to which the Archduke ought to succeed were divided and if the Testament of the Catholick King which continued him to the Inheritance of his Father and Paternal Grandfather held good in that particular If the Infanto Ferdinand had Spain and if by that means variance entred into the House of Austria not only the greatness of the Monarchy of Spain would be at a stand but also it would lose all that it held in Italy and in the Neighbourhood It was only then in that prospect and without any respect to the Archduke and his personal qualities that Zapata Carvaial and Vargas declared in his Favours and the advantage he reaped from it is no less singular for the causes of it than it is in it self The three Ministers represented to Ferdinand that seeing his Majesty thought fit that they should continue to speak to him with open heart as they had been wont to do He would still have the goodness to take in good part the liberty they took to tell him that he seemed to have changed his Conduct at the end of his life and by his last Will and Testament condemned his most considerable Actions and which had acquired him greatest Reputation That he had done them the honour to declare when he called them to his Council that his only intention in this World was the enlargement of his Territories and that though he had not expressed himself so plainly yet there needed no more but to study his past life to convince them of it That no Man in Europe was ignorant how Ferdinand the Catholick at the age of fifteen years had espoused the Party of the late Queen Isabella sister to Henry the fourth of Castile against the Infanta Jane the Daughter of that King in no other view but because Isabella by bestowing herself upn him had offered to unite the Crowns of Castile to those of Arragon and that if Jane had been so well advised as to have preferred his Alliance before that of the Prince of Portugal who sought her in Marriage her Party would not have succumbed and she had not past for a Bastard That after the union of Castile and Arragon for adding the Kingdom of Granada to them Division had been sown betwixt him who was King of it and his brother and the more powerful was so weakned by supporting the weaker against him that both at length were oppressed That for an accession also to Arragon by joyning thereto the Kingdom of Naples in the City of Tarento the Prince who carried the name of it and who was the only Son of the King of Naples was Besieged That he had been prevailed with to relie upon the Faith and Truth of the Spaniards whose General the Great Captain had sworn to him upon the Holy Sacrament to leave him in liberty and that notwithstanding he had been detained Prisoner and under a sure Guard sent into Spain where still he remained in Prison That in a word a pretended Bull from the Pope had been made use of for seizing the Kingdom of Navarre and for driving from thence John d' Albert who had Married the Heiress of it In the mean time his Catholick Majesty destroyed his own work by preferring the younger of his Grandsons before the elder and laid an everlasting impediment to the greatness that Spain began to be raised to by kindling betwixt the two Brothers a War which would not end but by the entire ruine of him that should be overcome and such a weakning of the Conqueror that Spain would be so far from expecting new Conquests under him that it would become a Prey to the first who should invade it That since the Spaniards had bestirred and delivered themselves from the Slavery of the Moors they had been oftener subject to Civil Wars than Foreign for no other reason but that the Nobles had been too powerful and more apt to give Laws to their Masters than to receive them from them That they had not behaved themselves more modestly nor reservedly under his Catholick Majesty but because after his Marriage with Queen Isabella the Nobility of Castile were apprehensive of succumbing under the Forces of Arragon which they doubted not but would pour in upon them and that the Nobles of Arragon had had a juster cause to fear their being run down by the Arms of those of Castile That if young Ferdinand were King one of the two would have time during his minority to take measures against him and would retain so little respect for his Person because he was but fourteen years of age and was not so well brought up as his elder brother that they would oblige him at least for some years to leave the publick administration to the Grandees of Castile and the chief of Arragon which would infallibly renew Civil Wars in Spain That if his Catholick Majesty suffering things to go according to their ordinary course called the Archduke to his Succession the Gentlemen of Castile and Arragon would want both a pretext and means of revolting A pretext in that the Archduke at sixteen years of Age was no less able to govern them than the wisest Kings of Spain have been And means seeing their Rebellion would instantly be crushed by the Forces which that Prince would raise in Flanders and Germany and might easily bring into Spain by occasion of the Treaty which he had ratified with the new King of France The Catholick King strangely surprized and nevertheless convinced with this discourse made answer that seeing he could not conveniently leave Castile and Arragon to the Infanto In the last Council given to Ferdinand He must at least resign to him the three great masteries of the Order of St. James Calatrava and Alcantara the Revenue whereof would be sufficient for the subsistence of a Prince of his quality That his Majesty at the same time he resolved to make him his Heir had written to the Court of Rome to have him invested into these three headships of Orders That the Affair had been negotiated first with Julius the second and since with Leo the tenth and that the chief difficulty that those two Popes had found in it proceeded from a Bull granted before by Julius to the Commander Padilla which assured him of succeeding to his Catholick Majesty in the great Mastery of Calatrava provided he outlived him That the Bull of Julius was insignificant since Padilla was dead and that so nothing now hindred the expedition of that which allowed his Majesty the resignation of the three Masteries in favour of the Infanto But the three Counsellors of State being encouraged by the success of their Remonstrances and perswaded that having obtained the chief point his Majesty would not long refuse to grant them what was but accessory replied to the Catholick
he jumps with Chievres wherein the greatness of the Spanish Monarchy is concerned but he is always against him when the Low-Countries have any competition with the Monarchy of Spain Chievres as being a Fleming will have his Country to be the basis of the greatness to which the Archduke Charles aspires and that the others which he is to inherit by the distraction of his Mother and the death of his Grandfathers should only be the accessory Ximenes on the contrary pretends that Spain must always be the centre of the Archdukes Grandeur and the Low-Countries be reduced into bare Provinces Chievres represents to him in vain that they belong not to the Archduke by right of conquest and that if Philip his Father had not possessed them they would not have given him in Marriage the heiress of Spain Ximenes makes no satisfactory reply but he persists in his project and in that considers not that he thereby provokes the Governour of a young Prince who well quickly become his Master It is not easie to determine whether fortune did good or hurt to Doctor Adrian Florent in taking him out of the Colledg of Louvain whereof he was principal to raise him to all the Dignities of the Church not excepting the Papacy He had a Genius for the functions that render men famous in Vniversities but he went no farther and amongst the many employments that he had afterward there was not one that suited with him He had acquired reputation in the Schools and in the Pulpit His Commentary upon the Master of Sentences was admired and certainly if that Book was not the most subtil of the three hundred of the same nature which then were to be found in Libraries it was at least the clearest and most methodical His Harangues for the preservation of the priviledges of Scholars had had better success than he had promised himself and not only the Archduke Philip confirmed them but besides honoured the Vniversity of Louvain by being a member of it It was thereupon imagined that it would be a disgrace to the Flemings to suffer Adrian to continue longer in Louvain and it was not so much to do him justice as to satisfie the publick desire that Chievres took him to be Preceptor to the Archduke Charles He did not discharge his commission ill so long as his business was to instruct his Scholar But when he was sent into Spain to negotiate with the Catholick King he neither answered the expectation of Chievres nor of the Spaniards who took him for the ablest man of his Nation in Cabinet Councils He discovered at first that his Majesty was an irreconcileable enemy to Chievres and from that he concluded that it would do irreparable prejudice to the interests of the Archduke obstinately to defend his Governour how innocent soever he was for that reason alone he declared against Chievres and if he was not powerful enough to supplant him it was not his fault if he was not sent home to his house and the Spaniards intrusted with the supreme direction of the Council of the Low-Countries He shew'd his weakness asmuch after the death of the Catholick King when he had the occasion of making use of the Commission which he brought from Flanders for being Regent of Castile and Arragon in case of that death He suffered himself unseasonably to be prevented by Cardinal Ximenes who gained him by promising him the second place in the Councils of Spain He had indeed that place but he wanted the Authority that ought to have gone along with it He complained sometimes that the Cardinal consulted with him only about matters of small importance and that he dispatched the rest without him But that was all he did and thought not that he ought to fall out with him about the matter For that he had the Bishoprick of Tortosa and it was left to men to judg whether or not that was a recompence proportionable to the power that he was deprived of Death quickly rid him of Ximenes as it protected Ximenes from the Catholick King and he was afterward so happy that he ingenuously confessed he could not comprehend his own happiness Leo the Tenth made him a Cardinal in prospect only of gratifying Charles the Fifth and the Conclave having spent several Months without coming to agreement about the person who should succeed to Leo in spight chose him Pope whence it came to pass that the people of Rome loaded the Cardinals with reproaches as they came out and threw stones at them Till then the quality of common Father had been so respected that the Popes who had lived least exemplarily laid it not altogether aside and made a fair shew at least Adrian neglected it at first and when he went from Spain to go take possession of St. Peter's Chair he carried with him into Lumbardy the six thousand Soldiers who two years after took Francis the first before Pavia Instead of keeping the Balance even He took a side that he might rather cast it and if his Pontificate which lasted but two and twenty Months had been of longer duration it would have raised a schism in the Church more dangerous than that of Urban the Sixth and Clement the Seventh John Manuel was in reality the Politician of his age most crost by fortune but by his ability and patience he forced her at length to be favourable His extraction was low but his way of writing wonderfully well and yet very fast was the reason that when he was very young he was chosen under-Secretary of the Council of State of Castile He was not full eighteen years old when he grew weary of his Employment though at first he thought himself most happy in obtaining it He considered that the three chief Ministers of Spain Zapata Carvaial and Vargas were not much promoted and that the richest of them had not a thousand Crowns a year though they had long served the Catholick Kings Ferdinand and Isabelle with all imaginable zeal and that they had facilitated to them the conquest of the Kingdoms of Granada and Naples That was not a reward proportionable to the greatness of their services and the truth is it cannot be denied but that the Catholick Kings were too great Husbands in that particular if it be not pretended for their excuse that the Revenues of Castile and Arragon were not sufficient to gratifie the tenth part of their most faithful servants Manuel who saw nothing but Crowns above his ambition was satisfied to continue under-Secretary of State during the life of Queen Isabelle his Soveraign but he carried his desires higher when the Archduke Philip of Austria and Jane of Arragon his Wife went to Spain to get themselves declared apparent heirs of Castile Manuel was perswaded that that young Prince loved an easie life too well to trouble himself with the weight of affairs and that if he insinuated himself into his favour before all other Spaniards he might govern him at his pleasure and obtain
in extreme danger Nevertheless the Emperour abandons him not and his cause at length prevails The Spaniards who kept their allegiance defeat the rebels in an open battel and the Soveraign authority is restored to all its splendor Chievres who waited on the Emperour into Germany provided there so advantageously for the Infanto Ferdinand by procuring him the Marriage of the Heiress of Hungary and Bohemia that that young Prince thinks no more of complaining that his Elder Brother had done him injustice in giving him no share in the Dominions of Queen Jane their Mother He gives so good orders also in Navarre that it as easily again recovered to the Spaniards as it had been lost by them and taken by the French. Nothing withstands the Lord Asparant and he becomes Master of it in less than a fortnights time But his good fortune blinds his judgment and he imagins that the conquest of Castile will cost him no more than that of Navarre He enters it suffers himself to be straitned for provisions there The Spaniards expect till his Army was weakened through hardships and attack him presently after He is overcome loses his sight in the sight taken prisoner and lived only after to be an instance that conduct in War is as necessary as courage The Revolted Spaniards are reconciled to their Master but they turn all their fury against Chievres They poyson the Cardinal de Croy his Nephew and fifty days after serve him in the same manner A PATTERN FOR THE EDUCATION OF PRINCES The First BOOK CONTAINING The most memorable Affairs that passed in Europe from the beginning of the year One thousand five hundred and six to the middle of the year One thousand five hundred and fourteen THe House of Croüy acording to the Ancient or of Croy according to modern Orthography pretends to be descended â—n a right masculine Line from the ancient Kings of Hungary by one Stephen whom others call Andrew third Son to King Bela and Brother to St. Elizabeth Countess of Thuringe who being forced out of Hungary In Pontuc Huterus fled for refuge into France in the year One thousand one hundred seventy and three during the Reign of Louis the Young but his Son setled himself in Gallia Belgica by marrying Catharine Heiress of Croy whose name he took and left it to his Posterity This House was afterward in succession of time allied by William the First of Croy to the House of Guines by James the First of Croy to the House of Soissons by James the Second of Croy to the House of Perguigny by William the Second of Croy to the House of Kenti by John of Croy to the House of Curton by Anthony of Croy to the House of Lorrain and by Philip of Croy to that of Luxembourg John of Croy transplanted his Family from Picardy into Flanders when he became the Favourite of Philip the Hardy first Duke of Burgundy descended of the second Branch of the Bloud-royal of France The Historians of that time have not taken pains enough to give us the Character of this Lord nevertheless he must have been a man of extraordinary parts seeing that during the whole course of his life he governed two Princes the most contrary in temper and humour and the most difficult to be persuaded that ever were Philip the Hardy and John without Fear his Son Dukes of Burgundy He was their chief Chamberlain and by an extraordinary Conduct and Policy though Philip the Hardy and John without Fear were for most part in continual variance with the Kings of France yet John of Croy continued to be the constant Favorite of the Dukes of Burgundy without ever giving them the least umbrage or suspicion of his fidelity notwithstanding he stood so well all his life-time at the Court of the most Christian Kings that they made him great Master of their House and suffered him to discharge the duties of that important place without ever accusing him that he had managed the interests of the Dukes of Burgundy against their Majesties This particular ought the more to be remarked that it is singular and perhaps in its chief circumstances not to be paralleled in the lives of â—he illustrious men of these last Ages and besides it is so advantageous to John of Croy that it seems nothing can be said greater in his favour In so happy a state he did not forget but that he might more easily tumble down than he had mounted up and foreseeing that at length the Kings of France and Dukes of Burgundy would become irreconcilable enemies and that in that case the House of Croy would be forced to declare for the one side or other he so disposed his Inheritance and the Purchases which he made that he had as much in the Dominions of the Kings of France as in the Territories of the Dukes of Burgundy to the end that to what side soever he might incline he should retain one half of his Estate and be in a condition of making the figure of a great Lord in either of the two Courts which he might prefer before the other Anthony of Croy his Son was so happy as to succeed him in the favour and to dispose so absolutely of Philip the Good third Duke of Burgundy that this Prince relished no Counsels nor Designs but what had either been proposed or approved by that Favorite But Philip of Croy the Son of Anthony fell into the disgrace which his Grandfather John of Croy had apprehended by an accident which is fit we should unfold in this place because it conduces to the understanding of the matters following Seeing Philip the good had from his Father John without fear received Anthony of Croy both for his chief Minister and Favorite without the least shew of repugnance whether he thought himself obliged to have as to that an implicite deference to his Fathers Will or that his inclination suited with the Person that was presented to him he imagined that his Son Charles the Terrible would comply no less with him and that he would gladly admit of Philip of Croy to the same rank with him that John and Anthony of Croy had held with his Father Grandfather and great Grand-father But the dispositions were not alike on both sides as they ought to have been for cementing a new confidence and favour There was nothing wanting on the part of Philip of Croy for the worthy discharge of the two places in question about Charles the Terrible But Charles was prepossessed with an opinion that his â—ather demanded too much of him and that he stretched the Prerogative of Nature farther than it ought to be That to take things aright a Minister and Favorite were no more in relation to a Sovereign than what a Steward is in respect of great men and an intimate Friend to any private person and for the same reason that great men and private persons have the liberty of chusing their Stewards and Friends a young Prince ought
the World. He came into it in the Spring of the year one thousand four hundred and fifty eight and seeing he was but a younger Son of â—o numerous a Family that there were fourteen Children of them in all and that nevertheless he found himself born to be â—…e day the honour of it he proposed to himself betimes to be indebted only to himself next to God for the greatness to which he aspired and of which he had â—…me secret forethought and the measures 〈◊〉 took for attaining to it were the same 〈◊〉 if he had neither Birth nor Fortune His Body was strong enough to endure without inconvenience the toils fatigues oâ— War and nevertheless so well shaped that 〈◊〉 might dispute for beauty and comliness â—ith any man living To eye him though 〈◊〉 chance was enough to convince one 〈◊〉 the first glance that he was of the upper Rank in Civil Society and had he lived in those times when the handsomest men were chosen to command others the most flourishing Empire would have fallen â—o his share But this outside served for nothing to him save to inspire into those â—hat beheld him a desire of knowing what lodged within since men left off to praise the Shape of Chievres when by means thereof they had discovered some draughts of the sublimity and reach of his Wit. Both of these were so polite that they abundantly supplied what study might have added to it he was naturally furnished with what he could not without pains have learned from the best Author and it was never so distinctly to be seen in any other of his time that there are some Wits that can easily dispence with all that hath been invented for improving Reason by Learning or fortifying it by Experience He was so sharp-sighted that there was no putting upon him so firm and steady that he was proof against the most surprising emergences so wise that no troublesom accident hapned to him but that he foresaw it timely enough to correct its bitterness either in whole or in part so just that he inviolably preferred merit before all other humane considerations so generous that in so many different Offices which he discharged he never swarved from decency nor from his duty so skilful in the Art of knowing men that his Prince was never better served than by those he preferred to him and so disinteressed that he never demanded any gratuity that might redound to his own profit Seeing he had no Children by Mary Magdalen whom others call Mary of Hamal his Wife he addicted himself the more willingly to the profession of Arms and served the Kings of France Charles the Eighth at the Conquest of Naples and Louis the Twefth in the recovery of the Dutchy of Milan having first obtained leave from his Master Philip Archâ—uke of Austria the only Son and Sucâ—essour of Mary of Burgundy who liked it very well that his Subjects should learn the Art of War at the expence of others when he reckoned them otherwise so moâ—erate as not to abuse it to the prejudice â—f their Country * In the Panegyrick of that Prince The first rupture betwixt France and Spain hapned shortly aâ—er and the Wife †Joan of Arragon of the â—…rchduke becoming Heiress 〈◊〉 the last of these two Monarchies â—hievres left off carrying Arms for the â—…ench and lived at his ease in the Proâ—…nce of Hainault when the Archduke â—…led him from thence to give him a Commission which gave a sufficient proof â—…at that Prince preferred him before the â—…reatest Lords of the Netherlands It hath been an indispensible Law of the â—panish Monarchy that he who would â—ne day reign there and without opposition succeed to so many Crowns must be owned by the States of the Country assembled for that end alone for Prince of the Asturies that is to say for Successour and Heir apparent to the Crown The Archduke was a Flemming and his Wife at her Marriage had not expresly stipulated that her rights to the Spanish Monarchy should be reserved to her because she was so remote from it that there was no appearance that ever she should succeed by the course of Nature Nevertheless all those that precluded her were dead and made way for her Succession She had a younger Sister in Spain and it was to be seared that the Spaniards marrying her at home might use the Archdutchess as they had heretofore treated Queen Blanch of Castile the Mother of St. Louis who being in France at the death of King Alphonso her Father and having neglected to get her self acknowledged for Heiress apparent the Estates of Castile had disappointed her of it and conferred the same upon the Infanta Berenguelle her younger Sister There was a necessity then for the Archduke and Archdutchess to go with all expedition into Spain and though there was no instance that ever the Sovereigns of the Low Countries had removed so far out of that Country yet Custom at that time yielded to Necessity and the Subjects of the Archduke at length consented to it upon the solemn promise he gave them of a speedy return and probably it was to remove from them all suspicion of failing in his word that he left no Governour to supply his place in his absence But after the death of Isabelle his Mother-in Law and when there was a â—ecessity of going a second time into Spain â—o take possession of the Crowns of Castile Leon and others that were united to them the Archduke foreseeing that his abode there would be long as indeed â—e never returned back more and being â—onstrained to chuse an able man to supply â—is absence in the Low Countries he cast his eyes upon Chievres The choice was generally approved of all and as the Archduke had no cause to repent of it 〈◊〉 his Subjects had no occasion to find any â—ult with the same The tranquillity â—nd quiet of the Low Countries was so â—rofound that nothing discomposed it â—either within nor without and the Archâ—uke was the more obliged to the Judiciâ—us Conduct of Chievres for that that 〈◊〉 was the chief cause as will appear in â—he sequel of this Work which procured â—im the success that he had in the followâ—ng enterprise which was one of the most difficult that hath appeared on the Stage in these latter Ages The Archduke claimed the Government of Castile immediatly upon the death of his Mother-in-law and grounded his Pretensions upon the Right and Custom received in that point all over Spain Ferdinand the Catholick King his Father-in-law pretended on the contrary to the usufruct and administration of the same Government and shewed his Queens Testament which lest it to him in express terms The Archduke made answer that the Testament was forged and that if the truth was not altogether clear on his side it was at least very apparent Most of the Grandees of Castile were persuaded of it and publickly declared for him But Ferdinand had made the rest
necessity that her Succession must devolve upon a German Family readily submitted to the orders of Divine Providence and with her own hand wrote to the Archdukes to hasten over to Castile there to receive the Allegiance of the People as next and immediate Heirs since she was past the age of having any more Children On the contrary King Ferdinand who was sixteen years younger than his Queen hoped to survive her marry again and of a second ventre have Male Issue that might exclude the Archdutchess from his Succession Upon that account he delayed as much as he could to desire her to come into Spain and did not do it till the last push when his Wife told him that she would of necessity see her eldest Daughter recognized by the Estates of Castile The Union formed betwixt that Monarchy and the Monarchy of Arragon required that the recognition should be made in the Capital * Sarragossa City of Arragon immediately after it had been made in the Capital †Burgos of Castile and the Catholick King who for reasons that shall be mentioned by and by would not break it at length consented to what his Queen desired The Archdukes passed through France and arrived in Spain about the end of February One thousand five hundred and two They were extremely well received by the Catholick Queen but the reception was not so frank on the part of the Catholick King. The pretext that Prince had to cloak his indifferency was that the Archduke his Son-in-law brought with him to the Court of Spain a man that he did not like That was the famous John Manuel of whom we shall speak at large in the sequel of this History His birth was not illustrious and he owed only to the sharpness of his wit and the extraordinary talent he had of writing well and fast the choice that Ferdinand had made of him for his Secretary in those dispatches that required expedition He had not served long in that Station before he gave proofs that he was capable of something greater and his Master sent him Embassadour into Germany to the Court of Maximilian the Emperour where he concluded the double Alliance of the two Children of his Imperial Majesty with the two Children of the Catholick Kings He went afterward in the same Character to the * In the causes of the banishment of Manuel Low Countries where he so dextrously managed the Archduke that he became his Favourite This success put it in his mind to devote himself to that young Prince immediatly after the death of the Infanto Michael He demanded leave to do so from Queen Isabella his Sovereign who thought she ought not to refuse it him because it was more ways than one convenient for him to have a Castilian about him since after her death he was to Reign in Castile But Ferdinand who at that time began to make a distinction betwixt his own Interests and those of his Queen liked not that a man who knew his secrets and who besides was born a Subject of the Catholick Queens should have the entire confidence of the Heirs of that Princess because he foresaw that the desire of governing in his own Country as well as in Flanders would encline him immediately after the death of Isabella to persuade the Archdukes not to delay their taking possession of Castile till the death of their Father-in-law In that prospect he omitted nothing that might oblige the Queen to recall Manuel from Flanders but the Queen persisted in it that he should continue there and Manuel on his part neglected nothing that might render his abode necessary at the Court of the Archdukes He behaved himself there to the full content of his Sovereign and Ferdinand thereupon conceived an aversion to him which grew to that height that he could no longer dissemble it He made it appear upon several occasions and Manuel who looked upon the enmity of that Prince as a torrent of no long duration that would not overslow unless means were used to stem it pretended not to take notice of the same He made it only his business to inform the Archduke in those thirteen months that he was in Spain of the Grandees of Castile and Arragon whom he might win over from his Father-in-law to himself and to teach him the means how he might gain them The Archduke had all that was necessary for improving the Councils of Manuel He was the most affable Prince of his age and was accustomed to carress all the Flemings almost equally of what condition soever they were if they had the honour to approach him However he never made himself so familiar as to render himself contemptible to the Nobility of Spain and on no occasion stooped so low as to lose that gravity which they so much esteem He so tempered his civilities that they had all the success which he expected and that they who were honoured with them preferred his rule before that of Ferdinand And the truth is he left Spain so generally beloved that it was no more in the power of his Father-in-law to discredit him though he might have had a mind to do it Ferdinand suffered him to stay there but as short a while as he could and though the Archdutchess was brought to bed in the City of Alcala of a second Son who was afterwards Emperour Ferdinand the First they stayed not till she was up again to give her Husband the satisfaction of returning in company with her They would have him go before and the pretext that was made use of for sending him back with so much precipitation was the Commission he was charged with to negotiate at Blois where Louis the Twelfth was an accommodation of the clashing that had happened betwixt the French and the Spaniards about the dividing of the Kingdom of Naples The Archduke as hath been said in the former Book treated like a Gentleman and took all the care he ought in an Affair that nearly concerned him since he was already assured to reap advantage from it So soon as he set foot in France his most Christian Majesty and he vied in generosity The King sent into Flanders eight chief Lords of his Court there to remain as Hostages that no prejudice should be done to the Archduke in his passage and the Archduke that he might testifie an entire confidence in the Kings word wrote into Flanders that they should send back the Hostages The accommodation betwixt the two Nations was concluded and signed but Ferdinand disowned the proceedings of his Son in-law and thereby put an affront upon him which in the Maximes of the World was too great and too publick to be pardoned It was to no purpose for Ferdinand to represent to the Archduke that it was he who would reap all the fruit of the perfidious action he complained of and that thereby he would have the Kingdom of Naples entire The Archduke was nothing the less offended thereat and Manuel finding him
in that disposition contributed not a little as they say to keep him in it being assured to render himself necessary to his Master so long as it lasted There was no more Commerce betwixt the Father and Son in law but what could not civilly be discontinued and the Archduke to make a closer Union with the most Christian King against his Catholick Majesty made three agreements for the marriage of his eldest Son with Claude of France eldest Daughter to his Majesty But the Alliances which are most securely contracted in writing are not those which most frequently succeed best The death of Queen Isabella which happened the seventeenth of November One thousand five hundred and four was the cause or pretext that the three Contracts of marriage were not fulfilled and Ferdinand for all he was so politick a Prince could not ward a blow that was so disadvantageous to him and so favourable to his Son-in-law * In the Testament of Queen Isabella There was indeed a Testament of Queen Isabella found which ordained that the King her Husband during life should have the administration and Revenues of Castile but the Testament was no sooner examined than the Courtiers and Lawyers agreed in suspecting it to be forged The Archduke who had a mind to reign and saw himself excluded for a long time and perhaps for his whole life by an Act so inconsistent with Motherly affection had no regard to it and indeed it was hard to be believed that it could have been dictated and signed by Queen Isabella considering her humour all her life time in relation to her Husband for there hapned to that Princess what is but too common to Women who out of a Maxim of State marry Husbands as young again as themselves When Ferdinand and Isabella were married Ferdinand was but sixteen years old and Isabella two and thirty Her Jealousie of Ferdinand appeared soon after their marriage and it ought to be said here for her excuse that it was not without ground Ferdinand had slighted her and been often unfaithful though she was very beautiful and besides no woman living more scrupulous in the point of Chastity than her self He had loved other Ladies by whom he had the Archbishop of Sarragossa Don Alphonso d' Arragon and other Bastards who will be more properly mentioned in another place of this History Isabella had not therefore behaved her self the worse towards him but Injuries of that nature which are most patiently born with are not those for all that which make the smallest impressions in peoples minds and are soonest blotted out If Isabella had so much command over her self as during her life to dissemble the ramblings of her Husband it is not very likely that at her death she would reward him for them that is to say in a Juncture when there is no time for counterfeiting and when she was no longer to observe measures with him nor that she would have deprived her eldest Daughter of the enjoyment of the Kingdom of Castile which Nature Law Reason and the Custom of Spain gave to her to leave it to a fickle Husband who would not fail so soon as he should be a Widower to marry again nor to employ all sorts of means not only to secure to the Children of the second Marriage the Crowns of Arragon but also if possible to procure for them the Kingdoms of Castile in prejudice of the Children of his former bed Isabella had cause to fear it since the Father and Mother of Ferdinand had done as much for him and that the unfortunate Charles Prince of Vienne the Son of the first Wife of John King of Arragon had been poysoned to make way for the same Ferdinand who was only the Son of the second Be it as it will the Archduke was not amused by the Couriers whom his Father in law sent to stay him in Flanders under pretext that it might be prejudicial to the Archdutchess his Wife ready to lie in of a Daughter which was Mary Queen of Hungary He nevertheless departed with her for Spain in the month of January One thousand five hundred and seven and the new Queen of Castile had no prejudice by it Chievres was left Governour of the Low Countries and Manuel accompanied the Archduke Ferdinand was so ill informed of the course his Daughter and Son-in-law took that he went to wait for them at one end of Spain whilst they landed at the other All the great men of the Kingdom except two declared for them they were solemnly Crowned the People swore Allegiance to them without respect to the Testament of the late Queen and Ferdinand finding himself not to be the stronger caused an Accommodation to be proposed to his Son-in-law seeing he confided far more in his own management than in that of his Agents he sollicited with so much perseverance an interview with the King of Castile that he obtained it but it cost him dear and he must first pass through mortifications that were so much the more sensible to him as that he was the less accustomed to the like He was constrained to go to his Son-in-law trust himself in his hands to be satisfied with his bare word for a safe Conduct and to present himself in the posture of a Supplicant He appeared indeed in that manner accompanied with a small Retinue without Arms and mounted on Mules He could not have a private Conference with his Son-in-law and Manuel who was the man in the world he hated most because he imputed to him all the harshness he found in the King of Castile towards him made always a third person in the Conference Ferdinand at first lost his hopes of retaining the administration left him by his Wife and condescended at length to accept one half of the Revenues But he was positively denied any share and sent back extremely vexed that he had humbled himself in vain Cardinal Ximenes who was no less his Friend though he owed not his advancement to him mediated for him another interview with his Son-in law in the Vestry of the Church of Remedo a League from Vailladolid The two Kings discoursed alone without any other Witness but the Cardinal who kept the door They concluded at length that Ferdinand should absolutely renounce the administration of Castile upon two conditions The one that he should enjoy during life the three great Masteries of the Orders of St. James Callatrava and Alcantara The other that his Son-in-law should pay him yearly at Sarragossa whither he should immediately after the interview retire a moderate Pension which amounted but according to some to three Counts of Maravedis or to eight Counts at most according to others Ferdinand was no sooner in Arragon but that he laboured to be revenged for the pretended indignities received from his Son-in-law He supposed that the personal charms of that young Prince would indeed preserve to him the affections of the Castillians in time of Peace but he doubted that that
he failed to do it within a time limited Ferdinand knew Maximilian too well to be afraid of him so long as none but he made War against him because he was sure that in that case his Imperial Majesty would do it but weakly and but for a short time too But he apprehended that when the French saw him once engaged in the Conquest of the Kingdom of Naples and reduced to an inability of pursuing his point through the want of money they might treat with him to buy the places he had taken and hire the Forces employed in forcing them for in such a Juncture it would be impossible for Spain to preserve that Kingdom In that prospect Ferdinand proposed to himself by the means of France to divert the storm that threatned him and had his recourse to the mediation of Louis the Twelsth to hinder Maximilian from making War once more in Italy Louis had received causes of dissatisfaction from the Republick of Venice that he could not think of pardoning It had hindered him from recovering the Kingdom of Naples wherein had it not been for that Republick he must have succeeded and they had plainly enough intimated by their Embassadours at Paris that they would engage in all Leagues that might be formed against the disturbers of the peace of Italy Since their politick resolutions were unalterable and that there was no other expedient to take them off from the execution of the Counsels taken in the Pregadi but by attacking them so powerfully that they should have business enough to defend themselves Louis laboured to turn against them the four most considerable Powers of Europe which were the Holy See France Germany and Spain In the causes of the League of Cambray The Union of so many Adversaries of so contrary humours and interests did not appear very difficult because there was none of them from whom the Republick did not keep Towns which they would be very glad to recover In the Ecclesiastical state they possessed the most Important places of the Province of Romania in the Dutchy of Milan the Towns lying upon the River of Adda Istria and Friuli the places which heretofore the House of Austria had held by engagement and in the Kingdom of Naples the maritime Towns of Apulia France secretly negotiated the Preliminaries of that League and they were almost agreed when Ferdinand represented to the most Christian King that if he prevented not the misunderstanding that was like to degenerate into an open War betwixt his Catholick Majesty and the Emperour the Union of the four Potentates would be interrupted and perhaps would not all be formed by reason of the distrust that Pope Julius the Second might have that if he joyned alone with the French seeing they had many more Forces than he they might alone make their prosit of all the spoils of the Venetians Louis assaulted on the weak side employed his Ministers to reconcile his two most inveterate enemies and bestirred himself in it so vigorously that by his patience and perseverance he surpassed the great dissiculties that he met with therein The Emperour and Catholick King by his mediation disposed of the Crowns of Castile to which neither the one or other had any other right but that of conveniency as if they had been uncontrovertibly their own and though the Laws of the Country called to the Government the eldest of their Grandchildren when he was compleat Eighteen years of age yet they put him off by their own private authority till he were five and twenty The Emperour rested content with a Pension of fifty thousand Crowns a year for all the pretensions he had to Castile in quality of Paternal Grandfather to the two young Princes who were the lawful Heirs of it and the Catholick King secured himself at so easie a rate to reign so long as he lived as absolutely in that Monarchy as he did in Arragon Chievres with extreme indignation received the news of the conclusion of so unreasonable a Treaty and laid two considerable intrigues to break it off before it began to be put in execution the one was at the Court of France by the Countess of Angoulesm the Mother of Francis presumptive Successour to Louis the other in Germany by Margarite of Austria whom we have mentioned before The Countess of Angoulesm represented to the most Christian King that the Accommodation which he had made betwixt Germany and Spain was equally contrary to the Justice which he owed to himself and to that which he owed to the most illustrious Feudatary of his Crown That the three attempts made by his most Christian Majesty for the recovery of the Kingdom of Naples in seven years time since he lost it were sufficient to convince him that he could not succeed in it so long as the Germans and Spaniards acted in concert to hinder him from entering it as on the contrary their dis-union would infallibly open to him the way and that notwithstanding his Majesty instead of taking all courses to set Maximilian and Ferdinand at variance and at least of taking the advantage of the division fallen out betwixt them without his having a hand in it as he might in Conscience have done had interposed to make them friends and that successfully too which was the more insupportable to all true Frenchmen that they were sensible that had it not been for that Mediation the Kingdom of Naples would have been entirely reunited to the French Monarchy That the late King of Castile had upon his death-bed left the disposition of his eldest Son to his most Christian Majesty that besides he held of him because of his Counties of Flanders Artois and Charolois that he had indeed provided for the Education of that young Prince but that it seemed at present he had repented of the good he had done unto him by procuring him at least as much hurt seeing he frustrated him for seven whole years of the possession of the Kingdoms of Castile which by nature and the Laws belonged to him These urgent reasons of the Countess made no impression upon the mind of Louis because his Majesty neither could nor would undo his own work and if Chievres was strangely troubled at it he had occasion to take comfort in that his Pupil had afterwards the Kingdom of Navarre which Ferdinand could never have seized had he not been King of Castile as well as of Arragon in the Juncture that offered four years after However he left not off to apply himself to the Emperour by the Mediation of Margarite of Austria whose third Marriage with the Duke of Savoy had neither been longer nor more happy than the former with the Dauphin of France and the Prince of Spain who represented to him that his Imperial Majesty had rendered the House of Austria the most powerful Family in Christendom first by his Alliance with the Heiress of Burgundy and since by the Alliance of his Son with the Heiress of Spain but that
if he persisted resolute in the execution of a Treaty which he might break without being thought unfaithful since not only he was cheated in it more than the half of the just value but also he reserved not thereby the hundredth part of what belonged to him and would ruine the Family by dividing it in such a manner as it could never be re-united again That all Europe was persuaded that Ferdinand loved the younger Son incomparably better than the elder and that there were such evident marks of that preference that it could not be doubted seeing he had given his name to the younger That he took a particular care of his education that he visited him time after time in the Colledge of Alcala where he studied and that he brought him up in the hopes of being one day King of Castile and Arragon That it would be very hard to hinder that odd design if the Catholick King reigned in CAstile till the Archduke were five and twenty years of age compleat because that long space of time would be sufficient to settle the young Ferdinand so firm in Spain that though his elder Brother had a mind to force him thence yet he could not be able to do it and the hatred of the two Brothers would become indelible in that the elder would always lay claim to the Monarchies which his younger Brother had usurped from him and the younger would still be upon his guard against his elder Brother in the sole prospect of maintaining his Usurpation whereas if the Emperour had the administration of Castile during the Minority of the Archduke he would preserve that Monarchy for him and his Ministers would from thence so carefully watch all the actions of the Catholick King that it would be almost impossible for him to raise young Ferdinand to the Throne of Arragon If contrary to all appearance the Affair might still succeed yet young Ferdinand could not long sit on the Throne to which his Benefactor had raised him and there would be so little proportion betwixt his Forces and those of his elder Brother that he would be soon subdued which could not befall him if he possessed the two Monarchies of Castile and Arragon seeing in that case his elder Brother must cross over all France to which the most Christian King would never consent Maximilian had no more regard to the Remonstrances of Margarite of Austria than the most Christian King had to those of the Countess of Angoulesm whether it was that the word of his Imperial Majesty was already too far engaged or that he apprehended not the inconveniences which Chievres foresaw His Accommodation with the Catholick King was concluded he had his fifty thousand Crowns a year that were promised him duly payed and Ferdinand reigned so long as he lived with as much authority in Castile as Arragon though he had no right over the Castilians and was lawful King of the Arragonese But it seldom happens that private men concern themselves in the quarrels of their Sovereigns scotfree for if the Party they adhered to get the better of the other they seldom obtain a reward proportionable to the greatness of their services and if they succumb the unfortunate Prince for whom they declared abandons them to the discretion of the happy Prince whom they have offended or at least takes no care to comprehend them in his Articles of Agreement which is almost the same as if he abandoned them There was no mention neither of Chievres nor of Manuel made in the reconciliation of the Emperour and Catholick King but the Archdukes Governour sustained no prejudice thereby and all the storm broke upon the Favourite of his Father Ferdinand durst not attempt to remove Chievres from his Grandson Charles because Louis the Twelfth who had placed him there would have been concerned in honour to have maintained him and besides the People of the Low Countries would not have suffered him to have been deposed with what pretext soever that change had been coloured But Manuel who had not so good a back remained without a Protector Maximilian sacrificed him without scruple and Ferdinand made it a Principle of policy to drive him to the utmost extremity By that means he thought to over aw the more restless spirits of Castile and to render them so tractable that they would trouble him no more in the administration of their Monarchy It happened however that the People of the Low Countries where Manuel had taken sanctuary seconded but in half the violence of his Catholick Majesty They consented indeed that Manuel should be committed to Prison but they would not comply with Ferdinand to bring him to a Trial before the Supreme Court of Flanders In vain his Catholick Majesty declared himself Plaintiff and offered to make it out in lawful form that he had been the only cause of the mis-understanding that had been betwixt himself and the late King of Castile his son-in-law They shifted his Proposition by sending him this positive answer That it belonged not to the Subjects of the Archduke Charles such as were the Judges of the Low Countries to try an Affair that concerned another Subject of that Prince born in a Country far remote from theirs and over whom they had no Jurisdiction the Crimes in question not having been committed in Flanders That they were willing to believe upon the word of his Majesty that Manuel was guilty because he had been so unhappy as to give him occasion to think him so and that it was only upon that account that they had made sure of his Person that they would keep him in safe custody and be answerable for him But that seeing the Archduke was concerned in the Affair by reason of his Fathers reputation which might be blemished there was a necessity of staying till he was of age and that the Laws of Castile gave him Authority to assist at the Judgment of a Castilian Ferdinand was not satisfied with that excuse But it being impossible for him to obtain any more against Manuel he did not complain and the Flemings denied Manuel nothing which he desired to ease the irksomness of a Prison He continued there until the death of Ferdinand and came out immediately after * In the last Negotiation of Manuel His gratitude to the Archduke who went in Person with Chievres to take him out of Prison was such that thereafter he stirred up in his favours all the Princes of Italy against the French and gave him the occasion of taking from them the Dutchy of Milan The big belly of the Queen Germana was more than sufficient to comfort Ferdinand for that the sole Castilian whom he had proposed to undo had escaped from his revenge His Catholick Majesty had in the year One thousand five hundred and nine a Son who without dispute ought to disappoint the Archduke of the Kingdoms of Arragon Valencia Majorca Minorca Naples and Sicily The late King of Castile agreed to that and the
Great Captain had approved for that end the transaction passed betwixt that Prince and his Father-in-law But it is in vain for men to strive to avoid the Decrees of Heaven Ferdinand's new Son lived but an hour and the Catholick King was more sensibly touched with grief at the loss of him than he had been affected with joy at his birth He turned his resentment against the Person in the world who had most obliged him and that Person defended himself in the way that ablest Courtiers take to avoid the indignation of their Masters which is that of a diversion Cardinal Francis de Cisneros Ximenes was the man of all the Spaniards whose outside best agreed with the inside and in whose countenance those who knew least of Physiognomy could very hardly have been deceived even though they would He was of a goodly stature a well proportioned body a healthful constitution steady gate strong voice grave countenance his countenance was long and withered his forehead large and so smooth that age wrinkled it not his eyes small and hollow but quick and piercing though they were always watery his nose long and aquiline his fore-teeth set so far outward that he went by the Nick-name of the Elephant his lips thick his chest long and his head without any future as it appeared to them who found his Skull forty years after his death when they were repairing the Vault where his body was laid to which are attributed those fearful headaches wherewith he was so frequently tormented contrary to Cardinal Richelieu who never felt any pain of the head because he had in his Crown two little holes through which the vapours exhaled The prudence of Ximenes carried it from that of the Cardinal of Amboise chief Minister of State to the most Christian King Louis the Twelfth It had always inclined the advantage to the Spanish side against France when those two Monarchies fell into competition The Spaniard was indeed slower in deliberation than the French-man but to make amends for that he prevented him in the execution when once he had taken his side and never remitted as he did till he had accomplished what he had begun difficulties enlivened instead of discouraging him Choler to which he was subject never so far transported him as to make him say any thing or do any action that he might have cause afterward to repent of He was so punctual in keeping of his word that it never went out of his mind till he had fulfilled it His deep Melancholy obliged him to delight in the company of those who used to make Jests but he himself never spake any and it was perhaps for fear of meeting with sharp repartees for he was but the Son of a Proctor of Tortelaguna in old Castile and he had spent his youth amongst the Cordeliers before that Order was reformed The sole consideration of his worth had advanced him to be Guardian and Provincial of his Order and he actually discharged the last of the two when it pleased Queen Isabella to chuse him for her Confessor He endeavoured to have excused himself and did not embrace it but because that Princess would needs have him to be the depositary of her greatest secrets Nevertheless one of his most intimate friends pleasantly complained of it as of a piece of Infidelity committed towards him and upbraided him that he forsook him to go to Court. Queen Isabella was sensible already of the reach and ability of his Genius when by the following accident she was excited to give him the chief Ecclesiastical Dignity of Spain Cardinal Hurtado de Mendoza was sick and the Physicians despaired of his recovery Ferdinand and Isabella who were extraordinarily obliged to him did him the honour to give him a visit and Isabella privately conjured him to tell her ingenuously if he had no thoughts of any who he desired might succeed to him The Cardinal answered that it was indifferent to him provided his Successour deserved the Archbishoprick of Toledo Isabella insisted She conjured him to name to her the Castilian whom he judged worthiest and the Cardinal without hesitation replied that Ximenes was the man. Isabella ravished at that Authentick testimony which gave her occasion to promote her Confessor to the Archbishoprick of Toledo without giving offence to her Husband caused his Brief to be expeded upon the death of the Cardinal and shortly after brought him into the Council of State. He acquired a prodigious reputation there in respect that all the Counsels which he moved or seconded hardly ever failed to succeed as on the contrary those which he rejected were commonly unsuccessful but in exchange he attracted the enmity of the greatest Nobility of Castile and Arragon No Minister of State in Spain that ever went before him possessed in so high a degree that so rare a virtue in a States-man which the holy Scripture calls hunger and thirst after righteousness He could not endure that great men should oppress their Vassals and when a poor Peasant applied himself to him to demand Justice for the oppression of his Lord he rendered it upon the spot if it depended solely on him and procured it by all his credit if it was not in his own power without caring for what might follow The murmurings of the persons of quality were so much the greater at that that for many ages they had been accustomed to treat their Inferiours according to their fancy That abuse proceeded from the priviledge the Nobles took to themselves because it was chiefly they who recovered the Country from the Moors Upon that ground alone they were persuaded that all Castile belonged to them by the right of Conquest and that they did no injury to Catholick Peasants who lived only there by their permission when they left them no more of the Crop they sowed and reaped but what they pleased The Kings of Castile and Arragon had always been indulgent to these petty Tyrants whether it was that they feared to excite the great men to revolt who otherwise were but too subject to it or that they themselves had an interest in the continuance of that disorder because in their own Lands they used the same violences that the Gentlemen committed in theirs Therefore the Great men of Castile complained to Queen Isabella oftener than once of the Cardinal and pressed her to send him home to his Church where they thought he would not be any more so troublesome to them But Isabella always cluded their desire by answering that that Prelate was so useful to her that though he were at Toledo she must of necessity dispatch a Courrier with Orders for him instantly to repair to Court. Thereupon she imparted to them in general the important affairs which required the presence of that Prelate and if she dismissed them not with satisfaction yet she took from them the pretext of making Insurrections upon the account their desire had been refused So they separated and returned to their Castles without daring
of Oran the Capital of a Kingdom to which it gave the name was afterwards attacked and taken by storm Bugy where the University of the Moors was and the only place known in Affrica where they went to learn the little of Arts and Sciences which they have was as easily conquered The occasion that Ximenes had of seizing it deserves to be known were it for no other reason but to convince us that if Christians took as much care to be informed of the affairs of Infidels as Infidels take to learn what news happen amongst Christians we should get more by it than they and find a a great many favourable occasions which are lost for want of that application The Uncle of the King of Bugy by the Father a few days before the Spaniards drew near that Kingdom thought it not enough to dethrone his Nephew but also put out his eye-sight with a hot Iron that thereby he might render him incapable of reigning and prevent according to the Custom of the Country the designs of those who pretended afterward to re-establish him upon the Throne during the life of the Usurper or immediately after his death Ximenes accidentally was informed of so barbarous an action and presently resolved to make his advantage of it He sent word to the friends of the dispossessed King that he would exemplarily revenge the injury that was done if they would act in concert with him and there needed no more to raise in the Kingdom of Bugy a second revolution as great as the former The Party that was worsted took courage again and quickly setled secret correspondences with the Spaniards who they thought had offered themselves to them out of a principle of generosity They took so just measures with them that they facilitated the taking of places that were capable to hinder them from approaching the Capital City and then brought them into Bugy by means that were kept so secret after the execution of them that the Spanish Historians disagree about the manner This is certain that an accident supervened which was so much the more favourable to the Spaniards for winning that other Crown of Barbary that not being so skilful in medicine as they had been in the time of Averroes and Avienne they took it for a miracle The red-hot Iron that had been made use of to blind the King by holding it near his eyes a quarter of an hour had indeed deprived him of sight but had not wholly dried up the humours whether it was that the Ministers of the Usurpers cruelty had taken it out of the fire before it was hot enough for the intended operation or that it was not put near enough his eyes and held there a sufficient time for drying entirely up the humidity which serves to the functions of sight The Spanish Chirurgions perceived it and undertook to cure the Moorish King. The cure was long and difficult but at length it succeeded and was look'd upon as well by him upon whom it was wrought as by his Subjects as an evident mark that it was the purpose of heaven that they should be Tributaries to the Spaniards The Corsairs of Algiers In the relation of that Conquest who till then had with impunity destroyed the Christian Fleets and spoil'd the Commerce of Europe in Africa followed the example of those of Bugy and submitted to the payment of the same tribute In a word the Spaniards by an excess of good fortune which they have not had since in their Wars against the Barbarians made themselves Masters of the Kingdom of Tripoli and Ximenes returned to his Church of Toledo with so much glory and booty that Ferdinand durst think no more of molesting him In this manner the Archduke Charles reaped so much advantage from the quarrel of that Prelate and his Maternal Grandfather that three illustrious Kingdoms and a more famous Republick were thereby subjected to him and shortly after in the year One thousand five hundred and twelve the same good fortune brought under his Dominion the Kingdom of Navarre when neither he himself nor his Governour Chievres had any hand in it That Monarchy had often fallen to Daughters and by consequent had successively passed into several Families By that way it was transferred from the ancient House of Navarre to that of Leon from the House of Leon to that of Castile from the House of Castile to that of Champagne from the House of Champagne to that of France from the House of France to that of Evreux from the House of Evreux to the House of Arragon and from the House of Arragon to that of Foix-Grailly Gaston de Foix married Eleanor Queen of Navarre second Sister to the Father of Ferdinand the Catholick King by whom he had twelve Children of both Sexes The eldest Son died at two and twenty years of age he left a Son and a Daughter whom he had of Magdalen the youngest Daughter of Charles the Seventh The Son named Francis Phoebus reigned not long in Navarre and died before he was married The Daughter named Catharine became thereby the richest Heiress of Europe She remained under the Guardianship of her Mother who would never hear of marrying again though she was a Widow at the age of seventeen years There were but few Princes in Europe that courted not the Alliance of the young Queen of Navarre and the most considerable Husband that was proposed to her was the Insanto of Spain John the Son of Ferdinand who was much of the same age with her That Prince was the only Son of Ferdinand and Isabella and if he had married Catharine all the Monarchies of Spain had been reunited except that of Portugal Ferdinand and Isabella designed that chiefly by the Match But Magdalen of France had not so great an aversion to the House she was come of as to contribute to the raising in Spain a Power almost equal to that of France She absolutely refused her Daughter to the Prince of Spain but for all that she had not so much kindness for the House of France as to marry her Daughter into it as she had not so much affection for her Daughter as to marry her into a Sovereign Family She gave her to John Son of Alan d' Albert a powerful Lord indeed in Gascony but who possessed not a foot of Land but what held of the Kings of France in quality of Dukes of Guyenne Irregularities in Politicks are of more dangerous consequence than others and it is rare to be found in History that Queens of themselves have married Husbands inferiour to them in quality without having great occasions of repenting it John d' Albert seemed born to verisie the old Proverb That the best men are not always the best Kings He had all the qualities that could accomplish a private man but he wanted those which distinguish Sovereigns from those that are not and were not cut out for being so He delighted only in study and minded nothing by his good
will but collecting of Manuscripts and setting up Libraries There was not a House of any note in Europe but he could upon the spot blazon its Coat of Arms and deduce the Genealogy thereof and though no man knew better than he that Nobility is only the reward of merit and that he could not more sensibly affront the Gentry of Navarre than by introducing amongst them persons altogether undeserving yet he did but too often give them occasion of vexing at his conduct in that particular whether it was that he suffered himself to be wheedled by flattery or that he could not resist long importunities He had learned in Guyenne to treat with his Vassals as a simple Gentleman and that familiarity which was reckoned a virtue in him so long as he continued in France became his greatest vice when he was in Spain the People of that Country esteeming none more enormous than that which is most inconsistent with gravity Royal Majesty was to him insupportable in all the actions that were not of Ceremony At other times he loved to live in an equallity which he called the Cement of Civil Society He went willingly to such places where he was invited to eat provided the company consisted only of Gentlemen of breeding and the first thing he did when he was come was to forget for some time that he was King and to be willing that the Master of the House and the Guests should forget it as well as he seeing he was very pleasant company he contributed at least as much to their mirth as they did to his and when he came to know of any feast made in Pampelona the chief City of Navarre whether out of respect they durst not invite him he invited himself and put the People to no charges for then he went commonly alone He loved dancing the more that in it he excelled all the Princes of his Age and when upon a Journey he found by the way companies of Towns or Country people who diverted themselves that way he struck in and danced with them He had so great antipathy against State affairs when he found them thorny that he abandoned them entirely to the care of his Ministers who not having the same interest in them as he had ordered them many times according to their fancy The greatest abuse that proceeded from thence was that the Magistracies Benefices Offices and Governments of Navarre were given to strangers and that the Remonstrances made thereupon by the Estates of the Kingdom were fruitless There is nothing Princes ought more to fear than the hatred and contempt of their Subjects However they may boast that they are not altogether unfortunate when they fall but into the aversion alone or into the contempt alone of the same Subjects because if they have only lost their affection the reverence that remains is sufficient to keep them in obedience and if they have only lost the reverence affection supplies the defect but when there is neither reverence nor affection it is impossible to prevent revolutions in States and to hinder them from growing universal when once they are begun John d' Albert was no more respected by the Navarrese by reason of his too familiar way of living and for all that reigned no less peaceably because he was no less beloved of the meaner sort whom he treated as his equals nor of the great men who well enough foresaw that a Prince of that temper would never invade their Priviledges but so soon as he attracted the hatred of both by preferring before them strangers and persons of mean virtue nothing was then able to support him and he succumbed under the first attack that was made against him For many Ages Navarre had been divided into two almost equal Factions in power the one was that of Beaumont the other that of Grammont according to the old Titles of the House which still retains that name and of Grammont according to the modern The chief of the House of Beaumont was the Count of Lerin hereditary Constable of Navarre and the chief of the House of Grammont was Lord of Tutelle and High Marshal of the Kingdom The Count of Lerin had all the Qualities or to say better all the Vices that ancient and modern Histories have observed in extraordinary men who have made themselves Heads of Parties His mind was the more malicious that neither Humanity nor Religion retained it upon any occasion within bounds He had killed the Father and only Brother of the Count of Tutelle and for killing them had profaned what is most holy in the Catholick Religion The Cardinal de Foix during the preceding Reign had interposed to reconcile the Families of Beaumont and Grammont and thought he had accomplished it when he had obliged the Constable and Marshal of Navarre to promise solemnly that they would forget what was past and for the future live in perfect friendship After that he celebrated Mass divided the Host into two and communicated both Parties and yet this hindered not but that the Constable as soon as he came out of the Church went and way-laid the Marshal with a purpose to assassinate him He missed his blow indeed but left not off searching occasions afterwards of putting it in execution The Marshal on the contrary was a frank man and who in all appearance departed not from the Maxims of Religion but because he was not sufficiently instructed in them He supposed it was lawful to revenge the death of his Father and Brother and the murder attempted upon his own Person provided it were done publickly and without treachery The Constable and Marshal had engaged into their quarrel all the Nobility of Navarre and their private difference was insensibly degenerated into a Civil War wherein their Neighbours had taken the part that interest or inclination suggested to them The French declared for the Faction of Grammont and the Castilians out of pure antipathy espoused that of Beaumont which was actually the most powerful in the City of Pampelona when John d' Albert made his first entry into it He favoured those of Grammont before he married the Heiress of Navarre and the effects of it were so visible that the Common People had as little cause to doubt of it as the Nobility Thus the Constable had cause more than enough to distrust the new King and to fear being born down by him if he received him at first and without Conditions into the Capital City of the Kingdom He had thereupon the boldness to shut the Gates upon him and not to open them till after a Capitulation wherein John d' Albert obliged himself in writing not to meddle in the quarrel betwixt those of Beaumont and Grammont upon any ground or pretext whatsoever John d' Albert granted all that the Constable demanded of him because otherwise he could not have been Crowned with the common consent of the Nobility of Navarre but the affront seemed to him afterward to be too great to be
at the appointed time there was a necessity he should march through Navarre with what Baggage and Artillery were needful for him to lay Siege to the City of Bourdeaux that the same passage was as necessary for his Armies marching back again to his own Territories and that for securing it in case he succeeded not in his enterprise as he expected their Majesties of Navarre must needs give him the places of Esteille Maye and St. John Pied de Port for Cautionary Towns that he promised upon his honour if they were freely granted him to restore them again faithfully so soon as his Forces were come back again into Castile and Arragon but if they were absolutely refused or not presently entrusted into his hands they must not take it ill if he endeavoured to put in execution the Bull of Excommunication which Pope Julius the Second had just then thundered out against their Majesties of Navarre as well as against Louis the Twelfth of France The Queen and King of Navarre gave Audience to the Herald in the Town of Tudelle where their Estates were assembled and made him answer That Navarre intended to observe an exact Neutrality betwixt the most Christian and Catholick Kings and as the Catholick King might have ground to complain of their Majesties of Navarre if they permitted the French to pass their Country for invading Arragon or Castile so would the most Christian King also have if they opened a passage through their States for the Spaniards to enter into Guienne The Duke of Alva who only waited for that answer marched streight to Pampelona and gave the signal to those of the Faction of Beaumont who made in one day an Insurrection in all the other Towns of Navarre in favours of the Spaniards the two and twentieth of July One thousand five hundred and twelve The Kings of Navarre hastened also to Pampelona but by another way where finding the Towns-people disposed to open the Gates to the Duke of Alva so soon as he appeared before their Walls they had no other course to take but to fly into the Territories which they had in France None accompanied them in their retreat but the chief of the Faction of Grammont because the others being assured that the Catholick King would receive them with open Arms stayed at home quietly in their houses What was very strange in so general a revolution there was not one Town that shewed their Loyalty to their Prince by enduring a Siege and the Duke of Alva had no more to do but to appear before them one after another to have the Keys delivered into his hands Ferdinand having conquered so important a Kingdom caused his Army to stay there for securing it and failed in his promise both alike to the Pope and to his Son-in-law Henry the Eighth of England suffered the English to lie hovering upon the Coast of Guyenne and did not send them word till the end of the Campagne that they should stay no longer for him and that if they pleased they might return home The End of the Second Book BOOK III. Containing the most memorable Affairs that pass'd in the Monarchy of Spain during the Year One thousand five hundred and fifteen and part of One thousand five hundred and sixteen THE Spanish Historians treating of the Invasion of Navarre put it off with a false Jest Their intention is to take their Readers off from observing too narrowly the manner how that Kingdom was united to their Monarchy by pleasantly amusing them whilst as tenderly as they can they touch so nice a point they say that John d' Albert being come to the most distant place from which he might still see his Capital City of Pampelona and turning about to take a full view of it sell a crying bitterly and that the Queen Catharine de Foix his Wife offended at so unseasonable an act of tenderness told him in a disdainful manner In the relation of the flight of John d' Albert. that he might very well cry like a woman for the loss of a Crown which he could not defend like a man. But these Authors have not taken notice That John d' Albert and his Queen departed not together from Pampelona That seeing the King was more hated there than she he was the first that consulted his own security by flying away about break of day and that the Queen followed not her Husband till two days after when he was already entered the Mountains of Aldude Ferdinand after the Conquest of Navarre had a greater desire than before to have Children by his second Wife He was not as yet superannuated and his failings were only imputed to the disorders of his youth The Physicians made no doubt but by their Art they might retrieve his former vigour for some time at least and taught the Queen Germana how to make a love Potion which in their opinion would prove infallible The Queen who would not venture upon any thing that she might be reproached with spoke of it to Ferdinand who bid her take the care of preparing it her self that it might be kept the more secret She only communicated it to her Ladies of Honour in whom she had greatest confidence and they presented it one Evening to Ferdinand when he was going to bed at Carrousillo a house of pleasure where he spent the spring of the year One thousand five hundred and thirteen Ferdinand drank up the Potion to the very dregs but whether the Dose was too strong for the weakness of his Constitution or that it was not carefully enough prepared it had a quite contrary effect to the intent of those that gave it Ferdinand fell immediately sick upon it and his Physicians who knew the cause of his distemper were at a stand as to the cure They caused him to be removed to Megorada where he was so long and so dangerously seized with all the symptomes that threatned an approaching end that Chievres thought it time seriously to mind the Succession to the Monarchy of Arragon and the possession of that of Castile He was persuaded that his Majesty would use his endeavours to disappoint the Archduke Charles and settle them upon the Infanto Ferdinand and since that was the chief thing which he had proposed to prevent he was of the opinion that the Archduke should send into Spain Adrian his Tutor who was as yet but Dean of Louvain The pretext of that Voyage was the Marriage which the People of the Low Countries desired for their own repose betwixt the Archduke and Renée of France second Daughter of Louis the Twelfth King of France but in reality the Dean had an Authentick Power and many blanks signed for taking possession of the two Monarchies in case the Catholick King should die and at least to preserve that of Castile for the Archduke supposing Arragon should be given by Testament to the younger Brother The dispatches were expeded with all imaginable secrecy but the Catholick King was too mistrustful
not to suspect the true reason of the intended Voyage and seeing what Princes on such occasions do fancy passes in their minds for certain truth the Catholick King received Adrian so very ill and so many ways tried his patience that he tired it out The Dean for his first essay had undertaken a Negotiation a little too difficult and he could not worthily acquit himself of it without continual attendance at the Court of the Catholick King. In the mean time his Majesty who looked upon him as a Spy would not permit him to wait upon him any whither Nay he would have him to return again to Flanders as often as he found himself any way better so that he was in a condition of travelling abroad in the Country which the Castilians took for an absolute cure Insomuch as the Dean having to remain at Court exhausted all the excuses that had been suggested to him in his Instructions found himself reduced to such streights as far surpassed the capacity of a man bred up in the Schools The Courtiers whom he knew to be well affected towards the Archduke augmented his trouble by acquainting him from time to time with fresh instances of kindness which the Catholick King shewed the Infanto They magnified them in their notes took them for so many demonstrations of an infallible preference persisted to press him that he would remedy it and threatned that if it were not done with all expedition they would abandon the Party of the Archduke and strike in with the Infanto In a word the Dean in the short converse that he had had with the Catholick King observed that that Prince had an extreme aversion to Chievres that he imputed to him the little Authority which he had in the Low Countries that he was persuaded that his Grandsons Governour had hindered him from Reigning there in the same manner as he did in Castile and that not being able to revenge himself upon the Governour he would do it upon the Pupil That that was truly the ground of the misunderstanding betwixt the Grandfather and Grandson and that Chievres was the Victim to be sacrificed to the reconciliation of the two That if he were removed from the Archduke it was certain that the Catholick King would more willingly listen to Nature which pleaded with him in favours of the elder of his Grandchildren that what he said to him suited exactly with his Ambition whereas if the Court of Flanders continued as it was that is in the inflexibility that it had always shewn in giving satisfaction to the Catholick King that Prince would compleat what he had begun and by his last Will settle the Infanto Ferdinand so firmly in the Monarchies of Castile and Arragon that it would be impossible for the Archduke to dispossess him This long train of reasonings engaged the Dean into a conduct equally contrary to his humour and to the gratitude which till then he had manifested to Chievres his Benefactor He thought at least that the Catholick King ought to be amused with the vain hopes of turning out the Archdukes Governour if he were not fully satisfied in the point and in that prospect caused it to be intimated to his Majesty that if he would act joyntly with him he promised himself to supplant Chievres and to put in his place the man whom his Majesty should design for the employment The Proposition was so acceptable to Ferdinand In the causes of the breach betwixt Chievres and Adrian that he sent for the Dean to discourse the matter with him hand to hand without Witnesses The Dean who was prepared to remove or at least to lessen the chief difficulties in the Affair delivered himself after his way and in Articles to his Majesty that Chievres was not so securely setled but that he might be shaken and that Louis the Twelfth who had given him the Commission which he discharged would not live long enough to maintain him in it That though his Pupil made a shew of a great deal of friendship for him that was not absolutely to be relied upon seeing that young Prince was known already to excel in the art of dissimulation and was besides resolved not to displease the Emperour Maximilian his Paternal Grandfather with whom Chievres had always entertained a strict correspondence but that at the bottom the Archduke was like other young people and that there was never any Governour who sincerely gained the friendship of his Pupil when he discharged his duty with all strictness as Chievres had done That many Flemish Gentlemen Heirs of Families took it impatiently that a younger Brother of the house of Croy should be preferred before them to the Education of their Prince and that they would not only be well pleased at the disgrace of Chievres but also with emulation contribute thereunto The Deans discourse produced but part of the effect which he promised to himself Ferdinand who had listened to him with all the attention of a prejudiced man to whom an expedient was offered of a revenge which till then he had in vain sought for conceived an extraordinary joy at it yet not without the allays of fear and diffidence He suspected part of the truth and guessed at the Politicks of the Deans conduct Nay he thought him an abler Politician than indeed he was and imagined that his design was not only to amuse him but also to oblige his Prince to whom he had preserved his birth-right and Chievres whom he had served most advantageously by cluding the most terrible effects of the hatred of the Catholick King under pretext of satisfying the same So Ferdinand replied to the Dean that he heartily accepted the offer he made him But seeing the affair in hand was very ticklish in it self it had need be seriously thought of before it was attempted to be put into execution and that there was no succeeding in it unless such measures were taken as might not easily be subject to change That the best way would be to put it down in writing by way of a Treaty betwixt his Catholick Majesty and the Archdukes Praeceptor to the end that each of them having an Authentick Copy of it they might have recourse to the same in all the doubts that might arise as to the particular circumstances that they should agree upon The Dean very well perceived the snare that Ferdinand laid for him in respect that the Writing which the Catholick King might give him would oblige him no more than his word the Dean being neither of birth nor condition to force him to the accomplishment of it whereas if Ferdinand had the Deans Writing in his hands he might make use of it when he pleased to undo him by shewing that he had without Orders negotiated and concluded the Deposition of Chievres Nevertheless since the Dean had proposed it and by consequent that if there were any crime in it he was the first that began to commit it he went on and treated with Ferdinand
in his voyage to Spain and the Flemings would not have assisted him in levying of more if they should have known that he only needed them for maintaining the usurpations of Naples and Navarre So they would have been exposed to the invasions of Francis the First and Charles would have lost incomparably more than the two Crowns we last named were worth Nevertheless in the juncture that then happened he could not restore them nor so much as pretend it was his intention without entirely forfeiting the Succession of his Mother For if he had attempted of his own Authority and without the consent of the Monarchies to which the two Kingdoms were annexed to write to the Viceroys to restore them they would not have obeyed him and if by Proxy he had demanded the consent of the Estates of Castille for the restitution of Navarre and the approbation of the Estates of Arragon for rendring Naples It would not only have been denied him but more the two Monarchies would have joyned in an interest common to both and passed immediately from Disobedience to a Revolt There was a necessity then of waiting till the Catholick King were in possession of his Kingdoms of Spain and till he had taken such just measures for the Restitutions in question as might assure him of success and upon so well grounded reasons Chievres wrote to Gouffier great Master of the Houshold to the most Christian King That it was absolutely necessary for preserving peace betwixt the two young Kings whom they had had the honour to Educate that they should have a conference together and that they should adjust a Treaty so advantageous to their Masters that neither of them might be â—empted to violate it what favourable occasion soever might present Gouffier â—hew'd the Letter to Francis the First â—ho thought it not enough to approve â—he interview but besides proposed the â—lace where it should be and for that â—nd named the Town of Noyon in Picarâ—y which was accepted of in the Counâ—il of Bruxelles Chievres on his part disposed Charles to â—…ve him an unlimited power and as if â—…e two Kings had agreed to leave to the â—…scretion of the two persons who had â—een their Governours all the prelimiâ—ary difficulties to the Negotiation they â—justed them after their own way to â—…e satisfaction of the Councils of both â—…ings In consideration of the more â—…vanced age of the most Christian King â—…e preference was given to Gouffier â—…at Chievres went to meet him at Noyon â—here he staid for him in the beginning of Summer One Thousand Five Hundred and Seventeen and their ancient Friendship hindred them not from maintaining with equal vigour the Interests of their Masters They were longer than was expected in agreeing about their Affairs and Gouffier pretended that the Crowns of Naples and Navarre should be restored before the Catholick King went over to Spain His Reasons were that his Catholick Majesty was engaged to it by the Treaty of the Count of Nassau and that it was not the business to Negotiate of new In the Negotiation of Noyon but only to put in execution what was in formal terms resolved upon That the honour of Francis the First was concerned in the speediness of the Restitution and that if it was deferred the delay would be imputed to the weakness of his most Christian Majesty and by consequence would redound to his shame That the Kingdoms of Naples and Navarre had both been Usurped the first by the Infidelity and the second by the Jugling of the late King of Spain and that the matter was so evident that no man in all Europe doubted of it what care soever that cunning Prince had taken to dazle the eyes of the World by Manifesto's stuft with Falshoods and the discourses of his Agents That it was enough to France that Naples was directly Usurped from them and that John d' Albert had lost Navarre upon the only consideration that he would not break with Louis the Twelfth to make them with equal zeal solicite that the first of the two last mentioned Kingdoms should be restored to the King of France and the second to his Ally and that seeing there was no appearance that France could be in a better condition for the future than it was then in for recovering them nor that the Catholick King could be in a worse state for maintaining them by the way of Arms as wanting both men and money Francis the First would be for ever blamed if he let slip so favourable an occasion and Gouffier would in History pass for a notorious Prevaricator if he contributed to it in any manner whatsoever Chievres who had no satisfactory answer to make directly to such solid motives thought it enough to reply indirectly that the King his Master had the best and most sincere intentions in the World as to the matter in hand and seeing he knew him better than any man else he ought more to be credited than those who might have insinuated contrary thoughts into his most Christian Majesty But that Sovereigns as well as other men were liable to necessities and that that to which Charles was then reduced was the more excusable in that it was extream That it was true indeed he had fallen to a very large Succession but that it would wholly escape him if it were not managed with all imaginable care and industry That Navarre lay so very conveniently for the Monarchies of Castille and Arragon that they had no cause of fear from abroad but from thence and that the Pyrenean Mountains and the two Seas secured them on all other hands That as their Enemies being Masters of Navarre could presently bring whole Armies into the heart of their Countries so without that they could but weakly attack their Frontiers That to judge things aright the Kingdom of Naples was of no less importance to them seeing if they lost it they were certain not to keep Sicily long That nevertheless that was the Kingdom from whence Spain had Corn in the frequent scarcities to which it was subject and that these two motives would be enough to engage the Spaniards in a general Revolt if their new King obliged them presently to restore Naples and Navarre That it would be thought stranger that he should meddle in so nice an Affair upon his coming to the Crown in that he was a stranger That during the space of a Thousand years Spain had not been governed by Monarchs of that kind That they had never as yet seen Charles and that hardly any thing could make them endure that an absent stranger before he had taken possession of his Crowns should cut them short by two That before any such thing was attempted an infinite number of cautions must be taken and that he must begin the work by obtaining from the Estates an unlimited Authority That afterward a powerful Faction should be formed in the three Bodies which make up his Estates for disposing them to give