scattered and dispersed abroad the Gospel was by them disseminated in all the parts and Countreys where they came and Saul himself being taken off even in the middle of his fury became the greatest instrument of Gods power and glory in the converting of the Gentiles For presently upon his own Conversion we find him Preaching in the Synagogues of Damascus Act. 9.20.22 Gal. 1.17 18. Act. 9 30. Act. 11.26 thence taking a long journey into Arabia from thence returning to Hierusalem afterwards travelling towards Tarsus his own native soyl and thence brought back to Antioâh by the means of Barnabas And all this while I look upon him as an Evangelist only a constant and a zealous Preacher of the Gospel of Christ in every Region where he travelledâ His calling unto the Apostleship was not until the Holy Ghost had said unto the Prophets Lucius Act. 13.1 2. Simeon and Manahen ministring then in Antiochia Separate mihi Barnabam Saulum separate me Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have called them An extraordinary call and therefore done by extraordinary means and Ministers For being the persons here employed in this Ordination neither were Apostles nor yet advanced for ought we find unto the estate and honour of Episcopacy it most be reckoned amongst those Extraordinaries which God pleased to work in and about the calling of this blessed Apostle Of which we may affirm with Chrysostom ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Chrysostom hom 20. in Act. that of the things which did befall S. Paul in his whole vocation there was nothing ordinary but every part was acted by the hand of God God in his extraordinary works ties not himself to ordinary means and courses but takes such ways and doth imploy such instruments as himself best pleaseth for the more evident demonstration of his power and glory So that however Simeon Manahen and Lucius did lay hands upon him yet being the call and designation was so miraculous he might well say that he was made an Apostle neither of men nor by men but of Jesus Christ and God the Father Chrysostom so expounds the place Not of Men ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Gal. 1. v. 1. Hom. 27. in Act so to make it manifest that he received not his call from them not by men because he was not sent by them but by the Spirit As for the work to which he was thus separated by the Lord ask the said Father what it was and he will tell you ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that it was the office of an Apostle and that he was ordained an Apostle here ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that he might Preach the Gospel with the greater power Ask who it was that did ordain him and he will tell you that howsoever Manahen Lucius and Simeon did lay hands upon him ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã yet he received his Ordination by the Holy Ghost And certainly that he had not the Apostleship before may be made manifest by that which followed after For we do not find in all the story of his Acts that either he ordained Presbyters or gave the Holy Ghost or wrought any miracles which were the signs of his Apostleship before this solemn Ordination 2 Cor. 12.11 or imposition of the hands of the said three Prophets as afterwards we find he did in several places of that book and shall now shew as it relates unto our present business in that which followeth Paul being thus advanced by God the Father and his Son Jesus Christ to the high place of an Apostle immediately applyeth himself unto the same Preaching the Word with power and miracles in the Isle of Cyprus Act. 13.11 c. from thence proceeding to Pamphylia and other Provinces of the lesser Asia every where gaining Souls to Almighty God Having spent three years in those parts of Asia and planted Churches in a great part thereof he had a mind to go again to Antioch Act. 14.26 from whence be had been recommended to the grace of God for the work which he had fulsilled But fearing lest the Doctrine he had Preached amongst them might either be forgotten or produce no profit if there were none left to attend that service Before he went he thought it fitting to found a Ministery amongst them in their several Churches To this end They i.e. He and Barnabas ordained them Presbyters in every Church with prayer and fasting Act. 14.23 and that being done they recommended him unto the Lord in whom they believed This is the first Ordination which we find of Presbyters in holy Scripture though doubtless there were many before this time The Church could neither be instructed nor consist at all without an ordinary Minister left amongst the people for the Administration of the Word and Sacraments However this being as I said the first record thereof in holy Scripture we will consider hereupon first to what Office they were called which are here called Presbyters Secondly by whom they were Ordained And thirdly by what means they were called unto it First for the Office what it was I find some difference amongst Expositors as well new as old Beza conceives the word in a general sense and to include at once Pastors and Deacons and whoever else were set apart for the rule and government of the Churches to them committed Annot. in Act. 14. v. 23. Presbyteros i.e. Pastores Diaconos alios Ecclesiae gubernationi praefectos as his own words are Here we have pastors Deacons Governours included in this one word Presbyters Ask Lyra who those Governours were Lyra in Act. 14. which Beza calls praefecti in a general name and he will tell you they were Bishops Nomine Presbyterorum hic intelliguntur etiam alii Ecclesiae Ministri ut Episcopi Diaconi Under the name of Presbyters saith he are comprehended also other Ecclesiastical Ministers as Bishops and Deacons Gloss Ordinar in Act. 14. The ordinary gloss agrees herewith as to that of Bishops and gives this reason for the same Illo autem tempore ejusdem erant nominis Episcopi Presbyteri that in that time Bishops and Presbyters were called by the same name Oecum in Act. 14. And Oecumenius holds together with them as to that of Deacons nothing that Paul and Barnabas had Epifcopal Authority ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in that they did not only ordain Deacons but also Presbyters So that it seemeth Saint Paul provided here against all occasions fetling the Churches by him planted in so sure a way that there was nothing left at random which either did relate to government or point of Doctrine And yet if any shall contend that those who here are called Presbyters were but simply such according to the notion of that word as it is now used I shall not much insist upon it I only shew what other Authors have affirmed herein and so leave it off The next thing here to be considered is who they were that were the
their hands for none but they were ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the present business the whole election of these Presbyters must be given to them But indeed it was neither so nor so Neither the Apostle nor the People had any hand in the elections of those times but the Spirit of God which evidently did design and mark out those men whom God intended to imploy in his holy Ministery The words of Paul to Timothy make this clear enough where it is said Neglect not the gift that is in thee which was given thee by Prophesie 1 Tim. 4.14 1 Tim. 1.18 c. and that there went some Prophesies before concerning Timothy the same Saint Paul hath told us in the first Chapter of that first Epistle Hom. 5. in 1. ad Tim. c. 1. Chrysostom notes upon these words that in those times ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Priests and Ministers of God were made by Prophesie that is saith he ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by the Holy Ghost And this he proves by the selection of Paul and Barnabas to the work of God which was done by Prophesie and by the Spirit And finally glossing on those words Noli negligere gratiam c. he doth thus express it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã God saith he did elect thee to this weighty charge he hath committed no small part of his Church unto thee ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã no mortal man had any hand in that designation and therefore take thou beed that thou disgrace not nor dishonour so Divine a calling More might be said both from Theodoret and Oecumenius to confirm this Truth Theodor. Oecum in locum but that I think it is sufficiently confirmed already So then the Presbyters of these times being of Gods special choice his own designation and those upon the laying on of such holy hands furnished by the Spirit with such gifts and graces as might enable them sufficiently to discharge their calling The marvel is the less if in those early days at the first dawning as it were of Christianity we find so little speech of Bishops In the ordaining of these Presbyters as also of the like in other places the Apostles might and did no question communicate unto them such and so much Authority as might invest them with a power of government during the times of their own necessary absence from those several Churches So that however they were Presbyters in degree and order yet they both were and might be trusted with an Episcopal jurisdiction in their several Cities even as some Deans although but simply Presbyters are with us in England And of this rank I take it were the Presbyters in the Church of Ephesus Act. 20.28 whom the Apostle calleth by the name of Bishops that is to say Presbyters by their Order and Degree but Bishops in regard of their jurisdiction Such also those ordained by Saint Paul in the Church of Philippos Phil. 1.1 whom the Apostle mentioneth in the very entrance of his Epistle to that people Which as it may be some occasion why Bishops properly so called were not ordained by the Apostles in the first planting of some Churches so there are other reasons alledged for it and are briefly these For first although the Presbyters in those times were by the Holy Ghost endued with many excellent gifts and graces requisite to the Preaching of the Word yet the Apostles might not think fit to trust them with the chief government till they had fully seen and perfectly made tryal of their abilities and parts that way Epiphan adv haeres 75. n. 5. And this is that which Epiphanius meaneth in his dispute against Aerius saying ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. that where there were no fit men to discharge that Office the place remained without a Bishop but where necessity required and that there wanted not fit men to supply the place there Bishops forthwith were appointed But that which I conceive to be the principal reason was this that the Apostle did reserve unto himself the chief Authority in all the Churches of his planting so long as he continued in or about those places And this he exercised either by personal Visitations mention whereof is made in the 14.21 and 15.36 of the Book of Acts or else by his rescripts and mandates as in his sentencing of the incestuous Corinthian although absent thence But when he was resolved to take a journey to Hierusalem Act. 19.21 and from thence to Rome not knowing when he should return to those Eastern parts and knowing well that multitude of governours do oft breed confusions and that equality of Ministers did oft end in factions he then resolved to give them Bishops to place a Chief in and above each several Presbytery over every City committing unto them that power aswell of Ordinations as inflicting censures which he had formerly reserved to himself alone This great Apostle as for some space of time he taught the Church without help of Presbyters so for another while he did rule the same without help of Bishops A time there was wherein there were no Bishops but the Apostles only to direct the Church and so there was a time wherein there were no Presbyters but they to instruct the same However it must be confessed that there was a time in which some Churches had no Bishops And this Hieron in Tit. c. 1. if any was the time that Saint Hierom speaks of Cum communi Presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae gubernabantur when as the Churches were governed by the common counsel of the Presbyters But sure it was so short a time that had not the good Father taken a distaste against Episcopacy by reason of some differences which he had with John the Bishop of Hierusalem he could not easily have observed it For whether Bishops were ordained Id. ad Evagrium In Schismatis remedium as he saith elsewhere for the preventing of those Schisms and factions which were then risen in the Church or that they were appointed by the Apostles to supply their absence when they withdrew themselves unto further Countreys This government of the Church in common by the Presbyters will prove of very short continuance For from the first planting of the Church in Corinth Baronius so computes it Annal. Hieron in Titâm c. 1. which was in Anno 53. unto the writing of his first Epistle to that Church and people in which he doth complain of the Schisms amongst them was but four whole years And yet it doth appear by that place in Hierom for ought can see that the divisions of the people in Religion some saying I am of Paul and I of Apollo and I of Cephas every one cleaving unto him by whom he had received Baptism were the occasion that it was decreed throughout the world as that Father saith Vt unus de Presbyteris electus superponeretur caeteris that one of the Presbyters should be set over the rest to whom
Craec in Martii 14. was by him ordained Bishop of Britain ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as the words there are a region full of fierce and savage people and that having there setled the Church and ordained Presbyters and Deacons in the same he did there also end his life The Reverend Primate of Armagh out of a fragment attributed to Heleca De Britannic Eccl. prim c. 1. sometimes Bishop of Saragossa in Spain doth recite a passage wherein it is affirmed of this Aristobulus missum in Angliam Episcopum that he was sent Bishop into England for so the Author calleth this Countrey according to the name it had when he writ the same But these things which relate to the British Churches I rather shall refer to our learned Antiquaries to be considered of more fully than affirm any thing my self But to look back on Timothy and Titus whom we left lately in their several Churches I hear it said that notwithstanding all those proofs before produced from the ancient yet being Evangelists as they were they could be no Bishops Smectymn p. 48. Bishops being tied to the particular care of that flock or Church over which God had made them Overseers but the Evangelists being Planetary sent up and down from place to place by the Apostles as the necessities of the Church required Besides that moving in an higher sphere than that of Bishops and being Co-partners with Saint Paul in his Apostleship or Apostolical function Unbishopping of Tim. Tit. p. 36. it had been a devesting of themselves of their Apostolical jurisdiction and preheminence to become Bishops at the last and so descend from a superiour to an inferiour Office For answer whereunto we need say but this that the gift of being an Evangelist might and did fall on any rank of ordinary Ministers as might that also of the Prophet Philip one of the seven a Deacon as it is generally conceived but howsoever Ministring unto the Church in an inferiour place or Office was notwithstanding an Evangelist and Agabus though perhaps but a simple Presbyter one of the Seventy past all question was a Prophet too Philip as he was one of the Seven was tied to a particular employment and of necessity sometimes Acts 6.12 must leave the Word of God to serve Tables Yet the same Philip as he was furnished by the Lord with gifts and graces for gaining Souls to God Almighty and doing the work of an Evangelist must leave the serving of those Tables to preach the Word And Agabus Acts 11.27 28. 21.10 if he were a Presbyter whether of Hierusalem from whence he is twice said to come or of some other Church that I will not say might notwithstanding his employment in a particular Church repair to Antioch or Caesarea as the Spirit willed him there to discharge the Office of a Prophet So then both Timothy and Titus might be Bishops as to their ordinary place and calling though in relation unto their extraordinary gifts they were both Evangelists As for their falling from a higher to a lower function from an Evangelist unto a Bishop I cannot possibly perceive where the fall should be They that object this will not say but Timothy at the least was made a Presbyter for wherefore else did the Presbytery which they so much stand on lay hands upon him And certainly if it were no diminution from an Evangelist to become a I resbyter it was a preferment unto the Evangelist from being but a Presbyter to become a Bishop But for the Bishopping of Timothy and Titus as to the quod sit of it that so they were in the opinion of all ancient Writers we have said enough We will next look on the authority committed to them to see what further proof hereof may be brought for that CHAP. V. Of the Authority and Jurisdiction given by the Word of God to Timothy and Titus and in them to all other Bishops 1. The Authority committed to Timothy and Titus was to be perpetual and not personal only 2. The power of Ordination intrusted only unto Bishops by the Word of God according to the judgments of the Fathers 3. Bishops alone both might and did Ordain without their Presbyters 4. That Presbyters might not Ordain without a Bishop proved by the memorable case of Coluthus and Ischyras 5. As by those also of Maximus and a Spanish Bishop 6. In what respects the joint assistance of the Presbyters was required herein 7. The case of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas declared and qualified 8. The care of ordering Gods Divine Service a work peouliar to the Bishop 9. To whom the Ministration also of the Saoraments doth in chief belong 10. Bishops to have a care that Gods Word be preached and to encourage those that take pains that way 11. Bishops to silence and correct such Presbyters as preach other doctrines 12. As also to reprove and reject the Heretick 13. The censure and correction of inferiour Presbyters doth belong to Bishops 14. And of Lay-people also if they walk unworthy of their Christian calling 15. Conjectural proofs that the description of a Bishop in the first to Timothy is of a Bishop truly and properly so called THEY who object that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists and so by consequence no Bishops Unbishopping of Tim. Tit. p. 60 61 c. have also said and left in writing that the authority committed to them by Saint Paul did not belong to them at all as Bishops but Evangelists only But this if pondered as it ought hath no ground to stand on The calling of Evangelists as it was Extraordinary so it was but temporary to last no longer than the first planting of the Church for which so many signal gifts and graces of the Holy Spirit were at first poured on the Disciples I know not any Orthodox Writer who doth not in this point agree with Calvin Com. in 4. ad Eph. v. 11. who in his Comment on the Epistle to the Ephesians gives us this instruction Deum Apostolis Evangelistis Prophetis Ecclesiam suam non nisi ad tempus ornasse that God adorned his Church with Prophets Evangelists and Apostles for a season only having before observed that of all those holy ministrations there recited Postrema tantum duo perpetua esse the two last viz. Pastors and Teachers which he takes for two were to be perpetual But on the other side power to ordain fit Ministers of what sort soever as also to reprove and censure those that behaved themselves unworthily authority to convent and reject an Heretick to punish by the censures of the Church all such as give offence and scandal to the Congregation by their exhorbitant and unruly living this ought to be perpetual in the Church of Christ This the Apostle seems to intimate when he said to Timothy I charge thee in the sight of God 1 Tim. 6.14 and before Jesus Christ that thou keep this Commandment without spot
and unreprovable until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ Now Timothy was not like to live till Christs second coming the Apostle past all question never meant it so therefore the power and charge here given to exercise the same according to the Apostles Rules and Precepts was not personal only but such as was to appertain to him and to his successours for ever even till the appearing of our Lord and Saviour The like expression do we find in Saint Matthew when our Redeemer said unto his Apostles Matth. 28. ult Behold I am with you always even unto the end of the world Not always certainly with his Apostles not to the end of the World with those very men to whom he did address himself when he spake these words for they being mortal men have been dead long since Non solis hoc Apostolis dictum esse this was no personal promise then saith Calvin truly Harmon Evangel In Matth. 28. With them and their successours he might always be and to the end of the world give them his assistance Cum vobis successorlbus vestris as Denis the Carthusian very well observeth Saint Paul then gives this charge to Timothy and in him unto all his successors in the Episcopal function which should continue in the Church till Christs second coming And therefore I conceive the annotation of the ordinary gloss to be sound and good in Timotheo omnibus successoribus loquitur Apostolus Glossa Ordinar in 1 Tim. 6. that this was spoke in Timothy unto all his successors And so the Commentaries under the name of Ambrose do inform us also saying that Paul was not so solicitous for Timothy as for his successors ut exemplo Timothei Ecclesiae ordinationem custodirent In 1 Tim. 6. that they might learn by his Example i.e. by practising those directions which were given to him to look unto the ordering of the Church This ground thus laid we must next look on the authority which the Apostle gave to Timothy and Titus and in them to all other Bishops And the best way to look upon it is to divide the same as the School-men do into potestas ordinis and potestas jurisdictionis the power of Order and the power of jurisdiction in each of which there occur divers things to be considered First for the power of Order besides what every Bishop doth and may lawfully perform by vertue of the Orders he received as Presbyter there is a power of Order conferred upon him as a Bishop and that 's indeed the power of Ordination or giving Orders which seems so proper and peculiar to the Bishops Office as not to be communicable to any else Paul gives it as a special charge to Timothy to lay hands hastily on no man Tim. 5.22 which caution doubtless had been given in vain in case the Presbyters of Ephesus might have done it as well as he And Titus seems to have been left in Crete for this purpose chiefly Tit. 1. v. 5. that he might ordain Presbyters in every City which questionless had been unnecessary in case an ordinary Presbyter might have done the same The Fathers have observed from these Texts of Scripture that none but Bishops strictly and properly so called according as the word was used when they lived that said it have any power of Ordination Epiphanius in his dispute against Aerius Haeres 75. n. 4. observes this difference betwixt Bishops and Presbyters whom the Heretick would fain have had to be the same that the Presbyter by administring the Sacrament of Baptism did beget children to the Church but that the Bishop by the power of Ordination ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã did beget Fathers to the same A power from which he utterly excludes the Presbyter and gives good reason for it too for how saith he can he ordain or constitute a Presbyter ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which in his Ordination did receive no power to impose hands upon another Hom. 11. in 1 Tim. c. 3. Chrysostom speaking of the difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter makes it consist in nothing else but in this power of Ordination ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. only in laying on of hands saith he or in Ordination a Bishop is before or above a Presbyter and have that power only inherent in them Epistola ad Euagr. which the others have not Hierom although a great advancer of the place and Office of the Presbyter excludes him from the power of Ordination or any interest therein Quid enim facit excepta ordinatione Episcopus quod Presbyter non faciat What saith he doth a Bishop saving Ordination more than a Presbyter may do Neither doth Hierom speak de facto and not de jure quid facit not quid debet facere Smectymn p. 37. as I observe the place to be both cited and applyed in some late Discourses Hierom's non faciat is as good as non debet facere and they that look upon him well will find he pleads not of the possession only but the right and Title And we may see his meaning by the passage formerly alledged upon the words of Paul to Titus cap. 1. v. 5. Audiant Episcopi qui habent constituendi Presbyteros per singulas urbes potestatem By which it seems that Bishops only had the power of ordaining Presbyters and that they did both claim and enjoy the same from this grant to Titus For further clearing of this point there are two things to be declared and made evident first that the power of Ordination was so inherent in the person of a Bishop that he alone both might and did sometimes ordain without help of Presbyters and secondly that the Presbyters might not do the same without the Bishop And first that anciently the Bishops of the Church both might and did ordain without the help or co-assistance of the Presbyters Euseb hist Eccl. l. 6. c. 7. n. appeareth by the ordination of Origen unto the Office of a Presbyter by Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea and Alexander Bishop of Hierusalem who laid hands upon him ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as my Author hath it Which act of theirs when it was quarrelled by Demetrius he did not plead in bar that there were no Presbyters assistant in it but that the party had done somewhat and we know what 't was by which he was conceived to be uncapable of holy Orders Id. l. 6. c. 25. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So when the Bishop whosoever he was out of an affectation which he bare unto Novatus not being yet a Separatist from the Church of God desired ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Clergy being all against it to ordain him Presbyter the matter stood upon as the story testifieth was not the Bishops being the sole agent in it but because it was forbidden by the ancient Canons that any one who had been formerly baptized being sick in bed and that had been Novatus case should be
which they had wrongfully received So little influence had the Presbyters in the essential parts of Ordination as that their bare reading of the words though required to it by the Bishop was adjudged enough not only to make them liable to the Churches Censure but also for their sakes to make void the Action Nay so severe and punctual was the Church herein that whereas certain Bishops of those times whether consulting their own case or willing to decline so great a burthen had suffered their Chorepiscopi aswell those which were simply Presbyters as such as had Episcopal Ordination for two there were to perform this Office Concil Gangrens Can. 13. Concil Antioch l. Can. 10. it was forbidden absolutely in the one limited and restrained in the other sort as by the Canons of the two ancient Synods of Gangra and Antioch doth at full appear It is true indeed that anciently as long for ought I know as there is any Monument or Record of true Antiquity the Presbyters have joyned their hands to and with the Bishops in the performance and discharge of this great Solemnity And hereof there are many evidences that affirm the same as well in matter of fact as in point of Law Saint Cyprian one of the ancientest of the Fathers which now are extant Cyprian Ep. 33. or l. 2. ep 5. affirms that in the ordination of Aurelius unto the Office of a Reader in the Church of Carthage he used the hands of his Colleagues Hunc igitur à me à Collegis qui praesentes aderant ordinatum sciatis as he reports the matter in a Letter to his charge at Carthage Where by Colleagues it is most likely that he means his Presbyters first because that Epistle was written during the time of his retreat and privacy what time it is not probable that any of his Suffragan Bishops did resort unto him and secondly because those words qui praesentes aderant are so conform unto the practice of that Church in the times succeeding For in the fourth Council of Carthage held in the year 401. Concil Car. 4. Can. 3. it was Decreed that when a Presbyter was ordained the Bishop blessing him and holding his hand upon his head etiam omnes Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt manus suas juxta manum Episcopi super caput illius teneant all the Presbyters which are present shall likewise lay their hands upon his head near the hands of the Bishop Id. Can. 12. And in the same Council it was further ordered that the Bishop should not ordain a Clergy-man sine consilio clericorum suorum without the counsel of his Clergy which also doth appear to be Cyprians practice in the first words of the Epistle before remembred But then it is as true withal that this conjunction of the Presbyters in the solemnities of this Act was rather ad honorem Sacerdotii quam essentiam operis more for the honour of the Priesthood than for the essence of the work Nor did the laying on of the Presbyters hands confer upon the party that was ordained any power or order but only testified their consent unto the business and approbation of the man according to the purpose and intent of the last of the two Canons before alledged And for the first Canon if you mark it well it doth not say that if there be no Presbyters in place the Bishop should defer the Ordination till they came but Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt if any Presbyters were present at the doing of it they should lay their hands upon his head near the Bishops hands So that however anciently in the purest times the Presbyters which were then present both might and did impose hands with the Bishop upon the man to be ordained and so concurred in the performance of the outward Ceremony yet the whole power of Ordination was vested in the person of the Bishop only as to the essence of the work And this appears yet further by some passages in the Civil Laws prescribed for the ordering of Ecclesiastical Ministers by which upon neglect or contempt thereof the Presbyters were not obnoxious unto punishment that joyned with the Bishop because they had no power to hinder what he meant to do But the Bishop only qui ordinat or qui ordinationem imponit he in whom rested the authority by laying on or by withholding of his hands either to frustrate or make good the action he was accomptable unto the Laws if he should transgress them for which consult Novell Constitut 123. Cited by B. Bilson c. 13. Sozomen Hist Eccl. l. 4. c. 23. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Ca. 16. and Novell Constitut 6. And so it also stood in the Churches practice as appeareth plainly by the degradations of Basilius Eleusius and Elpidius three ancient Bishops because that amongst other things they had advanced some men unto holy Orders contrary to the Laws and Ordinances of the Church of which Elpidius was deposed on no other reason but on that alone Now had the Presbyters been agents in ordaining as well as the Bishop and the imposing of their hands so necessary that the business could not be performed without them there had been neither equity nor reason in it to let them scape Scot-free and punish the poor Bishops only for that in which the Presbyters were as much in fault Against all this I meet with no Objection in Antiquity but what hath casually been encountred in the former passages This present age doth yield one and a great one too which is the case of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas who finding an aversness of the Bishops at the first to give them Orders unless they would desert the work of Reformation which they had in hand were fain to have recourse to Presbyters for their Ordinations in which estate they still continue That thus it was August Con. in fine appeareth by the Augustan Confession the Authors and Abettors of the which complain that the Bishop would admit none unto sacred Orders Nisi jurent se puram Evangelii Doctrinam nolle docere except they would be sworn not to Preach the Gospel according to the grounds and Principles of their Reformation For their parts they professed Non id agi ut dominatio excipiatur Episcopis that they had no intention to deprive the Bishops of their Authority in the Church but only that they might have liberty to Preach the Gospel and be eased of some few Rites and Ceremonies which could not be observed without grievous sin This if it could not be obtained and that a Schism did follow thereupon it did concern the Bishops to look unto it how they would make up their account to Almighty God So that the Bishops thus refusing to admit them into holy Orders which was the publique ordinary Door of entrance into the Ministery of the Church necessity compelled them at the last to enter in by private ways and impose hands on one another In which
is somewhat more out of doubt it must Those Canons which are only fathered on the Apostles will else run cross with those which are theirs indeed When Saint Paul lessoned those of Corinth 1 Cor. 6. that rather than they should profane the Gospel with contentious suits they should refer their differences to their Brethren Think you it was his purpose either to exclude the Clergy then or their Bishop after when they had one No saith Saint Ambrose Ambros Com. in 1 ad Cor. c. 6. if the work be his Melius dicit apud dei ministros causam agere no better way than to refer the business to Gods Ministers who being guided by the fear of God will determin rightly in the same Or is the Bishop only to be barred this Office Not so saith he For if Saint Paul adviseth them to submit themselves unto the judgment of their Brethren it was upon this reason principally quia adhuc Rector in eorum Ecclesia non esset ordinatus because as then there was no Bishop in that Church Saint Austin gives it more exactly makes it a charge imposed upon the Bishop by Saint Pauls command For speaking of the pains he took in the determining of such causes as were brought before him August de Opere Monarch c. 29. he tells us that he underwent the same in obedience only to Saint Paul's injunction quibus nos molestiis idem affixit Apostolus as his words there are and that Saint Paul imposed it not by his own authority sed ejus qui in eo loquebatur but by the authority of the Holy Ghost which did dictate to him adding withal that howsoever it was irksome and laborious to him yet he did patiently discharge his duty in it pro spe aeternae vitae only upon the hope of life eternal And it is worth the observation that venerable Beda making a Comment upon Saint Pauls Epistle collected out of several passages of Saint Austins writings he putteth down this place at large as the most full and proper exposition of the Apostles words Secularia judicia si habueritis c. 1 Cor. 6.4 If then ye have judgments of things pertaining to this life c. Here then we have the Bishop interessed in the determining of suits and differences a secular imployment surely and yet no violence offered to the sacred Canon May he not go a little further and intermeddle if occasion be in matters of the Common-wealth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Synesius in Ep. 57. I do not blame those Bishops saith Synesius that are so imployed such as are fitted with abilities for the undertaking being by him a strict and rigorous man permitted to employ the same And more than so ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã it maketh for Gods praise and glory that it should be so that men on whom he hath bestowed abilities to perform both Offices should do accordingly But these I put down here as opinions only the practice of them we shall see in a place more proper If then it be demanded what those ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã those worldly cares and secular imployments are which the Canon speaks off Zonar Comment in Conc. Chalced. Can. 3. Zonaras will inform us in another place that the Canon aimeth at the mingling of the Roman Magistracies ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with the Episcopal or Priestly function which at that time were questionless incompatible And then the meaning of the Canon will in fine be this that Bishops or inferiour Clergy-men might not be Consuls Praetors Generals or undergoe such publick Offices in the State of Rome as were most sought for and esteemed by the Gentiles there As for their jurisdiction over the inferiour Clergy as far as it is warranted by these Apostolick Canons it doth coââst especially in these particulars First there is granted and annexed unto them the power of Ordination and to them alone Can. Apost 2. The second Canon tells us so ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Presbyter and Deacon and all other Clerks must be ordained by one Bishop And if a Bishop be required though but one in all the Presbyters have no authority at all of conferring Orders But of this before Being ordained they were accomptable in the next place to their Bishop in all things which concerned their Ministration without whose special leave and liking there were not only many things which they might not do but there was nothing in a manner to be done ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Can. 38. Ignat. ad Smyrnens Zonar in Can. Apost let them do nothing saith the Canon without the knowledge of the Bishops neither Baptize nor celebrate the Eucharist as Ignatius hath it of whom more anon ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not repel any man from the Communion as it is in Zonaras But here the Canons speaking in another place they will tell you more particularly that if a Presbyter neglecting or contemning his own Bishop Can. 31. shall gather the People into a Conventicle ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and erect another Altar for divine worship not being able to convict his Bishop of any impiety or injustice he is to be deposed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as an ambitious person seeking a preheminence that belonged not to him Finally so obnoxious were the Presbyters to the command and pleasure of their Bishop that they could not be admitted into any other City Can. 12. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã without his letters testimonial and this on pain of Excommunication as well unto the Presbyter that should so depart Can. 15. as to the party that received him If any Presbyter or Deacon leaving the charge appointed to him shall go into another Diocess for so I think ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã must be read in this place and time and there abide without the allowance of his Bishop ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he is to be suspended ab officio especially if he return not presently on the Bishops summons More of this kind there is in those ancient Canons touching the Presbyters dependance on and plain subjection to their Bishop But I have instanced in such only as may be clearly justified by succeeding practice And so much of the Apostles Canons ascribed to Clemens From Clemens on to Evaristus his next successor in the government of the Church of Rome I know the Antiquaries of that Church have interloped an Anacletus between these two Iren. l. 3. cap. 3. and let them take him for their labour But when I find in Irenaeus who lived so near the times we speak of as to converse with those which were then alive when both these Bishops sate in the Church of Rome and when I find it in Eusebius Euseb hist Ec. l. 3. c. 28. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who with such care and diligence collected the successions of the Prelates in the greater Churches that Evaristus did immediately succeed this Clemens I shall desire to be excused if I prefer their testimony
the honour of giving Confirmation hath always been reserved to this very day Another thing which followed upon this setting forth of Parishes by Dionysius was the institution of a new Order in the Church betwixt the Bishop and the Presbyter being neither of the two but both Those they called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or Rural Bishops Of which being that there were two sorts according to the times and Ages when they were imployed we must distinguish them accordingly Now of these Chorepiscopi or Countrey Bishops some in the point and power of Order were no more than Presbyters having received no higher Ordination than to that function in the Ministery but were inabled by the Bishop under whom they served to exercise some parts of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction as much as was thought fit to commit unto them for the better reiglement of the Church And these I take it were more ancient than the present times appointed as the Bishops Visitors to go abroad into the Countrey to parts more remote to oversee such Presbyters as had been sent forth for the instruction of the people in small Towns and Villages and to perform such further Offices which the ordinary Presbyter for want of the like latitude of Jurisdiction was defective in Con. Neo-Caesaviens Can. 13. These I conceive to be of the same nature with our Rural Deans in some parts of England And these are they which in the Council of Neo-Caesarea are said to be ordained ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã after the manner of the Seventy and if no more than so then but simply Presbyters in the power of Order though ranked above them in regard of their Jurisdiction To which Pope Damasus agreeth also affirming quod ipsi iidem sunt qui Presbyteri Damas Ep. 5. ap Bin. Concil T. 1. Bellarm. de Clericis l. 1. c. 17. that they are the very same with Presbyters being first ordained ad exemplum Septuaginta after the example of the Seventy Others there were whom we find furnished with a further power qui verè Episcopalem consecrationem acceperant which really and truly had received Episcopal Consecration and yet were called Chorepiscopi because they had no Church nor Diocess of their own sed in aliena Ecclesia ministrabant but executed their authority in anothers charge And these saith Bellarmine are such as we now call Titular or Suffragan Bishops such as those heretofore admitted in the Church of England whereof consult the Act of Parliament 26 H. 8. cap. 14. Now that they had Episcopal consecration appeareth evidently by the Council of Antioch where it is said expresly of them ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that they had received the Ordination of Bishops Conc. Anti. cap. 10. and so by vertue of their Ordination might execute all manner of Episcopal Acts which the Bishop of the City might perform And to this Power they were admitted on two special reasons whereof the first was to supply the absence of the Bishop who being intent upon the business of the City where his charge was greatest could not so well attend the business of the Countrey or see how well the Presbyters behaved themselves in their several Parishes to which upon the late division they were sent abroad And this is called in the said Council of Antioch Id. Ibid. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the looking to the Administration of the Churches under their authority The other was to content such of the Novatian Bishops who rather would continue in their schism and faction than return unto the Catholick Church with the loss of the honour and calling which they had before whom they thought fit if they were willing to return to the Church again to suffer in the state of a Chorepiscopus And this is that which was so prudently resolved on in the Council of Nice in which fifteen of those which assembled there were of this Order or Estate viz. Conc. Nicen. can 8. That if any of them did return to the Catholick Church either in City or Village wherein there was a Bishop or a Presbyter before provided ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he should enjoy the place and honour of a Presbyter but if that pleased him not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he should be fitted with the Office of a Chorepiscopus Which being the true condition of those Chorepiscopi it seems to me a plain and evident mistake that the Chorepiscopus who was but a Presbyter Smectymn pag. 36. should be affirmed to have power to impose hands and to ordain within his Precincts with the Bishops licence For certainly it is apparent by the Council of Antioch that the Chorepiscopi which had power of conferring Orders had to that end received Episcopal consecration and consequently could not but be more than Presbyters though at the first indeed they medled not therewith without the leave and licence of the Bishop whose Suffragans and Substitutes they were But when they had forgot their ancient modesty and did not keep themselves within the bounds and limits appointed to them which was to make two Bishops in one Diocess contrary to the ancient Canons the Church thought fitting to reduce them to their first condition And thereupon it was decreed in the Council of Ancyra ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Conc. Ancyran can 13. that it should no more be lawful for them to ordain either Presbyters or Deacons that is to say as it was afterwards explained in the Council of Antioch ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Conc. Antio can 10. without the liking of the Bishop under whom he served Howsoever that they might have somewhat of the Bishop in them they were permitted by that Canon to ordain Sub-Deacons Exorcists and Readers with which they were required to rest contented as also ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to send abroad their Letters unto other Bishops Ibid. can 8. which they called Literas Formatas Communicatorias as before was noted as those that had the full authority and power of Bishops did use of old to do at their Ordinations A point of honour denied unto the ordinary Presbyters in that very Canon Now to proceed The next Successor unto Dionysius in the See of Rome Ibid. Sept. 18. is called Felix but no more happy in some things than his Predecessour the Heresie of Paulus Samosatenus taking beginning in the time or Government in the one that of the Manichees commencing almost with the other Hujus tempore Manes quidam gente Persa vita moribus barbarus c. During his time saith Platina arose one Manes Platina in vita Felicis by birth a Persian in life and manners a Barbarian who took upon him to be Christ gathering unto him Twelve Disciples for the dispersing of his frenzies In this he differed amongst many things from Samosatenus he making Christ to be no better than a man and Manes making a vile sinful man to be the Christ I know Baronius doth place the rising of this Manicbean Heresie
Clergy in the Church of of God hath been or is maintained with less charge to the Subject than the established Clergy of the Church of England Page 167 2. That there is no man in the Kingdom of England who payeth any thing of his own towards the maintenance and support of his Parish-Minister but by his Easter-Offering Page 171 3. That the change of Tithes into Stipends will bring greater trouble to the Clergy than is yet considered and far less profit to the Countrey than is now pretended Page 174 The History of Episcopacy PART I. CHAP. I. The Christian Church first founded by our Lord and Saviour in an imparity of Ministers 1. THE several Offices of Christ our Saviour in the Administration of his Church Page 187 2. The aggregating of Disciples to him Page 188 3. The calling of the Apostles out of them and why twelve in number ibid. 4. Of the Name and Office of an Apostle Page 189 5. What things were specially required unto the making of an Apostle Page 190 6. All the Apostles equal in Authority amongst themselves ibid. 7. The calling and approinting of the 70 Disciples Page 191 8. A reconciliation of some different Opinions about the number Page 192 9. The twelve Apostles superiour to the Seventy by our Saviours Ordinance ibid. 10. What kind of superiority it was that Christ interdicted his Apostles Page 193 11. The several powers faculties and preheminences given to the Apostles by our Saviour Christ Page 194 12. That the Apostles were Bishops averred by the ancient Fathers ibid. 13. And by the text of holy Scripture Page 195 CHAP. II. The foundation of the Church of Hierusalem under the Government of Saint James the Apostle and Simeon one of the Disciples the two first Bishops of the same 1. Matthias chosen in the place of Judas Page 196 2. The coming of the Holy Ghost and on whom it fell Page 197 3. The greatest measure of the Spirit fell on the Apostles and therewithal the greatest power ibid. 4. The several Ministrations in the Church then given and that in ranking of the same the Bishops are intended in the name of Pastors Page 198 5. The sudden growth of the Church of Hierusalem and making Saint James the first Bishop there ibid. 6. The former point deduced from Scripture Page 199 7. And proved by the general consent of Fathers ib. 8. Of the Episcopal Chair or throne of James and his Successors in Hierusalem Page 200 9. Simeon elected by the Apostles to succeed Saint James Page 201 10. The meaning of the word Episcopus and from whence borrowed by the Church ibid. 11. The institution of the Presbyters Page 202 12. What interest they had in the common business of the Church whilst St. James was Bishop ib. 13. The Council of Jerusalem and what the Presbyters had to do therein Page 203 14. The institution of the Seven and to what Office they were called ibid. 15. The names of Ecclesiastical Functions promiscuously used in holy Scripture Page 204 CHAP. III. The Churches planted by Saint Peter and his Disciples originally founded in Episcopacy 1. The founding of the Church of Antioch and that Saint Peter was the first Bishop there Page 205 2. A reconciliation of the difference about his next Successors in the same Page 206 3. A List of Bishops planted by him in the Churches of the Circumcision Page 207 4. Proofs thereof from St. Peters general Epistle to the Jews dispersed according to the exposition of the Ancient Writers ibid. 5. And from Saint Pauls unto the Hebrews Page 208 6. Saint Pauls Praepositus no other than a Bishop in the Opinion of the Fathers ibid. 7. Saint Peter the first Bishop of the Church of Rome Page 209 8. The difference about his next Successors there reconciled also ibid. 9. An Answer unto such Objections as have been made against Saint Peter's being Bishop there Page 210 10. Saint Mark the first Bishop of Alexandria and of his Successors Page 221 11. Notes on the observations of Epiphanius and Saint Hierom about the Church of Alexandria Page 212 12. An observation of Saint Ambrose applyed unto the former business ibid. 13. Of Churches founded by Saint Peter and his Disciples in Italy France Spain Germany and the Isle of Britain and of the Bishops in them instituted Page 213 CHAP. IV. The Bishoping of Timothy and Titus and other of Saint Pauls Disciples 1. The Conversion of Saint Paul and his ordaining to the place of an Apostle Page 214 2. The Presbyters created by Saint Paul Acts 14. of what sort they were Page 215 3. Whether the Presbyters or Presbytery did lay on hands with Paul in any of his Ordinations Page 216 4. The people had no voice in the Election of those Presbyters by Saint Paul ordained Page 217 5. Bishops not founded by Saint Paul at first in the particular Churches by him planted and upon what reasons ibid. 6. The short time that the Churches of Saint Pauls Plantation continued without Bishops over them Page 218 7. Timothy made Bishop of Ephesus by Saint Paul according to the general consent of Fathers Page 219 8. The time when Timothy was made Bishop according to the holy Scripture Page 220 9. Titus made Bishop of Cretans and the truth verified herein by the antient Writers Page 221 10. An Answer unto some Objections against the subscription of the Epistle unto Titus ibid. 11. The Bishoping of Dionysius the Areopagite Aristarchus Gaius Epaphroditus Epaphras and Archippus Page 222 12. As also of Silas Sosthenes Sosipater Crescens and Aristobulus Page 223 13. The Office of a Bishop not incompetible with that of an Evangelist ibid. CHAP. V. Of the Authority and Jurisdiction given unto Timothy and Titus and in them to all other Bishops by the Word of God 1. The authority committed unto Timothy and Titus was to be perpetual and not personal only Page 224 2. The power of Ordination intrusted only unto Bishops by the Word of God according to the exposition of the Fathers Page 225 3. Bishops alone both might and did ordain without their Presbyters Page 226 4. That Presbyters might not ordain without a Bishop proved by the memorable case of Colluthus and Ischyras ibid. 5. As by those also of Maximus and a Spanish Bishop Page 227 6. In what respects the joint assistance of the Presbyters was required herein Page 228 7. The case of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas objected and declared ibid. 8. The care of ordering Gods Divine Service a work peculiar to the Bishop Page 229 9. To whom the Ministration of the Sacraments also doth in chief belong Page 230 10. Bishops to have a care that Gods Word be preached and to encourage those that take pains therein ibid. 11. Bishops to silence and reprove such Presbyters as preach other Doctrines Page 231 12. As also to correct and reject the Heretick ibid. 13. The censure and correction of inferiour Presbyters in point of life and conversation doth
to direct the action whose business indeed it was and unto whom alone the whole election properly pertained All that they did was to propose two men unto the Lord their God Et statuerunt duos Act. 1.23 saith the Text such as they thought most fit for so great a charge and so to leave it to his providence to shew and manifest which of the two he pleased to choose In the appointment of which two whether that statuerunt being a Verb of the Plural number be to be referred to all the multitude as Chrysostom is of opinion or only unto the Apostles and the Seventy as some others think it comes all to one For the whole number being but an hundred and twenty Act. 1.15 and being that the Apostles with the Seventy out of which rank the nomination of the two was made made up the number of fourscore it must needs be that the appointment in effect was in them alone And though I rather do incline to Chrysostom in this particular that the appointment of these two was done by all the multitude in general Chrysost in hom 3. in Act. yet I can yield by no means to the next that followeth For shewing some politick and worldly reasons why Peter did permit the people to have an interest in the business he first asked this question ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã whether it were not lawful for Saint Peter to have chose the man And then he answereth positively ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that it was most lawful but that he did forbear to do it lest he might seem to do it out of partiality In this I must crave leave to dissent from Chrysostom The power of making an Apostle was too high a priviledge to be intrusted unto any of the Sons of Adam 1 Cor. 15. Galat. 1.1 Paul was not made Apostle though an Abortive one as he calls himself either of men or by men but by Jesus Christ and God the Father What priviledge or power soever Peter had as an Apostle of the Lord in making Bishops or as a Bishop of the Church in ordaining Presbyters he had no power to make Apostles The Pope might sing Placebo if it had been otherwise and we should have Apostles more than ten times twelve if nothing were required unto it but Saint Peters Fiat But to proceed This weighty business being thus dispatched Epiphan haeres 20. n. 4. and Matthias who before was of the Seventy being numbred with the eleven Apostles it pleased God to make good his promise of pouring on them in a plentiful and signal manner the gifts and graces of his holy Spirit Not on the Twelve alone or the Seventy only but on the whole body of the Disciples even on the whole 120. which before we spake of I know that Beza and some others would limit this effusion of the Holy Ghost to the Twelve alone Why and to what intent he doth so resolve it though I may guess perhaps yet I will not judge but sure it is he so resolves it Beza in Act. 2. Solis Apostolis propria est haec Spiritus sancti missio sicut proprius fuit Apostolatus as his own words are in his Annotations on the Text. The same he also doth affirm in his Book de Ministrorum Evangelii gradibus cap. 5. But herein Beza leaves the Fathers and the Text to boot Saint Austin tells us that the Holy Ghost came from Heaven Tract 2. in ep Johannis Hom. 4. in Act. c. 2. implevit uno loco sedentes centum viginti and filled one hundred and twenty sitting in one place Saint Chrysostom affirms the same ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. what saith he did it come on the twelve alone not upon the rest And then he answereth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not so by no means it fell on all the 120 which were there Assembled Nor doth he only say it but he proves it also alledging in defence of his assertion that very plea and argument which was used by Peter to clear himself and his associates from the imputation of being drunken with new wine Act. 2.16 viz. Hoc est quod dictum fuit per Prophetam Joel This is that which was spoken by the Prophet Joel I will pour out of my Spirit upon all flesh c. Besides the text and context make it plain enough that this effusion of the Holy Ghost was upon them all Act. 1.14 In the first Chapter of the Acts we find them all together the whole 120. with one accord And in the first verse of the second Chapter we find them all together with the same accord And then it followeth that there appeared cloven tongues like as of fire seditque supra singulos eorum Act. 2.3 4. and sate upon each of them and they were all filled with the Holy Ghost If they were all together as we found before and all were filled with the Holy Ghost No question but there were more filled with it than the twelve Apostles And when as Peter with the eleven stood up making an Apology for the rest and saying These men are not drunken Act. 2.14 15. as ye suppose it must needs be that others besides the twelve and indeed all the company were suspected of it Add as by way of surplusage and ex abundanti that the Seven chosen by the multitude to serve the Tables who questionless were of the number of the Seventy are said to have been full of the Holy Ghost Epiphan haeres 20. n. 4. Act. 6.3 before that the Apostles had laid hands on them So then it is most evident as I conceive it that the Holy Ghost was given to every one of the Disciples the whole number of them to every one according to his place and station according to that service and imployment in which the Lord intended to make use of them For unto one was given by the spirit the word of Wisdom 1 Cor. 12.8 9 10. to another the word of Knowledge and to another the gift of healing by the same spirit to another the working of Miracles to another Prophesie to another discerning of Spirits to another divers kinds of Tongues to another the interpretation of Tongues Every one of them had their several gifts the Apostles all ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Hom. 32. in 1. ad Cor. c. 12. as we read in Chrysostom Whatever was divided amongst the residue for the advancement of Gods glory and the improvement of his Church that was united in the persons of the holy Apostles whom God had ranked as much above them in their gifts and graces as they were in place By means whereof it came to pass that howsoever the Lord out of these 120 made choice of some to be Evangelists some to be Prophets and others to be Pastors Presbyters and Teachers yet the Apostles still retained their superiority ordering and directing them in their several Ministeries
since been ordained reverend for their Age for their Faith sincere tried in Affliction and proscribed in time of persecution Nor doth he speak this of his own time only which was somewhat after but as a matter of some standing cum jam pridem per omnes provincias that so it had been long ago and therefore must needs be so doubtless in this present Age being not long before his own And this extent of Christianity I do observe the rather in this place and time because that in the Age which followeth the multitudes of Christians being so increased we may perhaps behold a new face of things the times becoming quicker and more full of action Parishes or Parochial Churches set out in Country-Villages and Towns and several Presbyters allotted to them with an addition also both of trust and power unto the Presbyters themselves in the Cure of Souls committed to them by their Bishops with many other things which concern this business And therefore here we will conclude this present Century proceeding forward to the next in the name of God CHAP. IV. Of the authority in the government of the Church of Carthage enjoyed and exercised by Saint Cyprian and other Bishops of the same 1. Of the foundation and preheminences of the Church of Carthage 2. Of Agrippinus and Donatus two of St. Cyprian's Predecessors 3. The troublesom condition of that Church at Cyprian's first being Bishop there 4. Necessitated him to permit some things to the discretion of his Presbyters and consent of the People 5. Of the authority ascribed by Cyprian to the People in the Election of their Bishop 6. What Power the people had de facto in the said Elections 7. How far the testimony of the People was required in the Ordination of their Presbyters 8. The power of Excommunication reserved by St. Cyprian to the Bishop only 9. No reconciliation of a Penitent allowed by Cyprian without the Bishops leave and licence 10. The Bishop's power as well in the encouragement as in the punishment and censure of his Clergy 11. The memorable case of Geminius Faustinus one of the Presbyters of Carthage 12. The Bishop's Power in regulating and declaring Martyrs 13. The Divine Right and eminent authority of Bishops fully asserted by St. Cyprian SAint Hierom tells us of S. Cyprian Hieron de Scriâtor Eccl. in Tertulâd that he esteemed so highly of Tertulian's writings that he never suffered any day to pass over his head without reading somewhat in the same and that he did oft use to say when he demanded for his works Da mihi magistrum reach me my Tutor or Praeceptor So that considering the good opinion which S. Cyprian had harboured of the man for his Wit and Learrning and the nearness of the time in which they lived being both also members of the same Church the one a Presbyter the other Bishop of the Church of Carthage We will pass on unto S. Cyprian and to those monuments of Piety and Learning which he left behind him And this we shall the rather do because there is no Author of the Primitive times out of whose works we have such ample treasures of Ecclesiastical Antiquities as we have in his none who can give us better light for the discovery of the truth in the present search than that blessed Martyr But first before we come to the man himself we will a little look upon his charge on the Church of Carthage as well before as at his coming to be Bishop of it the knowledge of the which will give special light to our following business And first for the foundation of the Church of Carthage Cited by Baronius in Annal Eccl. Anno 51. if Metaphrastes may be credited it was the action of Saint Peter who leaving Rome at such time as the Jews were banished thence by the Decree of Claudius Caesar in Africam navigasse Carthaginensem erexisse Ecclesiam is by him said to sail to Africa and there to found the Church of Carthage leaving behind him Crescens one of his Disciples to be the Bishop of the same But whether this be so or not it is out of question that the Church of Carthage was not only of great Antiquity but that it also was of great power and credit as being the Metropolitan Church of Africk the Bishop of the same being the Primate of all Africa properly so called together with Numidia and both the Mauritanias as well Caesariensis as Sitisensis So witnesseth S. Cyprian himself Latius fusa est nostra Provincia Cypri Ep. 45. habet enim Numidiam Mauritanias duas sibi cohaerentes as his own words are And this appeareth also by the subscription of the Bishops to the Council of Carthage convented ex Provincia Africa Concil Tom. 1. p. 149. Edit Binil Numidia Mauritania as is most clear on the record For whereas antiently the Roman Empire was divided into fourteen Diocesses reckoning the Prefecture of the City of Rome for one every Diocess being subdivided into several Provinces as was said before the Diocess of Africa was not of the meanest containing in it six large Provinces Notitia Provinciarum and reaching from the greater Syrtis Eastward where it confined upon the Patriarchat of Alexandria to Mauritania Tingitana on the West which did belong unto the Diocess of Spain Now Carthage standing in that Province which was called Zeugitana or Proconsularis and being the Seat or Residence of the Vicarius or Lieutenant General of the Roman Empire for that Diocess The Bishop of it was not only the Metropolitan of his own Province but the Primate also in regard of the other sive which were Tripolitana Byzacena Numidia and the two Mauritanias before remembred Nor was he only the supream Bishop in regard of them but also absolute and independent in regard of others as being neither subject or subordinate to the Patriarchs of Alexandria though the prime City of all Africa nor to the Popes of Rome the Queen and Empress of the world Concil Carthaginiens 6. against whose machinations and attempts the Church of Carthage for a long time did maintain her liberty Such being the Authority and power of the Church of Carthage we must next look upon the Bishops of the same who though they had not got the name of Patriarchs as those of Antioch Rome and Alexandria now had and they of Constantinople and Hierusalem shall be found to have in the times succeeding yet had they all manner of Patriarchal jurisdiction Of these the first I meet withal was Agrippinus who flourished in the beginning of this Century bonae memoriae vir a man of blessed memory as S. Cyprian Cyprian Epist 71. Vincent Lerinen adv haeres cap. 9. Aug. de Bap. lib. 2. cap. 7 8. Cypr. Epi. 71. Venerabilis memoriae of venerable memory as Vincentius Lerinensis calls him S. Austin also mentioneth him in one of his discourses against the Donatists as a Predecessor of S. Cyprians
fratres charissimi Cypr. Ep. 33. vii l. 2. Ep. 5. solemus vos ante consulere mores merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare which is full and large Whatever he saith elsewhere to the same effect is in effect no more than what here is said and therefore we shall save the labour of a further search Nor was this Cyprians custom only It had prevailed as it seems in most parts of Christendom and was so universally received that even the Roman Emperours took notice of it For Alexander Severus one of the hopefullest young Princes in the declining times of the Roman Empire noting this custom of the Christians Lamprid. in vita Alex. Siveri was wont when he promoted any unto the Government of Provinces to post up as it were the names of the persons inviting the People to come in against them if they could charge them on just proof with any crimes And used to say it were a shame not to observe that care in chusing of the Rulers of Provinces to whom mens lives and fortunes were to be committed cum id Christiani Judaei facerent in praedicandis sacerdotibus qui sunt ordinandi when as the Jews and Christians did it in publishing the merit of those Priests which were to be ordained by them Which kind of publication of the life and merits of the party that was to be Ordained may possibly relate as well unto the popular manner of Electing Bishops at that time in use But as there is no general observation but doth and must give way unto particular occasions so neither was this Rule so generally observed but that sometimes it was neglected Even Cyprian himself how much soever it concerned him to continue in the Peoples favour would many times make use of his own authority in chusing and ordaining men to Functions and Employments in the Church without consulting with the People or making them acquainted with his mind therein Cypr. Ep. 33. For minding to advance Aurelius unto the Office of a Reader an Office but no Order in the Church of God he tarried not the Peoples liking and consent but did it first and after gave them notice of it not doubting of their taking it in good part quod vos scio libenter amplecti and so commends him to their Prayers Id. Epi. 34. The like we find of Celerinus a man highly prized admitted first into the Clergy by him and his Colleagues then present with him in his exile and then acquainteth the People that he had so done non humana suffragatione sed divina dignatione not being guided in it by any humane suffrage but by Gods appointment And although Celerinus and Aurelius being known unto the People by their former merits the matter might be taken with the less resentment yet this no way can be affirmed of Numidicus who being before a Presbyter in some other Church Baron in Annal Anno 253. n. 94. Cypr. Ep. 35. as Baronius very well observeth and in all likelihood utterly unknown de facie to those of Carthage was by Saint Cyprian of his sole authority without consulting either with Presbyters or People for ought which doth appear taken into the number of the Presbyters of that Church ut nobiscum sedeat in Clero and so to have a place together with the Bishop himself amongst the Clergy of the same and that we do not find as yet in Saint Cyprians Writings that the People had any special power either in the Election or Ordination of their Presbyters more than to give testimony of their well deservings or to object against them if they were delinquent And more than that is still remaining to them in the Church of England in which the People are required at all Ordinations Book of Ordination that if they know any notable crime in any of them which are to be Ordained for which he ought not to be received into the Ministery to declare the same and on the declaration of the same the Bishop must desist from proceeding further This is as much as was permitted to them in the Primitive times for ought I perceive and yet the Church of England gives them more than this the Presbyter who is to serve the Cure in particular Churches being elected by the Patrons of them for and in the name of the rest of the People As for the power of Excommunication I do not find but that St. Cyprian reckoned of it as his own prerogative a point peculiar to the Bishop in which he neither did advise either with the Presbyters or People When as the wickedness of Felicissimus the leader of the Faction raised against him was grown unto the height the Father of his own authority denounced him Excommunicant abstentum se à nobis sciat Cypr. Ep. 38. vel l. 5. Ep. 1. as the phrase then was as he did also on Augendus and divers others of that desperate party committing the execution of his sentence to Herculanus and Caldonius two of his Suffragan Bishops and to Rogatianus and Numidicus two of the Presbyters of his charge whom as for other matters so for that he had made his Substitutes or Commissaries if you will Cum ego vos pro me Vicarios miserim as the words are And they accordingly being thus authorized proceed in execution of the same and that in a formality of words which being they present unto us the ancient form of the Letters of Excommunication used of old Apud Cypr. Epist 39. I will here lay down Abstinuimus communicatione Felicissimum Augendum item Repostum de extorribus Irenem Rutilorum Paulam Sarcinatricem quod ex annotatione mea scire debuistis In which we may observe that this Excommunication was so published that all the residue of the Clergy to whom the publication of it was committed might take notice of it quod ex Annotatione mea or nostra rather as Pamelius very probably conjectureth scire debuistis So that the process of the whole is this that those Incendiaries were denounced excommunicate by St. Cyprian himself the execution of it left to those above remembred whom he had authorized in that behalf and they accordingly proceeding made certificate of it unto the Clergy of Carthage that publication might be made thereof unto the People Which differs very little in effect from what is now in use amongst us Nor did St. Cyprian do thus only of himself de facto but he adviseth Rogatianus one of his neighbouring Bishops to exercise the like authority as properly belonging to his place de jure Rogatianus had complained as it seems Cyp. Ep. 65. of some indignities and affronts which had been offered to him by his Deacon which his respect in making his complaint unto him as Cyprian took exceeding kindly so he informeth him withal that he had the Law in his own hands and that pro Episcopatus vigore Cathedrae authoritate haberet potestatem qua
this time when as Gods people which were scattered up and down the Countrey did either come unto the Cities there to be made partakers of the Word and Sacraments in which the Bishop was at hand to attend all businesses or that the Presbyters were by the Bishop sent into the Countrey with more or less authority intrusted to them as the business was And for the other power the power of Order although it was no other than before it was as to the power and faculty conferred upon the Presbyters in their Ordination yet did they find a great enlargement and extension of it in the free execution of the same For whereas formerly as was observed both from Ignatius and Tertullian and some other Ancients Vide Chap. 1. Chap. 3. of this 2d part the Presbyter could not baptize nor celebrate the blessed Eucharist sine Episcopi authoritate without the leave and liking of the Bishop who then was near at hand to be asked the question after this time the Presbyters became more absolute in their ministration baptizing celebrating preaching and indeed what not which potestate ordinis did belong unto him only by vertue of that general faculty which had been granted by the Bishop at his Institution I mean his special designation to that place or Cure And yet the Bishops did not so absolutely invest the Presbyters with a power of Order in the administration of the Sacraments as not to keep unto themselves a superiour Power whereby the execution of that Power of Order together with a confirmation of such acts as had been done by vertue of the same might generally be observed to proceed from them And of this kind especially was that rite or ceremony which now we call by the particular name of Confirmation being called anciently impositio manuum the laying on of hands For howsoever the original institution of it be far more ancient and Apostolical as most think yet I conceive it neither was so frequent nor so necessary in the former times as in those that followed For when the Sacrament of Baptism either was administred to men grown in years or by the Bishop himself in person or in his presence at the least he giving his Fatherly and Episcopal blessing to the work in hand the subsequent laying on of hands which we call Confirmation might not seem so necessary Or if it did yet commonly it was administred with Baptism as a Concomitant thereof Hooker Eccl. Pol. l. 5. n. 66. Tertul. de Baptismo c. 7. to confirm and perfect that which the Grace of the Spirit had already begun in Baptism And so we are to understand Tertullian where having spoken before of Baptism he addeth next Dehinc manus imponitur per benediciionem advocans invitans Spiritum sanctum c. Then saith he followeth imposition of hands with invocation and invitation of the holy Ghost which willingly cometh down from the Father to rest upon the purified and blessed bodies acknowledging as it were the Waters of Baptism for a fit seat And so long as they went together and were both commonly performed by the same Minister that is the Bishop there was the less notice taken of it and possibly the less efficacy ascribed unto it But when they came once to be severed as in the necessary absence of the Bishop they had been before and on this setting out of Parishes were likely for the most part to be after the Bishops out of their abundant care of the Churches welfare permitted that which was most necessary to the common Presbyter reserving that which was more honorary to themselves alone Thus was it in the first case in St. Cyprians time who lived as was before observed Vid. Ch. 4. of this 2d part in a kind of voluntary exile as did also divers other Bishops in the heat and violence of persecutions during whose absence from their Cities and their much distance from the Countrey there is no question to be made but that the Presbyters performed their Office in administration of that Sacrament and after which there is little question but that the Children so baptized were at some time or other brought for Confirmation Certain I am that to him they were brought to be confirmed and that he grounds the Institution of that Right on the example of Peter and John Cypr. Epist 73. in the Eighth Chap. of the Acts. Illi qui in Samaria crediderant c. The faithful in Samaria saith he had already received Baptism Only that which was wanting Peter and John supplyed by Prayer and imposition of hands to the end the holy Ghost might be poured on them Then adds Quod nunc quoque apud nos geritur which also is done amongst our selves when they which be already baptized are brought unto the Prelates of the Church Praepositis âcclesiae offeruntur that by our Prayer and Imposition of our hands they may receive the holy Ghost and be strengthened by the seal of the Lord. And in the second case Hier. advers Luciferianos it is whereof Hierom speaketh where he observeth it to be the custom of the Church ut ad eos qui longè in minoribus urbibus per Presbyteros Diaconos baptizati sunt Episcopus ad invocationem Spiritus Sancti manum impositurus excurrat that the Bishop should go abroad as in Visitation and imposing hands pray for the gift of the Holy Ghost on them who far off in the lesser Cities as also in Viculis Castellis in small Towns and Villages had by the Presbyters and Deacons been baptized But note withal that Hierom tells us that this imposition of hands was reserved only to the Bishop ad honorem potius sacerdotii quam ad legis necessitatem not that the Sacrament of Baptism was not perfect and compleat without it but rather out of a certain congruity and fitness to honour Prelacy with such preheminencies the safety of the Church depending upon the dignity of the chief Priest or Bishop By which it doth appear to be St. Hieroms opinion Hooker Eccl. Pol. l. 5. n. 66. as Hooker excellently collects That the Holy Ghost is received in Baptism that Confirmation is only a Sacramental complement that the reason why Bishops alone did ordinarily confirm was not because the benefit grace and dignity thereof was greater than of Baptism but rather for that by the Sacrament of Baptism men being admitted into Gods Church it was both reasonable and convenient that if he baptize them not unto whom the chiefest authority and charge of their souls belongeth yet for Honours sake and in token of his spiritual superiority over them because to bless is an act of Authority the performance of this annexed Ceremony should be sought for at his hands What other reasons there are for it in reference to the parties that receive the same I forbear to specifie as not conducing to the History of Episcopacy which I have in hand to which estate
belong also to Bishops 14. And of Lay-people if they walk unworthy of their Christian calling ibid. 15. Conjectural proofs that the description of a Bishop in the first to Timothy is of a Bishop strictly and properly called Page 233 CHAP. VI. Of the estate of holy Church particularly of the Asian Churces toward the later days of Saint John the Apostle 1. The time of Saint Johns coming into Asia Page 235 2. All the seven Churches except Ephesus of his Plantation ibid. 3. That the Angels of those Churches were the Bishops of them in the opinion of the Fathers Page 236 4. And of some Protestant Divines of name and eminency ibid. 5. Conclusive Reasons for the same Page 237 6. Who is most like to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus ibid. 7. That Polycarpus was the Angel of the Church of Smyrna Page 238 8. Touching the Angel of the Church of Pergamus and of Thiatyra ibid. 9. As also of the Churches of Sardis Philadelphia and Laodicea Page 239 10. What Successors these several Angels had in their several Churches Page 240 11. Of other Churches founded in Episcopacy by Saint John the Apostle ibid. 12. Saint John deceasing left the Government of the Church to Bishops as to the Successours of the Apostles Page 241 13. The ordinary Pastors of the Church Page 242 14. And the Vicars of Christ Page 243 15. A brief Chronologic of the estate of holy Church in this first Century Page 244 PART II. CHAP. I. What doth occur concerning Bishops and the Government of the Church by them during the first half of the second Century 1. OF the condition of the Church of Corinth when Clemens wrote unto them his Epistle Page 249 2. What that Epistle doth contain in reference to this point in hand Page 250 3. That by Episcopi he meaneth Bishops truly and properly so called proved by the scope of the Epistle Page 251 4. And by a text of Scripture therein cited ibid. 5. Of the Episcopal Succession in the Church of Corinth Page 252 6. The Canons of the Apostles ascribed to Clemens what they say of Bishops Page 253 7. A Bishop not to be ordained under three or two at least of the same Order ibid. 8. Bishops not barred by these Canons from any Secular affairs as concern their Families Page 254 9. How far by them restrained from the employments of the Common-wealth ibid. 10. The jurisdiction over Presbyters given to the Bishops by those Canons Page 255 11. Rome divided into Parishes or tituli by Pope Euaristus Page 256 12. The reasons why Presbyteries or Colleges of Presbyters were planted first in Cities ibid. 13. Touching the superiority over all the flock given to the Bishop by Ignatius Page 257 14. As also of the Jurisdiction by him allowed them Page 258 15. The same exemplified in the works of Justin Martyr Page 259 CHAP. II. The setling of Episcopacy together with the Gospel in the Isle of Britain by Pope Eleutherius 1. What Bishops Egesippus met with in his Peregrination and what he testifieth of them Page 260 2. Of Dionysius Bishop of Corinth and of the Bishops by him mentioned ibid. 3. How Bishops came to be ordained where none were left by the Apostles Page 261 4. The setling of the Gospel in the Isle of Britain by Pope Eleutherius Page 262 5. Of the Condition of the Church of Britain from the first preaching of the Gospel there till the time of Lucius Page 263 6. That Lucius was a King in those parts of Britain which we now call England Page 264 7. Of the Episcopal Sees here founded by King Lucius at that time Page 265 8. Touching the Flamines and Arch-flamines which those Stories speak of ibid. 9. What is most like to be the reason of the number of the Arch-bishopricks and Bishopricks here of old established Page 266 10. Of the Successors which the Bishops of this Ordination are found to have on true Record Page 267 11. Which of the British Metropolitans was antiently the Primate of that Nation Page 268 CHAP. III. The Testimony given to Episcopal Authority in the last part of this second Century 1. The difference betwixt Pope Victor and the Asian Bishops about the Feast of Easter Page 269 2. The interpleading of Polycrates and Irenaeus two renowned Prelates in the aforesaid cause Page 270 3. Several Councils called about it by the Bishops of the Church then being with observations on the same ibid. 4. Of the Episcopal Succession in the four prime Sees for this second Century Page 271 5. An Answer to some Objections made against the same Page 272 6. The great authority and esteem of the said four Sees in those early days ibid. 7. The use made of this Episcopal Succession by Saint Irenaeus Page 273 8. As also in Tertullian and some other Antients Page 274 9. Of the authority enjoyed by Bishops in Tertullians time in the administration of the Sacraments Page 275 10. As also in enjoyning Fasts and the disposing of the Churches treasury ibid. 11. And in the dispensation of the Keys Page 276 12. Tertullian misalledged in maintenance of the Lay-Presbytery Page 277 13. The great extent of Christianity and Episcopacy in Tertullians time concludes this Century Page 278 CHAP. IV. Of the Authority in the Government of the Church of Carthage enjoyed and exercised by Saint Cyprian and other Bishops of the same 1. Of the foundation and preheminence of the Church of Carthage Page 279 2. Of Agrippinus and Donatus two of Saint Cyprian's Predecessors ibid. 3. The troublesome condition of that Church at Cyprian's first being Bishop there Page 280 4. Necessitated him to permit some things to the discretion of his Presbyters and consent of the People Page 281 5. Of the Authority ascribed by Cyprian to the People in the Election of their Bishop Page 282 6. What power the People had de facto in the said Elections ibid. 7. How far the testimony rf the People was required in the Ordination of their Presbyters Page 283 8. The power of Excommunication reserved by Saint Cyprian to the Bishop only Page 284 9. No Reconciliation of a Penitent allowed by Cyprian without the Bishops leave and licence Page 285 10. The Bishop's power as well in the encouragement as in the punishment and censure of his Clergy Page 286 11. The memorable case of Geminius Faustinus one of the Presbyters of Carthage Page 287 12. The Bishop's power in regulating and declaring Martyrs Page 288 13. The Divine Right and eminent Authority of Bishops fully asserted by Saint Cyprian Page 289 CHAP. V. Of the condition and affairs of the two Patriarchal Churches of Alexandria and Antiochia 1. Of the foundation and first Professors of the Divinity-School in Alexandria Page 290 2. What is affirmed by Clemens one of those Professors concerning Bishops Page 291 3. Origen the Divinity Reader there permitted to expound the Scriptures in the presence of the Bishop of Caesarea ibid. 4. Contrary to
the Gift of Prayer as much kept in where the matter of the Prayer is prescribed unto us as when we are prescribed also in the form and words And secondly whereas it seems to be intended that Ministers should use no Form of Prayer before their Sermons or in any other part of worship but such as they call Conceived extemporary or unpremeditated Prayers though by the way all Conceived prayer require some premeditation Few of those Men who have conformed themselves to the Rules of the Directory have ventured on the Exercise of the Gift of Prayer most of them using certain and Set Forms of their own Composing and some not only using such Set Forms memoriter or without book as we use to say but reading them in their books or papers as they lie before them As great a stinting of the Spirit as contrary to the free Exercise of the Gift of Prayer as any publick Liturgy or Set Form of Worship can be thought to be But that which is most worth our noting is that those very Men who composed the Directory and laboured so industriously in abolishing all Set Forms of Worship by the Ordinance of the third of January should within a while after publish some Set Forms of Prayer to be used by such as were at Sea A supply of Prayer for the Ships Quo teneam nodo This is just fast and loose pretty sport for children For though it be pretended that these Set Forms are to be used only in the want of Ministers yet then it must be supposed withal that none but Ministers have the Gift of Prayer or if they have are not to be permitted the free exercise and use thereof as they see occasion which I conceive the Lay-brethren will not thank them for who think themselves as well Gifted as the Presbyters do Or if it be to be supposed it is to be supposed only in common Cases when no sense of extraordinary danger or approaching Ruine can quicken the dull spirits of Men to the free and voluntary acts of invocation to which the tempestuousness of the Sea and unavoidable fears of a sudden death give so many advantages that there cannot be a better Tutor to teach men to pray Insomuch that it grew into a proverb in the elder times Qui nescit orare discat navigare that he who knew not how to to pray should undertake some Voyage by Sea and there he would be sure to learn it Which shews that there was somewhat else which these good Men aimed at in crying down the publick Liturgie than the free exercise and use of the Gift of Prayer which few of them make use of now they have their ends in it and what that was it shall not be long before I tell you For if we look back into the busie times of Queen Elizabeths Reign we shall find there were some secret workings amongst those of the Puritan or Presbyterian party to draw all the power and Riches of the Church into their own hands And to this end the Ministers so bestirred themselves that as they had invaded the Government and Jurisdiction of the Church by setting up their Presbyters in several places so they resolved that the people should depend upon them alone as for prayer and preaching and all the other exercises of their Religion A thing which could not be effected if the Liturgy were not first abolish'd which of necessity must bring their own conceived prayers as they use to call them into estimation and make them the sole Rule and Rubrick of all publick Worship by means whereof they were sure to get that absolute Sovereignty in the peoples Consciences which in their practices and preachings they had so long aimed at But on the other side the Lay-brethren had their Ends in it also hoping that if they could destroy the Liturgy it would be no hard matter for them to ingross the Tithes unto themselves and to put their Ministers off with arbitrary Pensions as in other places Tithes being as they gave it out a Jewish imposition not to be laid upon free Subjects in the times of the Gospel never intended for the maintenance of a Preaching Ministery but of a Sacrificing Priesthood And so far they might seem to have the truth on their side that the first Tithes which were ever taken were not received with reverence to preaching to or instructing the people but with relation unto praying for them or offering up to God the daily and commanded Sacrifices in their behalf When Melchisedech took Tithes of Abraham it was not for any pains he had taken in preaching to him or instructing his little Army but for praying to God for his Blessings on them for the Text only tells us that he blessed Abraham praising God for his good success against his Enemies Gen. 14.19..20 and for performing that Office had the Tithes of all And when Tithes were paid by Gods appointment to the Priests and Levites it was not for their Teaching Preaching or Exhorting for we find not that any such Offices were either required of them or performed by them but for their service in the Temple the offering the appointed and occasional Sacrifices performed with several kinds of Prayer agreeable to the occasion and the Spiritual necessities of that people Tithes therefore being the reward and maintenance of a praying not a preaching Ministery the Liturgy being taken away and Preaching made the main if not the sole work of the Minister there could no reason be alledged why the people might not withold their Tithes or why the Tithes might not be otherwise imployed as the State thought fit This business being resumed and more hotly followed in these latter times and some proposals set on foot for depriving the Ministers of their Tithes drawing them into some Common Treasuries and out of them allotting such maintenance to the Ministers as the necessities and wants of the State could spare I publish'd a Discourse entituled The undeceiving of the people in the point of Tithes and to my Preface to that Treatise do refer the Reader both for the motives which induced me having no ends of my own in it to that Undertaking the whole Design and Method of it and finally the Reasons why I did so disguise my name that I might not appear for the Author of it At this time I shall only add that Tithes being now the only remaining Patrimony which is left the Church for the encouragement and reward of a learned Ministery should they be also taken from it and the poor Clergy forced to depend on uncertain Stipends I see not what can follow thereupon but a gross night of Ignorance and Egyptian darkness especially in those who now hold out the light to others For certainly that saying of Panormitan will be always true Ad tenuitatem Beneficiorum necessaria sequitur ignorantia sacerdotum And if ignorance once possess the Priests I hope it will not be offensive if I use that name
Adeo Argumenta ab absurdo petita ineptos habent exitus said Lactantius truly Now for my History and my proceedings in it that must next be known my business being to make good the matter of Fact that is to say that in all Ages of the Church there hath been an imparity of Ministers that the chief of these Ministers was called the Bishop that this Bishop had the Government of all Presbyters and other Christian people within his Circuit and finally that the powers of Jurisdiction and Ordination were vested in him In which particulars if the Affirmative be maintain'd by sufficient evidence it will be very difficult if not impossible to prove the Negative And for the better making good of the Affirmative I have called in the ancient Writers the holy Fathers of the Church to testifie unto the truth of what is here said either as writing on those Texts of Scripture in which the Institution and Authority the Church in their several times in the Administration and Government whereof they had most of them some special interess Their Testimonies and Authorities I have fully pondered and alledged as fully not misreporting any of them in their words or meaning according to the best of my understanding as knowing well and having seen experience of it that such false shifts are like hot waters which howsoever they may serve for a present pang do in the end destroy the stomach And for those holy and renowned Authors thus by me produced I desire no more but that we yieldas much Authority unto them in Expounding Scripture as we would do to any of the Modern writers on the like occasion and that we would not give less credit to their Affirmations speaking of things that hapned in their own times and were within the compass of their observation than we would do to any honest Country Yeoman speaking his knowledg at the Bar between man and man And finally that in relating such orrurrences of Holy Church as hapned in the times before them we think them worthy of as much belief as we would give to Livy Tacitus or Suetonius reporting the Affairs of Rome from the Records Monuments and Discourses of the former times This is the least we can afford those Reverened Persons whether we find them acting in publick Councils or speaking in their own private and particular Writings and if I gain but this I have gained my purpose I hope to meet with no such Readers as Peter Abeilard of whom Saint Bernard tells us that he used to say Omnes Patres sic ego autem non sic though all the Fathers hold one way he would hold the contrary To such if any such there be I shall give no other answer at this time but what Dr. Saravia gave to Beza in this very case viz. Qui omnem Patribus adimit Authoritatem nullam sibi relinquit that is to say He which takes all Authority from the ancient Fathers will in fine leave none unto himself I should proceed next to the Canonical Ordination of Priests and Deacons the Stewards which the Lord hath set over his Houshold the ordinary Dispensers of Mysteries of Eternal life which like the Angels ascending and de scending upon Jacobs Ladder offer the People Prayers to God and signifie Gods good pleasure and commands to the rest of the People Offices not to be invaded or usurp'd by any who are not lawfully Ordained that is to say who are not inwardly prompted and inclined unto it by the Holy Spirit outwardly set apart and consecrated to Gods publick service by Prayer and imposition of Hands A point so clear as to the Designation of some persons unto sacred Offices that it hath been universally received in all times and Nations The sanctifying of the Tribe of Levi for the service of the Tabernacle amongst the Jews the instituting of so many Colledges of Priests for the service of their several Gods by the ancient Gentiles Acts 13. v. 2. the Separating of Paul and Barnabas to the work of the Ministery in the first dawnings of the Gospel sufficiently evidence this truth And no less clear it is as to the Laying on of Hands in that Sacred action retained since the Apostles times in all Christian Churches at the least deservedly so called And this the Presbyterian-Calvinists saw well enough who though profest Adversaries to all the old Orders of the Church do notwithstanding admit none amongst them to the Ministration of the Word and Sacraments but by the Laying on of the Hands of their Presbyteries But if it be objected that there is no such thing required by the Ordinance of approbation of publick Ministers bearing date March 20. 1653. I answer that that Ordinance relateth not to Ordination but to Approbation and Admission it being supposed that no Man is presented to any Benefice with cure of souls or unto any publick Lecture and being so presented craves to have Admission thereunto who is not first lawfully Ordained That Ordinance was made for no other end but to great Admission to such fit persons as were nominated and presented to them and thereby to supply the place of Institution and Induction which had been formerly required by the Laws of the Land And therefore the said Ordinance declares very well that in such Approbations and Admissions there is nothing sacred no setting apart of any Person to a particular Office in the Ministery that being the sole and proper work of Ordination but only by such trial and approbation to take care that places destitute may be supplyed with able and faithful Preachers throughout the Nation The Question is not then about Ordination or about Laying on of Hands in which all agree but what it is which makes the Ordination lawful whose Hands they are which make it to be held Canonical The Genevians and the rest of Calvins Discipline challenge this power to their Presbyteries a mungrel company not heard of till these latter times consisting of two Lay-elders for each preaching Minister The Lutherans with better reason appropriate it to their Superintendents which in their Churches execute the place of Bishops But all Antiquity Councils Fathers the general usage of the Churches of the East and West with those also of the Aethiopian or Habassine Empire carry it clearly for the Bishop who hath alone the power to Ordain and Consecrate and by the imposition of Hands to set apart some Men to the publick Ministery though he call in some Presbyters as Assistants to him Saint Jerom no great friend to Bishops doth acknowledg this Quid facit Episcopus excepta Ordinatione quod Presbyter non faciat What doth a Bishop saith the Father but what a Presbyter may do also except Ordination And to the disquisition of these Canonical Ordinations I shall next proceed as hath been promised in the Title But I have said so much to that Point in the Course of the History as Part 1. Cap. 2. Num. 11 12. Cap. 4. Num. 2,3 Cap. 5.
They are all now for Root and Branch for the very Calling that having grubbed up those goodly Cedars of the Church the Bishops they might plant a stinking Elder as a noble person well observed in the place thereof Never was Learning so employed to cry down the encouragements and rewards of Learning The Branches needs must wither when the Root decays and what could else befall Cathedras as we see it too evidently but the inevitable exposing of them to a present ruin by making them Oblations unto Spoil and Rapine And now or never was the time for those that had a care of the Churches safety to put themselves into a posture of defence and be provided for the Battel In which if few appeared at the first on the Churches side it was not that they durst not give the onset but that they were reserved for succours For whilst the Humbly reverend Remonstrant was pleased to vindicate as well his own as the Churches honour there was small cause or rather none that other men should interpose themselves at all or rob him of the glory of a sole encounter Parque novum fortuna videt concurrere Bellum atque virum as in a case not much unlike was observed by Lucan But when that Reverend pen grew wearied not with the strength or number of his Adversaries but their importunity who were resolved to have the last words as himself observeth and that he hath been pleased to give way to others to shew their duty and affection in so just a cause it was then no hard matter to persuade me to such further courses as might be thought on and pursued for the Churches peace And I the rather was resolved to do somewhat in it because the Smectymnuans in a manner had ingaged me in the undertaking It seems they have forgotten what their own Darling HEILTN c. Smectym pag. 16 17. by giving me the Title of the Bishops Darling a Title which though given in scorn had been ill bestowed should I be wanting unto those of that Sacred Order which were supposed to let me hold so principal a place in their affections Doubly ingaged by duty and this provocation which I could not take but for a challenge I took their Book into my hand in which I found the whole dispute as it relates to the Episcopal Government reduced to these Propositions viz. 1. That the Impropriation of name and Imparity of place between Bishops and Presbyters was not of divine right and Apostolical institution but of humane invention and occasionally only and that a Diabolical occasion also and no more than so 2. That the eminent Superiority and Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction which our Bishops claim was both unknown to the Scripture and the Primitive times 3. That antiently in some places of the World the Episcopal Government was never known for many years together the people in those places being instructed in the faith without help of Bishops Hereupon they infer in the close of all That Bishops or Episcopacy being at the best a meer humane Ordinance may by the same Authority be abrogated by which it was first established This last I must confess delivered in the way of Quere but so delivered as to carry a Position in it more pertinent to their aim and purpose than the other three In prosecuting of which points as they have shewed the greatest of their wit and cunning to give the fairest colours to a rotten Cause so have they brought no new Objections against the Episcopal Order and Jurisdiction but what are either answered or prevented in the Learned works of B. Bilson B. Downham and other Worthies of this Church now in bliss with God Nihil dictum quod non dictum fuit prius had been an Answer new enough for an old Objection But seeing that these Men though they could bring no new supply of Arguments is make good their Cause would not rest satisfied with those old Answers which had been given in former times to their Predecessors I was resolved to deal with them in another way than what hath formerly been travelled Not in the way of Argumentation or a Polemical discourse there being no likelihood of any end in such Disputations as long as men had so much Sophistry as either to evade the Argument or find some sleight to weaken and shift off the Answer I rather chose having found good success in that kind before to manage the whole Controversie as it lay between us in the way of an Historical Narration as in point of fact which I conceive to be the readiest means to convince gainsayers and silence the dispute for the times to come For if History be Testis temporum the surest and most faithful witness of mens actions in the carriage of all publick businesses as no doubt it is it cannot but be also Magistra vitae both which the Orator affirms of it the best Instructress we can have in all Affairs of like nature as they come before us The History of Episcopacy collected from the Writings of the Antient Fathers cannot but be of special use and efficacy in setting forth the Government of the Church in the purest times especially when those Fathers are produced on no other occasion but either as writing on those Texts of Scripture in which the Institution and Authority of Bishops is most clearly evidenced or speaking of the condition of the Church in their several times in the Administration and Government whereof they had most of them some especial interess Out of whose testimonies so digested and compared together I doubt not but it will appear most evidently to an indifferent and impartial Reader first That our Lord and Saviour JESVS CHRIST laid the foundation of his Church in an imparity of Ministers and that according unto his example the Apostles did the like ordaining the three several Orders and Degrees of Bishops Presbyters and Deacons in the holy Ministry Next that the Government of Bishops being founded thus was propagated over all the World with the faith it self there being no Nation which received the one without the other And finally that in matter of Authority and Jurisdiction the Bishops of the primitive and purest Ages had full as much as ours of England in these latter times And if I have done this as I hope I have it may more rationally be inferred though perhaps not so safely as the times now are that Bishops or Episcopacy being of Divine and Apostolical institution no humane invention cannot with piety be abrogated by a less Authority than that by which it was ordained at the first appointment This is the sum and this is the end of my design In prosecution of the which I had drawn down my story to the times of Constantine by whose power and favour the Church began to settle in all parts of the Empire where it had formerly been persecuted with all kind of Extremities which either the wit of Tyranny could invent or an
Judaic l. 12. as Josephus hath it which cometh to seventy two in all But both the seventy two Elders are generally called the Seventy as the Translators of the Bible are called the Septuagint both of them ad rotundationem numeri even as the Magistrates in Rome were called Centumviri though being three for every Tribe they came unto an hundred and five in all Calvin in harm Evang. ut supra And this is that which Calvin hath observed in the present business viz. that the Consistory of the Jewish Judges to which the number of the Disciples is by him proportioned consisted of no less than 72 though for the most part ut fieri solet in talibus numeris they are called the Seventy So then to reconcile the Latin with the Greek Original there were in all 72 Disciples according to the truth of the calculation and yet but seventy in account according to the estimation which was then in use And therefore possibly the Church of England the better to comply with both computations though it have seventy in the new Translations yet still retains the number of seventy two in the Gospel appointed for Saint Lukes day in the book of Common-prayer confirmed by Parliament This being the number of the Disciples it will then fall out that as there were six Elders for every Tribes so here will be six Presbyters or Elders for every one of the Apostles For those which have compared the Church of Christ which was first planted by the Apostles with that which was first founded by the Lord himself resemble the Bishops in the Church to the twelve Apostles the Presbyters or Priests unto the Seventy Which parallel how well it holdeth and whether it will hold or not we shall see hereafter Mean while it cannot be denied but that the Apostles were superiour to these Seventy both in place and power The Fathers have so generally affirmed the same that he must needs run cross unto all antiquity that makes question of it The Council of Neocaesarea which was convened some years before that of Nice Leo Ep. 88. declareth that the Chorepiscopi which were but Presbyters in fact though in Title Bishops ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Concil Neocasar 1. Can. 13. were instituted according to the pattern of the Seventy Saint Hierom in his Tractate ad Fabiolam speaking of the twelve fountains of Elim and the seventy Psalms that grew thereby doth resolve it thus Nec dubium quin de duodeeim Apostolis sermo sit c. It is not to be doubted but that the Scripture speaketh here of the twelve Apostles the waters issuing from whose fountains have moistned the barren driness of the whole World and that the seventy Psalms that grew thereby are the Teachers of the second rank or order Luca testante duodecim fuisse Apostolos septuaginta Discipulos minoris gradus Saint Luke affirming that there were twelve Apostles and seventy Disciples of a lower order whom the Lord sent two and two before him In this conceit Saint Ambrose led the way before him likening unto those Psalms the Seventy qui secundo ab Apostolis gradu who in a second rank from the Apostles were by the Lord sent forth for the salvation of mankind Serm. 24. Damasus their co-temporary doth affirm as much viz. non amplius quam duos ordines Epist 5. that there were but two Orders amongst the Disciples of Christ viz. that of the twelve Apostles and the Seventy Theophylact concurrs with Hierom in his conceit about the twelve Fountains and the seventy Palm-trees and then concludes Theoph. in Luc. 10. that howsoever they were chosen by Christ ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã yet were they inferiour to the twelve and afterwards their followers and Scholars Add hereunto the testimony and consent of Calvin who giving the preheminence unto the Apostles Calvin in Institut l. 4. c. 3. § 4. as the chief builders of the Church adds in the next place the Evangelists such as were Timothy and Titus fortassis etiam septuaginta Discipuli quos secundo ab Apostolis loco Dominus designavit and peradventure also the seventy Disciples whom Christ appointed in the second place after his Apostles Besides S. Hierom giveth it for a Maxim Qui provehitur Ep. ad Oceanum de minore ad majus provehitur that he which is promoted is promoted from a lower rank unto an higher Matthias therefore having been formerly of the Seventy and afterwards advanced into the rank and number of the Twelve in the place of Judas it must needs follow that the twelve Apostles shined in an higher sphere than these lesser luminaries Now that Matthias had before been one of the seventy appeareth by the concurrent testimonies of Euseb l. 1. Eccles Hist c. 12. l. 2. cap. 1. and of Epiphanius contr haeres 20. n. 4. to whom for brevity sake I refer the Reader And this the rather because the Scripture is so full and pregnant in it it being a condition or qualification if you will required by S. Peter in those that were the Candidates for so high a Dignity Acts 1. v. 21. that they accompanied the Apostles all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out amongst them And that we know none did but the Seventy only So then it is most clear and manifest both by authority of Scripture and consent of Fathers that our Saviour instituted in his Church two ranks of Ministers the one subordinate unto the other and consequently laid the first foundations of it in such a Fatherly and moderate imparity as bound all following times and ages that would not willingly oppose so Divine an Ordinance to observe the like And yet it is not to be thought that this superiority thus by him established doth contradict those other passages of holy Scripture wherein he doth prohibit all dominion over one another They much mistake the business who conceive it so The Jews in general and all the followers of Christ particularly expected that the promised Messiah should come with power restore again the lustre of the Jewish Kingdom and free them from that yoke and bondage which by the Romans had been laid upon them We thought said Cleophas that this had been he that should have delivered Israel Acts 24.21 And what he thought was solemnly expected by all the rest Acts 1.6 Domine si in tempore hoc restitues regnum Israel Lord say they even in the very moment of his Ascension wilt thou at this time restore again the Kingdom unto Israel Upon which fancy and imagination no marvail if they harboured some ambitious thought every one hoping for the nearest places both of power and trust about his person This was the greatness which they aimed at and this our Saviour laboured to divery them from by interdicting all such power and Empire as Princes and the favourites of Princes have upon their Vassals Ye know saith he that the Princes of the
Gentiles exercise Dominion over them and they that are great exercise auhtority upon them Vobis autem non sic Matth. 20.25 Luke 22.25 But so it shall not be amongst you Where plainly it appears both by the Text and context first that this strife and contestation was only amongst the twelve Apostles and therefore howsoever it may prove that there was to be a parity or equality amongst themselves yet it will never prove but that they were and might be still superiour unto the Seventy And secondly that Christ our Saviour doth not prohibit them the use and exercise of all authority on those who were inferiour and subordinate to them but only such authority as the Princes of the Gentiles and the great Lords and Ministers about them did exercise upon their Subjects The power and government of the Apostles in the Church of Christ was meerly ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã such as a Father beareth unto his children but not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a Lordly and imperious Rule such as a Master exerciseth on his slaves and servants 1 Pet. 5.3 2 Cor. 2.24 Chrysost in oper imper in Mat. hom 35. Not as Lords over Gods inheritance but as the helpers of their joy say the two Apostles and herein stands the difference according unto that of Chrysostom Principes mundi ideo fiunt ut dominentur minoribus suis The Princes of the Earth were made to this end and purpose that they might Lord it over their inferiours and make them slaves and spoil them and devour them abasing them unto the death for their own profit and glory Principes autem Ecclesiae fiunt c. But the Governours or Princes of the Church were instituted to another end viz. To serve their inferiours and to minister unto them all such things as they have received from the Lord. This eminence and superiority over all the Church which was thus setled in the Apostles by our Lord and Saviour will appear more fully if we consult the several ministrations committed unto them and to them alone For unto them alone it was that Christ committed the whole power of preaching of his holy Word administring his blessed Sacraments retaining and forgiving sins ruling and ordering of his flock giving them also further power of instituting and ordaining such by whom these several Offices were to be performed till his second coming None but the Twelve were present with him when he ordained the blessed Sacrament of his body and blood Luke 22.19 and unto them alone was said Hoc facite do this i. e. take bread and break and bless it and distribute it in remembrance of me To the eleven alone it was that he gave commission to go into all the World and preach the Gospel to all creatures Matth. 28.19 baptizing them in the name of the Father Son and Holy Ghost They only had that powerful and immediate mission John 20.21 John 20.22 23. Sicut misit me Pater As my Father sent me so send I you and upon them alone he breathed saying Receive the Holy Ghost whose sins ye do remit they are remitted unto them and whose sins you do retain they are retained Finally they and none but they were trusted with the feeding and the governance of the Flock of Christ the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the Greek doth imply them both for howsoever Pasce oves meas John 21.15 16. was in particular spoken to Saint Peter yet was that charge incumbent on them all as before we noted from Saint Austin By all which passages and Texts of Scripture it is clear and manifest that the Apostles were by Christ ordained to be the sole and ordinary Teachers Bishops and Pastors of the Church next and immediately under his most blessed self Heb. 13.20 1 Pet. 2.25 who still continueth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the great Shepheard of the Sheep as Paul the Shepheard and Bishop of our Souls as Saint Peter calls him The Seventy had no part in this new Commission the dispensation of the Word and Sacraments but at second hand as they were afterwards intrusted with it by the holy Apostles either as Prophets Presbyters or Evangelists according to the measure of the Grace which was given unto them or specially designed to some part therein after the Ascension of our Lord and Saviour by the immediate designation of the Holy Ghost And when they were entrusted with a part thereof yet were they still secundi Ordinis Ministers of a second rank inferiour unto the Apostles both in place and power to whom all latitude of power was given Nay the Apostles took an hint from this different mission to institute two several sorts of Ministers in the Church of Christ the one subordinate unto the other as were the Seventy unto them And this by vertue of these words in their Commission Ita mitto vos i. e. as the Arch-Bishop of Spalato very well applyeth it De Repab Eccl. l. 2. c. 3. n. 7. Sicut ego à Patre habui potestatem eligendi Ministros etiam diversi ordinis ita vos pariter habeatis As I received power from my heavenly Father of instituting Ministers even of divers Orders so I give it you And therefore whatsoever the Apostles did therein they did it after Christs example and by his authority and consequently the imparity of Ministers by them ordained was founded on the Law of God and the original institution of our Saviour Christ by whom the power of Ordination was to them committed and by them unto their Successours in the Church for ever To bring this Chapter to an end our Saviour Christ having thus furnished his Apostles with those several powers faculties and preheminences which before we spake of he thought it best to recommend them to the blessings of Almighty God whose work they were to go about And therefore being to take his fare-well of them Luke 24.50 did in a very solemn manner bestow his benediction on them Elevatis manibus suis benedixit eis he lifted up his hands and blessed them as Saint Luke hath it Which benediction Saint Austin takes to be a consecrating of those holy men unto the power and dignity of Bishops Aug. quaest N. Test qu. 14. Ipse enim priusquam in caelos ascenderet imponens manum Apostolis ordinavit cos Episcopos as the Father hath it Which whether it were so or not I mean so done with such an outward Form and Ceremony and in that very point of time is perhaps uncertain But sure I am that for the thing it self which is here delivered the Fathers many of them do agree with Austin affirming passim in their writings that the Apostles were made Bishops by our blessed Lord. Saint Cyprian voucheth it expresly The Deacons ought to understand Cyp. lib. 3. Ep. 9. quoniam Apostolos i. e. Episcopos Praepositos Dominus elegit that the Lord Christ himself did chuse the Apostles that is the Bishops
besides the Church of Rome before remembred We find Epaphroditus not he that is commemorated by S. Paul In Annal. Eccles A. 60. Rom. Martyr Mart. 22. April 3. Jun. 4. Julii 12. Julii 12. Julii 23. Chrys serm 128. in his Epistle to the Philippians as Baronius witnesseth against himself à beato Petro Apostolo Episcopus illius Civitatis ordinatus made Bishop by S. Peter of Tarracina of old called Anxur Pancratius made by S. Peter Bishop of Tauromenium in the Isle of Sicily as the Greeks also do affirm in their Menologia Marcianus Bishop of Syracusa to whom the said Menologies do bear record also Hermagoras a Disciple of S. Mark the first Bishop of Aquileia now in the Signeurie of Venice Panlinus the first Bishop of Luques in Tuscanie Apollinaris created by S. Peter the first Bishop of Ravenna in praise of whom Chrysologus one of his Successors and an holy Father hath composed a Panegyrick Marcus ordained Bishop of Atina at S. Peters first coming into Italy Rom. Martyr Apr. 28. Novemb. 7. Sept. 1. Octob. 25. Jan. 27. Acts. Martyrol Rom. Decem. 29. And last of all Prosdocimus the first Bishop of Padua à Beato Petro ordinatus made Bishop thereof by S. Peter Next to pass over into France we find there Xystus the first Bishop of Rhemes and Fronto Bishop of Perigort Petragorricis ordained both by this Apostle As also Julianus the first Bishop of Mayne Cononiensium in the Latine of his Ordination And besides these we read that Trophimus once one of S. Pauls Disciples was by S. Peter made the first Bishop of Arles And this besides the Martyrologies and other Authors cited by Baronius in his Annotations appeareth by that memorable controversie in the time of Pope Leo before the Bishop of Vienna the chief City of Daulphine and him of Arles for the place and dignity of Metropolitan In prosecution of the which it is affirmed by the Suffragans Epist contr Provinc ad S. Leonem in fine lib. or Com-provincial Bishops of the Province of Arles Quod prima inter Gallias Arelatensis Civitas missum à Beatissimo Petro Apostolo Sauctum Trophimum habere meruit Sacerdotem that first of all the Cities of Gaul that of Arles did obtain the happiness to have Saint Trophimus for their Bishop for so Sacerdos must be read in that whole Epistle sent to them from the most blessed Apostle S. Peter to preach the Gospel For Spain we find this testimony once for all that Ctesiphon Torquatus Secundus Caecilius Judaletius Hesychius Rom. Martyr Maij 15. and Euphrasius Romae à Sanctis Apostolis Episcopi ordinati ad praedicandum verbum Dei in Hispanias directi Having been ordained Bishops at Rome by the Apostles viz. S. Peter and S. Paul were sent unto Spain to preach the Gospel and in most likelihood were Bishops of those Cities in which they suffered the names whereof occur in the Martyrologie If we pass further into Germany we may there see Eucherius one of S. Peters Disciples also by him employed to preach the Gospel to that Nation which having done with good effect in the City of Triers Primus ejusdem Civitatis Episcopus Decemb. 8. he was made the first Bishop of that City And unto this Methodius also doth attest Ap. Mar. Scotum in An. 72.74 as he is cited by Marianus Scotus who tells us that after he had held the Bishoprick 23 years Valerio Trevericae Ecclesiae culmen dereliquit he left the government of that Church unto Valerius who together with Maternus both being Disciples of Saint Peper did attend him thither and that Maternus after fifteen years did succeed Valerius continuing Bishop there 40 years together I should much wrong our part of Britain should I leave out that as if neglected by the Apostle concerning which we are informed by Metaphrastes whose credit hath been elsewhere vindicated that this Apostle coming into Britain Commem Petri Pauli ad diem 29 Junii and tarrying there a certain time and enlightning many with the word of grace ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã did constitute Churches and ordain Bishops Presbyters and Deacons in the same Which action as he placeth in the twelfth year of Nero being the 67. of our Redeemer so he professeth that he had his information out of some writings of Eusebius which have not come unto our hands but with a great deal more of that Authors works have perished in the ruins and wrack of time Nor is it strange that the Apostle should make so many of his Disciples Bishops before or shortly after they were sent abroad to gain the nations to the Faith Beda hist Eccl. l. 1. c. 27. that being the usual course in the like imployments as may appear by Austins being consecrated Bishop immediately after his first coming into England The reason was as I conceive it that if God prospered their endeavours with desired success they might be furnished with a power of ordaining Presbyters for their assistance in that service And so much for the Churches planted by Saint Peter and by his Disciples CHAP. IV. The Bishoping of Timothy and Titus and others of Saint Pauls Disciples 1. The Conversion of Paul and his ordaining to the place of an Apostle 2. The Presbyters created by Saint Paul Act. 14. of what sort they were 3. Whether the Presbyters or Presbytery did lay on hands with Paul in any of his Ordinations 4. The people had no voice in the Election of their Presbyters in these early times 5. Bishops not founded by S. Paul at first in the particular Churches by him planted and upon what reasons 6. The short time of the Churches of S. Pauls plantation continued without Bishops over them 7. Timothy made Bishop of Ephesus by S. Paul according to the general consent of Fathers 8. The time when Timothy was first made Bishop according to the Holy Scripture 9. Titus made Bishop of the Cretans and the truth verified herein by the ancient Writers 10. An Answer unto such Objections as have been made against the Subscription of the Epistle unto Titus 11. The Bishopping of Dionysius the Areopagite Aristarchus Gaius Epaphroditus Epaphras and Archippus 12. As also of Silus Sosthenes Sosipater Crescens and Aristobulus 13. The Office of a Bishop not incompatible with that of an Evangelist WE are now come unto S. Paul and to the Churches by him planted where we shall meet with clearer evidence from Scripture than before we had A man that did at first most eagerly afflict the poor Church of Christ as if it were the destiny not of David only but also of the Son of David to be persecuted by the hands of Saul Rhemist Testam Act. 15. But as the Rhemists well observe that the contention between Paul and Barnabas fell out unto the great increase of Christianity So did this persecution raised by Saul fall out unto the great improvement of the Gospel For by this means the Disciples being
assumed into the Clergy But not to make a further search into particulars which are vast and infinite we have two notable cases that reflect this way and in them two such general Maxims as will make all sure In the third Council of Carthage holden in or about the year 390. it was proposed by Aurelius then Metropolitan of Carthage Concil Carthag 3. Ca. 45. that it might be lawful for him to chuse or take Presbyters out of the Churches of his Suffragans and to ordain them Bishops of such Cities as were unprovided and that the Bishops of those Churches whose Clerks or Presbyters they were might not be suffered to oppose To which when all the Fathers had agreed Posthumianus one of the Prelates there assembled puts this case that if a Bishop had but one Presbyter only Numquid debet illi ipse unus Presbyter auferri whether that one Presbyter should be taken from him Aurelius thereunto replyeth Episcopum unum esse posse per quem dignatione divina Presbyteri multi constitui possunt that a Bishop by Gods grace might make many Presbyters and therefore that on such occasions his one and only Presbyter must be yielded up upon demand By which it is most clear and evident that a Bishop may alone perform the Act or Ceremony of Ordination not having any Presbyter at all to join with him in it The like occurreth in the second Council of Sevil held in the year 617 or thereabouts concerning Erangitanus a Presbyter of the Church of Corduba who by the Bishop of that See Concil Hispalens 2. c. 5. Cap. 6. a ruffling Prelate as appeareth by the following Chapter had been deposed from his Ministry the cause being brought before the Council and the whole process openly declared unto them the man was presently restored to his Orders and the sentence passed against him declared to be irrregular and contrary to the ancient Canons whereby it was enacted that no Clergy-man should be deposed without the judgment of a Synod And then it followeth Episcopus sacerdotibus ministris solus dare honorem potest auferre solus non potest that Bishops solely of themselves may confer holy Orders on Priests and Deacons but solely of their own authority they could not depose them So then it is most clear and evident that Bishops might and did ordain without their Presbyters might not the Presbyters do the like sometimes without their Bishop Certainly nothing less than so or if they did attempt it at any time the whole act was not only censured and condemned as uncanonical but adjudged void and null from the first beginning For besides that which hath been said before from Hierom Chrysostom and Epiphanius touching the limitation of this power to the Bishops only there are three Book-cases in the point which put the matter out of question Coluthus once a Presbyter of Alexandria Athanas in Apol 2. Edit Gr. Lat. p. 784. falling at difference with his Bishop usurps upon the Bishops Office and ordains certain Presbyters himself being one This business being canvassed in the Council of Alexandria before that famous Confessor Hosius and other Bishops there assembled Coluthus was commanded to carry himself for a Presbyter only as indeed he was and all the Presbyters of his ordaining reduced to the same condition ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in which they were before the said Ordination Where by the way instead of Coluthus the last edition of this Author in Greek and Latin doth read Catholicus Lutet 1627. which must be mended as before in the relation of this story P. 732.792 where we have Coluthus and not Catholicus But to proceed It hapned afterwards that Ischyras one of the Pseudo-Presbyters ordained by Coluthus Id. ibid. p. 757. accused Macarius one of the Presbyters of Athanasius for a pretended violence to be offered to him Id. ibid. p. 732. then ministring at the holy Table So that the business being brought at last unto the judgment of a Council and the point in issue being this whether this Ischyras were a Presbyter or not and so by consequence a dispenser of those sacred Mysteries he was returned no Presbyter by the full consent of all the Prelates then assembled The reason was because he was ordained by Coluthus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who died a Presbyter and that his Ordinations had been all made void and those that had received them at his hands ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã became lay again and in that state received the blessed Sacrament as the Lay-men did And this saith Athanasius was a thing so publique ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that no man ever doubted of the truth thereof The second case was that of Maximus once a familiar friend of Gregory Nazianzens at such time as he was Bishop of Constantinople and by him Greg. Presb. in vita Nazian having taken a good liking to him admitted into the Clergy of that Church But Maximus being an ungrateful wretch complots with others like himself to be made Bishop of that City and thereupon negotiates with Peter then Patriarch of Alexandria to ordain him Bishop of the same which being done accordingly for Maximus was by birth of Egypt and possibly might have good friends there besides his money and the whole City in a great distemper about the business the whole cause came at last to be debated in the first general Council of Constantinople Conc. Const 1. cap. 4. where on full hearing of the matter it was thus Decreed viz. that Maximus neither was to be taken for a Bishop ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã nor any of those he had ordained to be accounted of the Clergy or remain in any order or degree thereof Where note that howsoever Maximus came unlawfully unto the bishoprick of Constantinople by means whereof all the Acts done by him as a Bishop were made void and frustrate yet if as Presbyter to which degree he had been lawfully ordained by Nazianzen he might have given the imposition of hands the Presbyters by him ordained would have held good still But the third case comes nearest to the business yet as it is thus reported in the Council of Sevil before remembred A Bishop of the Church of Spain Concil Hisp 11. cap. 5. being troubled with sore eyes and having some presented to him to be ordained Presbyters and Deacons did only lay his hands upon them suffering a Presbyter that stood by to read the words of Ordination This coming to be scanned in the aforesaid Council upon mature deliberation it is thus determined First for the Presbyter which assisted that for his boldness and presumption he had been subject to the Councils censure but that he was before deceased next for the Presbyter and Deacons who were so ordained that they should actually be deposed from all sacred Orders Concluding thus Tales enim merito judicati sunt removendi quia prave inventi sunt constituti that they were worthily adjudged to lose those Orders
extirpatio the extirpation of false doctrine This part of jurisdiction with those that follow I shall declare only but not exemplifie For being matters meerly practical and the proceedings on Record they will occur hereafter as occasion is in this following History And that which followeth first is very near of kin indeed unto that before For many times it happeneth so that howsoever men be charged not to teach strange doctrins and that their mouths be stopped and they put to silence yet they will persevere however in their wicked courses and obstinately continue in the same until at last their obstinacy ends in heresie What course is to be taken upon such occasions The Apostle hath resolved that also A man that is an Heretick saith he after the first and second admonition Tit. 3.10 is to be rejected Rejected but by whom why by Titus surely The words are spoken unto him in the second person and such as did possess the same place and office Hanc sive admonitionem sive correptionem intellige ab Episcopo faciendam Estius in Ep. ad Tit. c. 3. c. This ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which Saint Paul here speaks of whether that it be meant of gentle admonition or severe reproof must be done only by the Bishop and that not as a private person but as the governour of the Church and that both with authority and power by which he also may denounce him excommunicate if he amend not on the same So Estius in his Comment on the place and herewith Calvin doth accord Tito scribens Paulus Calvin in Titum c. 3. non disserit de Officio magistratus sed quid Episcopo conveniat Paul saith he writing unto Titus disputes not of the Office of the civil Magistrate but of the duty of a Bishop And this in answer unto some who had collected from these words of the Apostle that Hereticks were to be encountred with no sharper weapon than that of Excommunication nec esse ultra in eos saeviendum and that there was no other course to be taken with them In which these Moderns say no more as to the exercise and discharge of the Episcopal function in this case Hieron ad Riparium adv Vigilant a. than what the Ancients said before I marvail saith Saint Hierom speaking of Vigilantius a broacher of strange or other Doctrins in the Church of Christ that the Bishop in whose Diocess he is said to be a Presbyter hath so long given way to his impiety Et non virgâ Apostolica virgáque ferreâ confringere vas inutile and that he hath not rather broke in pieces with the Apostolick rod a rod of iron this so unprofitable a Vessel In which as the good Father manifests his own zeal and fervour so he declareth therewithal what was the Bishops power and office in the present business The last part of Episcopal jurisdiction which we have to speak of is the correction of ill manners whether in the Presbyters or in the People concerning which the Apostle gives both power to Timothy 1 Tim. 5.19 20. and command to use it First for the Presbyters Against an Elder receive not an accusation but before two or three Witnesses but if they be convicted them that sin rebuke before all that others also may fear In the declaring of which power I take for granted that the Apostle here by Elder doth mean a Presbyter according to the Ecclesiastical notion of that word Hom. 15. in 1 Tim. in locum though I know that Chrysostom and after him Theophylact and Oecumenius do take it only for a man well grown in years And then the meaning of Saint Paul will be briefly this that partly in regard of the Devils malice apt to calumniate men of that holy function and partly to avoid the scandal which may thence arise Timothy and in him all other Bishops should be very cautious in their proceedings against men of that profession But if they find them guilty on examination then not to smother or conceal the matter but censure and rebuke them openly that others may take heed of the like offences The Commentaries under the name of Ambrose Amb. in 1. ad Tim. c. 5. do expound it so Quoniam non facile credi debet de Presbytero crimen c. Because a crime or accusation is not rashly to be credited against a Presbyter yet if the same prove manifest and undeniable Saint Paul commandeth that in regard of his irregular conversation he be rebuked and censured publikely that others may be thereby terrified And this saith he non solum ordinatis sed plebi proficit will not be only profitable unto men in Orders but to Lay people also Herewith agreeth as to the making of these Elders to be men in Orders the Comment upon this Epistle Hier. in Ep. 1. ad Tim. ascribed to Hierom Presbyters then are subject unto censure but to whose censure are they subject Not unto one anothers surely that would breed confusion but to the censure of their Bishop ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã saith Epiphanius Epipha haer 75. n. 5. Theoph. in 1. ad Tim. c. 5. he speaks to Timothy being a Bishop not to receive an accusation against a Presbyter Theophylact also saith the same For having told us that if a Presbyter upon examination of the business be found delinquent he must be sharply and severely censured that others may be terrified thereby he adds ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that it becomes a Bishop in such cases to be stern and awful Lyra in eund locum Lyra observes the like in his Gloss or Postils viz. that the proceedings against inferiour Clergy-men in foro exteriori in a judiciary way is a peculiar of the Bishops But what need more be said than that of Beza Beza Annot. in 1. ad Tim. 5. who noteth on these very words that Timothy to whom this power or charge was given was President or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã at that time of the Ephesian Clergy Which is a plain acknowledgment in my opinion that the correction of the Clergy by the law of God doth appertain unto the Bishop the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or President of the Presbytery call him what you will For what need we contend for words when we have the matter And this appeareth by the several Councils of Nice and Antioch Sardica Turin Africa and Sevil in all and every of the which the censure and proceedings against a Presbyter are left to their own Bishops severally but a course taken therewithal for their ease and remedy in case their own Bishops should proceed against them out of heat or passion For the Lay-people next that Paul gave Timothy a power of correcting them appears by the instructions which he gives him for the discharge of this authority towards all sorts of People whether that they be old or young of what sex soever Old men if they offend must be handled gently
far more express Episcopos vocat stellas c. Paraeus in Apocal cap. 1. v. 20. The Bishops are called Stars saith he because they ought to out-shine others aswell in purity of Doctrine as sincerity of Conversation in the Church of God eosdem Angelos vocat quia sunt Legati Dei ad Ecclesiam and they are also called Angels because they are the Legats or Embassadours of God to his holy Church And lest we should mistake our selves and him in the word Episcopus he laboureth to find out the Bishop of each several Church as we shall see hereafter in that inquisition for those who speak to the particular Beza Annot. Apoc. c. 2.1 we begin with Beza who on those words unto the Angel of the Church of Ephesus gives this Annotation Angelo i. e. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã quem nimirum oportuit imprimis de his rebus admoneri c. To the Angel that is saith he to the chief President whom it behoved to have the notice of the charge there given and by him to the rest of his Colleagues and the whole Congregation but fearing lest this Exposition might give some advantage for the upholding of the Hierarchie which he so laboured to pull down he adds de proprio that notwithstanding this acknowledgment Episcopal authority being a thing of mans invention hinc statui nec potest nec debet nor may nor ought to have any ground from hence Finally Marlorat himself on those very words Marlorat Eccl. Expâsit in Apocal c. 2. v. 1. shews that however there were many things in the Church of Ephesus which required Reformation both in the Clergy and the people Non tamen populum aggreditur sed Clerum yet the Apostle doth not apply himself unto the people but the Clergy Nor doth he fashion his discourse to the Clergy generally Sed ad Principem Cleri Episcopum utique but to the chief or principal of the Clergy which was the Bishop Nay Marlorat goes further yet and he as he layeth down his interpretation so he doth also give a reason of it and such a one as may well satisfie any man of reason Idem Ibid. His reason is Nam Pastor non modo pro propriis c. Because the Pastor is not only to render an account to the supream Judg for his own sins alone but for the sins of all his flock if any of them by his sloth or negligence do chance to perish And certainly this reason is of special use and efficacy to the point in hand For if the Lord do look for an account at the Pastors hand for every sheep that shall be lost by his sloth or negligence it must needs follow thereupon that those of whom so strict a reckoning is expected must not have power only to persuade and counsel but also to correct and censure and by their own proper and innate authority to rectifie such things as are amiss in their several charges The Son of God is neither so unjust as that the Pastor should be charged with those enormities which he hath no authority to amend or rectifie nor so forgetful as to threaten and rebuke the Pastor not only for the peoples faults but the Errata of the Presbyters in case he were not trusted with a greater power than any of the rest for that end and purpose Which being so and that our Saviour by Saint John doth send out his summons neither unto the Church in general nor to the Presbyters in common but to the Angel of each Church in the singular number it is most plain and evident as I conceive that in the time of writing the Apocalypse as long time before it the Church of Christ had certain Pastors of more eminent note when they as we intituled Bishops which governed as well the Presbyters as the rest of the Flock and those the Son of God acknowledgeth for stars and Angels And howsoever the inferiour Pastors both are and may be called Angels in a general sense as Messengers and Ministers of God Almighty yet if it be the Angel in the singular number the Angel in the way of eminence and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã it is peculiar only to the Bishop Now that each Church of those remembred in that Book had his proper Angel and that they were not governed by a Corporation or Colledg of Presbyters to whom those several Epistles might be sent by the name of Angels the word Angel being to be taken collectively and not individually as some men suppose is in the next place to be shewed And first for proof Smectymn p. 52. there is a pregnant evidence in a Discourse or Treatise touching the Martyrdom of Timothy the Author of the which relates that after Saint John the Apostle was revoked from his exile by the sentence of Nerva Apud Phot. in Biblioth n. 254. he betook himself to the Metropolis of Ephesus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and being assisted with the presence of the seven Bishops he took upon himself the government of the Metropolis of the Ephesians and there continued preaching the Doctrine of salvation till the time of Trajan Which as it is an evident and convincing proof that the seven Churches had their several Bishops to each Church one Bishop so is it no such difficult matter to find out most of them by name and what Church each of them did govern And first for Ephesus Paraeum in Apocal cap. 2. some have conceived that Timothy was still alive and Bishop at that time when the Apocalypse was written which hotly is defended by Alcasar against Ribera Lyra and Pererius who opine the contrary But surely Timothy it could not be as doth appear in part by that which was alledged out of the Treatise of his Martyrdom which if it were not written by Polycrates is yet very antient and authentick wherein he is conceived to be dead before but principally by the quality and condition of that blessed Evangelist so plentifully endued with the Holy Ghost so eminent in piety and all heavenly graces that no man can conceive him lyable to the accusation with which the Angel of that Church is charged And therefore it must either be that John when on the death of Timothy as I conceive Saint John ordained Bishop of this Church as is reported in the Constitutions Constitut Apost l. 7. c. 48. ascribed to Clemens or else Onesimus another of the Successors of Timothy in the See of Ephesus who is intituled Bishop of it in the Epistle of Ignatius written to that Church within twelve years after the writing of the Revelation In which Epistle Ignatius blessing God for so good a Bishop Igna. in Epist ad Ephes admonisheth the people of their duty ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in submitting themselves unto his judgment or concurring with it as their whole Presbytery did which harmony of the Bishop and his Presbyters he doth compare ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã unto the concord of the
no small sin to reject those men who holily and without reproof have undergone the Office of Episcopacy or done the duty of a Bishop So far the Father hath proceeded as to the Vindication of Episcopacy or the Episcopal Function which you will from the attempts and practices of such Presbyters who went about to undermine it and raise contentions in the Church about it That which comes after doth relate to the other Faction the Faction raised against the Presbyters by some of the unruly people and that he doth pursue from pag. 58. beginning with Beati sunt Presbyteri c. following the same till pag. 70. where he persuades the Presbyters that were so distasted by several Examples both profane and sacred rather to quit the place for the Churches peace than by their tarrying there to increase the Rupture Now that by Bishops or Episcopi in the words before he meaneth Bishops truly and properly so called and doth not use the word in so large a sense as also to include the Presbyters as some men conceive Vindication of the Answ pa. 136 137. Clem. p. 53. doth seem most evident to me by these reasons following First from the Parallel here made between the several degrees and Offices in the Jewish Church and those established in the Christian which had been very imperfect and inconsequent if there had not been those several and distinct degrees of Bishops Presbyters and Deacons in the one as of the High Priests Priests and Levites in the other Church And that the Bishops in the Christian Church are called many times ' ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or High Priests in the ancient Writers is no new Learning unto those that have read the Fathers And unto this interpretation of the word Episcopi in that place of Clemens I am the more inclined to stand as to the true and proper meaning of the Father because I find the self-same Parallel produced by Hierom none of the greatest Patrons of Episcopacy Who tels us first that many of the Apostostolical Traditions did take their ground or hint from the old Testament and gives us next this instance of it or if you will this resolution in the case Quod Aaron filii ejus atque Levitae in Templo fuerunt hoc sibi Episcopi Presbyteri atque Diaconi vendicant in Ecclesia that such as Aaron and his Sons Hierom. ad Euagrium and the Tribe of Levi were in the Temple the same were Bishops Presbyters and Deacons in the Church of GOD. Where plainly that preheminence which Aaron had over and above the Priests and Levites the same is given by Hierom to the Bishops over their Presbyters and Deacons respectively And this is that which is affirmed in the words of Clemens if we mark it well the Parallel being brought in both for the self-same end And this to me appears yet further to be clear and evident by the contentions raised by these Corinthian Presbyters ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Clem. p. 57. about the Name or Dignity of Episcopacy the power and priviledges appertaining to that sacred Calling and the discourse thereon occasioned touching the limiting and restraining of these busie Presbyters unto their proper Rank and Station For had the heat been only raised upon the deposition of their godly Presbyters as by some is said that had not any way concerned either the Name or Dignity of Episcopacy Vindic. p. 137. taking Episcopacy in that sense as themselves would have it that quarrel not being taken up as they make the case against the Dignity or Calling but the persons only of those Presbyters whom they had deposed But I am most of all confirmed herein by the citation of that Text of the Prophet Esay though of a very different reading from those now in use Clem. p. 55. the application of it being so conform to that of other ancient Writers Saint Hierom following the Translation of the Septuagint Hierom. Comment in Esa 6.60 doth thus read the Text Dabo Principes tuos in pace Episcopos tuos in justitia observes that in the Hebrew it is written thus Ponam visitationem tuam pacem Praepositos tuos in justitiam And thence infers the admirable Majesty of holy Scripture quod principes futuros Ecclesiis Episcopos nominavit in that the future Governours or Princes of the Church are there before-hand called Bishops whose Visitation is in peace and the name or Appellation of their Office doth denote their justice Cyril Alexan. in Esai l. 5. c. 60. Saint Cyril also although he differ from our Author in the Translation of the Text following therein the Septuagint as Saint Hierom did yet he agreeth with him in his application For making a comparison between the Religion of the Jews and Christians likening the one to Gold and Silver the other unto Brass and Iron according to the tenor of the words foregoing he addeth that the Jewish Ministers the Scribes and Pharisees whom before he spake of being once removed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Christ the Redeemer of all people did raise up other Governours and Bishops for them such as did every way excel in Peace and Righteousness Id. in Esaiam Tom. 5. c. 60. And then he makes this use thereof for our instruction That since the Princes or Rulers of the Church do excel in Peace and the Bishops of the same in Righteousness it ought so far to work upon the people ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as that they should endeavour to lead their lives in Christian Piety and Godliness Here then we have two of the learnedst of the Ancients writing upon the Text alledged by Clemens and both expounding it of Bishops truly and properly so called according to the nature of that word in the times they lived and therefore questionless Clemens must needs be understood of such Bishops also And herewith you shall have the reason why Bishops and Deacons are here joyned together and that there is no mention made of Presbyters not that the Presbyters were not ordained by the Apostles aswell as either of the other but because the Deacons in this common broyl did constantly adhere unto their Bishop when as so many of the Presbyters were in opposition Epiphan adv haeres 75. or else as Epiphanius tells us because that Bishops at the first had more use of Deacons than they had of Presbyters for where the Congregation was but small Basil de Sp. san c. 29. as that of Gregory Thaumaturgus is said to be consisting of no more than 17 persons a Bishop only was sufficient ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but being a Bishop could not be or at the least not do his Office without help of Deacons that Bishops and Deacons are remembred only And yet perhaps the meaning of the Author may be best conceived certain I am the doubt or difficulty would be best removed did we translate ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by the English Minister as in that place
business deals for all the world like the naughty Cow that gives a good meals milk and kicketh it down with her heel For having shewed some pains and learning in his Apology for Ignatius in vindicating these Epistles from all those who except against them Yet in the body of the Text when ever he doth meet with any thing which runneth cross unto his fancies that he excepts against himself as supposititious and adulterate or else destroyeth a good Text with a faulty Comment But let us take the Author as he gives him to us ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Ignat. ad Tral Be subject to the Bishop saith the good Father as unto the Lord and to the Presbyters as to Christs Apostles Vedelius hereupon observes that the Presbyters are the proper successors of the Apostles Vedel Annotat in Ep. ad Trallian c. 3. contrary unto that of Bellarmine who makes them as he saith to succeed the seventy In which Vedelius doth the Bishops a far greater courtesie than I believe he did intend them making the disproportion more considerable between the Bishop and his Presbyters than any Champion of the Prelacy had done before him For if Vedelius may infer from our Authors words that the Presbyters are successors unto the Apostles we may as well infer from the self same grounds that Bishops are the successors of Christ our Saviour The like obedience to the Bishop he presseth in another place of the same Epistle ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Reverence your Bishop as you would do Christ as the Apostles have commanded Ignat. ibid. And then he gives this reason of it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for what else is the Bishop but one superiour unto all in place and Power what else the Presbytery but an holy Company the Counsellers and Assessors of the Bishop In which we have as great a difference betwixt a Bishop and his Presbyters as is between a Prince and his Privy Council In that to the Magnesians thus Id. ad Magn. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. It becomes you to obey your Bishop not being refractory against him in any thing for a most terrible thing it is to contradict him and oppose him in that the contumely or reproach doth redound to God In his third Epistle Id. ad Philad that to the Philadelphians he writeth thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Priests are good and so are the Deacons as being Ministers of the Word but better or more excellent is the Chief Priest as being only trusted with the Holy of Holies and the secrets of God Id. ad Smyrn The like occurs in that to those of Smyrna ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Honour God as the Author and Lord of all things and your Bishop as the chief Priest bearing the Image of God that is to say of God as he is chief and of Christ as Priest And though Vedelius brands this last as supposititious Vedel in marg Ep. ad Philad and in the former by chief Priest will have our Saviour meant and not the Bishop yet he that looks upon the place without prejudice Id. in exercit n. Ep. ad Smyrnens cap. 18. will easily discern the contrary the comparison which there Ignatius maketh being between the Ministers of the Church with one another and not between the Ministers and the Master betwixt them and Christ with whom it were both impious and absurd to make comparisons It were an endless piece of work to instance in all those several places wherein the superiority of Bishops over all the flock is pleaded and declared by this blessed Martyr I therefore shut up all with this Conclusion Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrnens ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Let the Lay-people be subject to the Deacons the Deacons to the Presbyters the Presbyters unto the Bishop and the Bishop unto Christ as he to his Father An heavenly and Divine subordination Not one of all the ancient Fathers that speaks more clearly and distinctly of the Degrees and Orders in the Hierarchy than this blessed Martyr assigning unto every one his due place and station If in one place he calls the Presbyters by the name of Bishops as writing unto Hero one of the Deacons of the Church of Antioch it is plain he doth it was at such time and on such occasion when he himself being the Bishop of that place was ravished from them and the chief Government thereof was to them committed as in the times of vacancy or absence it hath since been done which gave them the authority of Bishops though not the Order For point of Jurisdiction next he gives us first this charge in general It is expedient saith he that whatsoever things you do ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã do it not without your Bishop that is to say as he expounds himself in another place Id. ad Smyrn ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã nothing that appertains unto the Church or concerns Religion And this he grounds on the obedience of our Saviour Christ Id. ad Magnes ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who doth not any thing without his Father resolving finally that they who give unto their Governour the name of Bishop Id. ibid. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and yet do what they list without him do in effect as those did unto Christ our Saviour who said unto him Lord Lord and yet did nothing which he said As for particulars he would have those which marry or are given in marriage Id. in Epist ad Polycar ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to take the Bishop along with them that so their marriage may be made according unto Gods Commandment and not for wantonness The Eucharist he would not have performed but by the Bishop either by him in person or by his authority nor Baptism to be administred without his licence and permission This last expresly in his 4th Epistle being that unto the Church of Smyrna Id. ad Smyrn It is not lawful without the Bishop ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã either to baptize or present Oblations or celebrate the sacrifice of the blessed Eucharist or solemnize the Love feasts but all things to be done agreeably unto his direction according to the will and pleasure of Almighty God In which as to the Sacrament of Baptism Tertul. lib. de Baptismo Tertullian also doth concur as we shall see hereafter in its proper place And for the celebrating of the Eucharist by himself in person and the assembling of the people upon his appointment the same good Father gives it thus Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrnens ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Let that administration of the Eucharist be held good and valid which is done by the Bishop or such as he permits to do it And where the Bishop shall appear there let the Congregation be assembled as where Christ is there all the Hosts of Heaven do stand round about him Those that assemble otherwise than thus and do not take the Bishop
of his time it is clear and evident that Bishops had been setled even in those early days in many Cities wherein we do not find that any had been formerly ordained by the Apostles But how they were so setled and by whose authority hath in these later days been made a question Our Masters in the Church of Rome appropriate the power of instituting and erecting new Episcopal Sees to their Bishop only as being the only universal and supream Pastor of the Church Bellarmine hath resolved it so in terms express Bellarm. de Rom. pont l. 2. c. 12. Apostolorum proprium erat It properly pertained saith he to the Apostles to constitute Churches and propagate the Gospel in those Churches wherein it never had been Preached So far unquestionably true but what followeth after Et hoc ad Romanum Pontificem pertinere ratio experientia ipsa nos docet And that this doth belong to the Popes of Rome both reason and experience teach us Belong it doth indeed to the Popes of Rome so far we dare joyn issue with him but that it doth belong to the Pope alone and not to any other Bishops but by his sufferance and authority which is the matter to be proved that there is neither reason nor example for No reason certainly for if this did belong to all the Apostles as Bellarmine affirms it did then other Bishops which derive their pedigree from Andrew James John Paul or any other of the Apostles have as much interest herein as the Popes of Rome who challenge their descent from Peter And for Examples if they go by that they have a very desperate cause to manage 'T is true indeed that Clemens one of the first Bishops of the Church of Rome Ino Carnotens in Chron. M.S. citat à Patr. Junio did ordain several Bishops in his time and placed them in the chief Cities of those parts of Gallia which lay near unto him as viz. Photinus at Lions Paul at Narbon Gratian at Tours others in other places also as Ino Carnotensis hath reported of him But then it is as true withal that other Bishops did the like in their times and places Christianity and Episcopacy had not else in so short a time been propagated over all the World if those which dwelt far off and remote from Rome could not have setled and ordained Bishops in convenient places without running thither or having a Commission thence And though we have no precedent hereof in the present age yet we may see by the continual practice in the ages following that Bishops were first propagated over all the Churches by the assistance of such neighbour Churches in whom there had been Bishops instituted either by the Apostles and Evangelists themselves or by their Successors Frumentius being in some hope of gaining the Indians beyond Ganges to the faith of Christ was made a Bishop for that purpose ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Socrat. Eccles hist lib. 1. c. 15. as the story hath it not by the Pope of Rome nor with his privity or consent that we can hear of but by Atbanasius the great and famous Patriarch of Alexandria Theodoret. hist Eccles l. 5. c. 4. And when Eusebius Samosatanus had a mind for the suppressing of the growth of Arianism to erect Dolicha ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as my Author calls it a small City but greatly pestred with that Heresie into an Episcopal See we find not that he sent to Rome for a Commission but actually ordained Maris Bishop of the place and went himself to see him inthronized in the same So in like manner Saint Basil ordained Gregory Nazianzen Bishop of Sasima making that Town a Bishops See which before was none Gregor Presb. in vita Nazian and thereupon Gregorius Presbyter writing the life of Nazianzen calls it very properly ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a Bishoprick or Episcopal See of a new foundation And thus Saint Austin also in the age succeeding erected an Episcopal See in Fussata a City or walled Town in his own Diocess of Hippo making one Antonius the first Bishop there August Epist Bellarm. de Ecc. lib. 4. c. 8. the Primate of Numidia returning with him in the Ordination Nor did they this as fain the Cardinal would have it à sede Apostolica facultatem habentes by force of any faculty procured from Rome which is gratis dictum but by their own proper and innate authority as they were trusted with the Government of the Church of Christ So then the Bishops only of the Church of Rome had not the sole authority of instituting Bishops where none were before That 's a dream only of the Pontifician Authority they had to do it as had others also and hereof doth occur a notable and signal evidence in this present Age viz. the setling of the Church of Britain and planting Bishops in the same by Pope Eleutherius Damas in vita Eleuther apud Bin. in Concil Tom. 1. Of him it is affirmed in the Pontifical ascribed to Damasus who lived about the year 370. accepisse Epistolam à Lucio Britannico Rege ut Christianus efficeretur per ejus mandatum that he received an Epistle from Lucius a British King desiring that by his authority he might be made a Christian Our venerable Bede a right ancient Writer thus reports the story Anno ab incarnatione Domini 156 Beda hist Eccl. lib. 1. c. 4. c. In the 156 year after Christs Nativity Marcus Antonius Verus together with Aurelius Commodus his brother did in the fourteenth place from Augustus Caesar undertake the Government of the Empire In whose times when as Eleutherius a godly man was Bishop of the Church of Rome Lucius King of the Britains sent unto him obsecrans ut per ejus mandatum Christianus efficeretur intreating by his means to be made a Christian whose vertuous desire herein was granted and the faith of Christ being thus received by the Britains was by them kept inviolate and undefiled until the times of Dioclesian Wherein as I submit to Beda as to the substance of the story so I crave leave to differ from him as to the matter of Chronologie For by this reckoning Eleutherius must attain the Popedom Anno 167. as Beda elsewhere doth compute it Beda in histor Epitom which is ten years at least before the time assigned him by most other Writers And therefore I shall rather chuse to follow the commonly received account by which the said two Emperours are brought upon the Government of the Roman Empire Anno 161. and the attaining of the Popedom by this Eleutherius is placed in the 17th year of Mareus Anno 177. Lucius Aurelius Commodus being dead before But in this Controversie as it belongeth to Chronology I shall not meddle at the present It is enough that the planting of the Gospel amongst the Britains was as the greatest so the first action of this Pope done by him as we read in Platina
who thus succeeded one another in these several Churches were no more than Presbyters as some please to say then must we quit the cause and let fall the action And though I cannot think that men of wit and learning whatsoever they say doe or can possibly conceive them to be other than Bishops Bishops distinct from Presbyters both in power and title yet we are told and we shall see how truly that Anicetus Pius Higinus Smectym p. 23. Telesphorus and Sextus whom the Papists call Bishops and the Popes Predecessors are by Eusebius termed Presbyters and therefore for what else must be the inference that Bishops and Presbyters are the same A passage in the which there are almost as many fallacies and mistakes as words which I shall briefly represent and so pass them by For first Eusebius whom they cite doth not call them Presbyters but Irenaeus in Eusebius Euseb eccl hist l. 1. c. 24. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which so great Criticks should have seen The difference of the Age or time when these Authors lived maketh a great difference in the use and acceptation of the word And I believe it cannot easily be found whatever may be said of Irenaeus that Bishops are called Presbyters by Eusebius or any Writer of his time 2. It is not evident by the Authors words that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is there used to denote the Office but the Age or rather Seniority of those holy men which preceded Victor in the Church of Rome Or if it were yet 3ly it is past all question that simply Presbyters they were not though by him so called but ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã such as had had the government of that famous Church and so were Bishops at the least both in name and office 4. The calling of them by the name of Presbyters doth no more conclude that Presbyters and Bishops were the same than if a man discoursing of the state of London should say that my Lord Mayor was a wealthy Citizen and thereupon a stander by should make this conclusion that every Citizen is Lord Mayor of London and hath as much to do in the Government thereof as he 5. The Papists do not call Higinus Pius Sixtus and the rest there mentioned by the name of Bishops or if they do they do not call them so quà Papists or if so too and that none call them so but Papists there is almost no Father in the Church of Christ who may not presently be endited and condemned of Popery because there is almost no Father nor any other ancient Writer who doth not call them by that name 6. And lastly it is no Popery nor the language of a Papist neither to say that Pius Sixtus and the rest there named were the Popes Predecessors for Predecessors of the Popes they were in their See and Government though neither in their Tyranny nor Superstition Nor doth this Argument strike only at the Popes of Rome though they only named but at all the Bishops of the Primitive Church whether of the greater Patriarchal Sees or of any other who if the observation of these men be good and valid were no more but Presbyters The best way to refel which fancy is to behold the latitude and extent of that jurisdiction which the Bishops of these Churches did enjoy at this present time which when we have laid down sincerely according as it stood in the times we speak of it shall be left to be considered of by any sober-minded man whosoever he be whether the men that held such ample jurisdiction were no more than Presbyters or whether such Bishops were the same with Presbyters which comes both to one Now that the latitude of jurisdiction belonging to these four prime Sees especially to those of Antioch Rome and Alexandria was as ancient as the times whereof we speak appeareth plainly by the Canon of the Nicene Council For whereas it was ordered by the aforesaid Council Concil Nicen. Can. 6. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that ancient customs should prevail viz. the Churches of Alexandria Rome and Antioch should enjoy those priviledges which before they had those priviledges or customs call them which you will could not of right be counted ancient unless we place them at the latest in this second Century the close thereof being not much above an hundred years before that Synod Now for those priviledges what they were we are in part informed by the self same Cannon Id. ibid. where it is said that the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Alexandria did extend over all Egypt Epiphan adv haer 68. Libya and Pentapolis To which though Epiphanius addeth Thebais Maraeotica and Ammoniaca yet he adds nothing in effect the two first being Provinces of Egypt and the last of Libya So that his jurisdiction reached from Gaza in the parts of Syria unto the Western border of Cyrenaica for that was the Pentapolis mentioned in the Canon where it conterminated on that of Africk The Canon having thus laid out the bounds of the command and jurisdiction belonging unto him of Alexandria proceedeth unto that of Rome who had his mos parilis or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã an answerable latitude and extent of power But for the certainty of this extent we must refer our selves unto Ignatius directing his Epistle to the Romans Ignat. in epist ad Romanos with this superscription ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to the sanctified and illuminated Church of God presiding in the place of the Religion of the Romans If Bellarmine can out of this extract an Argument for the Popes supremacy Bellar. de Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 15. as he pretendeth to have done he is a better Chymist than I took him for And therefore I must turn him over to be better tutored by Vedelius who howsoever in his notes upon that Father he lean too much on his own affections and opinions doth in this very well declare the good Fathers meaning agreeably unto the tendries of antiquity And by him we are told Vedel exercit in epi. ad Ro. c. 2. that nothing here is meant by the place or Religion of the Romans nisi quicquid in Italia terrarum Praefecti urbis administrationi suberat but only those parts of Italy which were directly under the civil government of the Provost of Rome that is to say Latium Tuscia and Picenum To which perhaps were added in the following Ages the whole East part of Italy which we now call Napleâ âogether with the Isles of Corsica Sardinia and Sicilia all which made up the proper Patriarchate of the Bishop of Rome In which regard as anciently the Bishop of Rome was called Vrbicus as doth appear plainly by Optatus Optat. de schis-Donatist l. 1. Ruffin hist eccl lib. 1. cap. 6. calling Pope Zephyrinus by the name of Zephyrinus Vrbicus the City-Bishop So the said Provinces or Regions unto him belonging were called by Ruffinus an Italian writer Suburbicariae Regiones or
the City Provinces As for the Church of Antiochia it spread its bounds and jurisdiction over those goodly Countries of the Roman Empire from the Mediterranean on the West unto the furthest border of that large dominion where it confined upon the Persian or the Parthian Kingdom together with Cilicia and Isauria in the lesser Asia But whether at this time it was so extended I am not able to determine Certain I am that in the very first beginning of this Age all Syria at the least was under the jurisdiction of this Bishop Ignatius in his said Epistle to those of Rome Ignat. ad Rom. stiling himself ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not a Bishop in Syria but the Bishop of Syria which sheweth that there being many Bishops in that large Province he had a power and superiority over all the rest Indeed the Bishops of Hierusalem were hedged within a narrower compass being both now and long time after subject unto the Metropolitan of Caesarea as appears plainly by the Nicene Canon though after they enlarged their border and gained the title of a Patriarch as we may see hereafter in convenient time Only I add that howsoever other of the greater Metropolitan Churches such as were absolute and independent as Carthage Cyprus Millain the Church of Britain Concil Ni. c. 7â and the rest had and enjoyed all manner of Patriarchal rights which these three enjoyed yet only the three Bishops of Rome Antioch and Alexandria had in the Primitive times the names of Patriarches by reason of the greatness of the Cities themselves being the principal both for power and riches in the Roman Empire the one for Europe the other for Asia and the third for Africk This ground thus laid we will behold what use is made of this Episcopal succession by the ancient writers And first Saint Irenaeus a Bishop and a Martyr both derives an argument from hence to convince those Hereticks which broached strange Doctrines in the Church Iren. contr haer lib. 3. cap. 3. Habemus annumerari eos qui ab Apostolis instituti sunt Episcopi in Ecclesiis c. we are able to produce those men which were ordained Bishops by the Apostles in their several Churches and their successors till our times qui nihil tale docuerunt neque cognoverunt quale ab hiis deliratur who neither knew nor taught any such absurdities as these men dream of Which said in general he instanceth in the particular Churches of Rome Ephesus and Smyrna being all founded by the Apostles and all of them hac ordinatione successione by this Episcopal ordination and succession deriving from the Apostles the Preaching and tradition of Gods holy truth till those very times The like we find also in another place where speaking of those Presbyteri so he calleth the Bishops which claimed a succession from the Apostles He tells us this quod cum Episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt that together with the Episcopal succession Ir. adv haeres l. 4. cap. 43. they had received a certain pledge of truth according to the good pleasure of the Father See to this purpose also cap. 63. where the same point is pressed most fully and indeed much unto the honour of this Episcopal succession Where because Irenaeus called Bishops in the former place by the name of Presbyters I would have no man gather Smectym p. 23. as some men have done that he doth use the name of Bishops and Presbyters ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in a promiscuous sense much less conclude that therefore Presbyters and Bishops were then the same For although Irenaeus doth here call the Bishops either by reason of their age or of that common Ordination which they once received by the name of Presbyters yet he doth no where call the Presbyters by the name of Bishops as he must needs have done if he did use the names ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in a promiscuous sense as it is supposed And besides Irenaeus being at this time Bishop if not Archbishop of the Church of Lyons could not but know that he was otherwise advanced both in power and title as well in Dignity as Jurisdiction than when he was a Presbyter of that very Church under Pothinus his Predecessor in that See and therefore not the same man meerly which he was before But to let pass as well the observation as the inference certain I am that by this argument the holy Father did conceive himself to be armed sufficiently against the Hereticks of his time and so much he expresseth plainly saying that by this weapon he was able to confound all those qui quoquo modo vel per sui placentiam malam vel vanam gloriam vel per coecitatem malam sententiam praeter quam oportet Ire adv haeres l. 3. c. 3. colligunt Who any way either out of an evil self complacency or vain-glorious humour or blindness of the mind or a depraved understanding did raise such Doctrins as they ought not So much for blessed Irenaeus a man of peace as well in disposition and affection as he was in name Next let us look upon Tertullian who lived in the same time with Irenaeus beginning first to be of credit about the latter end of this second Century Baron ann eccl anno 196. Pamel in vita Tertull. as Baronius calculates it and being at the height of reputation an 210. as Pamelius noteth about which time Saint Irenaeus suffered Martyrdom And if we look upon him well we find him pressing the same point with greater efficacy than Irenaeus did before him For undertaking to convince the Hereticks of his time as well of falshood as of novelties and to make known the new upstartedness of their Assemblies which they called the Church he doth thus proceed Tertull. de praes adv haeres c. 32. Edant ergo origines ecclesiarum suarum evolvant ordinem Episcoporum suorum c. Let them saith he declare the original of their Churches let them unfold the course or order of their Bishops succeeding so to one another from the first beginning that their first Bishop whosoever he was had some of the Apostles or of the Apostolical men at least who did converse with the Apostles to be their founder and Predecessor For thus the Apostolical Churches do derive their Pedegree Thus doth the Church of Smyrna shew their Polycarpus placed there amongst them by Saint John and Rome her Clement Consecrated or Ordained by Peter even as all other Churches also do exhibit to us the names of those who being Ordained Bishops by the Apostles did sow the Apostolical seed in the field of God This was the challenge that he made And this he had not done assuredly had he not thought that the Episcopal succession in the Church of Christ had been an evident demonstration of the truth thereof which since the Hereticks could not shew in their Congregations or Assemblies it
was a very pregnant evidence that they had neither verity nor antiquity to defend their Doctrins nor could with any shew of Justice challenge to themselves the name and honour of a Church Id. ibid. ca. 36. And such and none but such were those other Churches which he after speaketh of viz. of Corinth Philippi Thessalonica Ephesus and the rest planted by the Apostles apud quas ipsae Cathedrae Apostolorum suis locis praesidentur in which the Chairs of the Apostles to that time were sate in being possessed not by themselves but by their Successors By the same argument Optatus first and after him St. Austin did confound the Donatists that mighty faction in the Church St. Austin thus Numerate Sacerdotes vel ab ipsa sede Petri August contr Petil. l. 2. in illo ordine quis cui successerit videte Number the Bishops which have sate but in Peters Chair and mark who have succeeded one another in the same A Catalogue of which he gives us in another place Id. Epist 165. lest else he might be thought to prescribe that to others on which he would not trust himself Nay so far he relyed on the authority of this Episcopal Succession in the Church of Christ as that he makes it one of the special motives quae eum in gremio Ecclesiae justissimè teneant which did continue him in the bosom of the Catholick Church Id. contr Epist Manichaei c. 4. As for Optatus having laid down a Catalogue of the Bishops in the Church of Rome till his own times He makes a challenge to the Donatists to present the like Optat. de schis Donat. l. 2. Vestrae Cathedrae originem edite shew us saith he the first original of your Bishops and then you have done somewhat to advance your cause In which it is to be observed that though the instance be made only in the Episcopal succession of the Church of Rome Irt. adv haere lib. 3. cap. 3. the argument holds good in all others also it being too troublesome a labour as Irenaeus well observed omnium Ecclesiarum enumerare successiones to run through the succession of all particular Churches and therefore that made choyce of as the chief or principal But to return again unto Tertullian whom I account amongst the Writers of this Age though he lived partly in the other besides the use he made of this Episcopal succession to convince the Heretick he shews us also what authority the Bishops of the Church did severally enjoy and exercise in their successions which we will take according to the proper and most natural course of Christianity First for the Sacrament of Baptism which is the door or entrance into the Church Tertul. lib. de Baptism c. 17. Dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos i. e. Episcopus The Right saith he of giving Baptism hath the High-Priest which is the Bishop and then the Presbyters and Deacons non tamen sine Episcopi antoritate yet not without the Bishops licence and authority for the Churches honour which if it be preserved then is Peace maintained Nay so far he appropriates it unto the Bishop as that he calleth it dictatum Episcopi officium Episcopatus a work most proper to the Bishop in regard of his Episcopacy or particular Office Which howsoever it may seem to ascribe too much unto the Bishop in the administration of this Sacrament is no more verily than what was after affirmed by Hierom Hieron adver Lucifer shewing that in his time sine Episcopi jussione without the warrant of the Bishop neither the Presbyters nor the Deacons had any authority to Baptize not that I think that in the days of Hierom before whose time Parishes were assigned to Presbyters throughout the Church the Bishops special consent and warrant was requisite to the baptizing of each several Infant but that the Presbyters and Deacons did receive from him some general faculty for their enabling in and to those Ministrations Next for the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist that which is a chief part of that heavenly nourishment by which a Christian is brought up in the assured hopes of Eternal life he tells us in another place non de aliorum manu quam Praesidentium sumimus Tertul. de Corona Militis that they received it only from their Bishops hand the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or President of the Presbytery as Justin Martyr seconded by Beza did before call him Which Exposition or construction lest it should be quarrelled as being injurious to the Presbyters who are thereby excluded from the honour and name of Presidents I shall desire the Reader to consult those other places of Tertullian in which the word Prefident is used as viz. Prescriptio Apostoll Bigames non sinit praesidere Tert. ad axor lib. ad uxorem and lib. de Monogamia in both of which the man that had a second Wife is said to be disabled from Presiding in the Church of God and on consideration to determine of it whether it be more probable that Presbyters or Bishops be here meant by Presidents Besides the Church not being yet divided generally into Parishes but only in some greater Cities the Presbyter had not got the stile of Rector and therefore much less might be called a President that being a word of Power and Government which at that time the Presbyters enjoyed not in the Congregation And here Pope Leo will come in to help us if occasion be assuring us that in his time it was not lawful for the Presbyter in the Bishops presence nisi illo jubente Leo Epist 88. unless it were by his appointment conficere Sacramentum corporis sanguinis Christi to consecrate the Sacrament of Christs body and blood The author of the Tract ascribed to Hierom entituled de Septem Ecclesiae ordinibus doth affirm as much but being the author of it is uncertain though it be placed by Erasinus amongst the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã docta we will pass it by From the Administration of the Sacraments which do belong ad potestatem ordinis to the power of Order proceed we on to those which do appertain ad potestatem jurisdictionis unto the power of Jurisdiction And the first thing we meet with is the appointing of the publick Fasts used often in the Church as occasion was A priviledg not granted to the common Presbyter and much less to the common people but in those times wherein the Supream Magistrate was not within the pale or bosom of the Church entrusted to the Bishop only This noted also by Tertullian in his book entituled de jejuniis which though he writ after his falling from the Church and so not to be trusted in a point of Doctrine may very well be credited in a point of custom Quod Episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent non dico de industria stipium conferendarum sed ex aliqua sollicitudinis Ecclesiae causa
Tertul. lib. de jejuniis c. 13. That Bishops use to impose Fasts upon the people is not done of purpose for lucre or the Alms then given but out of a regard of the Churches welfare or the sollicitousness which they have thereof Wherein as he removes a cavil which as it seems was cast upon the Church about the calling of those Fasts so plainly he ascribes the calling of them to the Bishop only according unto whose appointment in unum omnes ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã agitabant they met together for the humbling of themselves before God the Lord. So for disposing of the Churches Treasure for Menstrua quaque die modicam quisque stipem vel quam velit Id. in Apol. c. every month the people used to bring their Offerings as we call them now every man as he would and could that also appertained unto the Bishop Which as it was distributed most commonly amongst the Clergy for their present maintenance so was it in the Bishops power to bestow part thereof upon other uses as in relief of Widows and poor Virgins which appears plainly in that place and passage of Tertullian Tertul. de Virg. veland cap. 9. in his book de Virginibus velandis where speaking of a Virgin which contrary to the custom of the Church had been admitted into the rank of Widows he adds cui si quid refrigerii debuerat Episcopus that if the Bishop did intend to allow her any thing towards her relief and maintenance he might have done it without trespassing on the Churches discipline and setting up so strange a Monster as a Virgin-Widow And this is that which after was confirmed in the Council of Antioch Conc. Antioch Can. 25. where it is said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that the Bishop ought to have authority in the disposing of the things or goods that appertained unto the Church ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that so he might dispose them unto such as stood in need in the fear of God Finally for the reconciling of a Penitent to the Church of God in the remitting of his sins Tertul. de pudicitia cap. 18. and bringing of him back to the fold again that in Tertullians time was a Peculiar of the Bishop also For speaking of Repentance after Faith received de poenitentia post fidem as he calls it he is content to give this efficacy thereunto though otherwise he held being then a Montanist that heinous Sinners after Grace received were not to be admitted to Repentance I say he is content to give this efficacy thereunto that for smaller sins it may obtain pardon or remission from the Bishop for greater and unpardonable from God alone But take his own words with you for the greater surety and his words are these viz. Salva illa poenitentiae specie post fidem quae aut levioribus delictis veniam ab Episcopo consequi potest aut majoribus irremissibilibus à Deo solo Pamel Annot. praedict lib. 159. In which Pamelius seems to wonder at his moderation as being of a better temper in this point than was Montanus into whose Sect he now was fallen who would have no man to make confession of his sins to any other than to God and seek for reconciliation from no hands but from his alone And in another place of the same book also Tertul. lib. de Pudicit cap. 1. although he seem to jeer and deride the usage he granteth that the Bishops of the Christian Church did usually remit even the greatest fins upon the performance of the Penance formerly enjoyned For thus he bringeth in the Bishop whom in the way of scorn he calleth Pontifex Maximus and Episcopus Episcoporum proclaiming as it were a general Pardon to such as had performed their Penance Ego moechiae fornicationis delicta poenitenti functis dimitto that he remitted to all such even the sins of Fornication and Adultery Which words of his declare not more his Errour than the Bishops Power in this particular What interest the Presbyters of the Church did either challenge or enjoy in this weighty business of reconciling Penitents to the Lord their God we shall see hereafter when as the same began to be in practice and was by them put in execution Mean time I take it for a manifest and undoubted Truth that properly originally and in chief it did belong unto the Bishop both to enjoyn Penance and admit the Penitent and not to the inferiour Presbyters but as they had authority by and under him Which lest I may be thought to affirm at random let us behold the manner of this Reconciliation as layed down by Sozomen Sozomen Eccl. hist l. 7. c. 16. not as relating to his own times but to the times whereof we speak ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. They stand saith he in an appointed place sorrowful and lamented and when the Eucharist is ended whereof they are not suffered to be partakers they cast themselves with grief and lamentation flat upon the ground ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Bishop then approaching towards him kneeleth also by him on the ground and all the multitude also do the like with great grief and ejulation ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã This done the Bishop riseth first and gently raiseth up the prostrate Penitent and having prayed for those that are thus in the state of Penance as much as he thinks fit and requisite they are dismissed for the present And being thus dismissed every man privately at home doth afflict himself either by fasting or by abstinence from Meats and Bathes for a certain time ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as long as by the Bishop is enjoyned him Which time appointed being come and his Penance in this sort performed he is absolved from his sins sins ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and joyned again unto the residue of the Congregation And this saith he hath been the custom of the Western Church and especially of the Church of Rome ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã from the very first beginning to this present time So that both in the City of Rome in which Tertullian sometimes lived and in the Western Church whereof he was a member being a Presbyter of Carthage and in the times in which he flourished for thus it was from the beginning the Bishop regularly had the power both of enjoyning Penance and reconciling of the Penitent as it still continueth Nor doth that passage in Tertullian any way cross the point delivered where speaking of the several acts of humiliation which were to be performed by the Penitent before he could be reconciled to the Church of God Tertul. lib. de Poenitent c. 9. he reckoneth these amongst the rest Presbyteris advolvi aris or caris Dei adgeniculari for whether of the two it is adbuc sub Judice omnibus fratribus legationes deprecationis suae injungere to cast themselves before the Presbyters to kneel before the Altars or the Saints of God to entreat the Prayers
and all of them agree in this that he held those which were Baptized by Hereticks were to be Re-baptized by the Catholick Ministers for agitation of which business he caused a Council to be called of all the Bishops Qui illo tempore in Provincia Africae Numidiae Ecclesiam Dei gubernabant which at that time did govern the Church of God in the Provinces of Africk and Numidia in which Re-baptization of men so Baptized was decreed as necessary Which howsoever it doth shew that Agrippinus as a man had his personal errors yet shews it also that as a Bishop of Carthage he had a power and jurisdiction over all the other Bishops of the Diocess of Africk and all the Provinces thereof who on his summons met in Council as by those words of Cyprian plainly doth appear So that we find the holy Hierarchy so setled from the first beginners that as the Presbyters were subordinate unto their Bishops so it was there a subordination amongst the Bishops themselves according as it still continueth in those parts of Christendom in which Episcopal Government doth remain in force But Agrippinus being dead his error or opinion died also with him though it revived again not long after and his Successor by name Donatus looking more carefully unto his charge endeavoured what he could to free the same from erroneous doctrines And to that purpose called a Council of 90 Bishops in Labesitum a Colony in Africa in which Privatus an old Heretick was by their joynt consent condemned nonaginta Episcoporum sententiâ condemnatus Cypr. Epi. 55. as Cyprian hath it By which we may conjecture at the great spreading of Episcopacy over all this Province I mean that of Africa So great Baron in Annal that at this time being An. 242. as Baronius calculateth it there could assemble 90 Bishops at the command or summons of their Metropolitan especially if we consider that these were but a part of a greater number Augustin Epist 48. S. Austin telling us of a Council held in Carthage by the Donatists placed by Baronius Anno 308. in which there met together no fewer than 270 Bishops of that one faction But lest it may be said as perhaps it was that the Donatists increased the number of Bishops the better to support their party if ever the business should come to be examined in a Synodical meeting we find a Council held in Carthage under Aurelius who was Bishop there in S. Austins time Concil Tom. 1. Edit Bin. p. 587. Anno 398. in which Assembled to the number of 214 Bishops all of them Orthodox Professors With such a strange increase did God bless this calling For certainly the Church had never brought forth such a large encrease if God even our own God had not given his blessing Donatus being dead Anno 250. Cecilius Cyprianus a right godly man being then one of the Presbyters of the Church is chosen Bishop of the same and that not only by the joynt consent of the Clergy there Cypr. Ep. 55. sed populi universi suffragio but by the general suffrage of the people according to the general custom of that Church and time And being so chosen and ordained did for four years enjoy himself in peace and quiet But a fierce persecution being raised against the Church by the command of Decius then the Roman Emperor being proscribed and threatned death he retired himself expecting a return of better times Idem Epi. 10. wherein he might do service to the Lord his God Professing that in this retreat he followed the direction of the Lord qui ut secederet jussit who had commanded him so to do In this recess of his some of his Adversaries as who liveth without them which had opposed him in the time of his Election taking an opportunity to ensnare the people and draw them into factions against their Bishops had made a very strong party on their side calumniating his recess as a deserting of the Flock of Christ committed to him which more afflicted the good Father than the proscription of his goods or any trial of his patience which had been laid upon him by the Persecuters Of this conspiracy he certifieth the people of Carthage by way of Letter wherein he giveth them to understand how the matter stood Quorundam Presbyterorum malignitas perfidia perficit Idem Epi. 40. c. That I could not come to you before Easter the malice and perfidiousness of some of the Presbyters hath brought to pass whilst mindful of their own conspiracy and retaining their former rancor against my being Bishop or indeed rather against your suffrages in my Election and against the judgment of God approving the same they begin again to set on foot their former opposition renewing their sacrilegious machinations and lying treacherously in wait for my destruction And after in the same Epistle Non suffecerat exilium jam biennii à vultibus oculis vestris lugubris separatio c. It doth not seem sufficient to them that I have been now two years banished from your presence and to my great affliction separated from your sight that I am overwhelm'd with grief and sorrow vexing my self with my continual complaints and day and night washing my cheeks with tears because it hath not been as yet my good fortune to embrace or salute you whom you had chosen for your Bishop with such expressions of your love and zeal Accessit huic tabescenti animo nostro major dolor And yet a greater grief afflicteth my fainting soul that in so great distress and need I cannot come my self unto you fearing lest at my coming if I should so do some greater tumult should arise through the threats and secret practices of perfidious persons And that considering as a Bishop I am to take care for the peace and quiet of the Church ipse materiam seditioni dedisse I might seem to be or give occasion of some sedition likely to be raised and so renew the persecution which is now well slaked Nay as it seemeth some of the Presbyters of his Church which were not otherwise engaged in the faction or carried any ill affections towards him out of an inclination natural to man to enlarge their power and get as much authority into their hands as the times would give to the advantage of his absence also and began sensibly to encroach upon his Office and undertake such things as appertained to his jurisdiction Thus he complains of his Clergy that such as yet stood fair in their respects and firm in their obedience to him might be confirmed in the same and that the rest being made acquainted with their Errour might in fine desist Tacere ultra non oportet c. It is no time saith he to be longer silent Idem Ep. 10. when as the danger is so imminent both on my self and on my people For what extremity of danger may we not justly fear from Gods
displeasure when some of the Presbyters neither mindful of the Gospel or their own duty or the day of Judgment nor thinking that they have a Bishop set over them cum contemptu contumelia praepositi totum sibi vendicent with the contempt and reproach of him that is their Bishop shall arrogate all Power unto themselves Which their behaviour he calls also contumelias Episcopatus nostri the reproach and slander of his Government in having such affronts put on him as never had been offered to any of his Fredecessors The like complaint to which he doth also make but with more resolution and contempt of their wicked practices in an Epistle to Cornelius being the 55. in number according to the Edition of Pamelius I have the more at large laid down the storms and troubles raised against this godly Bishop at his first coming to the place because it gives greater light unto many passages which concern his time especially in that extraordinary Power which he ascribes sometimes both to the People and the Presbyters in the administration of the Church as if they had been Partners with him in the publick Government Which certainly he did not as his case then stood without special reason For being so vehemently opposed from his first Election to the Episcopal Office all opportunities espied to draw away the peoples hearts and alienate their affections from him every advantage taken against him during his absence from the City to vex and cross him in his doings what better way could he devise to secure himself in the affections of the people and the obedience of his Presbyters than to profess that in all his acts and enterprises whatsoever he did and would depend upon the counsel of the one and consent of the other And this is that which he professeth in a Letter to the Presbyters and Deacons of Carthage quod à primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim Idem Epist 6. nihil sine consilio vestro consensu plebis meae privatâ sententiâ gerere that he resolved from his first entrance on that Bishoprick to do nothing of his own head as we use to say without the Counsel of his Clergy and the consent of his People and that on his return for he was then in exile when he wrote this Letter he would communicate his affairs with them Et in commune tractabimus and manage them in common with their assistance And certainly this was a prudent resolution as the World went with him For by this means he stood assured that whatsoever Schism or Faction should be raised against him it would be never able to prevail or get ground upon him as long as he had both the People and the Presbyters so obliged unto him for the support of his authority But this being but a private case and grounded on particular reasons makes no general Rule no Bishop being bound unto the like by this Example but where all circumstances do concur which we meet with here and then not bound neither except he will himself but as it doth conduce to his own security So that it is to me a wonder why the example of St. Cyprian should be pressed so often and all those passages so hotly urged wherein the Presbyters or People seem to be concerned in matters of the Churches Government as if both he and all other Bishops had been bound by the Law of God not to do any thing at all in their holy function but what the Presbyters should direct and the people yield their suffrage and consent unto For being but a resolution taken up by him the better to support himself against his Adversaries it obligeth no man to the like as before I said And he himself did not conceive himself so obliged thereby but that he could and did dispense with that resolution as often as he thought it necessary or but expedient so to do performing many actions of importance in the whole course and Series of his Episcopal Government wherein he neither craved the advice of the one nor the good liking of the other and which is more doing some things not only without their knowledg but against their wills as we shall make appear in that which followeth Now whereas the points of most importance in the Government and Administration of the Church are the Election of Bishops the Ordination of Ministers the Excommunicating of the Sinner and the reconciling of the Penitent it will not be amiss to see what and how much in each of these St. Cyprian did permit as occasion was either unto the People or the Presbyters and what he did in all and every one of these as often as he saw occasion also without their knowledg and consent First for Election of their Bishops it is conceived and so delivered that all their Elections were ordered by the privity Semctymn pag. 33. Sect. 7. consent and approbation of the people where the Bishop was to serve and for the proof of this St. Cyprian is alledged as one sufficient in himself to make good the point The place most commonly alledged is in his 68. Epistle touching the Case of Basilides and Martialis two Spanish Bishops who had defiled themselves with Idols and many other grievous Crimes concerning whom the people of those parts repaired unto him for his resolution But he remitting the cause back to them tells them how much it did concern them A peccatore Praeposito se separare to separate themselves from such sinful Prelates and not to participate with them in the Sacrifice Cypr. Ep 68. giving this reason for the same quando ipsa maxime habeat potestatem vel eligendi dignos Sacerdotes vel indignos recusandi because the people specially have power either of chusing worthy Prelates or of rejecting the unworthy For that by Sacerdotes here the Father understandeth Bishops Smectymn p. 33. is confessed on all hands Nor doth the Father only say it but he goeth forward to make good the same by Divine Authority ut Sacerdos plebe praesente that the Bishop should be chosen in the presence of the People under all mens eyes that so he may be proved to be fit and worthy by their publick testimony And for the proof of this is urged a Text from Moses in the book of Numbers where God is said to speak thus to Moses Apprehende Aaron fratrem tuum Take Aaron thy brother and Eleazar his son and thou shalt bring them to the Mount before all the Assembly and put off Aarons garments and put them on Eleazar his son By which it is apparent that God willeth the Priest to be made before all the multitude shewing thereby that the Priest should not be ordained but in the presence of the People that so the People being present the offences of the evil may be detected and the merits of the good made known and consequently the Election or rather Ordination may be good and lawful being discussed by the opinion and voice of all
posset de illo statim vindicari by vigour of his Episcopal function and the Authority of his Chair he had power enough to be straightway avenged of him for the same Yet being the matter was referred unto him he declares his thoughts that if the Deacon whom he writ of would repent his folly and give some humble satisfaction to the offended Bishop he might not do amiss to remit the fault But if he did provoke him further by his perverse and petulant behaviour fungeris circa eum potestate honoris tui ut eum vel deponas vel abstineas he should exercise the authority of his place or honour and either degrade or excommunicate him as he saw occasion Here was no sending to the Clergy to have their advice no offering of the matter unto their better consideration but all referred unto the Bishop to do therein as unto him seemed best of his own authority So that both Cyprian and other Bishops both might and did and durst do many things without advising with the Clergy contrary to what some have told us And this they might do well enough without dread or fear Smectymn sect 9. p. 38. Ibid. that any of their Sentences might be made irrita or void by the fourth Council of Carthage which was not held until 130 years and upwards after Cyprian's death And for the interest of the People in these publick Censures I find them not at all considered but where the crime was hainous and the Church scandalized by the sins and lewdness of the party punished In which case there was such regard had of them that the Sentence was published in facie Ecclesiae in the full Congregation of Gods people And that as well that they might the more heartily detest such scandalous and sinful courses as that they might eschew his company and conversation as they would do the company of an Heathen or of a Publican Tunc se ab ejus conjunctione salubriter continet Aug. cont Ep. Parmen lib. 3. cap. 2. ut nec cibum quisquam cum eo sumat not one of them so much as eating with the man who is so accursed Which as they are St. Austins words so by the tenor of the place they seem to intimate St. Cyprians practice So that if Excommunications had not passed in former times Smectymn p. 40. without the knowledge and approbation of the body of the Church to which the delinquent did belong as some men suppose it was upon this reason only as themselves affirm because the people were to forbear Communion with such And being that in the Church of England the Excommunication of notorious sinners is publickly presented unto the knowledg of the People for that very reason because they should avoid the company of Excommunicated persons I see not any thing in this particular I mean as to the publication of the Sentence in which the Church of England differs from the Primitive and ancient practice And did our Bishops keep the power of Excommunicating to themselves alone and not devolve it upon others they did not any thing herein but what was practised by Saint Cyprian For Reconciling of the Penitent which naturally and of course is to come after Excommunication I find indeed that many times St. Cyprian took along with him the counsel and consent both of his Presbyters and People And certainly it stood with reason that it should so be that as the whole Church had been scandalized at the heinousness of the offence so the whole Church also should have satisfaction in the sincerity of the Repentance Many and several are the passages in this Fathers Writings which do clearly prove it none more exactly than that in his Epistle to Cornelius where wishing that he were in presence when perverse persons did return from their sins and follies Videres quis mihi labor sit persuadere patientiam fratribus nostris Cypr. Ep. 55. you would then see saith he what pains I take to persuade our brethren that suppressing their just grief of heart recipiendis malis curandisque consentiant they would consent to the receiving and the curing consequently of such evil members Yet did he not so tie himself to this observance but that sometimes according as he saw occasion unus atque alius obnitente plebe contradicente mea tamen facilitute suscepti sunt some though not many had been reconciled and reimbosomed with the Church not only without the Peoples knowledg but against their wills So that the interesse which the People had in these relaxations of Ecclesiastical Censures were not belonging to them as in point of right but only in the way of contentation The leading voice was always in the Bishop and so the negative voice was also when it came to that He was to give his fiat first before the Clergy had any thing to do therein St. Cyprian telling of himself Id. Ibid. quam prompta plena dilectione that he received such Penitents as came unto him with such affection and facility that by his over-much indulgence to them pene ipse delinque he was even culpable himself And if it were no otherwise in his time with the Church of Carthage in this case there it appears to be in the third Council there assembled the Bishop had not only the leading voice but the directing and disposing power Concil Car. III. cap. 32. a negative voice into the bargain For there it is ordained Vt Presbyter Episcopo inconsulto non reconciliet Poenitentem that the Presbyters were not to reconcile a Penitent unless it were in the Bishops absence or in a case of urgent and extream necessity as in point of death it being there declared withal that it belonged unto the Bishop Ibid. c. 31. poenitentiae tempora designare to appoint the time and the continuance of the Penance as he saw occasion And this to be the practice of S. Cyprians time is most clear and evident by the displeasure he conceived against some Presbyters who had admitted men which before were lapsed without leave from him to the blessed Sacrament Cypr. Ep. 10. A matter which he aggravates to the very height charging them that neither mindful of the Gospel nor their own place and station nor of the future day of Judgment nor of the authority of him their Bishop they had admitted such as fell in time of persecution to the Churches Sacraments not being by him authorized so to do And this he saith was sure an insolency quod nunquam omnino sub Antecessoribus factum which never had been done in any of his Predecessors times and being now done cum contumelia contemptu Praepositi was done in manifest contempt and reproach of their Bishop threatning withal that if they did persist in these wilful courses he would make use of that authority qua me uti Dominus jubet which God had given him for that purpose viz. suspend them from their Ministery and bring them
to a publick tryal for their misdemeanours before himself and all the People 'T is true indeed that in the outward action and formality of this great work of Reconciliation the Clergy did impose hands with the Bishop upon the head of him that was reconciled Epist 10.11 c. for we find often in St. Cyprian Manus ab Episcopo clero imposita but this was only as I said before in the outward action the power of admitting him unto that estate and giving way to his desires in making of him capable of so great a favour belonging only to the Bishop as before appears Thus have we seen how and in what particulars as also upon what considerations Saint Cyprian communicated some part of his Episcopal Authority either unto the Presbyters or to the People or to both together We will next look on those particulars which he reserved wholly and solely to himself and they concern his Clergy chiefly in his behaviour towards whom in matters of reward and punishment he was as absolute and supream as ever any Bishop since his time And first in matter of reward the greatest honour whereof the Clergy in his time were capable was their place of sitting distinct and separate from the People A place by Sozomon Sozom. l. 5. c. 14. Concil Laodi Can. 55. Canon Sacerdot distinct 2. Cypr. Ep. 35. called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as it were the Sacrarie by the Council of Laodicea entituled ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by reason it was higher than the rest that all the people might behold it by others Presbyterium the place for Presbyters but by what names soever called a place it was appointed for the Bishop and his Clergy only Into this place St. Cyprian admits Numidicus a stranger to the Church of Carthage as before was noted from Baronius but by him added to the number of the Presbyters there adscriptus Presbyterorum Carthaginiensium numero as his own phrase is that so he might enjoy the honour of that place with the less distast And so for point of maintenance which was another part of the Reward that did belong to the Laborious and painful Presbyter the distribution of the same was wholly in the Bishops power So wholly in his power that howsoever it belonged unto none of right but unto the Presbyters yet he having bestowed on Celerinus and Aurelius the place of Readers in the Church did also give unto them or assign the same full maintenance Id. Epi. 34. which was allowed to any of the Presbyters Presbyterii honorem designasse nos illis jam Sciatis ut sportulis iisdem cum Presbyteris honorentur divisiones menstruas aequatis portionibus partiantur Know you saith he in an Epistle to the whole Church of Carthage that we have assigned them to the full honour of Presbyters appointing that they should receive the same proportion of allowance and have as great a share in the monthly dividends as any of the Presbyters had Where by the way this portion or allowance had the name of Sportula from the reward or fees which anciently were allowed to Judges and by that name are mentioned in the Civil Laws which being assigned to the Presbyters pro singulorum meritis according to the merits of the persons to some more some less at the discretion of the Bishop gave them the name of Fratres sportulantes whereof we read in Cyprian Ep. 66. And they were called divisiones mensurnae the monthly Dividends because that as the contributions of the people were made once every month menstrua quaque die as Tertullian a Presbyter of this Church hath told us so as it seems Tertul. in Apolog c. 36. the Dividend was made accordingly as soon as the mony had been brought to the Bishops hands So also in the way of punishment when any of the Clergy had offended the Bishop had Authority to withdraw his maintenance and with-hold his stipend For when complaint was made to Cyprian of Philumenus and Fortunatus two of his Sub-deacons Cypr. Ep. 28. and of Favorinus an Acolythite qui medio tempore recesserunt who formerly had forsook their calling and now desired to be restored again unto it although he neither would nor could determine in it before he had consulted with his Colleagues and the whole body of his People the matter being great and weighty yet in the mean time he suspends them from their monthly pay interim se à divisione mensurna tantum contineant as he there resolves it leaving the cause to be determined of at better leasure This was a plain suspension à Beneficio and could he not suspend ab Officio also Assuredly he both could and did as appears evidently by his proceeding with these Presbyters who had entrenched upon his jurisdiction as before was said Whose great offence though he reserved unto the hearing both of the Confessors themselves and the whole body of the People for a final end yet in the mean time prohibeantur interim offerre Idem Ep. 10. it was his pleasure to suspend them for the Ministery from their attendance at the Altar Suspend them then he might there 's no doubt of that but might he not if he saw cause deprive them also He might assuredly or otherwise he had never given that counsel to Rogatianus that if the Deacon formerly remembred did not repent him of his faults eum vel deponat vel abstineat Idem Ep. 65. he either might deprive or excommunicate him which he would himself He were a very greedy Bishop who would not be content with that allowance of Authority which S. Cyprian had The like authority he used towards the People also not suffering them to be remembred in the Churches Prayers if they had broken or infringed the Churches Canons And this appeareth by the so celebrated case of Geminius Victor who at his death had made Geminius Faustinus one of the Presbyters of Carthage tutorem testamento suo Idem Ep. 66. the Executor of his last Will and Testament which being like to be a means whereby Faustinus might be taken off from his employment in the Ministery the displeased Bishop doth declare ne deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in Ecclesia frequentetur that he should neither be remembred in the Offertory nor any Prayer be made in his name in the Church And this he did upon this reason ne quis Sacerdotes Ministros Dei Altari ejus Ecclesiae vacantes ad seculares molestias devocet that none hereafter should presume to withdraw the Priest and Ministers of God from their attendance at the Altar in the Churches service unto the cares and troubles of the world Which passage as it shews expresly the great tye which the Bishops of those times had upon the Conscience of the People whom they could punish thus after death it self So is it frequently alledged Smectym p. 46. to shew that neither Presbyters nor Bishops were to be molested
Sed nondum vindicatus but not asserted to that honour not established in it So great was the Authority of Bishops over that of Martyrs whether dead or living But to return unto S. Cyprian whom we have found so stout a Champion in the defence of his Episcopal Authority that though there was a kind of necessity of complying as the world went with him both with his Presbyters and People yet notwithstanding he knew how to resume his power and neither take their counsel nor consent but on some occasions Had he done otherwise he had indeed betrayed the honour of his calling which in the point of practice which he so often doth extol both for Divinity of Institution and excellency of Jurisdiction in the way of Theory For if we look into his writings we shall soon find what his opinion was touching the institution of Episcopacy which he maintaineth in several places to be Jure Divino no Ecclesiastical device no humane Ordinance For grounding the Authority of his calling on those words of Christ Tibi dabo Claves Cypr. Ep. 27. he sheweth that ever since that time the Church hath been constituted upon Bishops and every Act thereof by them administred Then adds Cum hoc itaque Divina lege fundatum sit that since it is so ordered by the Law of God or by Divine Law which you will he marveleth much that any one should write such Letters to him as he had formerly received from some of the collapsed Christians In his Epistle to Cornelius Id. Ep. 55. he calleth the Office of a Bishop in governing the Church of God Sublimem Divinam potestatem an high and Divine Authority and tells us of the same de Divina dignatione firmatur that it is founded and confirmed by Divine Providence or favour In that unto Rogatianus Idem Ep. 65. Apostolos i. e. Episcopos Praepositos Dominus elegit the Lord saith he did choose Apostles that is the Bishops and Governors of the Church Therefore if we that are the Bishops ought to do nothing against God qui Episcopos facit who made us Bishops so neither ought the Deacons to do any thing in despite of us who made them Deacons Finally in that unto Florentius Pupianus Idem Ep. 69. who had charged him as it seems with some filthy crimes he affirmeth often that the Bishop is appointed by God himself Sacerdotes per Deum in Ecclesia constitui that they are placed in the Church by God Deum Sacerdotes facere that God makes Bishops and in a word Apostolis Vicaria ordinatione succedere they that succeeded the Apostles as their proper Substitutes As for the excellency of the Episcopal power take this once for all where he affirmeth to Cornelius non aliunde haereses abortas esse Idem Ep. 55. that Schisms and Heresies do proceed from no other fountain than this That there is no obedience yielded to the Bishop or Priest of God for in the ancient stile of many of the Fathers Sacerdos and Bishop is the same Vel unus in Ecclesia ad tempus Sacerdos ad tempus Judex vice Christi cogitatur and that men do not think that there is one Bishop only for the time in a Christian Church one for the time that judgeth in the place of Christ Pamel Annot. in Cypr. Ep. 55. Which words since many of the Advocates for the Popes Supremacy have drawn against all right and reason from their proper purpose to the advancement of the dignity of the See of Rome S. Cyprian writing this unto Cornelius then the Bishop there we may hear him speaking the same words almost in his own behalf Inde enim Schismata c. From hence saith he do Schisms and Heresies arise Cypr. Ep. 69. whilst the Bishop being but one in every Church is slighted by the proud presumption of some men and he by man is judged unworthy whom God makes worthy of his favours And because possibly it may be thought that Cyprian might be partial in the heightning of his own Authority I shall crave leave to back him with Saint Hierom's words Hieron adv Luciferian none of the greatest fautors of Episcopacy who affirms as much who tells us plainly that the safety of the Church depends on the chief Priest or Bishop Cui si non exors ab omnibus eminens detur potestas to whom in case there be not given an eminent and transcendent power there will be shortly as many Schisms in the Church as Priests But it is time to leave S. Cyprian who went unto the Lord his God through the door of Martyrdom Anno 261. proceeding from the Church of Carthage to that of Alexandria the next neighbour to it CHAP. V. Of the condition and affairs of the two Patriarchal Churches of Alexandria and Antiochia 1. Of the foundation and first Professors of the Divinity-School in Alexandria 2. What is affirmed by Clemens one of those Professors concerning Bishops 3. Origen the Divinity-Reader there permitted to expound the Scriptures in the presence of the Bishop of Caesarea 4. Contrary to the custom of the Alexandrian and Western Churches 5. Origen ordained Presbyter by the Bishops of Hierusalem ad Caesarea and excommunicated by the Bishop of Alexandria 6. What doth occur touching the superiority and power of Bishops in the works of Origen 7. The custom of the Church of Alexandria altered in the election of their Bishops 8. Of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria and his great care and travails for the Churches peace 9. The Government of the Church in the former times by letters of intercourse and correspondence amongst the Bishops of the same 10. The same continued also in the present Century 11. The speedy course taken by the Prelats of the Church for the suppressing of the Heresies of Samosatenus 12. The Civil Jurisdiction train and thrones of Bishops things not unusual in this Age. 13. The Bishops of Italy and Rome made Judges in a point of title and possession by the Roman Emperor 14. The Bishops of Italy and Rome why reckoned as distinct in that Delegation AND being come to Alexandria the first thing presents it self to our observation is the Divinity-School there being which we must first take notice of before we look into the Church which in this Age was furnished hence both with Religious Bishops and Learned Presbyters Eus hist Eccl. lib. 5. c. 10. A School as it appeareth by Eusebius of no small Antiquity who speaking of the times of Commodus saith ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that of an antient custom there had been a School for teaching of Divinity and other parts of Literature which had been very much frequented in the former times and so continued till his days According to which plat-form first Schools and after Universities had their consideration in the Church from whence as from a fruitful Seminary she hath been stored ever since with the choicest wits for the advancement of her publique service
But for this School of Alexandria the first Professor there which occurs by name Id. ibid. is said to be Pantaenus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a man renowned in all parts of Learning first a Philosopher of the Sect of Stoicks and afterwards a famous Christian Doctor A man so zealously affected to the Gospel of Christ that for the propagating of the same he made a journey to the Indies and after his return he took upon him the Professorship in the School aforesaid ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã opening the treasures of Salvation both by word and writing Id. l. 5. c. 11. And I the rather instance in him because that under him Clemens of Alexandria learned his first Principles of Religion and after him succeeded in his Chair or Office who being by birth of Athens and of the same family with the former Clemens the fourth Bishop of Rome upon his coming and abode at Alexandria gained the surname or additament of Alexandrinus Now that Clemens was Divinity-reader in the School of Alexandria Id. l. 6. c. 5. is said expresly by Eusebius where he affirmeth also ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that Origen was one of his Disciples Who after coming to the place himself Id. li. 6. cap. 12. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was followed in the same by Heraclas and Dionysius successively both of them Scholars in the School of Origen both severally and successively Readers or Doctors in the same and both first Heraclas Dionysius next Bishops or Patriarchs of Alexandria So that within the space of half an hundred years this School thus founded or at the least advanced in reputation by Pantaenus brought forth the said four famous Doctors Clemens and Origen Heraclas and Dionysius all of them in their times men of great renown and the lights and glory of their Age. And though I might relate the names of many other men of fame and credit who had their breeding in these Schools did it concern the business which I have in hand yet I shall instance in no more but these and these it did concern me to make instance of because their Acts and Writings are the special subject of all that is to come in this present Chapter and were indeed the greatest business of that Age. And first for Clemens not to take notice of those many Books which were written by him a Catalogue whereof Eusebius gives us and from him St. Hierom Euseb hist Ecc. l. 6. c. 11. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã those which concern us most were his eight books inscribed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which are now not extant and those entituled ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which are still remaining In the first eight he tells us in the way of story that Peter James and John after Christs Ascension Id. l. 2. c. 2. how high soever in the favour of their Lord and Master contended not amongst themselves for the place and honour ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but made choice of James surnamed the Just to be the Bishop of Hierusalem that Peter on perusal of the Gospel writ by Mark ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. ib. c. 14. confirm'd the same by his authority for the advancement of the Church that James ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. Ibid. cap. 22. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to whom the Bishoprick of Hierusalem had been committed by the Apostles was by the malice of the Jews done to a cruel death that John the Apostle after Domitian's death Id. l. 3. c. 17. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã returned to Ephesus from Patmos and going at the intreaty of his friends to the neighbour Nations ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in some parts he ordained Bishops in others planted or established Churches in others by the guidance of the holy Spirit electing fit men for the Clergy telling withal the story of a certain Bishop to whom the said Apostle did commit a young man to be trained up All which he might affirm with the greater confidence because he tells us of himself Id. l. 6. cap. 11. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that he lived very near the Apostles times and so might have the better light to discern their actions And for the other eight remaining although there is but little in them which concerns this Subject the Argument of which he writeth not having any thing to do therewith yet in that little we have mention of the several Orders of Bishops Presbyters and Deacons in the Churchof God And first for Bishops speaking of the domestick Ministeries that belong to marriage he shews that by the Apostles Rule Clement Alexand Stroma lib. 3. such Bishops are to be appointed for the Church of God ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as by the orderly government of their private families may be conceived most fit and likely to have a care unto the Church Where clearly by his ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he means not Presbyters as the Apostle is conceived to mean in his Epistle to Timothy For howsoever the Presbyters might be trusted with the charge of a particular Congregation yet had they never the inspection the care or governance ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of a whole Church or many Churches joyned together as the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã may be rendred That was the privilege and power of Bishops So for the two inferiour Orders we find them in another place Id. ibid. li. 7. where he divides such things as concern this life into ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã matters of improvement and advantage and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã subservient only thereunto then adds that in the Church of God the Deacons exercise the subservient Offices ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but that the Presbyters attend those others which conduce to our amendment or improvement in the way of godliness Out of which words if any man can gather that judging of the conversation or crimes of any members of the Church that discipline which worketh emendation in men is in the power of the Elders Smectymn p. 38. as I see some do he must needs have a better faculty of extraction than the best Chymist that I know of In all that place of Clemens not a word of Judging nor so much as a syllable of Discipline A power of bettering and amending our sinful lives he gives indeed unto the Presbyters but that I hope both is and may be done by the Ministery of the Word and Sacraments with which the Presbyters are and have been trusted This is the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the bettering and improving power which belongs to them and not the dispensation of the Keys which have been always put into other hands or if at any time into theirs it hath been only in a second and inferiour place not in the way of judging in the course of Discipline Next let us look on Origen a man of most prodigious parts both for Wit and Learning who at the Age of eighteen years was made a
he might prove in the Church of God did at another time as he passed through Palestine to go towards Greece ordain him Presbyter And this was done ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã saith Eusebius by the Bishops there Euseb hist Eccl. l. 6. c. 17. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. 7. by the two Bishops formerly remembred no Presbyter concurring in it for ought there we find Yet when Demetrius moved with his wonted envy did not only what he could to disgrace the man but also sought to frame an accusation against those ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. l. 6. c. 7. n. which had advanced him to the order of a Presbyter We do not find that he objected any thing against them as to the Act of Ordination but only as unto the irregularity of the person by reason of a corporal defect of his own procuring And on the other side when as Demetrius saw his time and found that some few passages in his many writings either by him or in his name at least set forth and published had made him liable unto danger obnoxious to the censures of the Church he did not only excommunicate him which had been enough either to right the Church or revenge himself but he prevailed with many other Churches also Hier. in Apo. l cont Ruffinum to confirm the sentence Ab eodem Demetrio Episcopo Alexandrino fuisse excommunicatione damnatum prolatamque in eum sententiam à caeteris quoque Ecclesiis ratam habitam as S. Hierom hath it Whereas before we had his Ordination performed only by the two Bishops of Caesarea and Hierusalem without the hands of any of the Presbyters and yet the Ordination good and valid the whole Church after reckoning him for a Presbyter without doubt or scruple so here we find him Excommunicated by one Bishop only without the votes or suffrages of the Presbyters or any shew or colour of it and yet the Church concurring with that Bishop though his ancient Enemy in confirmation of that censure So fully was the Church persuaded in the former times that these were parts of the Episcopal jurisdiction and authority that there was no objection made against this last though Origen had many friends and those great ones too nor nullity or invalidity in the first although Demetrius who by reason of his great place and power had made him many Enemies did except against it From that which doth occur concerning Origen in the Books and Works of other Writers proceed we unto that which doth occur concerning Bishops in the works of Origen And there we find in the first place the several Orders of Bishops Presbyters and Deacons For speaking of those words of the Apostle He that desireth the Office of a Bishop desireth a good work he tells us this Origen in Mat. cap. 15. Talis igitur Episcopus non desiderat bonum opus that such a Bishop desireth not a good work who desireth the Office either to get glory amongst men or be flattered and courted by them or for the hope of gain from those which believe the Gospel and give large gifts in testimony of their Piety Then adds Idem vero de Presbyteris de Diaconis dices that the same is to be said of Presbyters and Deacons also Nor doth he only shew us though that were sufficient the several ranks and orders in the Hierarchy but also the ascent or degrees from the one to the other In Ecclesia Christi inveniuntur In the Church of Christ Orig. tract 24. in Mat. c. 23. saith he there are some men who do not only follow Feasts and them that make them but also love the chiefest places and labour much primùm ut Diaconi fiant first to be made Deacons not such as the Scripture describeth but such as under pretence of long Prayers devour Widdows houses And having thus been made Deacons cathedras eorum qui vocantur Presbyteri praeripere ambiunt they very greedily aspire to the chairs of those who are called Presbyters and some not therewithal content practise many ways ut Episcopi vocentur ab hominibus to have the place or name of Bishops which is as much to say as Rabbi And shortly after having endeavoured to depress this ambitious humour he gives this caveat that he who exalts himself shall be humbled which he desireth all men to take notice of but specially the Deacons Presbyters and Bishops which do not think those words to be spoken of them Here have we three degrees of Ministers in the Church of God one being a step unto the other whereof the Bishop is Supream in the highest place And not in place only but in power also and authority as being the men unto whose hands the keys were trusted by our Saviour Id. Tract 1. in Matth. For in another place he discourseth thus Quoniam ii qui Episcoporum locum sibi vendicant c. When they which challenge to themselves the place of Bishops do make the same confession that Peter did and have received from our Saviour the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven teaching that what they bind on Earth is bound in Heaven and what they loose in Earth is loosed in Heaven we must acknowledge that what they said is true if withal they have those things for which it was so said to Peter For if he be bound with the Chains of his own sins frustra vel ligat vel solvit in vain he takes upon him to bind or loose In the which words not taking notice of his errour seeming to make the efficacy of the Ministery to depend upon the merit of the Minister we find that in the time of Origen the dispensation of the Keys was the Bishops office This if it should not be sufficient to declare their power we may hear him in another place calling them Principes populi Christiani Id. in Mat. 19. Tractat. 12. the Princes of the Christian people blaming them such especially as lived in the greatest Cities in which he secretly upbraids the proud behaviour of Demetrius towards him for want of affability and due respect to their Inferiors And writing on these words of our Saviour Christ Who is that faithful and wise Servant Id. in Mat. 24. Tractat. 31. c. he applies them thus Peccat in Deum quicunque Episcopus qui non quasi conservis servus ministrat sed quasi Dominus That Bishop whosoever he be doth offend against God which doth not minister as a Servant to his Fellow-Servants but rather as a Lord amongst them yea and too often as a sharp and bitter Master domineering over them by violence remember how Demetrius used him like the Task-masters in the Land of Egypt afflicting the poor Israelites by force Finally as he doth acquaint us with their power and eminency so doth he tell us also of their care and service Id. Homil. 6. in Esaiam assuring us that he who is called unto the Office of a Bishop non
To Dionysius Bishop of Rome besides that before remembred from Eusebius a second extant in the works of Athanasius And one to Paulus Samosatenus Athanas opera graec lat Tom. 1. p. 558. Euse l. 7. c. 24. Nicephorus Ecc. hist l. 6. c. 27. Biblio Patr. T. 3. edit Col. Bar. An. 265. Euseb bist l. 6. cap. ult the wretched Patriarch of Antiochia of which though there is no mention in Eusebius who tells us that he would not vouchsafe to write unto him yet is it intimated in Nicephorus who affirmes the contrray and extant in the Bibliotheca Patrum and in the Annals of Baronius It were an infinite and endless labour to recite all those which besides these inscribed unto the Bishops of the greater Churches he writ and sent to others of less note and quality as viz. to Conon Bishop of Hierapolis the Churches of Laodicea and Armenia ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and to whom not almost either Priest or Bishop that was of any merit and consideration in the Church of Christ If you demand to what end serves this general muster of the Epistles of this Prelate why I have brought them thus into the field in their ranks and files I answer that it was to let you see what was the ancient form of government in the Church of Christ before they had the happiness to live under Christian Princes and thereby opportunity of meeting in their General Councils For all the Apostles being furnished by our Lord and Saviour with an equality of power and honour pari consortio praediti potestatis honoris as S. Cyprian hath it Cyprian de Ecclesiae unitate by consequence all Bishops also were founded in the like equality So that the government of the Church as to the outward form and polity thereof was Aristocratical And being so there was in manner a necessity imposed upon the Prelates of the Church to maintain mutual entercourse and correspondence betwixt one another by Letters Messages and Agents for the communicating of their Councils and imparting their advice as occasion was in all omergent dangers of the Church For howsoever that the Church had followed in some things the pattern of the Roman Empire and in each Diocess thereof taking the Word according to the civil sense had instituted and ordained a Primate to whom the final resolution of all businesses did appertain that fell within the compass of that Diocess Yet all these Primates being of equal power and authority each of them absolute and independent with the bounds and limits of his own jurisdiction there was no other way to compose such differences as were either indeterminable at home or otherwise concerned the publick but this of mutual entercourse and correspondence And this what ever is opined unto the contrary both by the Masters and the Scholars in the Church of Rome who have advanced the Pope into the Soveraign or Supream direction in all points of doubt will prove to be the practice of the Christian Church in all times and Ages till the Authority of all other Churches in the worst and darkest times of Christianity came to be swallowed up in the gulph of Rome For presently upon the death of the Apostles who questionless had the frequent resort the final ending of all businesses which concerned the Church a full and plenary authority to direct the same Ruseb hist Ec. l. 3. c. 12. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. c. 30. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã we find that Clemens one of their Disciples sends his Epistle to the Church of Corinth for the composing of some Schisms which were raised amongst them and that Ignatius Bishop of Antioch another of their Scholars sends the like to Rome for their confirming in the faith Besides which as he travelled towards Rome or rather was haled thither to his Execution he dispatched others of his Epistles unto other Churches and one amongst the rest unto Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna commending unto him the good estate of the Church of Antioch Id. l. 4. c. 22. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The like we find of Dionysius Bishop of Corinth a right godly man of whose Epistles to the Lacedemonians Athenians Nicomedians and those of Crete as also to the Churches in Pontus nay to that of Rome conducing either to the beating down of Heresies or to the preservation of peace and unity or to the confirmation of the faith or rectifying of what was amiss in the Churches discipline there is full mention in Eusebius Thus when Pope Victor by his rash perversness had almost plunged the Church in an endless broil Id. l. 5. c. 23.24 ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Bishops of these times bestirred themselves by publique writings to compose the quarrel particularly Irenaeus and Polyerates the one the Metropolitan of the Gallick the other of the Asian Churches And when that many of the Bishops severally had convocated Councils and Synodical meetings to make up this breach upon the rising of the same they sent out their Letters Ib. c. 22. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifying what they had Decreed advising what they would have done by all Christian people Ib. c. 25. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For though Eusebius instanceth in none but the Bishops of Caesarea and Hierusalem in the records of which in two Churches he had been most versed which sent out these Synodical Epistles yet being so many other Metropolitans had called Synods also to the same intent I doubt not but they took the same course as the others did in manifesting their Decrees and Counsels Nay so exact and punctual they were in the continuance of this mutual amity and correspondence that there was almost no occurrence of any moment oâ consideration Id. l. 6. c. 28. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. l. 6. c. 10.16 Cyprian Epist 42. not so much as the death of some eminent Prelate and the succession of a new but they gave notice of it unto one another ending their Letters of congratulation unto the party so advanced Examples of the which in Ecclesiastical Histories are both infinite and obvious By means of which continual intercourse there was mainteined not only an Association of the several Churches for their greater strength nor a Communication only of their Councils for the publick safety but a Communion also with each other Optat. de Schi Donat. l. 2. as Members of the Mystical Body of our Saviour Christ And this is that Optatus speaks of when having made a Catalogue of the Bishops of Rome from S. Peter down unto Siricius who then held that place or as his words there are Qui noster est Socius who was his Partner or Associate in the common Government of the Church He adds Cum quo nobis totus orbis commercio formatarum in una communionis societate concordant with whom the whole world doth agree with us in one communion or society by Letters of intercourse and correspondence For Literae
to the judgment of the Protestants before remembred 2. The Lords day and the other Holy days confessed by all this Kingdom in the Court of Parliament to have no other ground than the authority of the Church 3. The meaning and occasion of that clause in the Common-Prayer book Lord have mercy upon us c. repeated at the end of the fourth Commandment 4. That by the Queens Injunctions and the first Parliament of her Keign the Lords day was not meant for a Sabbath day 5. The doctrine in the Homilies delivered about the Lords day and the Sabbath 6. The sum and substance of that Homily and that it makes not any thing for a Lords day Sabbath 7. The first original of the New Sabbath Speculations in this Church of England by whom and for what cause invented 8. Strange and most monstrous Paradoxes preached on occasion of the former doctrines and of the other effects thereof 9. What care was taken of the Lords day in King James his Reign the spreading of the doctrines and of the Articles of Ireland 10. The Jewish Sabbath set on foot and of King James his declaration about lawful sports on the Lords day 11. What Tracts were writ and published in that Princes time in opposition to the doctrines before remembred 12. In what estate the Lords day and the other Holy days have stood in Scotland since the reformation of Religion in that Kingdom 13. Statutes about the Lords day made by our present Sovereign and the misconstruing of the same His Majesty reviveth and enlargeth the Declaration of King James 14. An exhortation to obedience unto his Majesties most Christian purpose concludes this History THUS are we safely come to these present times the times of Reformation wherein whatever had been taught or done in the former days was publickly brought unto the test and if not well approved of layed aside either as unprofitable or plainly hurtful So dealt the Reformators of the church of England as with other things with that which we have now in hand the Lords day and the other Holy days keeping the days as many of them as were thought convenient for the advancement of true godliness and increase of piety but paring off those superstitious conceits and matters of opinion which had been entertained about them But first before we come to this we will by way of preparation lay down the judgments of some men in the present point men of good quality in their times and such as were content to be made a sacrifice in the common Cause Of these I shall take notice of three particularly according to the several times in the which they lived And first we will begin with Master Frith who suffered in the year 1533. who in his declaration of Baptism thus declares himself Our forefathers saith he Page 96. which were in the beginning of the Church did abrogate the Sabbath to the intent that men might have an ensample of Christian liberty c. Howbeith because it was necessary that a day should be reserved in which the people should come together to hear the Word of God they ordained instead of the Sabbath which was Saturday the next day following which is Sunday And although they might have kept the Saturday with the Jew as a thing indifferent yet they did much better Some three years after him Anno 1536. being the 28. of Henry the eighth suffered Master Tyndall who in his answer to Sir Thomas More hath resolved it thus As for the Sabbath we be Lords over the Sabbath Page 287. and may yet change it into Monday or into any other day as we see need or may make every tenth day Holy day only if we see cause why Neither was there any cause to change it from the Saturday but to put a difference between us and the Jews neither reed we any Holy day at all if the people might be taught without it Last of all bishop Hooper sometimes Bishop of Gloucester who suffered in Queen Maries Reign doth in a Treatise by him written on the Ten Commandments and printed in the year 1550. go the self-same way age 103. We may not think saith he that God gave any more holiness to the Sabbath than to the other days For if ye consider Friday Pag. 103. Saturday or Sunday inasmuch as they be days and the work of God the one is no more holy than the other but that day is always most holy in the which we most apply and give our selves unto holy works To that end did he sanctifie the Sabbath day not that we should give our selves to illness or such Ethnical pastime as is now used amongst Ethnical people but being free that day from the travels of this World we might consider the works and benefits of God with thanksgiving hear the Word of God honour him and fear him then to learn who and where be the poor of Christ that want our help Thus they and they amongst them have resolved on these four conclusions First that one day is no more holy than another the Sunday than the Saturday or the Friday further than they are set apart for holy Uses Secondly that the Lords day hath no institution from divine authority but was ordained by our fore-fathers in the beginning of the Church that so the people might have a Day to come together and hear Gods Word Thirdly that still the Church hath power to change the day from Sunday unto Monday or what day she will And lastly that one day in seven is not the Moral part of the fourth Commandment for Mr. Tyndal saith expresly that by the Church of God each tenth day only may be kept holy if we see cause why So that the marvel is the greater that any man should now affirm as some men have done that they are willing to lay down both their Lives and Livings in maintenance of those contrary Opinions which in these latter days have been taken up Now that which was affirmed by them in their particulars was not long afterwards made good by the general Body of this Church and State the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and all the Commons met in Parliament Anno the fifth and sixth of King Edward the sixth 5 6 Edw. 6. cap. 3. where to the honour of Almighty God it was thus enacted For as much as men be not at all times so mindful to Iaud and praise God so ready to resort to hear Gods holy Word and to come to the holy Communion c. as their bounden duty doth require therefore to call men to remembrance of their duty and to help their infirmity it hath been wholsomly provided that there should be some certain times and days appointed wherein the Christians should cease from all kind of labour and apply themselves only and wholly unto the aforesaid holy works properly pertaining to true Keligion c. Which works as they may well be called Gods Service so the time
it stood till the year 1592. when Mr. William Perkins an eminent Divine of Cambridge published his Book called the Armilla Aurea c. containing such a Doctrine of Predestination as Beza had before delivered but cast into a more distinct and methodical Form With him as being a Foreiner both by birth and dwelling a Supralapsarian in Opinion and one who had no personal Relations amongst themselves it was thought fittest to begin to confute Calvins Doctrines in the person of Perkins as many times a Lion is said to be corrected by the well Cudgelling of a Dog without fear of danger And against him it was his order in delivering the Decree of Pedestination that Arminius first took up the Bucklers in his Book intituled Examen Pradestinationis Perkinsoniae which gave the first occasion to those Controversies which afterwards involved the Sublapsarians also of which more hereafter In the mean time let us behold the Doctrine of the ' Supralapsarians first broacht by Calvin maintained by almost all his followers and at last polished and lickt over by the said Mr. Perkins as it was charged upon the Contra Remonstrants in the Conference at the Hague Anno 1610. in these following words viz. That God as some speak by an eternal and unchangeable Decree from amongst men Arcan Dog Aat Rom. p. 15. whom he considered as not created much less as faln ordained certain to eternal life certain to eternal death without any regard had to their righteousness or sin to their obedience or disobedience only because it was his pleasure or so it seemed good to him to the praise of his Justice and Mercy or as others like better to declare his saving Grace Wisdom and free Authority or Jurisdiction Many being also so ordained by his eternal and unchangeable decree fit for the execution of the same by the power or force whereof it is necessary that they be saved after a necessary and unavoidable manner who are ordained to Salvation so that 't is not possible that they should perish but they who are destined to destruction who are the far greater number must be damned necessarily and inevitably so that 't is not possible for them to be saved Which doctrine first makes God to be the Author of sin as both Piscator and Macarius and many other Supralapsarians as well as Perkins have positively and expresly affirmed him to be and then concludes him for a more unmerciful Tyrant than all that ever had been in the world were they joyned in one A more unmerciful Tyrant than the Roman Emperour who wished that all the people of Rome had but one Neck amongst them that he might cut it off at a blow he being such in voto only God alone in opere But this extremity being every day found the more indefensible by how much it had been more narrowly sifted and inquired into the more moderate and sobert sort of the Calvinians forsaking the Colours of their first Leaders betook themselves into the Camp of the rigid Lutherans and rather chose to joyn with the Dominican Fryers than to stand any longer to the dictates of their Master Calvin These passing by the name of Sublapsarians have given us such an order of Predestination as must and doth presuppose a fall and finds all man-kind generally in the Mass of Perdition The substance of whose doctrine both in this and the other Articles were thus drawn up by the Remonstrants in the Conference at the Hague before remembred 1. That God Almighty willing from eternity with himself to make a decree concerning the Election of some certain men but the rejection of others considered man-kind not only as created but also as faln and corrupted in Adam and Eve our first Parents and thereby deserving the Curse And that he decreed out of the fall and damnation to deliver and save some certain ones of his Grace to declare his Mercy But to leave others both young and old yea truly even certain Infants of men in Covenant and those INfants baptized and dying in their Infancy by his just Judgment in the Curse to declare his Justice and that without all consideration of Repentance and Faith in the former or of impenitence or unbelief in the latter For the execution of which decree God useth also such means whereby the Elect are necessarily and unavoidably saved but Reprobates necessarily and unavoidably perish 2. And therefore that Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World died not for all men but for those only who are elected either after the former or this latter manner he being the mean and ordained Mediator to save those only and not a man besides 3. Consequenty that the Spirit of God and of Christ doth work in those who are elected that way or this with such a force of Grace that they cannot resist it and so that it cannot be but that they must turn believe and thereupon necessarily be saved But that this irresistible grace and force belongs only to those so elected but not to Reprobates to whom not only the irresistible Grace is denied but also grace necessary and sufficient for Conversion for Faith and for Salvation is not afforded To which Conversion and Faith indeed they are called invited and freely sollicited outwardly by the revealed Will of God though notwithstanding the inward force necessary to Faith and Conversion is not bestowed on them according to the secret Will of God 4. But that so many as have once obtained a true and justifying Faith by such a kind of mesistible force can never totally nor finally lose it no not although they fall into the very most enormous sins but are so led and kept by the same irresistible force that 't is not possible for them or they cannot either totally or finally fall and perish And thus we have the doctrine of the Sublapsarian Calvinists as it stands gathered out of the Writings of particular men But because particular men may sometimes be mistaken in a publick doctrine and that the judgment of such men being collected by the hands of their Enemies may be unfaithfully related we will next look on the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort which is to be conceived to have delivered the Genuine sense of all the parties as being a Representative of all the Calvinian Churches of Europe except those of France some few Divines of England being added to them Of the calling and proceedings of this Synod we shall have occasion to speak further in the following Chapter A this time I shall only lay down the Results thereof in the five controverted Points as I find them abbreviated by Dan. Tilenus accordin gto the Heads before mentioned in summing up the doctrine of the Council of Trent Art 1. Of Divine Predestination That God by an absolute decree hath Elected to salvation a very small number of men without any regard to their Faith or obedience whatsoever Arcan Dogn Contr. Remon p. 23. and secluded from saving Grace all the
Thine always to be commanded in the Churches service P. H. Lacies Court in Abingdon Decemb. the 29th 1659. FINIS THE STUMBLING-BLOCK OF DISOBEDIENCE AND REBELLION Cunningly laid by Calvin in the Subjects way Discovered Censured and Removed By PETER HEYLYN D. D. ROM xiv 13. Offendiculum fratri tuo ne ponas Let no man put a Stumbling-block or an occasion to fall in his brothers way ISAM xxiv 6. And David said to his men The Lord forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords anointed to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the anointed of the Lord. LONDON Printed by M. Clark for C. Harper 1681. THE PREFACE IT will appear to any who shall read this Treatise that it was written in the time of Monarchical Government but in the later and declining times thereof when the change of that Government was in agitation and in part effected In which respect I doubt not but the publishing of this Discourse at this present time may seem unseasonable unto some and yet it may be thought by others to come out seasonably enopugh for these following Reasons 1. To give warning to all those that are in Supreme Authority to have a care unto themselves and not to suffer any Popular and Tribunitian Spirits to grow amongst them who grounding upon Calvins Doctrine both may and will upon occasion create new disturbances 2. To preserve the Dignity of the Supreme Power in what Person soever it be placed and fix his Person in his own Proper Orb the Primum Mobile of Government brought down of late to be but one of the three Estates and move in the same Planetary Sphere with the other two 3. To keep on foot the claim and Title of the Clergy unto the Reputation Rights and Priviledges of the Third Estate which doth of right belong unto them and which the Clergy have antiently enjoyed in all and to this day in most Christian Kingdoms 4. To shew unto the World on whose authority the Presbyterians built their damnable Doctrine not only of curbing and restraining the power of Princes but also of deposing them from their Regal Dignity whensoever they shall please to pretend cause for it For when the Scotch Commissioners were commanded by Queen Elizabeth to give a reason of their proceedings against their Queen whom not long before they they had deposed from the Regal Throne they justified themselves by those words of Calvin which I have chosen for the Argument of this Discourse By the Authority of Calvin as my Author hath it they endeavoured to prove that the Popular Magistrates are appointed and made to moderate and keep in order the excess and unruliness of Kings and that it is lawful for them to put the Kings that be evil and wicked into prison and also to deprive them of their Kingdoms If these reasons shall not prove the seasonableness of this Adventure I am the more to be condemned for my indiscretion the shame whereof I must endure as well as I can This being said in order to my Justification I must add somewhat of the Book or Discourse it self in which the canvasing and confuting of Calvins Grounds about the Ephori of Sparta the Tribunes of Rome and the Demarchi of Athens hath forced me upon many Quotations both Greek and Latin which to the Learned Reader will appear neitehr strange nor difficult And for the sake of the Vnlearned which are not so well verst and studied in foregin Languages I have kept my self to the direction of St. Paul not speaking any where in a strange Tongue without an Interpreter the sense of every such Quotation being either declared before or delivered after it Lastly whereas the Name of Appius Claudius doth many times occur in the History of the Roman Tribunes it is not always to be understood of the same Man but of divers men of the same Name in their several Ages as the name of Caesar in the New Testament signifieth not one man but three that is to say the Emperour Tiberius in the Gospels Claudius in the Boo of the Acts and that most bloody Tyrant Nero in the Epistle to the Philippians Which being premised I shall no longer keep the Reader in Porch or Entrance but let him take a view of the House it self the several Rooms Materials and Furniture of it long Prefaces to no long Discourses being like the Gates of Mindum amongst the Antients which were too great and large for so small a City The Argument and occasion of this following Treatise Joh. Calvini Institution Lib. 4. cap. 20â Sect. 31. NEQVE enim si ultio Domini est effrenatae dominationis correctio ideo protinus demandatam nobis arbitremur quibus nullum aliud quam parendi patiendi datum est Mandatum De privatis hominibus semper loquor Nam siqui nunc sint Populares Magistratus ad moderandum Regum libidinem constituti quales olim erant qui Lacedaemoniis Regibus oppositi erant Ephori aut Romanis Consulibus Tribuni Plebis aut Atheniensium Senatui Demarchi qua etiam forte potestate ut nunc res habent funguntur in singulis Regnis tres Ordines cum primarios Conventus peragunt adeo illos ferocienti Regum licentiiae pro officio intercedere non veto ut si Regibus impotenter grassantibus humili plebeculae insultantibus conniveant corum dissimulationem nefaria perfidia non carere affirmem qua populi liberiatem cujus se Dei ordinatione tuiores positos norunt fraudulenter produnt NOR may we think because the punishment of licentious Princes doth belong to God that presently this power is devolved on us to whom no other warrant hath been given by God but only to obey and suffer But still I must be understood of private persons For if there be now any popular Officers ordained to moderate the licentiousness of Kings such as were the Ephori set up of old against the Kings of Sparta the Tribunes of the people against the Roman Consuls and the Demarchi against the Athenian Senate and with which power perhaps as the World now goes the three Estates are seized in each several Kingdom when they are solemnly assembled so far am I from hindring them to put restraints upon the exhorbitant power of Kings as their Office binds them that I conceive them rather to be guilty of a perfidious dissimulation if they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly insult on the common people in that they treacherously betray the Subjects Liberties of which they knew they were made Guardians by Gods own Ordinance THE STUMBLING-BLOCK OF Disobedience and Rebellion c. CHAP. I. The Doctrine of Obedience laid down by CALVIN and of the Popular Officers supposed by him whereby he overthroweth that Doctrine 1. The purpose and design of the Work in hand 2. The Doctrine of Obedience unto Kings and Princes soundly and piously laid down by Calvin 3. And that not only to
the good and gracious but even to cruel Princes and ungodly Tyrants 4. With Answer unto such Objections as are made against it 5. The Principles of Disobedience in the supposal of some popular Officers ordained of purpose te regulate the power of Kings 6. How much the practice of Calvin's followers doth differ from their Masters Doctrine in the point of Obedience 7. Severasl Articles and points of Doctrine wherein the Disciples of Calvin are departed from him 8. More of the differences in point of Doctrine betwixt the Master and his Scholars 9. The dangerous consequences which arise from his faulty Principles in the point or Article of Disobedience 10. The method and distribution of the following Work SOME Writers may be likened unto Jeremies Figs of which the Prophet saith that if they were good they were very good Jerem. 24.4 if evil very evil such as could not be eaten they were so evil Of such a tempera nd esteem was Origen amongst the Ancients of whom it was observed not without good cause that in his Expositions of the Book of God and other learned Tractates which he writ and published where he did well none could do it better and where he failed at all no man erred more grosly And of this sort and composition was Mr. Calvin of Geneva than whom there is not any Minister of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas who hath more positively expresly laid down the Doctrine of Obedience unto Kings and Princes and the unlawfulness of Subjects taking Arms against their Soveraign nor opened a more dangerous gap to disobedience and rebellions in most States of Christendom In which it is most strange to see how prone we are such is the frailty and corruption of our sinful nature to refuse the good and choose the evil to take no notice of his words when it most concerns us when we are plainly told our duties both to God and man and on the other side to take his words for Oracles his Judgment for infallible all his Geese for Swans when he saith any thing which may be useful to our purposes or serve to the advancement of our lewd designs The credit and authority of the man was deservedly great amongst the people where he lived and in short time of such authority and esteem in the World abroad that his works were made the only Rule to which both Discipline and Doctrine was to be conformed and if a Controversie did arise either in points Dogmatical or a case of Conscience his ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was sufficient to determine in it at least to silence the gainsayers And as it is observed in the works of Nature that corruptio optimi est pessima and that the sweetest meats make the sourest exrements so the opinion and esteem which some of the Reformed Churches and conceived of him which to say the truth was great and eminent and the ill use they made of some words and passages in his Writings which most unfortunately served to advance their purposes in his Writings which most unfortunately served to advance their purposes have been the sad occasion of those Wars and miseries which almost all the Western parts of Christendom have been so fatally involved in since the times he lived Which words and passage as they are cautelously laid down and compassed round with many fair expressions of affection to the Supream Powers that they might pass without discovery and be the sooner swallowed by unwary men so by his followers who are exceeding wise in their Generations have they been hidden and concealed with all art that may be For though they build their dangerous Doctrines upon his foundation and toss this ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã this ball of discord and dissension from one hand to another yet do they very cunningly conceal their Author and never use his name to confirm their Tenets And this they do upon this reason that if their Doctrine give offence unto Christian Princes and any of their Pamphlets be to feel the fire or otherwise come under any publick censure as not lonce since hapned to Paraeus the Patron of their Sect might escape untouched and his authority remain unquestioned to give new life unto their hopes at another time In which respects and withal seeing that the heads of this monstrous Hydra of sedition do grow the faster for the cutting and that the lopping off the Branches keeps the Trunk the fresher I shall pass by the petit Pamphleters of these times and strike directly at the head and without medling with the boughs or branches will lay my Ax immediately to the root of the Tree and bring the first Author of these factious and Antimonarchical Principles which have so long disturbed the peace of Christendom to a publick trial A dangerous and invidious undertaking I must needs confess but for my Countreys and the truths sake I will venture on it and in pursuance of the same will first lay down the doctrine of Obedience as by him delivered which I shall faithfully translate without gloss or descant and next compare his Doctrine with our present practice noting wherein his Scholars have forsaken their Master with application unto those who do most admire him and finally I shall discover and remove that Stumbling-block which he hath cunningly laid before us but hid so secretly that it can hardly be discerned at which so many a man hath stumbled both to the breaking of his own neck and his Neighbours too This is the race that I am to run the prize I aim at is no other than forasmuch as in me lieth to do good to all men to those especially who think themselves to be of the houshold of Faith And therefore ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Let us on in Gods Name Subditorum erga suos Magistratus Officium primum est de eorum functione quà m honorificientissimè sentire Calvin Instit l. 4. c. 20. fect 22. c. the first duty of the Subjects towards their Magistrates is to think wondrous honourably of their place and function which they acknowledg to be a jurisdiction delegated by Almighty God and therefore are by consequence to respect and reverence them as the Ministers and Deputies of God For some there are who very dutifully do behave themselves towards their Magistrates and would have all men do the like because they think it most expedient for the Common-wealth and yet esteem no otherwise of them than of some necessary evils which they cannot want 1 Pet. 2.17 Prov. 24.21 But St Peter looks for more than this when he commandeth us to honour the King and so doth Solomon also where he requires us to fear God and the King For the first under the term of honouring comprehends a good esteem a fair opinion the other joyning God and the King together shews plainly that in the person of a King there is a Ray of sacred majesty And that of Paul is richly worth our observation Rom. 13.5 where
populares magistratus ad moderandum Regum libidinem constituti quales olim erant qui Lacedaemoniis Regibus oppositi erant Ephori aut Romanis Consulibus Tribuni Plebis aut Atheniensium Senatui Demarchi qua etiam foric potestate ut nune res habent funguntur in singulis Regnis tres Ordânes quunt primarios conventus peragunt adeo illos ferocienti Reguin licentiae pro officio intercedere non veto ut si Regibus impotenter grassanttbus humili plebeculae insultantibus conniveant eorum dissimulationem nefariâ perfidiâ non carere affirmem quia populi libertatem cujus se Dei Ordinatione tutores positos norunt fraudulenter produnt But still I must be understood of private persons For if there be now any Popular Officers ordained to moderate the licentiousness of Kings such as the Ephori of old set up against the Kings of Sparta the Tribunes of the people against the Roman Consuls and the Demarchi against the Athenian Senate and with which power perhaps as the World now goes the three Estates are furnished in each several Kingdom when they are solenmly assembled sofar am I from hindering them from putting a restraint on the exorbitant power of Kings as their Office binds them that I conceive them guilty rather of a persidious dissimulation if they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly insult on the common people in that they treacherously betray the Subjects Liberty of which they know they were made Guardians by Gods own Ordinance and appointment But this must always be excepted in the obedience which we have determined to be que to the commands of our Governors and first of all to be observed that it draw us not from that obedience which is due to him to whose will all the commands of Kings must be subordinate to whose decrees their strongest mandates must give place and before whose Majesty they are bound to lay down their Scepters For how preposterous were it to incur his anger by our compliance with those men whom we are bound no otherwise to obey than for his sake only The Lord is King of Kings who when he speaks is to be heard for all and above them all We must be subject to those men who have rule over us but in him alone If against him they do command us any thing it is to be of none account Nor in such cases is the dignity of the Magistrate to be stood upon to which no injury is done if in regard of the more eminent and supream power of God it be restrained within its bounds Dan. 6.22 In this respect Daniel denied that he had trespassed any thing against the King in not obeying his prophane and ungodly Edict because the King had gone beyond his proper limits and being not only injurious against men but lifting up his horns against God himself had first deprived himself of all Authority The Israelites are condemned on the other side for being so ready to obey their King in a wicked action when to ingratiate themselves with Jeroboam who had newly made the Golden Calves they left the Temple of the Lord and betook themselves to a new superstitious worship And when their Children and posterity with the like facility applied themselves unto the humours of their wicked Kings the Prophet doth severely rebuke them for it So little praise doth that pretence of modeâly deserve to have with which some Court parasites do disguise themselves and abuse the simple affirming it to be a crime not to yield obedience to any thing that Kings command as if God either had resigned all his rights and interess into the hands of mortal men when he made them Rulers over others or that the greatest earthly power were a jot diminished by being subjected to its Author before whom all the powers of Heaven do trembling supplicate I know that great and imminent danger may befall those men who dare give entertainment to so brave a constancy considering with what indignation Kings do take the matter when they once see themselves neglected whose indignation is as the messenger of death saith the Wise man Solomon But when we hear this Proclamation made by the heavenly Cryer that we ought to obey God rather than men let this consideration be a comfort to us Acts 5.29 that when we yield that obedience unto God which he looks for from us when we rather choose to suffer any thing than to deviate from the way of godliness And lest our hearts should fail us in so great a business St. Paul subjoyns another motive 2 Cor. 7 2â that being bought by Christ at so great a price we should not re-inthral our selves to the lusts of men much less addict our selves to the works of wickedness These are the very words of Calvin from which his followers and Disciples most extreamly differ both in their doctrine and their practice First for their practice Calvin requires that we should reverence and respect the Magistrate for his Office sake and that we entertain no other than a fair esteem an honourable opinion both of their actions Sect. 2â and their Counsels His followers like silthy dreamers as they are do not only dispise dominion but speak evil of dignities that is to say Jude 8. they neither reverence the persons of their Supream Magistrate nor regard their Office and are so far from cherishing a good opinion of those higher powers to which the Lord hath made them subject that their hearts imagine mischief against them all the day long and though they see no cause to condemn their actions they will be sure enough to misconstrue the end Calvin requires that we should manifest the reverence and respect we bear them by the outward actions of obedience Sect. 23. and to the end that this obedience should proceed from the very heart and not to be counterfeit and false he adds that we commend there health and flourishing estate in our prayers to God Ibid. His followers study nothing more than to disobey them in every one of those particulars which their Master speaks of refusing to obey their laws and to pay them tribute and to undergo such services and burdens as are laid upon them in reference to the publick safety and spare not as occasion serves to manifest the disaffection of their hearts by such outward acts as disâbedience and disloyalty can suggest unto them and are so far from praying for them that many times they pray against them blaspheming God because he will not curse the King and making that which they call Prayer so dangerous and lewd a Libel that their very prayers are turned to sin Calvin requires such moderation in the Subject that they neither intermeddle in affairs of State nor invade the Office of the Magistrate and that if any thing be amiss in the publick Government which stands in need of Reformation they presume not to put their hands unto the work
Tyranny over his Subjects may not be resisted that is to say if the Subject may not take up Arms against him he and his followers may destroy the Kingdom And and we are fallen upon the business of Resistance Calvin allows of no case for ought I can see in which the Subject lawfully may resist the Sovereign Sect. 23. quandoquidem resisti magistratui non potest quin simul resistatur Deo forasmuch as the Magistrate cannot be resisted but that God is resisted also and reckoning up those several pressures whereof Samuel spake unto the Jews and which he calls jus Regis as himself translates it he concludes at last Sect. 26. cui parere ipsi necesse esset nec obsistere liceret that no resistance must be made on the Subjects part though Kings entrench as much upon them both in their liberties and properties as the Prophet speaks of His Scholars are grown wiser and instruct us otherwise Paraeus saith that if the King assault our persons or endeavour to break into our Houses we may as lawfully resist him as we would do a Thief or Robber on the like occasions And our new Master have found out many other Cases in which the Subject may resist and which is more than so is bound to do it Paraeus in Rom. cap. 13. as namely in his own behalf and in Gods behalf in behalf of his Countrey and in behalf of the Laws and in so many more behalfs that they have turned most Christian Kings out of half their Kingdoms But to go on Calvin determins very rightly that notwithstanding any Contract made or supposed to be made between a King and his people yet if the King do break his Covenants and oppress the Subject the Subject can no more pretend to be discharged of his Allegiance than the Wife may lawfully divorce herself from a froward Hisband or Children throw aside that natural duty which they owe their Parents because their Parents are unkind and it may be cruel Those which do otherwise conclude from the foresaid Contract he calls insulsos ratioeinatores Sect. 29. but sorry and unsavory Disputants and reckoneth it for a seditious imagination that we must deal no otherwise with Kings than they do deserve nec aequum esse ut subditos ei nos praestemus qui vicissim Regem nobis non se praestet Sect. 27. or to imagine that it is neither sense nor reason that we should ââew our selves obedient subjects unto him who doth not mutually perform the duty of a King to us His Scholars are grown able to teach their Master a new Lesson and would tell him if he were alive that there is a mutual Contract between King and Subjects and if he break the Covenant he forfeiteth the benefit of the Agreement and he not performing the duty of a King they are released from the duty of Subjects As contrary to their Masters Tenet as black to white and yet some late Pamphleters press no doctrine with such strength and eagerness as they have done this Nor have the Pulpits spaâed to publish it to their cheated Auditories as a new Article of Faith that if the Ruler perform not his duty the Contract is dissolved and the people are at liberty to right themselves What excellent uses have been raised from this dangerous Doctrine as many Kings of Christendom have fest already so posterity will have cause to lament the mischiefs which it will bring into the World in succeeding Ages Finally Calvin hath determined and exceeding piously that if the Magistrate command us any thing which is contrary to the Will and word of God we must observe Saint Peters Rule and rather choose to obey God than men and that withal we must prepare our selves to endure such punishments as the offendd Magistrate shall inflict upon us for the said refusal Sect. 32. Et quicquid potius perpeti quam à veritate deflectere and rather suffer any Torments than forsake the way of Gods Commandments The Magistrate as it seems by him must at all times be honoured by us either in our active obedience or in our passive if we refuse to do his will we must be content to suffer for it His Scholars are too wise to submit to that and are so far form suffering for the testimony of the Gospel and a good conscience that they take care to teach the people that it is lawful to rebel in behalf of God to preserve the true Religion when it is in danger or when they think it is in danger by force of Arms and to procure the peace of Hierusalem by the destruction of Babylon Which being so the difference being so great and irreconcileable between the Followers and their Leader in the point of practice between the Master and the Scholars in the points of Doctrine me thinks it were exceeding fit the man were either less admired or better followed that they who cry him up for the great Reformer would either stand to all his Tenets or be bound to none that they would be so careful of the Churches peace and their own salvation as not to swallow down his Errors in his points of disciplines and pass him by with a Magister non tânetur when he doth preach Obedience to them and doth so solidly discourse of the powers of Government Tilly Philip. 2. Aut undique religionem suam toliant at usquequaque conserent as Tully said of Antony in another case But of this no more Hitherto CALVIN hath done will few better of the Genevian Doctors none ne unus quidem not so much as one But there 's an herb which spoils the pottage an HERB so venomous that it is mors in olla unto them that taste it The figs in the next basket are evil Jerem. 24. very evil not to be eaten as it is in the Prophets words they are so evil In that before he did exceeding soundly and judiciously law down the doctrine of obedience unto Kings and Princes and the unlawfulness of Subjects taking Arms against their Sovereign In this to come he openeth a most dangerous gap to disobedience and rebellions in most States in Christendom in which his name is either reverenced or his works esteemed of For having fully expressed the points before delivered unto the conscience of the Subject and utterly disabled them from lifting up their hands against the Supream Magistrate on any occasion whatsoever he shews them how to help themselves and what course to take for the asserting of their Liberties and the recovery of their Rights if the Prince invade them by telling them that all he spake before was of private persons Sect. 31. but that if there were any popular Officers such as the Ephori of Sparta the Tribunes of Rome the Demarchi of Athens ordained for the restraint of Kings and Supream Governours it never was his meaning to include them in it And such power he doth suppose to be in the three Estates of
every Kingdom when they are solemnly assebled whom he condemns as guilty of perfidious dissimulation and the betrayers of the Subject Liberties whereof they are the proper and appointed Guardians if they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly insuit on the common people This is the gap through which rebellions and seditions have found to plausible a passage in the Christian World to be dethroning of some Kings and Princes the death of others For through this gap broke in those dangerous and seditious Doctrines that the inferiour Magistrates are ordained by God and not appointed by the King or the Supream Powers that being so ordained by God that are by him inabled to compel the King to rule according unto justice and the Laws established that if the King be refractory and unreclaimable they are to call him to account and to provide for the safety of the Common-wealth by all ways and means which may conduce unto thepreservation of it and finally which is the darling Doctrine of these later times that there is a mixture in all Governments and that the three Estates convened in Parliament or by what other name soever we do call their meeting are not subordinate to the King but co-ordinate with him and have not only a supplemental power to supply what is defective in him but a coercive also to restrain his Actions and a Corrective too to reform his Errors But this I give you now in the generals only hereafter you shall see it more particularly and every Author cited in his own words for the proof hereof Many of which as they did live in Calvin's time and by their writings gave great scandal to all Sovereign Princes but more as to the progress of the Reformation so could not Calvin choose but be made acquainted with the effects and consequences of his dangerous principles Which since he never did retract upon the sight of those seditious Pamphlets and worse than those those bloody tumults and rebellions which ensued upon it but let it stand unaltered to his dying day is a clear argument to me that this passage fell not from his Pen by chance but was laid of purpose as a Stumbling-block in the Subjects way to make him fall in the performance of his Christian duty both to God and man For though the Book of Institutions had been often printed in his life time and received many alterations and additions as being enlarged from a small Octavo of not above 29 sheets to a large Folio of 160 yet this particular passage still remained unchanged and hath continued as it is from the first Edition of it which was in the year 1536 not long after his first coming to Geneva But to proceed in our design What fruits these dangerous Doctrines have produced amongst us we have seen too plainly and we may see as plainly if we be not blind through what gap these Doctrines entred on what foundation they were built and unto whose Authority we stand indebted for all those miseries and calamities which are fallen upon us Yet to say truth the man desired to be concealed and not reputed for the Author of such strange conclusions which have resulted from his principles and therefore lays it down with great Art and caution Si qui and Fortè and ut nunc res habent that is to say Perhaps and as the World now goes and if there be such Officers as have been formerly as the three disguises which he hath masked himself and the point withal that he might pass away unseen And if there be such Officers as perhaps there are or that the world goes here as it did at Sparta or in the States of Rome and Athens as perhaps it doth or that the three Estate of each several Kingdom have the same authority in them as the Ephori the Demarchi and the Tribunes had as perhaps they have the Subject is no doubt in a good condition as good a man as the best Monarch of them all But if the Ephori the Demarchi and the Tribunes were not appointed at the first for the restraint and regulating of the Supream Powers as indeed they were not and if the three Estates in each several Kingdom have not that authority which the Ephori and the Tribunes did in fine usurp and the Demarchi are supposed to have as indeed they have not perhaps and peradventure will not serve the turn The Subject stands upon no better grounds than before he did Therefore to take away this stumbling-block and remove this rub I shall propose and prove these three points ensuing 1. That the Ephori the Demarchi and the Roman Tribunes were not instituted at the first for those ends and purposes which are supposed by the Author 2. If they were instituted for those ends yet the illation thereupon would be weak and childish as it relates of Kings and Kingdoms And 3. That the three Estates in each several Kingdom without all peradventures have no such authority as the Author dreams of and therefore of no power to controul their King Which If I clearly prove as I hope I shall I doubt not but to leave the cause in a better condition than I found it And in the proof of these the first point especially if it be thought that I insist longer than I needed on the condition of the Spartan Ephori the Roman Tribunes and the Demarchi of Athens and spend more cost upon it than the thing is worth I must intreat the Reader to excuse me in it I must first lay down my grounds and make sure work there before I go about my building And being my design relates particularly to the information and instruction of the English Subject I could not make my way unto it but by a discovery of the means and Artifices by which some petit popular Officers attained unto so great a mastery in the game of Government as to give the Check unto their Kings Which being premised once for all I now proceed unto the proof of the points proposed and having proved these points I shall make an end Haec tria cum docuero perorabo in the Orators Language CHAP. II. Of the Authority of the Ephori in the State of Sparta and that they were not instituted for the ends supposed by Calvin 1. The Kings of Sparta absolute Monarchs at the first 2. Of the declining of the Regal power and the condition of that State when Lycurgus undertook to change the Government 3. What power Lycurgus gave the Senate and what was left unto the Kings 4. The Ephori appointed by the Kings of Sparta to ease themselves and curb the Senate 5. The blundering and mistakes of Joseph Scaliger about the first Institution of the Ephori 6. The Ephori from mean beginnings grew to great Authority and by what advantages 7. The power and influence which they had in the publick Government 8. By what degrees the Ephori encroached on the Spartan Kings 9. The
was the Authority of the Ephori erected in the time of King Theopompus about 130 years after the death of Lycurgus A second reason which induced those Kings to ordain these Ephori was to ease themselves and delegate upon them that remainder of the Royal power which could not be exercised but within the City For the Kings having little or no command but in Wars abroad cared not for being much at home and thereupon ordained these Officers to supply their places Concerning which Cleomenes thus discourseth to the Spartans after they had destroyed the Ephori and suppressed the Office Id in Agis Cleomenes informing them that Lycurgus had joyned the Senators with the Kings by whom the Common-wealth was a long time governed without help of any other Officers that afterwards the City having great Wars with the Messenians the Kings were always so imployed in that War that they could not attend the affairs of the State at home and thereupon made choice of certain of their friends to sit in judgment in their stead whom they called the Ephori ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and for a long time did govern only as the Kings Ministers though afterwards by little and little they took unto themselves the supreme Authority Another reason hath been given of the institution which is that if a difference grew between the two Kings in a point of judgment there might be some to arbitrate between them and to have the casting voice amongst them when the difference could not be agreed And this is that which Lisander and Mandroclidas two that had been Ephori suggested unto Agis and Cleombrotus the two Kings of Sparta declaring Id. ibid. That the Office of the Ephori was erected for no other reason ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. But because they should give their voices unto that King who had the best reason on his side when the other would wilfully withstand both right and reason and therefore that they two agreeing might lawfully do what they would without controlment that to resist the Kings was a breach of Law considering that the Ephori by Law had no power nor priviledge but only to arbitrate between them when there was any cause of jar or controversie And this was so received at Sparta for an undoubted truth that Cleomenes being sole King upon the death of Agis of the other house recalled Archidamus the Brother of Agis from his place of Banishment with an intent to make him King not doubting but they two should agree together and thereby make the Ephori of no power nor use So then we have three reasons of the institution and more than these I cannot find of which there is not one that favoureth the device of Calvin or intimateth that the Authority of the Ephori was set up to pull down the Kings And to say truth it is a most unlikely matter that the Kings of Sparta having so little power remaining should need more Officers to restrain them than they had before that they should make a new rod for their own poor backs and add five Masters more to those eight and twenty which Lycurgus had imposed upon them Which makes me wonder much at Tully who doth acknowledge that the Ephori were ordained by Theopompus as both Aristotle and Plutarch do affirm and yet will have them instituted for no other cause nisi ut oppositi sint Regibus but to oppose and curb the Kings Aristot Polit. l. 5. c. 11. Cicero de legibus l. 3. but more that Plato who had so much advantage of him both in time and place should ascribe the institution to Lycurgus and tell us that he did not only ordain the Senate ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Plato Ep. 8. edit gr lat To. 3. but that he did also constitute the Ephorate for the strength and preservation of the Regal power For out of doubt it is affirmed by Plutarch confirmed by Scaliger and may be gathered from some passages in Eusebius Chronicon and the Authority of Aristotle Plut. in Lycurgo Scalig. animadvers in Euseb Chron. who refers the same to Theopompus as before was shewed that the first Institution was no less than 130 years after the death of Lycurgus Who was the first that bore this Office hath been made a question but never till these later times when men are grown such Sceptics as to doubt of every thing Plutarch affirms for certain ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that the first Ephorus that is to say the first ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Plutarch in Lycurgo who had the name of Ephorus by way of excellency for otherwise there were five in all was called Elatus and hereto Scaliger did once agree as appears expresly pag. 67. of his Annotations on Eusebius where he declares it in these words Primus Elatus renunciatur ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But after having a desire to control Eusebius he takes occasion by some words in Diogenes Laertius to cry up Chilo for the man first positively Primus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã fuit Chilon and next exclusively of Elatus Quibus animadversis non fuerit Elatus primus Ephorus sed Chilon To make this good being a fancy of his own and as his own most dearly cherished he produceth first the testimony of Laertius and afterwards confirms the same by a new emendatio temporum a Calculation and accompt of his own inventing The words produced from Laertius are these verbatim ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Which is thus rendred in the Latine Diogen Lat. 1. l. 1. in Chilo and I think exactly Fuit autem Ephorus circa quinquagessimam quintam Olympiada Porro Pamphila circa sextam ait primumque Ephorum fuisse sub Euthydemo autore Sosicrate primumque instituisse ut Regibus Ephori adjungerentur Satyrus Lycurgum dixit If it be granted in the first place that Chilo was not made Ephorus until the 55. Olympiad as 't is plain it was not and Scaliger affirms as much it must needs follow upon true account that either Chilo was not the first Ephorus or that the Ephori were not instituted in more than twice an hundred and thirty years after Lycurgus had new molded the Common-wealth contrary unto that which is said by Plutarch and out of him repeated by Joseph Scaliger For from the time wherein Lycurgus made his Laws which was in the 25 year of Archelaus the eighth King of the Elder House unto the death of Alcamenes which was the year before the first Olympiad Euseb Chron. lib. post p. 114. of Scaligers edit were 112 years just none under From thence unto the last year of the 55. 220 years compleat which put together make no fewer than 332 years full a large misreckoning Whereas the second year of the fifth Olympiad in which Eusebius puts the Institution of the Ephori both in the Greek and Latine Copies set out by Scaliger himself Pag. 117. of the Latin and 35 of the Greek Edition that second
year I say being added to the 112 before-remembred in which King Alcamenes died makes up the full number of 130 which we find in Plutarch and agrees punctually with the time of Theopompus who as it is confessed by Scaliger did first ordain them Nor doth Laertius say if you mark him well either that Chilo was the first that was ever Ephorus or the first that joyned the Ephori to the Kings of Sparta both which absurdities are by Scaliger imposed upon him For unto any one who looks upon Laertius with a careful eye it may be easily discerned that he speaks no otherwise of the Ephorate than of an Office instituted a long time before with the condition of the which Chilo was well acquainted and therefore thought himself more fit to undergo it than his Brother was who very earnestly desired it Laertius in vita Chilon All that Laertius saith is no more but this that Chilo was made Ephorus first not the first Ephorus which was made as Scaliger would have it under Euthydemus and that as Satyrus affirmed who therein questionless was misled by Plato Lycurgus was the first who joyned the Ephori to the Spartan Kings which words viz. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he hath left out of purpose to abuse his Author and make him speak the thing which he never meant His other blunderings and mistakes to make good this business first laying the dissolution of the Ephorate by Cleomenes Pag. 67 of the Animadvers non multo ante vel post initium Philippi either not long before or shortly after the beginning of the reign of Philip the last King of Macedon but one which indeed is true and within nine Lines no more laying it in the 13. year of the self-same King Philip most extreamly false the changing of his Authors words from Fuit autem sub Regibus Lacedaemon annis 350 as they occur in the Translation of S. Hierom printed at Basil into Fuit sub Regibus Lacedaemoniorum Annis 350. against the Authors mind and the Rules of Grammar only to bring about his device of Chilo and blind his Readers eyes with a new Chronology and others I could point to if my leisure served I purpose to forbear at the present time Nor had I been so bold with Scaliger at all or at least not now but that the proud man is more bold with the Antient Fathers whom he is pleased to look on with contempt and scorn as often as they come before him for which see pag. 255. of his Annotations And so I leave him with that Censure which he gives Eusebius as learned and industrious an Antiquary as any Scaliger of them all no man dispraised Erratis hujus Autoris enumerandis charta non suffecerit Animadvers in Euseb p. 255. and so sare him well But to proceed the Ephori being thus ordained by Theopompus became not presently of such authority and power as by degrees they did attain to For being chosen by the Kings as their proper Ministers as before was said and many times ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã even from their very nearest Friends Plutarch in Agis Cleomen as we read in Plutarch they were hard thrust at by the Senate and forced to put up many an affront from that mightier Body And this was it that Chilo aimed at when he told his Brother who at the same time desired the Office Laertius in vita Chilon and seemed offended that he lost it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that he was better skilled in bearing injuries and affronts than his Brother was But this continued for no longer than whilest the Kings served their turns upon them to oppose the Senate and kept the nomination of them in their own hands For afterwards the Kings relinquishing the Election to the common people upon a forlorn hope of gaining their affections by so great a benefit they began to set up for themselves and in a very little time gained all the custom of the City And of this new Election I am apt to think that Chilo whom before we spake of was the first ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Which I propose not so much out of a desire to comply with Scaliger who for ought I can see aimed at no such matter as on the credit of Eusebius whom he so much lighteth For in Euebius Chronicon of Josephus Scaligers own Edition after he hath put down the institution of the Ephori in the second of the fifth Olympiad as before I told you he gives this Item in the third of the five and fiftieth which is the very same that Laertius speaks of Chilo qui de Septem Sapientibus fuit Lacedaemone Ephorus constituitur Euseb Chronic. lib. poster p. 127. dispositione communis gentis that Chilo one of the seven wise Masters was ordained Ephorus at Sparta by the general consent of all the people But whether this were so or not I am not able to determine absolutely All I observe from hence is this that it is past all question that from this time they took upon them more than they had done formerly and were intent on all advantages to improve their power For whereas at the first they were appointed by the Kings to sit in Judgment in their steads as before was said by little and little ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã they drew that power unto themselves Plutarch in Agis Cleom. and exercised it in their own name by their own authority not as the Ministers of the Kings they would none of that but as the Officers of the Common-wealth And to that end they did erect a Court of Judicature which for power and greatness of authority was little inferiour to the Senate drawing unto them all such businesses as were ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã most worthy of care and consideration Pausan l. 3. in Laconicis Aristot Polit. lib. 3. cap. 1. By means whereof as they drew many of the people to depend upon them whose businesses and suits of Law were brought to be determined by them so they encreased that dependance by husbanding such difference as did oft arise between the Senate and the Kings to their own advantage For it is well observed by Aristotle that as long as the Senate and the Kings did agree together they kept all the power in their own hands ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but when they jarred amongst themslves Id. ibid. l. 2. c. 9. they gave the people opportunity to become their Masters But that which raised them to the height and made them terrible at last both to King and Senate was the mutual tie and correspondence which was between them and the people by whom they were not only chosen and therefore cherished by them as their own dear Creatures but for the most part chosen ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã out of the body of the people and sometime ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã out of the very meanest and neediest of them Aristot Polit. l. 2. cap. 7. which
exactly though at the first he seemed to think that it was very well compounded of the three good Forms yet upon full debate thereof he concludes at last ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Aristot Polit. l. 2. c. 4. that the Dominion of the Ephori was an absolute Tyranny Assuredly had they lived to have seen that day wherein the Ephori embrued their hands in the blood of their Princes under pretence of safety to the Common-wealth they would have voted it to have been a Tyranny in the highest degree and then the most unsufferable Tyrants that ever wretched State groaned under For though the Kings of Sparta were so lessened by Lycurgus Laws that little more was left unto them than the name and Title yet they were Kings and held so sacred by their Neighbours even their very Enemies that none did ever offer to lay hands upon them in the heat and fury of their fights Plutarch in Agis Cleom. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã out of the reverence they did bear to those beams of Majesty which most apparently shined in them The Ephori being grown to this height of Tyranny were the more ready for their fall which followed not long after that most barbarous fact upon the persons of their Princes The Kings had long since stomached them and their high proceedings Id. in Agesil bearing ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a kind of Heritable grudge betwixt them as my Author calls it ever since they took upon them to controul their Masters but either wanted opportunity or spirit to attempt any thing to their prejudice and therefore thought it safer to procure their favours than run themselves upon a hazardous Experiment Pausanias the 20. of the Elder House was the first that ever did attempt either by force or practice to subvert the Office the insolencies of the which were then grown so great that being a stout and active Prince he was not able to endure them That he had entertained such thoughts is affirmed by Aristotle where he informs us that Lysander had a purpose to take away the Kingly Government or rather to acquire it to himself as we find in Plutarch ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. in Lysandâo Aristot Polit. lib. 5. c. 1. and that Pausanias had the like to destroy the Ephorate But what he failed to bring about his Successors did at last accomplish Of which Cleombrotus and Agis joyning their hands and heads together did proceed so far that going into the Market place well attended by their Friends and followers they plucked the Ephori from their seats and substituted others in their rooms whom they conceived would be more pliant to their prefent Enterprises which was the first actual attempt Plutarch in Agis Cleom. that ever had been made against them by the Kings of Sparta But evulgato imperii Arcano when so great a mystery of State was once discovered that the Ephori were but mortal men and might as easily be displaced and deposed as any of the other Magistrates Leonidas immediately upon his restitution to the Kingdom made the like removal and displaced those who had taken part against him with the former Kings Id. ibid. So that the ice being broken and the way made open Cleomenes son unto Leonidas had the fairer way to abrogate the Office utterly which at last he did For being a brave and gallant Prince and seeing that the project he was bent upon for the reduction of the Common-wealth to its primitive honour could not be brought about but by their destruction he fell upon them with his Souldiers as they sat at supper and killed four of them in the place the fifth escaping shrewdly hurt to the nearest Sanctuary Id. ibid. That done he went into the Market place and overthrew all the Chairs of the Ephori saving only one which he reserved for himself as his Chair of State and sitting in the same in the sight of the people gave them an account of his proceedings and the reasons which induced him to it Declaring how the Ephori were at first appointed by the Kings themselves that for long time they governed only ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as the Kings Ministers and no otherwise that many years after this Asteropus one of the Ephori building upon a new foundation and being the first Author of that dangerous change they took the Government unto themselves and exercised the same in their own names only that though they had usurped a power which belonged not to them yet had they managed it discreetly the might perhaps have held it longer and with better liking but that licentiously abusing the authority which they had usurped by suppressing the lawful Governors ordained of old by taking upon them to banish some of the Citizens and to put some to death without law and justice and finally by threatning those who were desirous to restore the Government to its antient Form they were no longer to be suffered that for his part he should have thought himself the happiest King that ever was if possibly he could have cured his Countrey of that foul affection withou grief or sorrow but being it was not to be done that way he thought it better that some should be put to death than the whole Common-wealth run on to a swift destruction This said he presently dissolved the Assembly and seriously betook himself to the Reformation which formerly he had projected and in short time reduced the people to the antient Discipline the staee and reputation of the Common-wealth to its ancient height Thus have we made a brief discovery of the Spartan Ephori upon what grounds first instituted and on what destroyed by what foul practices and unlawful means they gained the Sovereignty of the State and by what they lost it how and by what degrees they came from low and mean beginnings to so strange a Tyranny and with what suddenness they lost their power and their lives together But in all this there is not any shew or colour for that which is affirmed by CALVIN no ground for nor verity at all in that Assertion that the Ephori were at first ordained to oppose the Kings to regulate their proceedings and restrain their power but rather that they were ordained as indeed they were to curb the Senate to be the Ministers of the Kings and subservient to them to sit in Judgment for them and discharge such Offices as the Kings pleased to trust them with in their times of absence If Calvins popular Magistrates have no more Authority than the Spartan Ephori according to the rules of their Institution they will have little colour to controul their Princes and less for putting a restraint on the Regal power The most they can pretend to must be usurpation and that will hold no longer if it hold so long than they have power to make it good by blood and violence which I hope Calvin did not aim at And if they have no other ground
the Common-wealth A Priviledg which they found good use of in the times succeeding and made it serve their turns upon all occasions Martius complained of them in the Senate for disobedience to the Consuls and an intent to bring an Anarchy upon the State Platarch in Coriolano they Vote this for a breach of priviledg and nothing but his death or banishment will give them satisfaction for it Appius being Consul sends his Lictor to lay hands upon them for raising Tumults in the City Livie hist Rom. lib. 2. this is another breach of priviledg and he shall answer for it when his year was out Caeso Quintius like a noble Patriot joyns with the Consuls and the Senate to oppress their insolencies when neither Law nor Reason would prevail upon them this also is a breach of priviledg Id. l. 3. and his life shall pay for it But to proceed having obtained this Law for their own security their next work was to break or pass by those Laws by which the State was governed in all times before and which themselves had yielded to at their first creation It was the practice of the City from the first foundation and a continual custom hath the force of Law to give such respect unto the Senate Dionys Halicarnass l. 7. that the people did not vote nor determine any thing ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which the Senate had not first debated and resolved upon This though no breach of priviledg was a main impediment to the advancing of those projects which they had in hand and therefore fit to be removed as removed it was and so a way made open unto that confusion which did expose the State to so many changes that it was never constant to one Form of Government Which being obtained the next thing to be brought about was to bring the Election of the Tribunes into the hands of the people who had before the least part in it that so depending mutually upon one onother they might co-operate together to destroy the State and bring it absolutely under the command of the common people For at the first according to the Articles of the Institution the Tribunes were to be elected in Comitiis Centuriatis as before was said where none but men of years and substance such as were of the Livery as we speak in England had the right of suffrage By means whereof the Patricians had a very great stroke in the Elections Et per Clientum suffragia creandi quos vellent poteâtatem Livie hist and by the voices of their Clients or dependents set up whom they listed They must no longer hold this Power The Tribunes were the creatures of the Common people and must be made by none but them A Law must therefore be propounded to put the Election wholly into the hands of the People and to transact the same in Comitiis Tributis where no Patrician was to vote but all things carried by the voices of the rascal Rabble Which though it caused much heat and no small ado yet it was carried at the last Appius complaining openly as his custom was Rempub. per metum prodi that the Senate did destroy the Common-wealth by their want of courage And whereas at the first they had so much modesty as not to come into the Senate Sed positis subselliis ante fores decreta Patrum examinare Valer. Maxim lib. 2. c. 2. but to sit without upon some Benches whilest they examined the decrees which had passed the House they challenge now a place though no vote in Senate and had free ingress and egress when they would themselves But their main business was to pull down the Nobles and make them of no more esteem than the common sort And upon this they set their strength and made it the first hansel of their new authority Martius had spoken some words in Senate which displeased the Tribunes and they incense the People to revenge the injury who promising to assist them in their undertakings an Officer is forthwith sent to apprehend him This caused the Patricians whom the cause concerned to stand close together and to oppose this strange encroachment and generally to affirm as most true it was that when they yielded to the setting up this new Authority there was no power given them by the Senate ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Dionys Halicarn l. 7. but only to preserve the Commons from unjust oppressions The like did Martius plead in his own behalf as we find in Livie auxilii non poenae jus datum illi potestati plebisque non Patrum Tribunos esse Livie hist lib. 2. that they were trusted with a Power to help the Commons but with none to punish and were not Tribunes of the Lords but of the People And so much also was affirmed in the open Senate that the Authority of the Tribunes was at first ordained not to offend or grieve the Senate but that the Commons might not suffer any grievance by it and that they did not use their Power according to such limitations as were first agreed on and as of right they ought to use it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Dionys Halicarn l. 7. but to the ruin and destruction of the Laws established Enough of conscience to have stayed them from the prosecution but that they had it in design and resolved to carry it For Brutus had before given out and assured the people ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that he would humble the Nobility Id. ibid. and bring down their pride and 't was no reason that such a man as he should be disappointed and not be master of his word Martius being banished at the last their next bout was with Appius Claudius a constant and professed Enemy of the popular faction one who had openly taken part against them in behalf of Martius and after seeing them apprehend some Gentlemen who opposed their insolencies had openly denied jus esse Tribuno in quenquam nisi in plebeium Liv. l. 2. that they could exercise their power on any but the Commons only Him therefore they accused of Treason or at least sedition in that he had intrenched upon their Authority which was made sacred by the Laws and doubtless had condemned him to some shameful punishment had he not died before his Trial. Which Victory on Martius and the death of Appius did so discourage the Nobility and puff up the Tribunes that from this time forwards as the Historian doth observe the Tribunes cited whom they listed to answer for themselves before the People and to submit their lives to their final sentence which as it did increase the Power of the popular faction in the depressing of the Nobles and weakning the Authority of the Senate so did it open them a way to aim at and attain to all those dignities in the Common-wealth ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Dionys Halicarn l. 7. which were most honourable in themselves and had formerly belonged to
rely upon Calvins word He saith the Tribunes were set up to oppose the Consuls but the best Writers do affirm that they were instituted only to protect the people and to protect the people in such cases only when they did suffer any Tort or unjust oppression He reckoneth them for instances of such popular Magistrates as were ordained to moderate and restrain the vast power of Kings and other Supream Magistrates but the best Writers do affirm that the Tribunes were not instituted till the Kings were outed nor instituted at the first to restrain the Consular power though by degrees they did restrain it as they pleased and finally that they were again abridged of their power and Tyranny as soon as Monarchy were restored and the State brought to be obedient to one Sovereign Prince He seems to intimate that the Consuls were not wronged by such oppositions as the Tribunes daily made against them and that the Tribunes did no more in such oppositions than by their place and Office they were bound to do But the best Writers do affirm that the Consuls made complaint from time to time of those wrongs and insolencies which those proud creatures of the people did afflict them with and they complained not without cause as their stories tell us So that there is but little ground for the supposition touching the first creation of these mighty Tyrants which Calvin trimly puts upon us less for the application of it to his end and purpose What other power soever they enjoyed or exercised more than the power of interceding when any Bill at Ordinance was to pass the Senate by which the people might have suffered in their goods and liberties was an incroachment on the Consuls and wrested from them by strong hand sometimes with blood but never without dangerous Tumults The best use can be made of such false surmises especially when they are false and factious too and some good uses may be made of the strongest poysons is that an Item may be taken by all Kings Princes and Supream Governors to have a care of their Estates and neither suffer any Tribunes or men of Tribunitian spirits or such as challenge to themselves Tribunitian power to grow up under them or live within the verge of their Dominions The Tribune and the Tribunitian spirit are no friend to Monarchy and have so much of Pompey in them who restored the Office that they will never be content to endure an Equal much less to suffer a Superior For further proof of which if more proof be requisite and for discovering to the World with what Arts and practices those factious and seditious spirits did attain their height it would be a most excellent piece of service to all Sovereign Princes if a just Tribunitian History were composed by some man of judgment for the recovery of this Age from the present maladies and a Memento to the future But this I leave to those who have time and leisure and other fit abilities to go through with it I have another Task in hand and the Demarchi call upon me to pass on to Athens where we are like to find worse work than we met with hitherto Worse work I mean in this respect that we are like to find less ground for the Supposition for otherwise we are like to find no work at all as will appear more evidently by that which followeth CHAP. IV. Of what Authority the DEMARCHI were in the state of ATHENS and of the danger and unfitness of the instances produced by CALVIN 1. Athens first governed by Kings and afterwards by one Sovereign Prince under other Titles 2. The Annual Magistrates of Athens what they were and of what Authority 3. By whom and what degrees the State of Athens was reduced to a Democratie 4. Of the authority of the Senate and the famous Court of the Areopagites 5. What the Demarchi were in the State of Athens and of what Authority 6. The Demarchi never were of power to oppose the Senate nor were ordained to that end 7. Calvins ill luck in making choice of three such instances which if true would not serve his turn 8. The danger which lieth hidden under the disguise of such popular Magistrates as are here instanced in by Calvin 9. What moved Calvin to lay these dangerous Stumbling-blocks in the Subjects way 10. The dangerous oppositions and practices which have hence ensued in most parts of Europe 11. The sect of CALVIN professed Enemies to Monarchy and the power of Princes THE State of Athens as were all others at the first was under the Government of Kings and of them of the race of Cecrops from whom his Successors were called Cecropidae Tacit. Annal. lib. 3. and they as other Kings in those antient times ut libitum imperitabant governed the people under them by no other Rule than their own discretion Theseus the tenth from Cecrops was the first King of Athens which let go his hold and parted with so many of the Regal rights as made the Kings weak and the Subjects wanton For having a desire to incorporate all the Inhabitants of Attica into the City of Athens the better to unite them against forein force and to assemble them together as occasion served he was fain to win them to it by large promises of giving them some share in the publick Government without which bait the wealthier sort and such as had authority in their several Burroughs could not be drawn into the City Plutarch in Theseo Yet still he kept unto himself and to his Successors ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as we find in Plutarch the chief Commandery in the Wars and the preservation of the Laws together with a superintendency in matters which concerned Religion the main points of Soveraignty And in this state things stood till the death of Codrus the seventh from Theseus who giving up his own life to preserve his Countrey became so honoured and admired amongst his people that they resolved for his sake to have no more Kings for fear they should never meet with any who might be worthy to succeed him which was one of the prettiest wanton quarrels that ever was picked against a Monarchy The Princes which succeeded after his decease they called not Kings but ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or Governors but the change was only in the name and in the manner of their getting the Supream Authority For being once invested with the Supream Power they held it during life without check or censure as is affirmed by Africanus an ancient Writer who laying down the succession of the King of Athens African apud Euseb Chron. edit Scaliger Euseb in Chro. to the death of Codrus adds this ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that after them succeeded the perpetual Archontes who held the Government during life The like Eusebius doth affirm and all Authors else which treat of the affairs of Athens The difference was that formerly the Kingdom was successive meerly entailed upon the
any Democratical State shewed it self at the first in its proper colours or came into the World by a lawful entrance but crept into it secretly at the back-door either of Faction or Sedition Now the first man that gave the hint to the Democratie and made the people fall in love with a factious liberty was Theseus a valiant but unfortunate King who the better to induce the people of Attica to desert their dwellings and be incorporated into Athens promised them as before was said that all of them should have some share in the publick Government and after the form and manner of a Common-wealth And so far he performed his promise as to devest himself of some parts of Sovereignty ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and laid the first foundation of that popular State Plâtaâch in Thesâo which was after built but he paid dear for it For the people who before had been so tractable that they would do whatsoever their Kings commanded at the first words speaking began to take more state upon them and became so stubborn that they would do nothing on command but looked to be flattered with and courted upon all occasions Id. ibid. Which being noted by Menestheus a popular man but otherwise of the Royal Bloud he so fed that humour and wrought so finely on them by his Wit an cunning that Theseus was in fine deposed and his Sons disherited and the remainder of the Royalty conferred by them upon Menestheus as their deed of gift And though no doubt the people did improve their power both when their Kings became Elective and when their Governors were Elected but for term of years and specially when the Magistrates were no more than Annual yet they could get no further than an Aristocratie till the time of Solon which were about 170 years after the Annual Officers were first established the Annual Officers being established in the first year of the 5. Olympiad and Solon's reformation hapning in the second of the 47. But Solon being chosen Provost or the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and finding the Republick much embroiled in dangerous factions which had been long since bred between the Nobles and Commons in the change of Governments took on him by the joint consent of both parties the emendation of the Laws and the reducing of the State of the Common-wealth to a more peaceable and equal temper Id. in Solone And he so ordered their affairs that the chief Offices of the City remained in the hands of the Nobility as before they were which for the time contented them but the Election of those Officers and the dernier resort or the admittance of Appeals upon Writs of Error as we call them that he confirmed unto the people which did not only please the people for the present time but put them into a condition of drawing to themselves the Supream Authority Insomuch that Aristotle though he seem to say that Solon sâtled in the City a mixt form of Government the Court of Areopagites which he also instituted pretending to an Oligarchy the Annual Officers or Archontes to an Aristocratie Aristot Politiâ l. 2. c. 10. and the power of Judicature being vested in the common people unto a Democratie yet he confesseth at the last that this power of Judicature and the necessity which all men found of applying themselves unto the people ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã changed the Republick in conclusion to a meer Democratie as it continued till his time But yet it was not brought about but with great ado Plutarch in Solone Pisistratus first reducing the Estate to an absolute Monarchy which because he got it from them by fraud and force they called a Tyranny and after Clisthenes freeing his Countrey from that yoke by driving his posterity out of Attica restoring it unto an Aristocratie Id. in Artistide in Pericle Cimene as before it was At last it seemed good to Aristides though for a time he concurred with Clisthenes in his form of Government to cast a more indulgent eye on the common people who had behaved themselves exceeding gallantly in the dreadful War against the Persians and to cause a Law to be Enacted that all Authority and power of Government should be communicated equally to all the Citizens ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. in Aristide and that they should be capable of all the Offices and Honours in the Common-wealth Which as it added much to the Authority of the common people so that Authority was increased much more by the Arts of Pericles who bearing a grudg unto the Court of the Areopagites whereof he was never any Member and finding that the power thereof and of the Senate of five hundred did derogate exceeding much from the power of the people to whose faction he was wholly wedded by the help and setting on of Ephialtes a busie and popular man took from them the hearing and determining of the weightiest causes Id. in Poiââe Cimone and put them over to the judgment and decision of the common people who had no more before but the last Appeal and thereby perfected and produced that pure Democratie which had so often been desired but in vain attempted The people being screwed to this height of power and the dignity of the Supream Courts so much diminished a man would think there was but little need of such popular Officers as Calvin speaks of ordained of purpose as he thinks to oppose the Senate and counter-ballancetheir Authority Nor were those Courts at any time so inclined to Tyranny or likely in their constitution to oppress the people when their Authority was greatest and their power most eminent as that the people needed any special Officers to restrain their insolencies or to confine them to the limits of their Jurisdiction Now for the Senate it consisted at the first of 400 persons an hundred out of every Tribe and to that number was restrained by Solon whose device it was Id. in Solone but Clisthenes having increased the number of the Tribes to ten added one hundred more which made five in all for each Tribe fifty and so continued till the expiration of that Common-wealth A chief part of their business was ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. to deliberate and debate of all such matters as were to be commended to the care of the common people that when the whole body of the people was assembled together no point should be propounded to them but what the Council of five hundred had fitted and prepared for their resolution Id. ibid. It also appertained to them ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. to consult about denouncing War and raising Moneys to advise upon the making of new Laws to judg of any accident which at any time hapned in the City and of such matters which concerned their Allies and Nighbours to impose Tribute on the Subject and to take care both of the Navy and the Temples and furthermore to enquire into
people or actually did make head against them in behalf of the people if at any time they were oppressed and injured by it cannot be found I dare with confidence affirm in any Author of good credit either Greek or Latine 'T is true there were some People-pleasers in the State of Athens whom they called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who by applying themselves to the peoples humour and seeming zealously assected to their power and profit could lead them whither they would and to what they lifted and sometimes did oppose themselves for the people sake not only against the Senate but all other Magistrates Of these it is that Arstotle doth make frequent mention in his books of Politicks and seems to prophecy that if not looked into in time ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã they would change the State into a Tyranny But these were neither of Officers of State nor Justice Aristot Politic l. 5 c. â nor indeed any Officers at all though many times they did ill Offices to the Commonwealth the better to advance the hopes of the popular faction and by it themselves And it is true which Aristotle tells us in another place ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that the people had not only power to elect their Magistrates Id. ibid. l. 2. c. 12. but to call them also to accompt in case of mal-administration and had their proper Officers appointed to that end and purpose But then it is true withal but amongst them we meet not these Demarchi of whom Calvin dreams or any others which stood up in behalf of the common people but only in behalf of the Common-wealth Of this sort were the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã superadded to the nine Archontes and of authority to call them to an after-reckoning if they found them guilty of extortion Jul. Pollux l. 8. c. 9. sect 16. Id. ibid. sect 13. and of this sect were also those whom they called Logistae some of the which ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã saith mine Author were purposely appointed to observe and enquire into the Acts of the Senate and to proceed against them when their time was out according as they saw occasion which kind of Overseers had an eye also on the Areopagites And this is that which is observed by Aeschines the famous Orator where speaking of the Fundamental constitutions of the Common-wealth he tells us that it was ordained by the Legislators ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Aeschin in Orat Contra Demosth Ctesiphon that even the Senate of five hundred should give up an account of their ministration and that the holy Council of the Areopagites should be obnoxious to the censure of the Logistrae for by that very name he calls them Of any account they were to give to these Demarchi or any thing they did de facto or might do de jure with reference to the case and benefit of the common people nothing but silence to be found in all Antiquity And to say truth it was not necessary that any popular Magistrates should be made of purpose to save the people from the pride and Tyranny of the higher Courts which were accountable to the people upon all occasions and were to be accountable to them according to the fundamental institution of the Common-wealth The State of Athens being one of the absolutest Democraties which was ever exant and so accounted of by all who write of Politicks had little need or use of such popular Magistrates which Calvin fancieth in that place which may be serviceable to the people in an Aistocratie but in a popular estate of no use at all Which makes we wonder by the way why Plato should affirm against right and reason that the State of Athens in his time and the times before ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was an Aristocratie Plato in Meneximo when by the current of all Writers and the course of story it appears most evidently that it was not only a Democratie but ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Plutarch in Cimone the purest and most unmixt Democratie that was ever read of Thus have we proved the first of the three points propounded in the beginning of this work viz. that the Ephori the Demarchi and the Roman Tribunes were not ordained at first for those ends and purposes which are supposed by the Author but more particularly that neither the Ephori of Sparta were first instituted to oppose the Kings nor the Tribunes first ordained to oppose the Consuls nor the Demarchi of Authority to oppose the Senate And we have proved which is directly contrary unto Calvins aim that the Ephori were at first ordained to ease the Kings and to be aiding to them against the Senate who began sensibly to encroach on the Regal power that the Tribunes were first instituted to no other end but to preserve the people from unjust oppression and that their opposition to the Consuls was accounted always to be against the rules of their Institution and a breach of Articles And as for these Demarchi whom we spake of last that neither by their Institution nor by Usurpation they did oppose against the Senate in behalf of the people but executed their commands upon the people as their duty bound them So that the great imagination which the Author had of shewing to the World a view of such popular Magistrates as might encourage men of place and eminence to think themselves ordained after these Examples to moderate the licentiousness of Kings and Princes is fallen directly to the ground without more ado as being built upon a weak nay a false foundation not able to support the building And more than so in case the instances proposed had been rightly chosen and that the Ephori in Sparta had been first ordained to oppose the Kings the Tribunes to oppose the Consuls and the Demarchi to keep under the Athenian State yet these would prove but sorry instances of such popular Officers as were ordained ad moderandum Regum libidinem to moderate the licentiousness of Kings and Sovereign Princes for proof of which they were produced The Ephori were not instituted in the State of Sparta till the Kings were brought under the command of the Senate and the State become an Aristocratie in which the Kings had very little left them of the Royal dignity but the empty name and were in power no other than the Dukes of Venice save that they were to have the command of the Armies which those Dukes have not And for the Tribunes 't is well known to every one who hath perused the Roman story that there were no such creatures to be found in Rome till the Romans had expulsed their Kings and were under their command of Consuls Monarchy being changed to an Optimatie and the peoplebound by solemn Oaths never to admit of a King amongst them The like may be affirmed also of the Demarchi of Athens supposing that they were of as great Authority as either the Ephori or the Tribunes
of Charters under the Great Seal or else as Proclamations of Grace and Favour so do they carry still this mark of their first procuring the King willeth the King commandeth the King ordaineth the King provideth the King grants c. And when the Kings were pleased to call their Estates together it was not out of an Opinion that they could not give away their Power or dispense their Favours or abate any thing of the severity of their former Government without the approbation and consent of their people but out of just fear lest any one of the three Estates I mean the Clergy the Nobility and the Commons should insist on any thing which might be prejudicial to the other two The Commons being always on the Craving part and suffering as much perhaps from their immediate Lords as from their King might possibly have asked some things which were as much derogatory to the Lords under whom they held as of their Sovereign Liege the King the chief Lord of all In this respect the Counsel and Consent as well of the Prelates as the Temporal Lords was accounted necessary in passing of all Acts of Grace and Favour to the people because that having many Royalties and large immunities of their own a more near relation to the person and a greater interesse in the honour of their Lord the King nothing should pass unto the prejudice and diminution of their own Estates or the disabling of the King to support his Sovereignty And this for long time was the Stile of the following Parliaments viz. To the honour of God and of holy Church Preface an 1 Ed. 3. and to the redress of the oppressions of the people our Sovereign Lord the King c. at the request of the Commonalty of his Realm by their Petition made before him and his Council in the Parliament by the Assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other great men assembled in the said Parliament hath granted for him and his Heirs c. To this effect but with some little and but a very little variation of the words was the usual Stile in all the Prefaces or Preambles of the Acts of Parliament from the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the 3d till the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the 7th save that sometimes we find the Lords complaining 10 Ed. 3. c. 21 Ed. 3. c. 28 Ed. 3. c. or petitioning and the Commons assenting as their occasion did require and sometime also no other motive represented but the Kings great desire to provide for the ease and safety of his people upon deliberation had with the Prelates and Nobles and learned men assisting with their mutual Counsel 23 Ed. 3. And all this while there is no question to be made but that the power of making Laws was conceived to be the chiefest Flower of the Royal Diadem to which the Lords and Commons neither joint nor seperate did not pretend the smallest Title more than petitioning for them or assenting to them it being wholly left to the Kings Grace and goodness whether he would give ear or not to their Petitions or hearken unto such Advice as the Lords or other great men gave him in behalf of his people And this is that which was declared in the Parliament by the Lords and Commons and still holds good as well in point of Law as Reason that it belonged unto the regality of the King to grant or deny what Petitions in Parliament be pleaseth But as the Kings came in upon doubtful Titles 2 Hen. 5. or otherwise were necessitated to comply with the peoples humours as sometimes they were so did the Parliaments make use of the opportunities for the encrease of their Authority at least in the formalities of Law and other advantages of expression So that in the minority of King Henry the sixth unto those usual words by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and at the special instance and request of the Commons which were inserted ordinarily into the body of the Acts from the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the sixth was added this By the Authority of the said Parliament But still it is to be observed 3 Hen. 6. c. 2. 8 H. 6.3 c. that though those words were added to the former clause yet the power of granting or ordaining was acknowledged to belong to the King alone as in the places in the Margin where it is said Our Lord the King considering the premises by the advice and assent and at the request aforesaid hath ordained and granted by the Authority of the said Parliament 3 H. 6.2 and our Lord the King considering c. hath ordained and established by Authority of this Parliament 8 H. 6.3 And thus it generally stood but every general Rule may have some exceptions till the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the seventh about which time that usual clause the special instance or request of the Commons began by little and little to be laid aside and that of their advice or assent to be inserted in the place thereof for which I do refer you to the Book at large Which though it were some alteration of the former stile and that those words By the Authority of this present Parliament may make men think that the Lords and Commons did then pretend some Title unto the power of making Laws yet neither advising or assenting are so operative in the present case as to transfer the power of making Laws to such as do advise about them or assent unto them nor can the alteration of the Forms and stiles used in anitient times import an alteration of the Form of Government unless it can be shewed as I think it cannot that any of our Kings did renounce that Power which properly and solely did belong unto them or did by any solomn Act of Communication confer the same upon the Lords and Commons convened in Parliament And this is that which is resolved and declared in our Common Law where it is said Cited in the unlawfulness of resist p. 107. Le Roy fait les loix avec le consent du Seigneurs et communs et non pas les Seigneurs et communs avec le consent du Roy that is to say that the King makes Laws in Parliament by the assent of the Lords and Commons and not the Lords and Commons by the assent of the King And for a further proof of this and for the clearing of this point that the Lords and Commons pretend to no more power in the making of Laws than opportunity to propound and advise about them and on mature advice to give their several Assents unto them we need but look into the first Act of the Parliament in the third year of K. Charles being a Recognition of some ancient rights belonging to the English Subject An Act conceived according to the Primitive Form Statut. 3 Carol. in
't is well known that the ensuing Parliaments which they instance in moved not of their own accord to the deposing of K Edw. the 2d or K. Richard the 2d but sailed as they were steered by those powerful Councils which Qu. Isabel in the one Walsingham in Hist Angl. Hypodig Neustriae and Henry Duke of Lancaster in the other did propose unto them It was no safe resisting those as their cold wisdoms and forgotten loyalties did suggest unto them qui tot legionibus imperarent who had so many thousand men in Arms to make good their project and they might think as the poor-spirited Citizens of Samaria did in another case but a case very like the present Behold two Kings stood not before him 2 Kings 10.4 how then can we stand For had it been an Argument of the power of Parliaments that they deposed one King to set up another dethroned King Richard to advance the Duke of Lancaster to the Regal Diadem they would have kept the House of Lancaster in possession of it for the full demonstration of a power indeed and not have cast them off at the first attempt of a new plausible pretender declared them to be kings in fact but not in right whose lawful right they had before preferred above all other Titles and set the Crown upon the heads of their deadly Enemies In the next place it is objected that Parliaments are a great restraint of the Sovereign power according to the Doctrine here laid down by Calvin in that the King can make no Laws nor levy any money upon the Subject but by the counsel and assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament But this Objection hurts as little as the former did For Kings to say the truth need no Laws at all In all such points wherein they have not bound themselves by some former Laws made for the common use and benefit of the Subject they are left at liberty and may proceed in governing the people given by God unto them according to their own discretion and the advice of their Council New Laws are chiefly made for the Subjects benefit at their desire on their importunate requests for their special profit not one in twenty nay I dare boldly say not one in an hundred made for the advantage of the King either in the improvement of his power or the encrease of his Revenue Look over all the Acts of Parliaments from the beginning of the reign of King Henry III. to the present time and tell me he that can if he finds it otherwise Kings would have little use of Parliaments and less mind to call them if nothing but the making of new Laws were the matter aimed at And as for raising Moneys and imposing Taxes it either must suppose the Kings to be always unthrifts that they be always indigent and necessitous and behind-hand with the World which are the ordinary effects of ill husbandry or else this Argument is lost and of little use For if our Kings should husband their Estates to the best advantage and make the best benefit of such Escheats and forfeitures and confiscations as day by day do fall unto them If they should follow the Example of K. Henry VII and execute the penal Laws according to the power which those Laws have given them and the trust reposed in them by their People if they should please to examine their Revenue and proportion their expence to their comings in there would be little need of Subsidies and supplies of money more than the ordinary aids and impositions upon Merchandize which the Law alloweth of and the known rights of Sovereignty backed by prescription and long custom have asserted to them So that it is by Accident not by and Nature that the Parliament hath any power or opportunity to restrain their King in this particular for where there is no need of asking there is no occasion of denying by consequence no restraint upon no baffle or affronting offered to the Regal power And yet the Sovereign need not fear if he be tolerably careful of his own Estate that any reasonable demand of his in these money-matters will meet with opposition or denial in his Houses of Parliament For whilest there are so many Acts of Grace and Favour to be done in Parliament as what almost in every Parliament but an enlargement of the Kings favours to his people and that none can be done in Parliament but with the Kings siat and consent there is no question to be made but that the two Houses of Parliament will far sooner chuse to supply the King as all wise Parliaments have done than rob the Subject of the benefit of his Grace and Favours which is the best fruit they reap from Parliaments Finally whereas it is Objected but I think it in sport that the old Lord Burleigh used to say that he knew not what a Parliament in England could not do and that K. James once said in a Parliament that then there were 500 Kings which words were taken for a Concession that all were Kings as well as he in a time of Parliament they who have given us these Objections do either misunderstand their Authors or abuse themselves For what the Lord Burleigh said of Parliaments though it be more than the wisest man alive can justifie he spake of Parliaments according as the word is used in its proper sense not for the two Houses or for either of them exclusive of the Kings presence and consent but for the supream Court for the highest Judicatory consisting of the Kings most excellent Majesty the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Representees of the Commons and then it will not serve for the turn intended And what King James said once in jest though I have often heard it used in earnest upon this occasion was spoken only in derision of some daring Spirits who laying by the modesty of their Predecessors would needs be looking into the Prerogative or finding Errors and mistakes in the present Government or medling with those Arcana imperii which former Parliaments beheld at distance with the eye of Reverence But certainly King James intended nothing less than to acknowledg a co-ordinative Sovereignty in the two Houses of Parliament or to make them his Co-partners in the Regal power His carriage and behaviour towards them in the whole course of his Government clearly shews the contrary there never being Prince more jealous in the points of Sovereignty nor more uncapable of a Rival in those points than he But yet the main Objection which we may call the Objection paramount doth remain unanswered For if the three Estates convened in Parliament or any other popular Magistrate whom Calvin dreams of be ordained by the Word of God as Guardians of the peoples Liberties and therefore authorized to moderate and restrain the power of Kings as often as they shall invade or infringe those liberties as Calvin plainly says they were or that they know
themselves to be ordained by Gods Word to that end and purpose cujus se lege Dei Tutores positos esse norunt as he says they do then neither any discontinuance or non-usage on their parts nor any prescription to the contrary alledged by Kings and supream Princes can hinder them from resuming and exercising that Authority which God hath given them whensoever they shall find a fit time for it But first I would fain learn of Calvin in what part of the Word of God we shall find any such Authority given to those popular Magistrates by what Name soever they are called in their several Countreys as he tells us of Not in the Old Testament I am sure though in the institution of the seventy Elders there be some hopes of it For when Moses first ordained those Elders it was not to diminish any part of that Power which was vested in him but to ease himself of some part of the burthen which did lie upon him And this appears plainly by the 18th Chapter of the Book of Exodus For when it was observed by Jethro his Father in Law that he attended the businesses of the people from morning till night he told him plainly ultra vires suas negotium esse that the burthen was too heavy for him vers 18. and therefore that he should chuse some Vnder Officers and place them over Thousands over Hundreds and over Fifties and over Tens Vers 21. Leviusque sit tibi partito in alios onere that so it might be the easier for him those Officers bearing some part of the burthen with him Yet so that these inferiour Officers should only judge in matters of inferiour Nature the greater matter being still reserved to his own Tribunal Which Counsel as it was very well approved by Moses so was it given by Jethro and approved by Moses with reference to the will and pleasure of Allmighty God Vers 23. And what the Lord God did in it we shall find in the Book of Numbers Chap. 11. For when Moses made complaint to God that the Burthen of all the people was laid on him Vers 11. where note it is the burden still which he makes complaint of and that he was not able to hear all the people alone because it was too heavy for him Vers 13. God willed him to make choice of seventy of those Officers which before he had placed over the people and to present them to him in the Tabernacle of the Congregation where he would give unto them the Spirit of Government ut sustenent tecum onus populi to the end that they might bear the burthen of the people with him Vers 17. Nothing in all this but the easing of the Supream Magistrate of some part of the Burthen which was before too heavy for him without any diminution of his power in the least respect Nor doth it make for Calvins purpose that God said to Moses that he would take of the Spirit which was upon him and put it on the seventy Elders Vers 17. the Spirit resting upon Moses in as full a measure as at first it did not lessened by the communication of it to those Vnder-Officers And so the point is stated by two learned Writers though otherwise of different persuasions in the things of God Estius in difficiliora sacrae setipturae loca Num 11. v. 17. Deodat Annot. in Num. 11. By Estius for the Pontificians it is so determined Non significatur per hoc quod minus haberet Moses de spiritu quam antea sed significatur quod ex eodem spiritu gratiae quo repletus Moses populum illum regebat etiam alii adjutorium essent habituri ad eundem populum regendum The very same with that of Deodatus for the Protestant or Reformed Writers Not that the gift of the Spirit saith he should be in any manner truly or really diminished in Moses but because that infallible conduct of the Spirit of God which until then had been peculiar to Moses should be made common to all the seventy in the publick Government And much less did it derogate from the spirit and power of Moses that the Seventy were indued by God with the gift of Prophesie Vers 25. that being but a personal Grace and perhaps but temporary to those persons neither to gain them at the first the greater estimation amongst the people whom they were to govern never pretended to by any of their Successors in that Magistracy for the times ensuing And therefore when Moses was told of it he made light of the matter and was so far from envying at it that he seemed to wish that all Gods people might be able to prophesie to one another Vers 29. conceiving rightly nihil abesse dignitati suae personae Estius in Num. 11. v. 29. as my Author hath it that it did nothing derogate from his power and dignity though Joshua out of an honest zeal to his Masters greatness might fear it tended or might tend unto the diminution of his Masters dignity and credit as is observed by Deodate What power these seventy Elders had in succeeding times when they were drawn into a body and made up that great Court which was called the Sanhedrim and how far they were then from curbing and restraining the power of those several Kings under which they lived hath been shewn already Now if the Old Testament do give so little countenance to that great Authority which Calvin hath assigned so peremptorily to his three Estates or any other popular Magistrates in their several Countreys I am sure the New Testament doth afford them less in which obedience to the Supream Magistrate is punctually and frequently required of all sorts of persons Let every soul be subject to the higher powers saith the Apostle of the Gentiles Rom. 13.1 If every soul then neither any Papal Presbyterian or popular pretender can challenge any exemption from that obedience and subjection to the higher powers which is required of them in this Text and much less exercise any jurisdiction or Authority over them whereby they may be brought in subjection to him Hyeroym in Rom. 13. St. Jerom tells us that this Rule is given by the Apostle for fear lest some presuming on that Christian Liberty unto which they were called might possibly refuse to yield obedience and pay their just Tributes to those higher powers to which the Lord had made them subject And therefore he desires to humble them and bring them unto a better understanding of their Christian Duty ne forte propter superbiam magis quam propter Deum contumeliam patiantur Lest the reproach or punishment which they suffered for it should be imputed rather to their pride and arrogancy than their zeal to God Now what St. Jerom tells us in the general only is by St. Chrysostom prest particularly with reference almost to all degrees and Estates of men Consost in Kom Hem. 23. Here the Apostle sheweth saith he that these
Princes and Ecclesiastical Governors yet the Apostle calleth not Princes an humane Creation as though they were not also of Gods Creation for there is no power but of God but that the form of their Creation is in mans appointment All the Genevians generally do so expound it and it concerns them so to do in point of interesse The Bishop of that City was their Sovereign Prince and had jus utriusque gladii as Calvin signified in a Letter to Cardinal Sadolet till he and all his Clergy were expelled the City in a popular Tumult Anno 1528. and a new form of Government established both in Church and State So that having laid the foundation of their Common-wealth in the expulsion of their Prince and the new model of their Discipline in refusing to have any more Bishop they found it best for justifying their proceedings at home and increasing their Partizans abroad to maintain a parity of Ministers in the Church of Christ and to invest the people and their popular Officers with a chief power in the concernments and affairs of State even to the deposing of Kings and disposing of Kingdoms But for this last they find no warrant in the Text which we have before us For first admitting the Translation to be true and genuine as indeed it is not the Roman Emperor and consequently other Kings and Princes may be said to be an humane Ordinance because their power is most visibly conversant circa humanas Actiones about ordering of humane Actions and other civil affairs of men as they were subjects of the Empire and Members of that Body politick whereof that Emperor was head Secondly to make Soveraign Princes by what name and Title soever called to be no other than an humane Ordinance because they are ordained by the people and of their appointment must needs create an irreconcileable difference between St. Peter and St. Paul by which last the Supream Powers whatsoever they be are called the Ordinance of God The Powers saith that Apostle are ordained of God and therefore he that resisteth the Powers resisteth the Ordinance of God Upon which words Deodate gives this gloss or comment That the Supream Powers are called the Ordinance of God because God is the Author of this Order in the world and all those who attain to these Dignities do so either by his manifest will and approbation when the means are lawful or by his secret Providence by meer permission or toleration when they are unlawful Now it is fitting that man should approve and tolerate that which God approves and tolerates But thirdly I conceive that those words in the Greek Text of St. Peter viz. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are not so properly translated as they might have been and as the same words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are rendred by the same Translators somewhat more near to the Original in another place For in the 8th Chapter to the Romans vers 22. we find them rendring ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by the whole Creation and why not rather every Creature as both our old Translation and the Rhemists read it conform to omnis Creatura in the vulgar Latine which had they done and kept themselves more near to the Greek Original in St. Peters Text they either would have rendred it by every humane Creature as the Rhemists do or rather by all Men or by all Man-kind as the words import And then the meaning will be this that the Jews living scattered and disperst in Pontus Galatia Cappadocia and other Provinces of the Empire were to have their conversation so meek and lowly for fear of giving scandal to the Gentiles amongst whom they lived as to submit themselves to all Man-kind or rather to every Man unto every humane Creature as the Rhemists read it that was in Authority above whether it were unto the Emperor himself as their supream Lord or to such Legats Prefects and Procurators as were appointed by him for the govenment of those several Provinces to the end that they may punish the evil-doers and incourage such as did well living conformably to the Laws by which they were governed Small comfort in this Text as in any of the rest before for those popular Officers which Calvin makes the Overseers of the Sovereign Prince and Guardians of the Liberties of the common people If then there be no Text of Scripture no warrant from the Word of God by which the popular Officers which Calvin dreams of are made the Keepers of the Liberties of the common people or vested with the power of opposing Kings and Sovereign Princes as often as they wantonly insult upon the people or willingly infringe their Priviledges I would fain learn how they should come to know that they are vested with such power or trusted with the defence of the Subjects Liberties cujus se Dei oratione Tutores positos esse norunt as Calvin plainly says they do If they pretend to know it by inspiration such inspiration cannot be known to any but themselves alone neither the Prince or People whom it most concerneth can take notice of it Nor can they well assure themselves whether such inspirations come from God of the Devil the Devil many times insnaring proud ambitious and vain-glorious Men by such strange delusions If they pretend to know it by the dictate of their private Spirit the great Diana of Calvin and his followers in expounding Scripture we are but in the same uncertainties as we were before And who can tell whether the private Spirit they pretend unto and do so much brag of 1 Ring 22.22 may not be such a lying Spirit as was put into the mouths of the Prophets when Ahab was to be seduced to his own destruction Adeo Argumenta ex absurdo petita ineptos habent exitus as Lactantius notes it All I have now to add is to shew the difference between Calvin and his followers in the propounding of this Doctrine delivered by Calvin in few words but Magisterially enough and with no other Authority than his ipse dixit enlarged by David Paraeus in his Comment on Rom. 13. into divers branches and many endeavours used by him as by the rest of Calvins followers to find out Arguments and instances out of several Authors to make good the cause For which though Calvin scap'd the fire yet Paraeus could not Ille Crucem pretium sceleris tulit hic Diadema For so it hapned that one Mr. Knight of Brodegates now Pembroke Colledge in Oxford had preach'd up the Authority of these popular Officers in a Sermon before the University about the beginning of the year 1622. for which being presently transmitted to the King and Council he there ingenuously confessed that he had borrowed both his doctrine and his proofs and instances from the Book of Paraeus above mentioned Notice whereof being given to the University the whole Doctrine of Paraeus as to that particular was drawn into several Propositions which in a full and frequent Convocation
held on the 25th of June 1622. were severally condemned to be erroneous scandalous and destructive of Monarchical Government Upon which Sentence or determination the King gave order that as many of those books as could be gotten should solemnly and publickly be burnt in each of the Universities and St. Pauls Church-yard which was done accordingly An accident much complained of by the Puriten party for a long time after who looked upon it as the funeral pile of their Hopes and Projects till by degrees they got fresh courage carrying on their designs more secretly by consequence more dangerously than before they did The terrible effects whereof we have seen and felt in our late Civil Wars and present confusions But it is time to close this point and come to a conclusion of the whole discourse there be no other Objections that I know of but what are easily reduced unto those before or not worth the answering 15. Thus have we taken a brief survey of those insinuations grounds or principles call them what you will which Calvin hath laid down in his book of Institutions for the incouragement of the Subjects to rebellious courses and putting them in Arms against their Sovereign either in case of Tyranny Licentiousness or Mal-administration of what sort soever by which the Subject may pretend that they are oppressed either in point of Liberty or in point of Property And we have shewn upon what false and weak foundations he hath raised his building how much he hath mistaken or abused his Authors but how much more he hath betrayed and abused his Readers For we have clearly proved and directly manifested out of the best Records and Monuments of the former times that the Ephori were not instituted in the State of Sparta to oppose the Kings nor the Tribunes in the State of Rome to oppose the Consuls nor the Demarchi in the Common-wealth of Athens to oppose the Senate or if they were that this could no way serve to advance his purpose of setting up such popular Officers in the Kingdoms of Christendom those Officers being only found in Aristocraties or Democraties but never heard or dreamt of in a Monarchical Government And we have shewn both who they are which constitute the three Estates in all Christian Kingdoms and that there is no Christian Kingdom in which the three Estates convened in Parliament or by what other name soever they do call them have any authority either to regulate the person of the Sovereign Prince or restrain his power in case he be a Sovereign Prince and not meerly titular and conditional and that it is not to be found in Holy Scripture that they are or were ordained by God to be the Patrons and Protectors of the common people and therefore chargeable with no less a crime than a most perfidious dissimulation should they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly abuse that power which the Lord hath given them to the oppression of their Subjects In which last points touching the designation of the three Estates and the authority pretended to be vested in them I have carried a more particular eye on this Kingdom of England where those pernicious Principles and insinuations which our Author gives us have been too readily imbraced and too eagerly pursued by those of his party and opinion If herein I have done any service to supream Authority my Countrey and some misguided Zealots of it I shall have reason to rejoyce in my undertaking If not posterity shall not say that Calvins memory was so sacred with me and his name so venerable as rather to suffer such a Stumbling-block to be laid in the Subjects way without being censured and removed than either his authority should be brought in question or any of his Dictates to a legal tryal Having been purchased by the Lord at so dear a price we are to be no longer the Servants of men or to have the truth of God with respect of persons I have God to be my Father and the Church my Mother and therefore have not only pleaded the cause of Kings and Supream Magistrates who are the Deputies of God but added somewhat in behalf of the Church of England whose rights and priviledges I have pleaded to my best abilities The issue and success I refer to him by whom Kings do Reign and who appointed Kings and other Supream Magistrates to be nursing Fathers to his Church that as they do receive authority and power from the hands of God so they may use the same in the protection and defence of the Church of God and God even their own God will give them his Blessing and save them from the striving of unruly people whose mouth speaketh proud words and their right hand is a right hand of iniquity FINIS De Jure Paritatis Episcoporum OR A BRIEF DISCOURSE ASSERTING THE Bishops Right of Peerage WHICH EITHER By Law or Ancient Custom DOTH Belong unto them WRITTEN By the Learned and Reverend PETER HEYLYN D. D. In the Year 1640. When it was Voted in the Lords House That no Bishop should be of the Committee for the preparatory Examination of the EARL of STRAFFORD He being dead yet speaketh Heb. xi 4. LONDON Printed by M. Clark for C. Harper 1681. A PREFACE ALthough there are Books enough writ to vindicate the Honours and Priviledges of Bishops yet to those that are fore-stalled with prejudice and passion all that can be said or done will be little enough to make them wise unto sobriety to prevail with them not to contradict the conviction of their mind with absurd and fond reasonings but that Truth may conquer their prepossessions and may find so easie an access and welcome unto their practical judgments that they may profess their faith and subjection to that order which by a misguided zeal they once endeavoured to destroy Many are the methods that have been and are still used to rase up the foundation of Episcopacy and to make the Name of Bishop to be had no more in remembrance For first some strike at the Order and Function it self And yet St. Paul reckons it among his faithful sayings 1 Tim. 3.1 that the Office of a Bishop is a good work And the order continued perpetually in the Church without any interruption of time or decrees of Councils to the contrary for the space of many Centuries after the Ascension of Christ and the Martyrdom of the Apostles For they ordained Bishops and approved them Before St. John died Rome had a succession of no less than four viz. Linus Anacletus Clemens and Evaristus Jerusalem had James the just and Simeon the Son of Cleophas Antioch had Euodius and Ignatius and St. Mark Anianus Abilius and Cerdo successively fill'd the See of Alexandria All these lived in St. Johns days and their order obeyed by Christians and blessed by God throughout the whole world for the Conversion of Jews and Gentiles for the perfecting of the Saints and the edifying of
the custom of the Alexandrian and Western Churches Page 292 5. Origen ordained Presbyter by the Bishops of Hierusalem and Caesarea and excommunicated by the Bishop of Alexandria Page 293 6. What doth occur touching the superiority and power of Bishops in the Works of Origen ibid. 7. The custom of the Church of Alexandria altered in the election of their Bishops Page 294 8. Of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria and his great care and travels for the Churches peac Page 295 9. The Government of the Church in the former times by Letters of intercourse and correspondence amongst the Bishops of the same ibid. 10. The same continued also in the present Century Page 296 11. The speedy course taken by the Prelats of the Church for the suppressing of the Heresies of Samosatenus Page 297 12. The Civil Jurisdiction Train and Throne of Bishops things not unusual in this Age Page 298 13. The Bishops of Italy and Rome made Judges in a point of title and possession by the Roman Emperour Page 299 14. The Bishops of Italy and Rome why reckoned as distinct in that Delegation Page 300 CHAP. VI. Of the estate wherein Episcopacy stood in the Western Churches during the whole third Century 1. Of Zepherinus Pope of Rome and the Decrees ascribed unto him concerning Bishops Page 301 2. Of the condition of that Church when Cornelius was chosen Bishop thereof Page 302 3. The Schism raised in Rome by Novatianus with the proceedings of the Church therein Page 303 4. Considerable observations on the former story Page 304 5. Parishes set forth in Country Villages by P. Dionysius ibid. 6. What the words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã do signifie most properly in ancient Writers Page 305 7. The great Authority which did accrue unto the Presbyters by the setting forth of Parishes Page 306 8. The rite of Confirmation reserved by Bishops to themselves as their own Prerogative Page 307 9. Touching the ancient Chorepiscopi and the Authority to them entrusted Page 308 10. The rising of the Manichean Heresie with the great care taken by the Bishops for the crushing of it Page 309 11. The lapse of Marcellinus Pope of Rome with the proceedings the Church in his condemnation Page 310 12. The Council of Eliberis in Spain what it decreed in honour of Episcopacy Page 311 13. Constantine comes unto the Empire with a brief prospect of the great honours done to Bishops in the following Age Page 312 14. A brief Chronology of the estate of holy Church in these two last Centuries Page 314 The History of the Sabbath BOOK I. From the Creation of the World to the destruction of the Temple CHAP. I. That the Sabbath was not instituted in the Beginning of the World 1. THE entrance to the Work in hand Page 325 2. That those words Gen. 2. And God blessed the seventh day c. are there delivered as by way of anticipation Page 326 3. Anticipations in the Scripture confessed by them who deny it here Page 327 4. Anticipations of the same nature not strange in Scripture Page 328 5. No Law imposed by God on Adam touching the keeping of the Sabbath Page 329 6. The Sabbath not ingraft by Nature in the soul of man ibid. 7. The greatest Advocates for the Sabbath deny it to be any part of the Law of Nature Page 330 8. Of the morality and perfection supposed to be in the number of seven by some learned men Page 331 9. That other numbers in the confession of the same learned men particularly the first third and fourth are both as moral and as perfect as the seventh ibid. 10. The like is proved of the sixth eighth and tenth and of other numbers Page 332 11. The Scripture not more favourable to the number of seven than it is to others Page 333 12. Great caution to be used by those who love to recreate themselves in the mysteries of numbers Page 334 CHAP. II. That there was no Sabbath kept from the Creation to the Flood 1. Gods rest upon the Seventh day and from what he rested Page 335 2. Zanchius conceit touching the Sanctifying of the first Seventh day by Christ our Saviour Page 336 3. The like of Torniellus touching the Sanctifying of the same by the Angels in Heaven ibid. 4. A general demonstration that the Fathers before the Law did not keep the Sabbath Page 337 5. Of Adam that he kept not the Sabbath ibid. 6. That Abel and Seth did not keep the Sabbath Page 333 7. Of Enos that he kept not the Sabbath Page 339 8. That Enoch and Methusalem did not keep the Sabbath ibid. 9. Of Noah that he kept not the Sabbath Page 340 10. The Sacrifices and devotions of the Ancients were occasional ibid. CHAP. III. That the Sabbath was not kept from the Flood to Moses 1. The Sons of Noah did not keep the Sabbath Page 341 2. The Sabbath could not have been kept in the dispersion of Noahs Sons had it not been commanded Page 342 3. Diversity of Longitudes and Latitudes must of necessity make a variation in the Sabbath Page 343 4. Melchisedech Heber Lot did not keep the Sabbath Page 344 5. Of Abraham and his Sons that they kept not the Sabbath ibid. 6. That Abraham did not keep the Sabbath in the confession of the Jews Page 345 7. Jacob nor Job no Sabbath-keepers ibid. 8. That neither Joseph Moses nor the Israelites in Egypt did observe the Sabbath Page 346 9. The Israelites not permitted to offer Sacrifice while they were in Egypt ibid. 10. Particular proofs that all the Moral Law was both known and kept amongst the Fathers Page 347 CHAP. IV. The nature of the fourth Commandment and that the Sabbath was not kept among the Gentiles 1. The Sabbath first made known in the fall of Mannah Page 348 2. The giving of the Decalogue and how far it bindeth Page 349 3. That in the judgment of the Fathers in the Christian Church the fourth Commandment is of a different nature from the other nine Page 350 4. The Sabbath was first given for a Law by Moses Page 351 5. And being given was proper only to the Jews Page 352 6. What moved the Lord to give the Israelites a Sabbath ibid. 7. Why the seventh day was rather chosen for the Sabbath than any other Page 353 8. The seventh day not more honoured by the Gentiles than the eighth or ninth Page 354 9. The Attributes given by some Greek Poets to the seventh day no argument that they kept the the Sabbath Page 355 10. The Jews derided for their Sabbath by the Grecians Romans and Egyptians Page 356 11. The division of the year into weeks not generally used of old amongst the Gentiles Page 357 CHAP. V. The practice of the Jews in such observances as were annexed unto the Sabbath 1. Of some particular adjuncts affixed unto the Jewish Sabbath Page 358 2. The Annual Festivals called Sabbaths in the Book of God and reckoned as a
doctrins An Answer to the Objection touching the paucity of those who opposed the same ibid. 10. Possession of a truth maintained but by one or two preserves it sacred and inviolable for more fortunate times the case of Liberius Pope of Rome and that the testimonies of this kind are rather to be valued by weight than tale Page 627 CHAP. XXII Of the Conference at Hampton Court and the several encouragements given to the Anti-Calvinians in the time of King James 1. The occasion of the conference at Hampton Court and the chief persons there assembled Page 628 2. The nine Articles of Lambeth rejected by King James Page 629 3. Those of the Church being left in their former condition ibid. 4. The Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination decryed by Bishop Bancroft and disliked by King James and the reasons of it Page 630 5. Bishop Bancroft and his Chaplain both abused The inserting the Lambeth Articles into the confession of Ireland no argument of King James his approbation of them by whom they were inserted and for what cause allowed of in the said Confession ibid. 6. A pious fraud of the Calvinians in clapping their Predestinarian Doctrines at the end of the Old Testament Anno 1607. discovered censured and rejected with the reasons of it Page 631 7. The great incouragement given by King James to the Anti-Calvinians and the increasing of that party both in power and number by the stirs in Holland ibid. 8. The offence taken by King James at Conradus Vorstius animateth the Oxon Calvanists to suspend Dr. Houson and to preach publickly against Dr. Laud Page 632 9. The like proceedings at Cambridge against Mr. Simpson first prosecuted by King James and on what account that King was more incensed heainst the party of Arminius than against their perswasions ibid. 10. The Instructions published by King James in order to the diminishing of Calvins Authority the defence of universal Redemption and the suppressing of his Doctrines in the other points and why the last proved so unuseful in the case of Gabriel Bridges Page 633 11. The publishing of Mountagues Answer to the Gagger the information made against it the Author and his Doctrine taken by King James into his protection and his Appeal Licensed by the Kings appointment Page 634 12. The conclusion of the whole discourse and the submission of it to the Church of England ibid. A Postscript to the Reader concerning some particulars in a Scurrilous Pamphlet Entituled A Review of the Certamen Epistolare c. Page 635 The Stumbling-Block of Disobedience and Rebellion c. CHAP. I. The Doctrine of Obedience laid down by Calvin and of the Popular Officers supposed by him whereby he overthroweth that Doctrine 1. THe purpose and design of the work in hand Page 645 2. The Doctrine of Obedience unto Kings and Princes soundly and piously laid down by Calvin Page 646 3. And that not only to the good and gracious but even to cruel Princes and ungodly Tyrants Page 647 4. With Answer unto such Objections as are made against it Page 649 5. The Principles of Disobedience in the supposal of some particular Officers ordained of purpose to regulate the power of Kings Page 650 6. How much the practice of Calvin's followers doth differ from their Masters Doctrine as to the point of Obedience Page 651 7. Several Articles and points of Doctrine wherein the Disciples of Calvin are departed from him Page 653 8. More of the differences in point of Doctrine betwixt the Master and the Scholars ibid. 9. The dangerous consequences which arise from his faulty Principles in the point or Article of Disobedience Page 654 10. The method and distribution of the following work Page 655 CHAP. II. Of the Authority of Ephori in the State of Sparta and that they were not instituted for the ends supposed by Calvin 1. The King of Sparta absolute Monarch at the first Page 656 2. Of the declining of the Regal power and the condition of that State when Lycurgus undertook to change the Government Page 657 3. What power Lycurgus gave the Senate and what was left unto the Kings ibid. 4. The Ephori appointed by the Kings of Sparta to ease themselves and curb the Senate Page 658 5. The blundering and mistakes of Joseph Scaliger about the first Institution of the Ephori Page 659 6. The Ephori from mean beginnings grew to great Authority and by what advantages Page 660 7. The power and influence which they had in the publick Government Page 661 8. By what degrees the Ephori incroached on the Spartan Kings Page 662 9. The insolencies of the Ephori towards their Kings altered the State into a Tyranny Page 663 10. The Spartan Kings stomach the insolency of the Ephori and at last utterly destroy them Page 664 11. An application of the former passages to the point in hand Page 665 CHAP. III. Of the Incroachments of the Tribunes on the State of Rome and that they were not instituted for the ends supposed by Calvin 1. The Tribunes of the People why first Instituted in the State of Rome Page 666 2. And with what difficulty and conditions Page 667 3. The Tribunes fortifie themselves with large immunities before they went about to change the Government Page 668 4. The Tribunes no sooner in their Office but they set themselves against the Nobility and the Senate contrary to the Articles of their Institution Page 669 5. The many and dangerous Seditions occasioned by the Tribunes in the City of Rome Page 670 6. The Tribunes and the People do agree together to change the Government of the State Page 671 7. By what degrees the People came to be possessed of all the Offices in the State both of power and dignity Page 672 8. The Plots and Practices of the Gracchi to put the power of the Judicature and Supream Majesty of the Senate into the hands of the People ibid. 9. The Tribunes take upon them to commit the Consuls and bring all the Officers of the State under their command Page 673 10. The Office and Authority of the Tribunes reduced unto its antient bounds by Corn. Sylla and at last utterly destroyed Page 674 11. An Application of the former passage to the point in hand Page 675 CHAP. IV. Of what Authority the Demarchi were in the State of Athens and of the danger and unfitness of the instances produced by Calvin 1. Athens first governed by Kings and afterwards by one Sovereign Prince under other titles Page 676 2. The Annual Magistrates of Athens what they were and of what Authority Page 677 3. By whom and what degrees the State of Athens was reduced to a Democratie Page 678 4. Of the Authority of the Senate and the famous Court of the Areopagites Page 679 5. What the Demarchi were in the State of Athens and of what Authority Page 680 6. The Demarchi never were of power to oppose the Senate nor were ordained to that end ibid. 7. Calvins ill
Catechist in the Church Hieron de Script Eccl. in Origine and afterward a publick Reader in the Schools of Alexandria a man in whom there was nothing ordinary either good or ill for when he did well none could do it better and when he erred or did amiss none could do it worse The course and method of his studies the many Martyrs which he trained up in the School of Piety the several Countreys which he travelled either for informing of himself or others belong not unto this Discourse Suffice it that his eminence in all parts of Learning and his great pains in his profession Euseb bist Eccl. l. 6. c. 7. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Id. ib. c. 13. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã made him most grateful for a time unto Demetrius the Patriarch of Alexandria though after upon envy at the mans renown he did endeavour to diminish his reputation For on occasion of the Wars in Egypt seeing he could not stay in safety there he went unto Caesarea the Metropolitan See of Palestine where though not yet in holy Orders he was requested by the Bishop not only to dispute in publick as his custom was ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but also to expound the Scriptures and that too ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the open Church Which when it came unto the knowledg of Demetrius he forthwith signified by Letters his dislike thereof affirming it to be an unaccustomed and unheard of thing ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that any Lay-man should presume to Preach or Expound Scripture in the Bishops presence But hereunto it was replyed by Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea and Alexander Bishop of Hierusalem who was also there that he had quite mistook the matter it being lawful for such men as were fit and eminent to speak a word of exhortation to the People or to preach unto them ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã if they were thereunto required by the Bishop instancing in Euelpis Paulinus and Theodorus godly brethren all who on the like authority had so done before and they for their parts being of opinion that others besides them had done so too In agitation of which business there are these two things presented to us first the regard and reverence which was had in those Pious times unto the person of a Bishop and then the power and authority that was vested in them For first it seems that men of whatsoever parts though of great spirit and abilities did notwithstanding think it an unfitting thing to meddle with expounding Scripture or edifying of the People in case the Bishop was in place And yet as strange and uncouth as it was or was thought to be the Licence of the Bishop made it lawful But then withal we must conceive of Preaching in this place and story not as a Ministerial Office but only as an Academical or Scholastical exercise according as it is still used in our Universities where many not in holy Orders preach their turns and courses And yet indeed Demetrius was not so much out as they thought he was but had good ground to go upon though possibly there was some intermixture of envy in it For whatsoever had been done in the Eastern Churches the use was otherwise in Alexandria and in the Churches of the West in which it was so far unusual for Lay-men to expound or preach in the Bishops presence that it was not lawful for the Presbyters For in the neighbour Church of Carthage it was thus of old in these times at least For when Valerius Bishop of Hippo a Diocese within that Province being by birth a Grecian and not so well instructed in the pronunciation of the Latin Tongue perceived his Preaching not to be so profitable to the common People for remedy thereof having then lately ordained Augustin Presbyter eidem potestatem dedit coram se in Ecclesia Evangelium praedicandi Possidon in vit Aug. c. 5. he gave him leave to preach the Gospel in the Church though himself were present And this saith Possidonius who relates the story was contra usum consuetudinem Ecclesiarum Africanarum against the use and custom of the African Churches and many Bishops thereabouts did object as much But the old man bearing himself upon the custom of the Eastern Church where it was permitted would not change his course By means whereof it came to pass that by this example some Presbyters in other places acceptâ ab Episcopis potestate being thereto licenced by the Bishop did preach before them in the Church without controul For Austin being afterwards Bishop of Hippo in the place of Valerius applauds Aurelius the Metropolitan of Carthage Aug. Ep. 77. for giving way unto the same commending him for the great care he took in his Ordinations but specially de sermone Presbyterorum qui te praesente populo infunditur for the good Sermons preached by the Presbyters unto the People in his presence But this permission or allowance was only in some places in some Churches only perhaps in none but those of Africk For Hierom writing to Nepotian being himself a Presbyter in the Church of Rome complains thereof ut turpissimae consuetudinis Hieron ad Nepotianum as of a very evil custom that in some Churches the Presbyters were not to preach if the Bishop were by And though he was a man of great authority with Damasus and others his Successours Popes of Rome yet got he little by complaining the custom still continuing as before it was And this is clear by the Epistle of Pope Leo in which as it is declared unlawful to perform divers other Sacred Offices in the Bishops presence Leon. Ep. 88. without his special Precept and Command so also is there a non licet in this point of Preaching which was not to be done nec populum docere ncc plebem exhortari if the Bishop were then present in the Congregation So that this being then an ancient and received custom must needs be now in force when Demetrius lived and as it seems by his expostulation in the case of Origen had been no less observed in Alexandria than in Rome or Africk There was indeed a time and that shortly after in which the Presbyters of Alexandria might not preach at all ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as it is in Socrates Socrat. hist Eccl. l. 5. c. 21. Which general restraint as it was occasioned by reason of the factions raised by Arius or other troubles of that Church in the beginning of the Age next following so it continued till the times of Socrates and Sozomen Sozom. hist Eccl. l. 7. c. 19. who lived about the middle of the sixth Century and take notice of it So that as it appeared before in the case of Austin that the Bishops have a power to Licence so it appears by that of Arius that they also have a power to silence But to return again to Origen the Bishops of Caesarea and Hierusalem finding how profitable a Servant