fierce and so cruel would undoubtedly reduce them in the sequel to the most dismal Extremities of Slavery Therefore those who had the management of that Affair resolv'd to improve the Determination of the Assembly of Rochel and to summon the Deputies of the Councils of the three Neighbouring Provinces to Implore their Advice and Assistance to secure themselves In order whereunto after having celebrated a Fast in all the Churches of Bearn to beg of Almighty God a happy success in that Enterprise they Conven'd an Assembly of the three Provinces at Castel-jaloux But the thing being done publickly by Persons who had no private ends and who did not look upon that proceeding to be Unlawful the King had timely notice of it and sent orders to the Consuls of the place before the Deputies arriv'd there He also writ to the Parliament of Bourdeaux and to the Chamber of Nerac to impeach all such as should be concern'd in the said Assembly and to use them as Infractors of the Edicts and Perturbators of the Publick Peace which the Parliament did not fail to effect with their usual Passion Whereupon the Governor and the Consuls of Castel-jaloux refus'd to admit the Deputies within their Gates being unwilling to displease the Court. Tonneins whither the Deputies repair'd from thence treated them in the same manner This made them fearful that they would meet the same treatment throughout Guyenne and that while they lost their time in seeking a safe and convenient place the Court would oblige the Bearnois to do that by force which the â—â—â—oviâ—â—e was not in a condition to hinder They also conâ—â—â—ded that it would not be proper to hold their Assembly in a pâ—â—â—â— â—oo far distant from that which might stand in need of their â—ssistance Therefore they repaired to Orthez in Bearn where they were certain of a kind Reception The Court could not preâ—ent the effect of that Resolution by reason that it was held â—ecret until the very moment in which it was put in Executiâ—n As soon as the Assembly was form'd they writ to the â—ing who would neither receive their Letters as coming from an Unlawful Assembly nor yet give a hearing to the Deputies General On the contrary he put out a very severe Declaration on the 21st of May against the Authors and Members of the said Assembly In the mean time the Court expected to hear the Effect of the Journey of Renard Master â—f Requests chosen by the Clergy who had been sent into Bearn to put the King's Orders in Execution and to get the Decree of Restauration Registred in the Sovereign Council â—he Edict of Reimplacement and the Decrees of Verification â—t Thoulouse and at Bourdeaux and that of the Council given â—n consequence thereof which order'd the Council of the Province to do the like The said Commissioner was very ill â—eceiv'd at Pau where the Common People and all the Schoâ—â—â—rs stir'd a great Sedition against him The Wisest had not Authority enough to hinder it The Assembly of Orthez and the Council of the Academy endeavour'd it in vain So that Renard was oblig'd to retire But he did it like a Man who was willing to aggravate Matters For which reason he refus'd some Honours that were offer'd him as to a Commissioner from the King He refus'd to Communicate his Commission he only distributed some Letters among those the Court was sore of by which they were commanded to assist him He would not accept the Sureties that were offer'd him to come to Pau to acquaint the Sovereign Council with his Instructions Moreover he went away very abruptly after having sent a Verbal and very Violent Report to Court charging La Force and the Soveraign Council with all the Disorder He joyn'd the Decree that Council had lately made to it by which upon the pursuit of the Clergy and upon the opposition of the Estates and of the Churches they declar'd That they could not make the Inrollment and that the King should be humbly Entreated to leave things in the Condition in which they were and that every body should return home and live in Peace The Bishops had excepted against Lescun pretending that he was a Party against them as if it had been a private Process But their Recusation was not allow'd of by reason that Lescun had done nothing without Authority The said Decree was made about the end of June During these Transactions the People ever curious of Presages and of Prodigies did not fail to make great Reflexions upon some Earthquakes which were observ'd in some parts of Bearn the very next day after the Departure of the King's Commissioner And whereas those Signs are generally equivocal and only signifie what People desire or dread every body drew Consequences from it conformable to their Temper Nevertheless as People are most inclin'd to dread when they reflect on Accidents of which the Causes are unknown to them most look'd upon them as an advice from Heaven which denoted to them that the Affairs of the State were threatned with a great alteration and that both the Churches and the Country were going to suffer ruinous shakings For that reason the usual Devotions on such occasions were renewed in Bearn and a publick Fast was celebrated there on the 9th of July The Court being inform'd with the ill Success of Renard Commission nevertheless made an advantagious use of his Journey And by an Italian Policy they pretended that the Cause of the Bearnois having been defended at large in the Council of Pau was a sufficient reason to refuse an Audience to the Churches which desir'd that it might be pleaded before the King This Evasion would have been plausible supposing what is seldom true that Princes were inform'd with the particulars of the Affairs that are reported to them And then they might without Injustice to the Bearnois have freed the King of the Fatigue of several tedious Audiences by acquainting him with what had been said in the presence or with the Participation of his Commissioners who was to give him an account of it But the Favourites and the Ministers were unwilling to use the King to take so much Cognisance of Affairs They knew he was easie but withal capable to understand reason and they were afraid that should the Question he well explain'd before him it would deprive them of the fruit of all their Craft They satisfy'd him with Reflexions upon Soveraign Authority which seems to be incroach'd upon by the Liberty Subjects take to come to plead in the very Council of their Princes against the Laws which they have made This was the Character of Luine's Government counâ—ii'd by Spain and by the Clergy He and his Creatures onâ—â— preach'd absolute Power to the King which Doctrine he swallow'd as greedily as if others had not exerted it in his â—â—ead The Clergy has follow'd the same Maxim at all times â—eing perswaded that it would be more easie for
them to manage the Hearts of Kings to their advantage if they could â—inder them from hearing the Complaints of their Enterpriâ—es from the very mouths of those that are oppressed by them Therefore instead of hearing the Remonstrances of that Unfortunate Principality a Mandamus was issued out on the 25th of July which in order to express the more Authority was â—…l'd first and final It was Argumented contrary to the Custom of Acts of that Nature which being only Declarations of an absolute Will seem not to require Reasons They made the King declare in it that he had been oblig'd to make the Decrees and Edicts which related to Bearn for the discharge of his Conscience which could not bear the affliction of the Catholick Church To satisfie the vows of the King his Father who had often express'd his Regret before his Death for his not having finish'd the said Work To secure the repose of the Reform'd which the Bishops would never have left in quiet while they were depriv'd of their Right That he had consider'd and heard all before he did pronounce that he had made provision for what was most material by the Reimplacement which was a diminution of 78000 Livres of the Revenue of the State That he had relinquish'd his own to satisfy the Reform'd That he still offer'd after the Inrollment of the Edict to do Justice to the Interests of particular Persons who should complain of any damage That he demanded Justice of the Connivance of the Council of Pau in the late Sedition That he would have such punish'd as had first taken up Arms. He complain'd of the Assembly of Orthez and in general of all Bearn Imputing nevertheless all the evil to some Factious Persons without which he declar'd that he would have us'd the utmost Extremities He threatned to take the refusal of the Inrollment as a formal Disobedience and he Commanded La Force to see it perform'd and to assist the Council in the Execution of the Edict even by way of Arms. While the Mandamus was preparing Vispalie Advocate in the Sovereign Council of Bearn being sent with Letters from the Assembly of Orthez to Rochel and to all the other Provinces of the Kingdom was seiz'd at Bourdeaux and his Letters taken Complaints were made about it as of an act of Hostility in time of Peace and Reprisals had like to have ensued But the Remonstrances of the wisest appeas'd the hottest And they only writ other Letters and sent them more secretly and more safely But when the Mandamus came in Bearn it occasion'd great Emotions The whole Country was allarm'd at that Novelty They no longer question'd but the Court had a design upon their Liberty since that instead of being mov'd by their Complaints of an Edict made against the Laws and Customs and without the consent of the Estates they attack'd them in a new but yet more dangerous manner by Mandates which are only us'd in Places where Princes are the sole Depositors of the Legislative Power Not in such where the free Consent of the Estates is necessary to make a Law Thus the whole Country was in a great Agitation The Lay Patrons the College of Orthez the Garrison of Navarreins which were paid out of the Forfeited Estates the Syndicks of the Country and the Deputies of the Churches joyn'd together in the fame Oppositions Some Deputies from abroad also enter'd into it The Synods of Castel-â—â—loâ—â— and of Mazieres likewise thought fit to send Deputies thither During the greatest heat of this Agitation the Council of Pau appointed a Day in order to give a decisive Judgment and being Assembl'd on the 3d of October they declar'd that considering the Nature of that Affair in which every body was concern'd there was no reason to allow the Recusations propos'd by the Clergy Finally on the 5th of the said Month a Decree was made importing that before any farther Proceedings should be made in the matter the King should be most humbly Petitioned to provide for the safety of what related to the Rights of his Reform'd Subjects according to the Edicts of his Predecessors and his own and to hear their Remonstrances to that end Nevertheless in order to put a stop to the Proceedings of the Clergy and for the Repose of his Majesties Subjects it was order'd that the Ecclesiasticks should remit the answer'd Cahier which was mention'd in the Edict of Restauration of Ecclesiastical Lands and that the Attorney-General should also remit the Decree of the 25th of June This Cahier was that in which the King granted to the Clergy of Bearn by his Answers all the Advantages I have mention'd elsewhere So that the said Decree open'd a way for a long Suspension and to propose new Difficulties upon the Restoration of the Clergy in all their Ancient Priviledges Although till then the Bearnois had only defended themselves by ways of Right by Petitions and Deputations to the King by oppositions according to form by Decrees of the Soveraign Council yet there were prudent well meaning Persons that did not approve that resistance The Duke de Rohan and Du Plessis Mornai were of that Number They were afraid lest this should ingage all the Churches to take up Arms without consideration They were of opinion that it would have been better to accept the Reimplacement as a proper Expedient to repair the prejudice occasion'd by the aforesaid Restoration And they would have engag'd themselves to obtain leave from the King to resume the Church Lands in case the Assignment of the Reimplacement were diverted or appropriated to any other use Not but that they look'd upon the Cause of the Churches to be just but they saw that Justice disarm'd They thought it better to suffer the loss of some Priviledges which they had not the power to defend than to hazard all by an Infectual Resistance That this would be the way to involve even those that had not yet been meddled with in the ruine of those that were attack'd That it was fit to take care lest the Churches of the Kingdom by protecting those of Bearn out of season should lose themselves what they would preserve for others The Duke of Bouillon tyr'd with Affairs and Broils beginning to feel the weight and Inconveniences of Age ingag'd to the Court by Favours minding the Settlement of his Children who were of Age to be introduc'd into the World and being perhaps desirous to see how things would go before he would ingage himself did not express the same heat in this as he had done in others The Duke of Sully was hardly reckon'd upon in General Affairs and had neither renounc'd the Recompences of the Imployments that were taken from him nor yet the hopes of being Restor'd He saw that the Court was subject to such sudden Revolutions that he thought they would want a Man like him So that whenever any applications were made to him about the Affairs of the Churches he only answer'd
him from my Grand-Father and Great Grand-Father deliver'd so prepar'd and with such Inclinations I enter'd into the Administration of the Commonweal that next to my Duty to God there was nothing that I esteem'd dearer to me or more sacred then that Love and Duty which I ow'd my Country and that all my other private Affections all other Considerations were to give way to that For so I always most rigorously perswaded my self that my Country according to the Opinion of the Ancients was a second Deity and the Laws of my Country a sort of other Deities which whosoever violated under a sought for pretence of Piety were liable to all the Penalties of Sacriledge and Parricide These Franchises these Laws upon which this Kingdom being founded had advanc'd it self to such an extended Grandeur of Dominion and Power if there be any and would to God there be not who work under Ground to sap and ruin when all their open Force proves vain and â—â—successful may we nere be deem'd worthy of the Gallic Name who e're we are that would be thought true Patriots if we do not might and main oppose the Incroaching Mischief more especially while You reign For it is the voice of our Ancestors men highly eminent for Religion that this is that Celestial Pledge of publick safety This that other Palladium of Franco-Gallia which so long as we can keep there is nothing to be suspected from Foreign Treachery but being once lost nothing can be secure from their Attaques Wherefore should it happen through sloath or stupidity that these Ancilia should â—e stolen from us there is no question to â—e made but the same Person that wickâ—dly commits the Theft like another Uâ—ysses Master of Pelasghian Fraud â—ill certainly suborn another Sinon to â—et admited into France some other fatal Horse cram'd full of armed Enemies â—d by that means depopulate the most â—urishing part of Europe with the same â—onflagration that laid Troy in Ashes â—ut God avert it for the future for â—hile you live and govern and while â—eaven preserves the Dauphin safe â—ere's uo such dire Misfortune to be â—r'd And here it might be justly expected â—t we should tell the World how much 〈…〉 have deserv'd of the Republic and â—t we should enlarge upon your Praises whom we are beholding for our Lives 〈…〉 the enjoyment of our Country and Eâ—es No more perhaps then what they 〈…〉 with reason require from us who â—sure the undertaking rather by the â—ousness of the subject then the meanâ— of my capacity But besides that I â—gn'd not any Panegyric here 't is â—n You take more pleasure in the â—ledge of what you have done then â—e loud Applauses of Haranguing Eâ—nce Your Majesty sprung from the most noble and Ancient Family of all that ever Scepters held and deducing Your more certain Original from Male descent by Birth a Pyrenaean grew up under the Education of Adversity in the midst of War by providence protected your Infancy escap'd the treacherous Ambuscado's of Your Adversaries Your early Youth and riper Manhood ' both became a Terrour to your Enemies At last in the most furious heat of Hurry and Confusion you were brought to the King or sent for by him from the farthest part of Aquitaine to the end no other but the Lawful Heir might possess the vacant Throne and vacant suddainly it was Having obtain'd the Crown you temper'd Soveraign Authority with an Alloy of Clemency and Humility choosing rather to win the alienated Affections of Your Subjects by acts of Favour and Kindness then to ride 'em with the Curb of fear And such was the Confidence that men before your mortal Enemies repos'd in their now acknowledg'd Soveraign that they thought themselves more safe in Your Mercy then secure in the strength of their own Arms and were not so sorry to see themselves vanquish'd as they were glad that You were the Victor Of Suppliants they became Friends and familiar Acquaintance and the Delinquents were more deeply sensible of their past Offences then you were apprehensive of their Injuries Your readiness to pardon was such that they repented they did not sooner acknowledge their Errour But what other way for them who saw that the rapid course of Your Victories could not be stemm'd by any Opposition but of their own accords to submit to Your Majesty whom nothing could withstand and rather to trust the Clemency of the Victor then to try the doubtful Chance of Batte For your Prowess seem'd to have restrain'd even Fate it self in such a manner as that it seem'd to have fix'd the events of War and clipt the Wings of Victory to prevent her flight from Side to Side Not but that to all this uncontroul'd Prosperity your Vigilance your Indefatigable Industry your patient enduring Heat and Cold your neglect of other dyet then the Place or Season afforded your Diligence in the Trenches your Military Labours day and night your marching through tempestuous Showers and Storms of Hail and Snow your short Reposes Naps on Horse-back sometimes on the Ground and other Personal Vertues mainly contributed and assisted Thus by your own Example the most alluring way of commanding Obedience you still preserv'd that exactness of Discipline which by others is hardly maintain'd where want of Pay breeds mutiny and disorder By this felicity You every where became so terrible to Your Enemies that tho for the most part superiour in number and all other supports of War they thought it sufficient to defend themselves within the Walls of their fortified Towns and Cities and lookt upon their bare Defence as an Atchievement no less Glorious then for You to vanquish in the Field So that 't is no wonder that after so many hainous offences against your Majesty committed they should so greedily embrace an Opportunity of Reconciliation offer'd 'em by Heaven it self out of a certain hope of sincere pardon and no less afraid of Victory always abiding on Your side But if it be so that War has render'd You so formidable to your Enemies the publick Tranquillity shows you no less acceptable to those You have receiv'd into favour while the encourag'd Arts of Peace are every where revvâ—'d by Rewards and Immnnities Witness the vast and lasting Piles in every Corner of the Kingdom rear'd within so short a space of Time adorn'd with Statues of imcomparable workmanship exquisite Pictures and costly Tapestries where the Figures seem to speal and move eternal Monuments to Posterity of the Greatness of Your Soul and Your desire of Peace But above all things we return Your Majesty Thanks for restoring the Muses to their Seats from whence they were expell'd by the Barbarâ—y of the War and for the reflourisâ—ing Stâ—â— of the Parisian Academy under You Auspices restor'd to former Reputation by your Addition of a signal Embellishment in calling thither Isaac Caesaâ—bon â—â— second Luminary of this Age and entrusting him with the Custody of your 〈…〉 Royal Library By all which Acts â—â— Princely
that take Heaven and Earth to witness they pay no manner of homage to Images In the mean while the Trials went on against the Prisoners most of which came off with a slight punishment But Counsellor du Bourg after he had shewn some weakness which he soon retracted by the Exhortations of the Ministers and others who writ to him or visited him was condemned to the flames as if he had been a common person They endeavour'd to blacken him by accusing him as a Complice in the assassination of the President de St. Andre who had been one of the Commissionated Judges appointed to try him But that Accusation being sufficiently refuted by the known Probity of that Venerable Senator fell of it self That President had acted in the whole Examination and Prosecution of that business more like a passionate Adversary than an equitable Judge which Du Faur one of the Prisoners charged him with very couragiously one day which cruel man hapning to be kill'd before the Trial of the Prisoners was over one Mr. Stuart a Scotch Gentleman and who pretended some Relation to the Queen but in complaisance to her Vncles was disowned by her was taken up upon suspicion for that murder to which to make weight they added several other Accusations But with all their Tricks they could not convict him by any sufficient Proofs nor extort any confession out of his Mouth no not by the torments of the Wrack which he suffer'd with such an unshaken constancy that as they were unwilling to condemn him upon imperfect Evidence so they durst not acquit him because they fear'd him Whilst the Protestants were thus outragiously handled their severe usage exasperated them both to speak and write somewhat warmly in their own defence But their Apologies had the ill luck to incense the higher Powers but so much the more against them because they maintain'd That Women Foreigners ought to be excluded from the Government and that the administration of it belong'd to the General Estates of the Kingdom and to the Princes of the Blood during the minority of Kings whom they would by no means acknowledg at age fit to govern at 14 years And about 3 years after they still brought upon themselves more mischief by reading in a Synod a Writing drawn up by a certain Author exhorting them to unite together against despotick Power Popery and Abuses in Law which they called the three plagues of human Kind from which they who live by the Corruption of Religion and Justice fail'd not to give a malicious turn to the aversion they shew'd for Arbitrary Power and to take advantage there-from to reproach and traduce them to this day as Republicans and sworn enemies to Monarchy as if not to flatter Tyranny were the same thing as to Rebel against a legal Government The power of the Guises began to grow Insupportable and there began likewise from that very time to arise between them and the Royal House of Bourbon a competition that soon after degenerated into a declared Enmity so that from that time forward those two Houses became Irreconcileable foes which was the true occasion of the attempt of Amboise tho some will needs have it pass for a pure business of Religion I shall leave that talk to others to treat more amply of that subject and to make use of the Testimony of those who assure us that Q Katharine had secretly solicited the Admiral to free her out of the hands of the Guises who had assumed all the Authority and for my own part shall only be content to assert That Religion was concern'd in it only by accident by reason that those who were deprived of their part in the Government due to them by their high Birth professed the Reformed Religion Among near 1200 unhappy persons that were destroyed upon that occasion by divers sorts of Punishments and most of which suffered all the severities of the Tortures there were but two in all whom they could force by Torments to say what they would have them all the rest unanimously maintaining that their design was only to seise the Lorrain-Princes and divest them of an Authority which they ought not to enjoy to the prejudice of the Princes of the Blood There is therefore as little reason to charge the Reformed Religion with the blame of that Enterprise supposing that according to the Rules of Policy it deserved any as to impute to the Roman Religion the conspiracies of the Catholick Princes and Lords against the Tyranny of the Marshal D'Ancre or that of the D. of Orleans against the excessive power of Cardinal Richelieu or those of the Parliaments and of the Prince of Conde against the Ministry of Cardinal Richelieu who went on in the steps of his Predecessour to oppress the publick liberty The heads and principal Members of those Conspiracies being Catholicks as those concerned in the design of Amboise were Protestants Since therefore the persons concerned in all those several Intrigues were all engaged by the same motives and the same prospects they must either be equally imputed to the Religion of their Authors and by consequence the Roman Religion must be judged so much the more Guilty in this matter than the Protestant as it has oftener stirr'd in those sorts of Commotions than the other or else it must be confessed that Religion had no share but by accident in those affairs which were purely Politick of their own Nature and that those Interests which set the Wheels of those attempts in motion were indeed properly none of Hers. But the Cruelty of the Court the principal heads of which diverted themselves with the horrible Spectacle of so many Executions and seeing the blood run down in all the streets of Amboise struck a horrour in all moderate persons And this first Essay which was follow'd by so many Massacres that stain'd the succeeding reign with so much Blood touched the Chancellour Oliver so much to the Heart that he Died with grief and L'Hopital was put in his place who in acknowledgment of that Favour always adhered to the Q's interest as his own That Princess seeing the Authority of the Guises increased by their Success in the Enterprise of Amboise would not suffer the Protestants to be prosecuted to extremity yet could not induce them by that to place any confidence in her since for all that they examined in one of their Synods a Memorial to be presented to the General Estates in which several things were made use of not at all to her advantage But however the Court kept fair for a while with the Prince of Conde tho they were well enough persuaded he was privately the chief contriver of that Enterprise and the D. of Guise by a profound Dissimulation of his Thoughts seemed to assent to his justification About the same time the name of Huguenot was introduced into the World and because it has been ever since retain'd as the distinguishing name of a Party I
Neighbours to her help caused the Child to be christened in a Catholick Church That at Bourdeaux a Lady had been forced to abjure her Religion to keep the guardianship of her Children and having a little while after reunited herself to the communion of the reformed Church the Attorney-General sued her at Law and got her bound to remain a Catholick that a Child being deposited in the hands of his Grandfather at Orleans when that Town was in the power of the League and his Father demanding him back again after the reduction of the place the Judge refused to deliver him up to his Father that a Man was debarred from all his Rights by the Court of Angiers until he had got his younger Brothers out of the reformed School at Loudun to put them in the Catholick Colledge of Angiers contrary to the last Will of their deceased Father who had crdered them to be brought up in the reformed Religion that the same Judges had appointed a Catholick Guardian over a Maid who refused to go to Mass Then followed sad and grievous Complaints of the unjust way of dealing with the Prince of Conde whom the Reformed had surrendred to the King even beyond the hopes of the Catholicks they said that this young Prince had bitterly wept and strugled long with those who brought him away from St. John d'Angeli that since being kept at Court he was used to withdraw into his Closet there to sing Psalms to Pray and Catechise his Pages but that at last they were taken away from him notwithstanding all the marks of his anger for it They complained afterwards that to all these so great and so publick Grievances the Court had hitherto applied no other remedy but Reasons of State as if the Interest of the State ought to have been opposed to their Consciences or that the Reformed had not been part of the State or that the State could not stand but by their fall Then returning again to the particulars of the Injustice that were done them they complained of their being forced to keep Lent that at Rennes the Parliament caused the Houses to be searched to see if their Orders in this point were obey'd that the Bishop of Agde did the same by his own authority in the Towns of his Diocess that keeping of Holidays was also forced upon them that even at Saumur one of their Towns of security a Man had been sent to Prison for being surprised at work within his House on such days that their School masters had been expelled out of several places even without any form of Justice that divers Parliaments had refused to verifie the Patents obtained by the Reformed from the King for the establishment of some Schools even after reitera ted Orders from Court but that nothing was comparable in this particular to the boldness of the Parliament of Grenoble who did not so much as vouchsafe to answer a second Order sent them from the King for setting up a reformed School at Montelimar that even so in several places they refused to admit in or turned out such of the Reformed as were appointed to teach and instruct the Youth which Article was concluded with these remarkable words Are they then willing to beat us into Ignorance and Barbarity so did Julian Next they complained of their Poors ill usage That the Laws of Equity were so little regarded in this point that in those very places where the Reformed contributed most to the publick Alms the Poor of their Religion had no share therein that in many places the Reformed were deprived of their Birth-right and not suffered to live there though they promised to be quiet and make no publick Exercise of their Religion that the Judges of Lyon had banished out of their Town those who having formerly left the Kingdom on account of Religion were returned thither after the change of affairs and that it had been confirmed by the Edict of Reduction upon occasion whereof they complained here that the Reformed were called Suspected People by the King himself whom they had served with so much Fidelity and Courage letting this gentle Reproach slip withal that for one and the same cause the King had been declared unable to inherit the Crown and the Reformed banished from their Houses but that since he had been restored to his Throne by the assistance of the Reformed he had not yet restored them to their Houses Here the Parson of Saint Stephen of Furant was brought again upon the Stage he did not suffer the Catholicks to let out their Houses to the Reformed and constrained them to turn out before the term such as had already taken any he hindred Tradesmen by grievous Fines from admitting any Reformed into the freedom of their Trades This mad Fellow of a Priest had caned a Man born in that place but setled elsewhere who was come to the Town upon some business his pretext for abusing him was that he had forbid him to come thither as if he had authority to banish whom he pleased But that Man seeing himself abused with so much injustice and that no body took his part kill'd the Priest in a passion and so rid the Country of this furious Beast The King granted him his Pardon but the Catholicks hindred it from being allow'd by the Judges They remonstrated besides that the Reformed were excluded from Trades and to colour their exclusion the Companies made new By-laws by vertue whereof none but Catholicks were to be admitted to them That in several places Violences against the Reformed were countenanced by impunity that a Man seventy five Years old having complained that some Children had hurried him in the Streets with injurious Clamours was sent to a Goal instead of having satisfaction from whence afterwards being released he was pursued anew and pelted with Stones in the very sight of the Judges who did but laugh at it that a Fraternity of Penitents called The Beaten Brothers walking barefoot in order of Procession their Feet happened to be cut by some broken Glass spread in the Streets which they did immediately lay upon the Reformed because the Glass was found before the House of a Goldsmith of their Religion that thereupon a Sedition was stirred up against them but that at last the whole was proved to be a trick of the Priests Then they began to give particular Instances of the crying Injustice done them about Offices That in several places they were kept from those of the Town-house and that it was publickly said at Lyon that none ought to be admitted to them who either was now of the Reformed or ever had been so nay not even any Son of one that had been so that the States of Perigord had declared void the Election of a Sheriff made by the Town of Bergerac according to the custom of that Province meerly because the party elected was one of the Reformed that even those who were appointed by
World and that Wandering Consciences should be permitted to Govern themselves according to their own Illuminations after their Enemies had so long labour'd to subdue 'em to the Judgments of others Moreover these pretended Wanderers who had done the Kingdom no other harm then only taken Arms to defend themselves from unjust Oppressors had done the same Kingdom both long and faithful Services attested by all the Records of Time that preserve the Memory of 'em confess'd by all Impartial Historians contradicted only by Missionaries whose Impudence is a Shame and Scandal to all Men of Honour Now there is a reason deriv'd from Natural Right and Equity which binds Reward to Service and which looks upon as an Act of Injustice the Persecuting Oppressing and Exterminating with an Ou ragious Fury those from whom they have receiv'd both advantagious Succour and kind Offices of Defence and Preservation The Reformed who had all the French Catholics for Testimonies of their Fidelity some because they had gain'd by their Assistance others because they had felt the smart of it talk'd loudly of their long and important Services and of these two sorts of Catholics there were some who were not asham'd to acknowledge ' em When Henry III. put the Duke and Cardinal of Guise to Death the Catholic Rebels were infinitely much stronger then they who continu'd in their Allegiance but when the Reformed join'd the Kings Party the Face of Affairs chang'd and the Honest Party were soon in a Condition to overwhelm the other And there needs but a little Partiality and Equity for any Man to see what share they had in the Preservation of the Kingdom when joining with the King they not only ballanc'd Affairs but turn'd the Scale on the Kings side It might be said without doing any body wrong that they alone preserv'd the State since they preserv'd the Catholics who jointly labour'd with 'em afterwards in the same performance However I shall say no more but that they lent a helping hand to the preservation of it that they shar'd with the faithful Catholics the Honour of supporting the Crown and fixing it upon the Head of him to whom it Lawfully appertain'd that after they had fasten'd it upon the Head of Henry III. they assisted his Successor to recover it again and to defend his Claim against the fury of the League and the Conspiracies of Spain and Italy It was but just then that they should share in the Reward after they had undergon their part of the Toils and Hazards of the War that they should partake of the Repose and Pleasures also of the Peace Now this is all that the Edict of Nantes has done for ' em Nevertheless there is something more to be said When we speak of Recompence there is something to be understood which distinguishes one Man from another which confers upon the one by reason of his Merit and Services somewhat which is not bestow'd upon another because there is not the same reason for the preference Between the Prince and Subject Recompence gives to the Receiver something more then is owing to him from the Prince under the Quality of a Subject and distinguishes him from that Equality wherein others remain If it be Just then and grounded upon the most evident Principles of Natural Understanding that Faithful Subjects should have Rewards conferr'd upon 'em that signalize and distinguish 'em how much more Equitable is it to Grant 'em for their Recompence that which does no more then equal 'em with others and put 'em into the same Condition Now the Favours and Priviledges of the Edict are no more then Recompences of the last Order The Edict Grants nothing to the Reformed that distinguishes 'em from others under the Quality of Subjects or which may be taken to be any Mark of Preference before another It grants 'em nothing but the Security of their Persons their Estates and their Lives the Liberty of their Consciences free Priviledge to Worship God and procure the Salvation of their Souls according to their own Opinions and Judgments to share alike with others the Protection of the Laws and the Benefit of Justice to have the same Liberty of Preferment to Employments and Offices by their Merit to Professions by their Sufficiency to Trades by their Capacity To have power to Assemble and Confer together and Mutually to Assist each other in the Performances of Religion and Piety to enjoy equally with the Catholics the Right which Nature gives to Fathers over their Children to Masters over their Hir'd Servants to participate of the Mutual Succours of Society during Life and the Duties of Enterrment after Death In a word there is nothing in the Edict that grants any thing more to the Reformed then what all other Subjects enjoy On the other side the greatest part of these Common Rights are granted the Reformed with certain Limitations which clearly show'd that all the Sway and Dominion was in the hands of the Catholics and that the Reformed were only Associated to these Advantages by a Treaty of Mutual Toleration The Securities also are a sufficient Proof that the Equality was not perfect and that the Reformed had neither Power nor Credit Securities are never taken but from those that are the stronger or the most suspected and they that require 'em acknowledge at the same time a kind of Superiority in those that Grant ' em This not being to be question'd in the least it was but a piece of Justice to Grant the Reformed for their Services those Favours that did no more then equal 'em with others This was indeed to grant 'em just nothing it was no more then a Restitution of what belong'd to 'em to maintain 'em in their Rights of Nature and in those which they had by Birth like others that breath'd the same Air and obey'd the same Prince There is nothing can be call'd Just if the Preservation of Common Right may not deserve that Name more especially in favour of those who have perform'd for the good of their Country the same Duties and Services with the rest of their Fellow Country-men Let us suppose for a moment that these Advantages were refus'd the Reformed after their good Services or rather without supposing any thing let us look upon 'em as they were before the Edict was Granted and what they are since it was revok'd We shall see Catholics and Reformed at least under the same Obedience preferr'd to the same Offices sharing in the same Exigencies of State embracing the same Opportunities to serve their Prince having the same Civil Laws the same Obligations the same Interests the same Enemies So much Equality in all these things requires that it should be the same in all the rest but we shall find it cease so soon as we shall but turn our Eyes upon the Reformed depriv'd of the Favours of the Edict We shall find 'em abus'd in their Persons ruin'd in their Estates excluded from all Employments either of
place and joyn their Arms for the common Interest are in a fair way to be Friends They that consent to a Truce which is but a Provisional peace shew plainly that they have no Reluctancy to a Decisive Peace Which is more especially true in this Case where the Truce made in behalf of the two parties by their Chieftains was an Interim in expectance of the peace in Order to which the Truce was made In the second place the Act pass'd between the Catholics of the Army and Court and Hen. IV. after the Death of Hen. III. by which they oblige the New King to no more then the preservation of the Catholic Religion without demanding the Extirpation of the Reformed and that he should permit himself to be instructed in the Roman Doctrine without forcing the Rest of his Subjects this Act I say is a proof of the same thing Of the same Nature also in the third place is the Writing Sign'd by the Catholics Lords and Princes at Mantes before the Conference of Surene wherein they not only consented that the King should preserve the Reformed but they promise that no prejudice shall be done 'em by the Treaty they were about to enter into with the Leaguers All this together makes up a kind of Compromise or mutual Consent by which it is evident that the Catholics of the King's party agreed that he should Judge of the Civil Differences in the Kingdom upon the score of Religion But the Marks of the Leaguers Consent are yet more clear and more Authentic There is not one one of the Treaties concluded with them where there is not one Article for the Religion But never did that Article demand more then two things that is to say the Re-establishing the Roman Religion in certain Places and the reducing the Exercise of the Reformed Religion to certain Limits The clear meaning of which is this that upon those two Conditions they who Treat consent that the King should tolerate the Reformed 'T is a Law notoriously known and a General practise that all Restrictions confirm the Law in Cases to which that Restriction is not extended and that the Exception of a particular Clause is a ratification of the General Decree We see then here the Catholics even those who have been more conspicuously and more vehemently Zealous then any Others closing with the King in reference to the means of procuring Peace between them and the Reformed and excepting in two conditions wherein they include themselves leaving his Authority at Liberty to Act as he shall see convenient And after the passing of all these Acts it is that the King has given a Definitive Sentence in this Great Contest and that having call'd together both Parties upon the Heads of their Disputes as well by the Negotiations of the Deputies as by the Decisions which he pronounc'd in favour of the one and the other in things wherein they could not agree among themselves he Form'd between 'em the Irrevocable Treaty which is contain'd in the Articles of his Edict And here we may very aptly apply the Grand Maxim of the Clergy of France which carried 'em so far in the Affairs of the Regale After the Parlament of Paris had began that process toward the beginning of this Century the Clergy set all Engines at work to hinder the Cause from resting in the hands of those Judges who held several Ecclesiastical Priviledges for Usurpations And they obtain'd so far that the King summon'd the Cause before himself and after his Council had left it undetermin'd for above Sixty years at length the Clergy lost their Cause some years ago and the King adjudg'd the Regale to himself throughout all the Kingdom The Grand Reason which one part of the Clergy has made use of to perswade the other to submission is this the Parlament was not a competent Judge of that Affair They only judge of Causes between Man and Man not of those that altogether concern either one of the States or the first Estate of the Kingdom The King alone is the only Judge of those great Questions He has taken the business into his own Cognizance by the Citation which the Clergy demanded They had a Right to dispute the matter till then But now the thing is at an End The Soveraign Arbitrator has pronounc'd Sentence the Oracle has spoke and there is no more to be said Thus likewise in the Affair of the Edict there was no competent Judge but the King 'T was not the Business of one of the Estates but of the Three Estates who were Interested in the Affair of Religion The King was possess'd of the Business by the Petitions of the One and by the Oppositions or Acts of consent of the other The thing was delay'd and spun out in his Hands for several years during which the whole Business was sufficiently sifted and discuss'd to give a true understanding of the Cause At length he pronounc'd Sentence he made a Law he made an Agreement between the parties upon conditions that were prescrib'd ' em And thus there was a Final End of this Business nothing more to be said or done in it The consequence is so much the more necessary in regard that between the Cause of the Regale and the Edict there is a difference advantagious to the Latter not to speak of others that may be observ'd there The Clergy holds for Decreed what the King as Soveraign Arbitrator has judg'd in his own cause But in the Edict the King Judges under the same Character without suspition of partiality in the cause of his Subjects where he has no personal part where he interests himself no otherwise then as a common Arbitrator and Father of his Country Now in an Affair of this Importance the Decision of which United all the disordering Members of the State and by a happy Peace put an end to their long Fatal Divisions 't is evident that the King became security for the Concord which the Treaty re-establish'd among his Subjects as being the person whose Authority had cimented it together 'T is the Priviledge of Supream Authority to Warrant and put a Value upon things where it intervenes 'T is because the Vertue and Force of particular Contracts are founded upon it that the King's Name and Seal are affix'd to 'em that he Judges Parties by their consent that as the Protector of the Rights of every one of his Subjects he sets up those Acts which his Power Authorises and which are drawn up in his Name in favour of Sincerity and Innocence against the Cavils of Fraud and Injustice If then in those Acts where the King is not presum'd to Judge but because his Name appears there his Quality of Soveraign Arbitrator in all the Causes of his Subjects obliges 'em to a Tacit Warranty that they shall be firm and inviolable how much more evidently ought it to be present in a Treaty which Unites the differing Parties of a State after a long War
Foreign Power that he was Sovereign in his Kingdoms even in Ecclesiastical Causes This Oath was the Discourse of Europe for several years and serv'd to create Divisions among the Catholicks of England of which some maintain'd it lawful and others contrary to their Consciences The Pope joyn'd with the last which was the Party of the Jesuits But there were some English Priests who neither believ'd the Pope nor Jesuits in that point and who exhorted the Catholicks to take that Oath without scruple The King himself writ in defence of his Oath and his Book had the success I have express'd elsewhere In France the Jesuits advanc'd their Affairs with a wonderful facility And tho several Cities refus'd to consent to their Establishment they notwithstanding daily obtain'd new Favours However they could not prevail to hinder the King that Year from granting the Reform'd a Boon By the Treaty of the Reduction of Paris the Exercise of their Religion was not to be allow'd them nearer than at the distance of five Leagues It had been allow'd at Ablon a place a little nearer than that Article mention'd But yet the distance was too great to permit them to go and come in a Day especially in the Winter time It was very inconvenient for such as had Children to be Christned the Reform'd at that time not allowing Baptism to be Administred out of their Assemblies They alledg'd that several Children dy'd by the way which might have been Christned had the place of their Exercise been nearer which reason was capable to move the Catholicks upon the account of their Opinion concerning the necessity of Baptism Moreover Foreigners and the Lords of the Court complain'd that it was impossible for them to pay their Duty to God and to the King in one and the same Day by reason of the great distance to which they were oblig'd to go to make their Devotions which at that time seem'd more inconvenient than ever The Dutchess of Bar's Death having depriv'd them of the Advantage of Religious Worship at Court which they had enjoy'd whilst she was a live Therefore the Reform'd desir'd to have a place nearer to remedy those inconveniences And the King being desirous to favour them of two places which they had pitch'd upon granted them one which was the Village of Charenton near the Abby of St. Maur within two short Leagues of Paris They obtain'd his Letters Patent for it bearing date the 1st of August by virtue of which they were put in Possession thereof within a few days The King by the same Letters reserv'd to himself the Cognizance of all the Oppositions and Appellations that might be form'd upon that Subject and forbid the Parliament and all other Judges to meddle with it That Affair did not pass without difficulty tho it met with none from those who were most able to oppose it viz. the Parisians who might pretend that the said Grant violated the Edict of their Reduction It was the Lord of Charenton who oppos'd it grounding the said Opposition upon that Article of the Edict which forbids the settling of the Religious Worship of the Reform'd in Mannors belonging to Catholicks against the Will of the Lords thereof but those Oppositions were shifted off by transferring them to the Council Nevertheless the Successors of the said Lord have renew'd them from time to time as if they had been concern'd at the improvement of their Mannor the Village which of it self was one of the poorest in the Kingdom being grown one of the most considerable and richest by the incredible Trade it occasion'd there every Sunday But notwithstanding all those Oppositions the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion has been continu'd there until the Revocation of the Edict The Rabble was not so easily supprest as that Lord's endeavours Soon after that new Establishment they excited a violent Sedition at St. Anthony's Gate which is the nearest to Charenton against the Reform'd at their coming back from their Temple Tho the Magistrates immediately repair'd thither it was not in their power to remedy it And the consequences might have prov'd of very ill consequence had not the King come back on purpose from Fontainbleau to Paris to give his Orders there His Presence restor'd Peace and Union into the City and confirm'd the Reform'd in the possession of the favour he had granted them About the same time the King receiv'd the Petitions which the Deputies General presented to him very favourably which were very large and very material The most considerable Articles were That the Modifications of the Edict made by divers Courts and Jurisdictions might be cut out That it might be recorded with the particular Articles in such places where it had not been done yet That the Comissioners already nominated might be oblig'd to execute the Edict in Burgundy in Dauphine and in other places where it had not been done yet That the Charges of their Journey might be allow'd them to remove all pretence of delay That the Ecclesiastical Lordships of the first Places of Bailiwicks might not be exempted That the Restriction of the second might be remov'd which had been added after the first Expedition of the Edict and that the Lands belonging to the Orders of Knighthood might not be comprehended under the Denomination of Ecclesiastical Lordships That the Poor might be receiv'd into Hospitals and share in the Publick Alms proportionably to the number of the Inhabitants and that they should not be molested upon the account of Religion or otherwise That the Reform'd Inhabitants of the places where the general Gatherings should be made might not be oblig'd to contribute towards them That in such Places where they had allow'd no Church-yards to the Reform'd they might be allow'd to bury their Dead in the Old Church-yards and that the Ecclesiasticks should not be allow'd to disturb them in the same or to take up the Corps which the Official of Anger the Bishop of Alby and the Cardinal of Sourdis were accus'd to have done to some that had been buri'd above Six some even Eighteen Years That a stop might be put to the Seditions that were excited in divers places against the Reform'd either at their coming back from Divine Service or when they held their Conferences or Synods That Officers might not be allow'd to sit in their Assemblies in that Quality as they had pretended to do it in divers Provinces That the Ministers might be allow'd to Visit the Sick and such as were Condemn'd to Dye and that the Priest and other Catholicks should not be allow'd to divert them from their Belief That they might be exempted from contributing towards the Fraternities Casting of Bells Reparation of Churches and the like conformably to the Second of the particular Articles which the constraints impos'd by the Judges and the Precipitation of the Syndies render'd of no use even forcing the Reform'd to contribute towards certain Collections made for the Capucins Jesuits and other Ecclesiasticks
Interpretation upon some Words and Articles 6 and 7 contain'd in the present Edict of the 17th of January 1561. CHarles by the Grace of God King of France to our Trusty and well beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Bailiffs Senechals Provosts or their Lieutenants and to all our other Justices and Officers and to every one of them according as it may concern them Greeting By our Ordinance of the 17th of January last past join'd hereunto under the Counter Seal of our Chancery made for the repose and Pacification of our Subjects and to appease and put an end to the Troubles and Seditions occasion'd in this our Kingdom by the diversity of Opinions that reign in our Religion It is said among other things Article 6. That whenever our Officers shall be desirous to go into the Assemblys of those of the New Religion to assist at their Sermons and to hear what Doctrine is taught there they shall be receiv'd in the same and respected according to the Dignity of their Places and Offices And in case it be to take and apprehend some Malefactors they shall be obeyed and assisted according as it is contain'd more at large in the Article of the said Ordinance which mentions it And whereas some difficulty might arise about the Interpretation of this Word Officers thus couch'd in general in the said Article to know whether all our Officers of Judicature are indifferently meant and included under the same we in order to make our said Ordinance as clear and intelligible as can be and to leave nothing dubious or difficult have said and declar'd for the interpretation thereof do say and declare that by the said Word Officers and the permission we have granted them to go into the said Assemblies for the Reasons contain'd in our said Ordinance we only intend as we do still intend to give the said Power to our Ordinary Officers to whom the cognizance of the Policy of Civil Government belongs as Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts or their Lieutenants and not to those of our Sovereign Courts nor to our other Officers of Judicature which we expect to live in the Faith of us and of our Predecessors And the said Power shall extend no farther than when occasion shall offer it self to inspect and remedy what is mention'd in the said Ordinance ¶ Moreover We have ordain'd and do ordain in relation to what is said afterwards Article 7. in the said Ordinance That those of the New Religion shall hold neither Synods nor Consistories unless by leave or in presence of one of our said Officers That if their said Assemblies which they call Synods and Consistories are General of the whole Government and Province they shall not be allow'd to hold them unless by leave or in presence of the Governor or our Lieutenant General of the Province of his Lieutenant General or others by them appointed And in case the said Assembly is Particular by leave or in presence of one of our Magistrate Officers who shall be elected and deputed by the said Governor or his said Lieutenant General ¶ Provided always that the said Assemblys which they call Synods and Consistories shall only be held for the regulation of Religion and upon no other account ¶ And all this by way of Provision until the determination of the General Council or till new Orders from us Neither have we by our said Ordinance and the present Declaration design'd or do design to approve two Religions in our Kingdom but only one which is that of our Holy Church in which the Kings our Predecessors have liv'd Therefore we will and require you that in proceeding to the reading publishing and registring of our said Ordinance you shall at the same time and in like manner cause this our present Declaration and Interpretation to be read published and registred and the same inviolably to maintain keep and observe without the least Infraction For such is our Pleasure the Contents of our said Ordinance and all other Edicts Mandats or Prohibitions thereunto contrary notwithstanding Given at St. Germain en Laye on the 14th of February in the Year of our Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second Thus Sign'd by the King being in his Council with the Queen his Mother the Duke of Orleans the King of Navar the Cardinal of Bourbon and the Prince De la Roche Sur-Yon the Cardinals of Tournon and Chatillon You the Sieurs de St. Andre and de Montmorency Marshals and de Chastillon Admiral of France du Mortier and the Bishop of Orleans d' Avanson and the Bishop of Valence de Selve de Gonnor and Dandelot and several others were present Bourdin First Mandamus from the King to the Court of Parliament at Paris for the publishing of the Edict of the Month of January CHarles by the Grace of God King of France to our Trusty and well-beloved the persons holding our Court of Parliament at Paris Greeting We have seen the Remonstrances you have sent us by our Trusty and well beloved Christopher de Thou President and William Violle Councellor in our said Court your Brethren about the Ordinance we have given on the 17th of January last past for the peace and tranquility of our Subjects and to put a stop to the Troubles and Seditions occasion'd in this Kingdom by the diversity of the Opinions that reign in Religion And after having caus'd the said Remonstrances to be read Article after Article and word for word in presence of us and of the Queen our most dear and most beloved Lady and Mother of our most dear and most beloved Brother the Duke of Orleans of our most dearly beloved Uncle the King of N. our Lieutenant General representing our Person throughout all our Kingdoms and Territories of the other Princes of our Blood and our Privy Council We by their Advice and in consideration of the great reasonable and necessary Causes and Occasions which have been our Motives for making the said Ordinance do hereby desire command and expresly enjoin you to proceed to the reading publishing and registring of the said Ordinance and the Declaration by Us made affix'd to the same And that you shall cause both the one and the other to be receiv'd kept and inviolably observ'd without the least infringement The whole by way of Provision until the determination of the General Council or New Orders from us And according as it is more at large directed by the said Ordinance and Declaration without any farther delay or difficulty not to oblige us to send you any other or more express Command than these Presents which you shall take for second third and all other Mandates which you might require from us in this case for such is our Pleasure What is above said all Edicts Ordinances Mandates and Prohibitions thereunto contrary Notwithstanding Given at St. Germain en Laye the 14th Day of February in the Year of our Lord 1561. and of our Reign the Second Thus sign'd by the
in some other adjacent Countries as by their Canons and Ecclesiastical Laws they are appointed and as by the Supreme Power of the Right Honourable the Senate of Zurick they are authorized with the Orders of that Church Published with the Approbation of several Bishops Printed for John Dunton at the Raven in the Poultrey AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE TO THE First Volume A. ABsolution of the King the pope rigorous Pag. 136. desir'd by the King 166. the Pope's high pretensions 167 Accommodation of Religion propos'd 10 Alva Duke of his bloody advice 38 Alenson Duke of Protector of the Reformed 44. he retires from Court 45 Alliance with Spain Sentiments thereupon 440 Amboise the Enterprize what it was 23 359 Amience 139. surpriz'd 224. and the effects of it 235 d'Amours Chaplain to Henry IV. 74 Amiral de Chastillon in great favor with the Queen 32. accus'd for the death of Guise 34. impeacht for the same 36. attackt by Calumnies 38. reconcil'd with the Guises 39 he re-establishes his Party 40. the Catholics resolve to destroy him by treachery 40. wounded 42 d'Andelot his Courage 18. dies 40 St. André President signal for his Cruelties 21. assassinated Pag. 22 Annexes their anciént use 38. what they are 306 Antichrist the Pope so call'd by du Plessis 309. the Question about Antichrist discuss'd in the Synod of Gap 455. so inserted in the Confession of Faith 457. Question renewed about Antichrist 427 Appeals of the Orders 423 Armand Jesuite order'd to come to Paris 454 Army the King's disbands of it self 60 Artifices of the Queen dazle the Admiral 32 39. incredible Artifices of the Court 41. of the Catholics to gain the King 106. continued to shake the King's Conscience 112. Artifices to hinder the Deputies from seeing the King 129. and to hinder him from satisfying 'em 131. of the Court to corrupt the Ministers 134. to per suade the Reformed to deliver up the Prince of Conde 176. Artifices of the Court to gain the Reformed 303. Artifices of Perron against du Plessis 405. Artifices of the Catholics to incense the King against the Reformed 443. to hinder the Ecclesiastics from changing their Religion 414 to renew the Civil War Pag. 440 Assembly at Melun 72. at Gergeau 433. at Milhau 44. at St. Foy 133 145 157. permitted by the King 424. at Loudun 205. commanded to separate 209. the Effects of it 210 211. remov'd to Vendosme 218. returns to Saumur 224 Assembly General at Saumur 162 164 c. remov'd to Chastelleraud 230 again assembled 423 Assembly another permitted at St. Foy 133. A General Assembly at St. Foy 434. Complaints there made 436 c. which remain'd a long time in the hands of the Council 442 Assembly General at Chastelleraud 230. they beg the Intercession of England and the United Provinces 239. alarm'd by the King's march into Britany 268. Complaints of the alterations made in the Edict 238. particular Complaints exhibited 340 Assembly General at Chastelleraud 477. redoubles the Suspicions of the Court 482. Affairs to be there handl'd ib. suffers Bouillon's places to be taken from him 411 Assemblies Politic du Plessis Sentiments of 'em 78 456 410 Assemblies at Paris 17 16 Assemblies of the Clergy at Paris 436. at Mantes 79. at Chartres 102. favors the third Party 103 412 Aubespine Inventer of the Gag his lamentable death 15 Aubigne 411 B. BAilliage second place in the Balliage allow'd for free exercise Pag. 219. places of Bailliage freed from being places of exercise 421. a second place in each Bayliwick no new thing 275. the second place deny'd 452 Baptism forc'd 254 Bar Dutchess of Vide Madame Battel of Dreux 34. Moncontour 40. Arques 61. Courtras 50. Yvri 74. of which they lose the fruit St. Quintin 16 Battus the Fraternity of 'em 441 Bearn a Revolution there 35. they introduce the Reformed Religion into the Country of Gex 415 Bellujon 409 Beraud a famous Minister and one of the Deputies of the Assembly at Chatelleraud 326 Berquin Lewis 9. Bettier's warmth 323. rebuk'd by the King 324 Beza accus'd for the death of Guise 34. call'd Father by the King 415 Biron Marshal 76 432. he demands the Soveraignty of Perigord 55. concern'd in Conspiracies 432. his death 444 Bishops of France favour the Reformation 8 Book setting forth the Grievances of the Reformed 243 c. Reflections upon this Book 264. a Book found at la Fleche 444 Books sought for in Booksellers houses 252 437 Bordes a Monk accus'd of Assassination 443 Bonillon Duke of his Character 143. 145. presses the War ' against Spain 181. sent to Queen Elizabeth ibid. opposes the Queen of Englands Mediation ibid. he will not trust the Kings generosity 200. Duke of Bouillon 226. raises Souldiers for the King 234. exasperated 265. His Disgrace 444. His intreagues against the Court 481. his Places taken from him 411. he makes his Peace 516. King afraid the Protestants would take him for their Protector 477 Bourbon Antony King of Navarr his Inconstancy 31. dyes of a wound 34 du Bourg a Counsellor of Parliament condemned to be Burnt 22. Breaches of the Edict 452 Brevet for keeping the Hostage Cities 411. Brevet brought to the King for the nomination of Deputies 429. Breef from the Pope to the Clergy presented by Cardinal Joyeuse 437. Brevet for 45000 Crowns for payment of Ministers 528. for the Reformed to continue their places four years longer 411. another of the same day for a year more ibid. Brisonet his Inconstancy 8. Brochard Baron 432. 433. Bull of Gregory XV. 79 Bulls obtain'd to support the War against the Hereticks 40 Burying places rigorous upon 'em in reference to the Reformed 111. Difficulties concerning 'em 277. the affair of Burying places refer'd to Commissioners 345. 421. C. CAball of which the Reformed are rendred suspected 200 Cabrieres Affairs there 14 Caheirs or Papers delivered in by the Reformed 340. answered 342. answer'd 428. presented to the King 434. answered 435. much larger at Sre Foy 436. full of complaints ibid. and 437. c. Calumnies cast upon the Reformed 355. Calumny against Rochel refuted 455. Calvin 11 du Frene Canaye 404 Capuchin his Tricks upon the Birth of the Dauphin 431 Capuchins conspire against the Life of Hen IV. 314. a Mission of Capuchins sent into Piemont by the Duke of Savoy 314 Cardinal de Chatillon marrys and despises the Popes Censures 35. his end ibid. the Process of his Widow c. 478. de Joyeuse 206. justifies the King to the Pope 333 de Soudis 438 of Vendome 100 Casaubon 404 Catherine de Medicis vid. Katherine Catholics their persidiousness at Court 46. Catholick Nobles 56. Catholick Lords their various affections 59. Catholick Royalists their different dispositions to a Peace in Religion 69. their Infidelity 71. their Passion 76. their Affronts put upon the Reformed 128. their suggestions to the King 183 Cavils of the Proctor General 161 Cayer a famous Minister 113. Chambers Burning 21 Chambers supprest 18 Chambers half one half
their very Being Therefore every individual compris'd in one of those Bodies has a right to require of the other Members to keep their promise and to contribute on their part without Fraud and Treachery what they owe towards their mutual preservation The Third which is likewise evident is that in all the relations that are among Men there must be something reciprocal of Course There are none in which the Obligations can be proved all on one side Therefore we must look on those that are observ'd between the Head and the Members as on all others The Head must owe something to the Members as well as the Members to the Head The Duty of these is very different according as the precautions people have taken in submitting themselves to a certain Power are more or less favourable for liberty But there are two certain and invariable Characters in all the Forms a State can take The one is that even in those in which Liberty has the greatest priviledges the Duty of Subjects is of a great extent and obliges them to submit to whatever may be advantagious for the Common Good Nay even in cases in which particular losses are recompenced by the advantages of the general The other is that even in those in which Liberty has the narrowest bounds Subjection can never extend so far as to oblige men to suffer themselves to be destroy'd out of Duty or Conscience Those must needs have a strange depravation of mind who can conceive that when people did submit to one or many it could be on condition that their Rulers should be allowed to destroy them right or wrong meerly by Vertue of Soveraign Power Even those who surrender on Discretion do it only in hopes of being preserv'd by the clemency of the Conqueror or at least to purchase the Redemption of the whole Body at the cost of some few unfortunate Members The Duty of Soveraigns receives the same variation as that of their Subjects according to the limitations that were given to both at the first formation of the State But it has two Characters which answer those of the submission of the People The one is that how narrow soever the Bounds of Supreme Power may be yet still it is of a vast extent and might be stil'd in some respect Infinite in relation to the publick good to which it must always have a relation The other is that even in those States in which it is most extended it never dispences the Soveraign from watching for the preservation of his Subjects nor from sincerely applyng to that end the power he is intrusted with It is contrary to nature to think that destruction without a cause upon the bare account of a Power given to the Soveraign can be the Right of supreme Authority God who might do it if he thought fit claims no such right over mankind He never destroys without a just Cause and only to show his Soveraign Power Therefore there is no reason to believe that he au horizes men to exert a right over others which he is not willing to assume himself 5. It follows from those Truths that when a Prince endeavours without a lawful cause to destroy his people whom he is oblig'd to preserve when he publickly violates his Faith which is the Seal of the mutual obligations of his people towards him and of his towards his people when he makes use even of their Patience and Submission to ruin them the more easily when he pursues them with open Force and that disdaining to observe the very formalities of Justice to destroy them with some shaddow of Reason he makes use of Fire and Sword in all places to reduce all his Subjects to his Will and Discretion It follows I say that granting those conditions the resistance of Subjects is not Criminal They never have a right to attack But after having us'd all the Submissions and Remonstrances requir'd in such Cases after all that Prudence can advise to avoid falling into the utmost extremities there are neither Divine Laws nor Humane Reasons to take away from them the Right of defending themselves It is a Right that is born with all Men which nothing can ever deprive them of 6. Example being of a decisive force in Political Questions it is most Certain that there is no Subject upon which so many can be alledg'd as that of the Resistance of Subjects to their Soveraign when he visibly endeavours to oppress them We meet a world of them both in Ancient and Modern History It is the source of divers Revolutions which have from time to time chang'd the face of the World And even in those States in which Princes have pretended to the highest degree of Power the People being oppress'd have often put a stop to the said oppressions by Vigorous oppositions which otherwise would have been carried farther and this Maxim that Publick preservation is a lawful reason for People to defend themselves is so certain and so well known that even in Seditions and Civil Wars in which the Ring Leaders have other ends they never fail to place Publick Good at the Head of their Motives to perswade the World by that specions Tittle that their Cause is Innocent and to engage such into their Party as would be averse to it otherwise out of the scruples of a Tender Conscience 7. If any should alledge that it is impossible to decide to whom it belongs to judge in what degree of oppression it is lawful to lay a side Patience and that whatever we fix upon in that case we must needs expose our selves as well as all the Authors that have Writen about it to inexplicable difficulties I answer that the Reason why those Writers are at such a loss is that they endeavour to find out subtle study'd solutions to an absurd Objection No man can judge so well as he whose Life 's in Jeopardy whither he be in danger of losing it by suffering the Agressor to have his Will It would be a cruel absurdity to say that a Man being set upon on the Highway by a Company of Arm'd Men who have drawn him into that Peril under a fair pretence may not lawfully resist them without having first consulted an able Lawyer or obtain'd leave of my Lord Chief Justice On such occasions Nature pleads her self and supplies the want of a Doctor or a Magistrate So likewise supposing the case of an evident Oppression in which every one beholds the Chains that are preparing for him in which not only the Estates and Priviledges of some particular Persons are concern'd without minding other Rights of less Consequence but in which the whole State suffers or at least a considerable part thereof which is not to be dispis'd in which the most natural and most precious part of Liberty is at stake in which there is reason to fear that the Patience of the Oppress'd may authorise the progress of Oppression In such a case I say no body can judge
better of the necessity of making a defence than those who see and feel the progress of the slavery that is impos'd upon them 8. If any body exclaims against these and the preceeding Maxims as being attended with pernicious Consequences as favouring Rebellion as containing pretences and excuses which the Factious and Disturbers of the Publick Peace may make an ill use of I answer first that it is a misfortune annex'd to several Truths that they are lyable to great inconveniencies but yet that they are not thereby deprived of the Right of Truth by reason that those inconveniencies do not proceed from the Nature of those Truths but from the Corruption of the Heart of Man which extracts a Poyson out of the most profitable things Thus the very Weapons of the Law are made use of to create disputes tho made to suppress them which abuse does not hinder those Laws from being Just and Necessary Thus Casuists daily discover things in Theory which tho very True are neverteless attended with ill Consequences in the Practice which I mean of the most rigid as well as of those that are accus'd of slackness The most indispensible Duties of Religion and Morality are so many Arguments of Dispair to Weak Souls when represented to them in their whole extent with the absolute necessity thereof attended with all their Circumstances and Consequences Yet those inconveniencies do not deprive those Duties of their natural Justice and do not discharge Men of the obligation they lay under of submitting to them To love our Neighbour is an indispensible Duty The command of loving him as our selves receives no exceptions It is the Epitomy of Natural Justice It is the Summary of one half of the Divine Law It is the Center from which all the Precepts of Charity proceed as so many Lines which is the greatest of all Virtues Yet by the state to which sin has reduc'd the heart of Men it happens very often that he who applies himself to that important Duty exposes himself to a thousand dangers Charity is only a Law to himself and while he observes it scrupulously the Wicked take the advantage of it to be the better able to annoy him There is no greater inconvenient than to give way to the Oppression of the Innocent That inconvenient is met with in the fundamental precept of Charity but yet the truth thereof is not therefore the less evident nor the Duty less necessary This shows that the inconveniencies that attend a Doctrine do not always hinder it from being True Secondly I answer that the opposite Maxim which abandons the Liberty of the Subject to the discretion of Soveraigns and allows nothing to the People but Submission and Patience is attended with as many inconevniencies as the other I confess that it would be liable to none if we could be certain of two things the one always to have a good vertuous Prince a True Father of his Country The other that having such a one he would harken to and employ none but true Patriots Persons without Interest Ambition or Disguise by whom he might be well serv'd and council'd We may indeed and often do see the first but the second is very rare or to say better impossible It is easie to determine the Fate of those People whose Fortune Life and Liberty pass through the hands of those who cannot be great without oppressing them or Inrich themselves without their Ruin I say in the third place that both sides being attended with inconveniencies those are evidently less considerable which attend the maxim which allows people when they are oppress'd to resist oppresion than those that attend that which makes it a Crime for them to oppose their own destruction The reason of it is that the People are commonly very ill serv'd very easily divided tyr'd and blinded whereas Princes have all the advantage on their side That the people never perceive the evil untill it is committed when it is too late to remedy it whereas Princes aim at a great distance and take their measures before their Subjects are aware of them That the People often betray each other and sacrifice Publick Interest to particular advantages Whereas Princes raise Soldiers among those very People to attack them and money to corrupt them So that it often comes to pass that the Maxim which authorisâ—â— them to defend their Lives and Liberties becomes for them a truth in speculation only It also happens often that finding the Prince ready in all points and provided beforehand with all things necessary for his Enterprize the People forfeit the remainder of their Liberty when they bethink themselves of taking Arms to defend it In those cases their Resistance is called Rebellion and the Yoke that is impos'd upon them is still'd a Just punishment for their Revolt Moreover the Resistance of Subjects ought never to extend to the Life of the Soveraign No Circumstances nor Authority tho from the Pope can justifie an attempt of that Nature It is the Prerogative of Supreme Power to fix something that is Sacred in those in whom it resides which ought to secure their Lives against all enterprises Whatever Power People reserve to themselves to hinder the person they acknowledge for their Soveraign from incroaching upon their Priviledges they can preserve no Right of Life and Death over him They are so many Tribuns of the People whose person is inviolable and even their faults when they commit any do not deface that character of Majesty which sets them above all others and exempts them from Corporal Punishment Resistance therefore can go no farther on the People's side than to reduce them to those Bounds to which their Authority is limited by the Laws or at most to deprive them of a Power which they apply to awrong and unlawful use when instead of imploying it for the Protection of their Subjects they imploy it to their ruin Finally the maxim which Authorises the Resistance of Subjects against the unjust violences of their Soveraign being only allowable in this one case the Consequences thereof are not so dangerous as they seem to be by reason that Subjects very seldom form designs against the Authority of Princes unless Princes abuse it to the utmost extremity We commonly find that whatever precautions have been us'd at the founding of a Monarchy yet he who is invested with the Regal Authority will by degrees usurp some part of the Liberty the People have reserv'd to themselves but there are few examples of Peoples incroaching upon the Prerogatives of their Soveraigns The Prince and People may be compar'd to the man and the Horse of the Fable which was invented to explain this matter in a popular manner As the Horse can never pretend to free himself of the Bitt and Saddle having once submitted to it the people are oblig'd forever to wear the Yoak they have freely impos'd upon themselves But whereas man by degrees extends the power he has receiv'd from the Horse beyond
send Deputies to obtain his favour Threatning while they Intreat Arming while they Implore his Mercy amidst a thousand Terrors by submissions and intreaties executing while they hesitate and are deliberating taking of Places the keeping of which is still allow'd them for some years turning out their Governours violating his own Briefs while they to avoid the reproach of taking Arms with too much precipitation differ to put themselves in a posture of Defence which in a word ruins them half before the War is declar'd against them If to all this you add a world of infidelities committed by the Council of that Prince the constant practice of the Roman Church in what relates to Treaties made with Hereticks Henry the 3d's Declaration the Maxims of which had been inspir'd to that King by the Jesuits who had had the care of his Education that surprisiing Declaration by which Henry the 3d. had acquainted the World that the Reform'd ought never to trust to his Word when ever he made a Peace with them because he would never do it unless it were in order to take his time better and to renew the War again with advantage If I say we add all this and several other considerations that may be drawn out of History it will appear clearly that the Reform'd were more than convinc'd that their Enemies design'd to exterminate them That they kept barely upon the defensive That they were forc'd to take Arms but too late for their preservation That they tarry'd untill the Catholicks proceeded from craft to threatnings and from threatnings to effects before they lost their patience That a Peace was only granted to deceive them That they did not break it neither the first or second time whatever their Enemies say and in a word that they only defended themselves weakly and as it were in going back against a manifest Aggression Their King had at that time evidently renounced the Title of common Father of his Country as well as Henry the 3d. and by enâ—ndeavouring to destroy a numerous and very potent part of his Subjects he had given them a Just occasion to defend themselves The Chatholicks would never have had so much Patience had they foreseen at as great a distance that a Prince design'd I will not say to destroy their Religion and their main Privileges but only to retrench one of their most useless Ceremonies and as I may say to extinguish one of the Tapers of their Alters I will not insist on the secret design of the Court of France to deprive the People in General and without distinction of Religion of the remainder of their Liberty The Potent Cities of their Revenues Privileges Exemptions and Franchises The Nobility of their Lustre and Credit The Parliaments of their Power and Majesty This design was cover'd with the pretence of Religion while the Reform'd had Citys in their Power However the Court express'd it self so clearly about the Case of Rochel that no body could pretend to be Ignorant of the reasons they had to declare a War That City was under Subjection without being a Slave It was in France partly what the Imperial City's are in Germany The King Commanded in it but the Authority of that command was limited by Laws The King had been perswaded not to content himself with that limited Power What they desir'd of the Rochilois was only to renounce acquir'd advantages which had been confirm'd and as it were consecrated by Treaties by Services by Edicts by all that is most holy and most inviolable in humane Right Therefore that City was ruin'd only because they were unwilling to submit to slavery So that the War that was wag'd against it tho useful according to a certain Policy which allows everything Just that succeeds was nevertheless at the bottom the most manifest oppression that ever was heard of as well as that of the Principality of Bearn But I should be too Prolix if I should urge all that could be said to prove that the resistance of that Place and of all the Reform'd was not unlawful As for the third degree in which this History represents the Reform'd I have no long remarks to make upon it The Decay of their Religion appears in it in a thousand wayes Their Enemies begin to quarel with them upon the least Trifles Annexes Synods Books Projects of reunion the Rights of Temples and several other Articles become continual occasions of Debates and Disputes Offices and Trades the exemption of Ministers the Rights of professing their Religion the Liberty of abiding in all parts of the Kingdom become the subject of a thousand Contestations The Respect â—â—e to the misteries of the Roman Religion according to their pretentions expose the Reform'd to a thousand Troubles To all the enterprises of the Clergy to the violence of their Harangues and of their Petitions and to the progress of their designs against them whereby it is easie to judge that their Ruin was Sworn â—he Death of the Cardinal soon after follow'd by the â—ing by a Minority by a weak and wavering Regency by reason of the Ministry of a Stranger not well settled yet prov'd the true reason of their being allow'd some years Respite THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of Nantes VOL. II. BOOK I. A Summary of the Contents of the First Book The Court is surpris'd at the Death of the King Precautions us'd to prevent Disorder The Regency is given to the Queen The condition of the Reform'd who are dieaded and are afraid themselves False measures taken by the Duke of Sully He is advis'd to look to himself He is kindly entertaind at Court The Marshal Duke of Bouillon serves the Queen The Edicts confirm'd by a Declaration Remarkable Expressions The free Exercise of Religion confirm'd at Charenton The Reform'd deceiv'd by those Artifices think themselves secure New reasons of Diffidence which awaken them The Vengeance of the King's Death is neglected Impudence of Aubigni and Cotton the Jesuits The Court avoids penetrating into the Causes of the King's Death Prisoners releas'd Suspicions of the most speculative The double Alliance with Spain is resolv'd upon The Marshal of Bouillon endeavours to gain the Prince of Conde to side with the Reform'd again but in vaâ—n * Cahiers answer'd Disgrace of the Duke of Sully who is remov'd from the Treasury and from the Government of the Bastille He writes to the Queen A General Assembly allow'd for Chatelleraud but put of to Saumur by a new Brief The Marshal de Bouillon gain'd by the Queen Instructions for Provincial Assemblies Excuse of the demands that seem'd to be new Farther Instructions The Assembly of Saumur and the quality of their Deputies In what manner those of Bearn assisted at it Defective Deputations tollerated The Marshal of Bouillons inconstancy about the Presidentship of which the reasons are unknown Du Plessis is Elected President and excuses himself in vain Discontent of the Marshall Duke who reconciles himself in outward appearence with the Duke
the advantage of his Service The 52d desired the Liberty to perform the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion in all those Places and that no body might be allow'd to dispute that right Upon which the King order'd the observation of the Edict of Nantes in General Terms The 53d desir'd that the Jesuits might not be allow'd to have Colleges Seminaries or Houses in the places of Surety nor to Preach Teach Confess or Reside in the same and that throughout the Kingdom they should be reduc'd to the terms prescrib'd by the Edict of their re-establishment The King's answer engag'd him to nothing he said that the Jesuits not being allow'd to settle a College without his leave he would take care that the Reform'd should have no reason to complain The Jesuits had too much power at Court to suffer the King to make a more positive answer upon that Article The 54th desir'd the prevention of accidents that might be occasion'd by the Processions which the Catholicks affected to make in the Churches and Chapels of the Castles in which the Reform'd had but weak Garrisons and did propose some expedients in order thereunto The King referr'd them to what should be ordain'd by his Commissioners after having taken the advice of the Governours of the Provinces or Lieutenants General The 55th spoke of the necessary means to maintain or repair the Garrisons and to secure them desiring to that end the execution of the Answer made to the Cahiers of the Assembly of Gergeau The King allowed the reparations of the said places at the Charge of the Inhabitants and that they should apply themselves to the Council to obtain leave to impose such sums as should be necessary promising only some assistance in case of an urgent necessity The 56th desir'd that the Artilery Arms and other Ammunitions of War which were in the said places might be left there and not transported elsewhere that what had been already remov'd might be returned to them and that they might have their share of the Distribution of Arms and Amunitions which was made yearly to the other Towns of the Kingdom The Answer on the contrary order'd an account to be brought in of the Artillery and Amunitions that were in the said places in order to dispose of them promising only to leave so much as was necessary for the Defence of the said places The 57th desir'd that the General Assemblies might be held every other year that the Deputies General might officiate but two years and that the Assemblies might only be oblig'd to Nominate two that should be approv'd of by the King The answer was that he would allow such Assemblies when he thought fit and that they should Nominate six Persons There were some other Articles at the end of all those â—ating to the Churches of Bearn as I have said heretofore but the King's answer to them was That the Late â—â—g never having approv'd the Union of the Churches of â—â—at Principality with those of France he could not allow it neither but he promis'd to receive the particular â—â—titions of that Province Finaly the Assembly broke â—â— tho disatisfi'd with those Answers and the Deputies repair'd to their respective homes laying the blame of the ill success of their good intentions upon one another Those â—ho did side with the Marshal de Bouillon blam'd the obstinacy of the contrary Party imputing all the fault to that â—â—d the others upbraided these with having taught their enemies how to ruin the Churches by breaking the Union â—â—signedly and by a manifest Conspiracy Most of the Reform'd were very much disatisfied with the answers made to their Cahiers and seeing that instead of granting them â—â—y new favours upon their Complaints at a time when they had just reasons of diffidence their Privileges and Suâ—â—ties were incroach'd upon more than ever they apply'd â—â—e Fable of the Camel to themselves who complaining that â—ature had been unkind to him in not giving him Defensive â—â—rms as to the Lyon Elephant and Bull obtain'd no â—â—her fruit of his Complaints but to have his Ears â—orten'd So the Assembly having expected from the King 's â—ood Will some favour suitable to the time had only obtain'd illusive answers in which Injustice was joyn'd to Contempt During the Session of the Assembly there appear'd divers Books which made a Noise Mayerne publish'd one which was not proper to gain the Queens heart He maintain'd in â—t that neither Women nor Children ought ever to be admitted to the Government This was conformable to the Antient â—ight of the Monarchy which attributed the Regency to the nearest Princes of the Blood during Minorities But an expample or two to the contrary had remov'd the Princes from that Imployment and they were too poor or too weak at that time to resume their Rank The said Book wâ—… condem'd and the Author Fled Gourmandier had alâ—… printed a Treatise about the Right of Kings But it waâ—… prohibited as well as the other and all the Copies that couâ—… be met with seiz'd The pretence us'd for the said Prohibition was that the Author had mix'd divers Maxims 〈…〉 his Religion in the said Book which the Court did not approve But in general the true reason of it was that the Authority of Kings is a very nice Point which cannot 〈…〉 treated of without offending them in so much that King had rather that nothing should be said about it than evâ—… to speak advantageously of it Moreover the Doctrine 〈…〉 the Reform'd is commonly divided into two Parts upon the Subject which offend two sorts of People The one alloâ—… King 's a perfect Independency in relation to the Pope aâ—… the same authority over the Clergy as over the rest of the Subjects The other makes King's lyable to observe Equity and Justice The Fundamental Laws of the State the Oaths and Edicts and proposes the preservation of the Subjects to them as the Universal Rule of their Soveraiâ—… Power So that it is impossible for their Doctrine to 〈…〉 well receiv'd among Catholick Princes The first part eâ—… animates all the Roman Cabal against them and the secoâ—… all the Slaves of the Court The Clergy never scruples 〈…〉 Sacrifice publick Liberty to their own Grandeur and Pâ—…ces little value the Popes Enterprises provided they eâ—… an Arbitrary Power over their People Moreover theâ— was a particular reason for the Condemnation of the 〈…〉 Book The Doctrine of the Jesuits upon that Subject wâ—… detested by all the Kingdom and the condemnation 〈…〉 Bellarmin's Book was actually prosecuted in the Parliameâ—â— of Paris It was sufficient for those subtile Politicians to seâ—… themselves dishonour'd by Decrees from the Soveraigâ—… Courts they did not seem to be very sensible to those 〈…〉 fronts because they had been us'd to them and were haâ—… den'd in them from the very beginning of their Socieâ—… But they could not have endur'd that while they were treâ—… Enemies to Soveraign Power the Reform'd should be
forbid Provincial Councils for the future To anâ—… the other Articles nevertheless according to the â—en's promise not as being propos'd by that Assemâ—… which was reputed unlawful but as contain'd in a â—…tion presented by the Deputies General before Rouvray's â—hey To publish a new Declaration confirming the â—cts and granting a general Pardon for all those that â—…ld remain within the bounds of theâ— Allâ—giance The 〈…〉 Resolution ended by the project of sending the Marshals of France to perform their Circuit or Progress in thâ—â—â— respective Provinces according as it had been practis'd aâ—ciently and according to the obligation of their said Offâ—â—â— accompanyed with Officers of Justice and Forces to check aâ—â— punish the Guilty and to aid and assist the Good Tâ—â—â— was a threatning resolution which signified properly thâ—â— they would oblige the Duke de Rohan to obey by foâ—â—â— of Arms and punish him like a Rebel if they could caâ—â—â— him Those Circuits or Progresses which were sormâ—â—â— part of the Civil Government of the Kingdom and whiâ—â— were ordain'd to protect the weakest against the strongâ—â—â— and to incourage the oppress'd to complain finding theâ—selves assisted by Law and by the King's forces against 〈◊〉 might of the oppressors had been of no longer continuaâ—â—â— than Liberty They had been suspended for a long time and considering the behaviour of the Court and the Pâ—â—gress of Arbitrary Power it was easie to Judge that thâ—â— would not be re-establish'd or that they would not 〈…〉 in order to administer Justice The Marshal de Bâ—â—illon was to be one of them that it might not seem to 〈◊〉 an affair of Religion The Marshal de Brisac was to 〈◊〉 joyned to him in that Progress and the Forces were to 〈◊〉 divided as well as the Generals But finally whether 〈◊〉 were to Cost a Province or two they were resolv'd 〈◊〉 force the Duke of Rohan to obey and his resistance 〈◊〉 imputed to the mildness of the means that had been â—â—till then in order to reduce him Nothing of all this was put in execution but the Dâ—claration that was publish'd within a week after it whâ—â—â— was the third that appear'd that year It first enlarâ—â—â— upon the endeavours the King had us'd to maintain Pâ—â—â—â— among his Subjects according to the Maxim of the 〈◊〉 King who having granted the Edict of Nantes in ordâ—â— to remove all the fears and jealousies of the Reform'd 〈◊〉 relation to the Liberty of their Persons of their Consciâ—â—ces of their Honours and of their Families had happâ—â—â— govern'd his People in peace by the observation of that â—… of the secret Articles Breefs and Settlements made consequence thereof The King added that his endeaâ—â—s had not hinder'd his Subjects in general and even 〈…〉 Reform'd from entertaining jealousies of each other â—â—ch had induc'd them to augment their Forces to make â—â—ision of Arms to hold Councils and Assemblies which â—ather imputed to an ill grounded fear than to ill â—… having ever found the generality of the Reform'd 〈…〉 affected to his Service He said that the best way to â—â—edy that evil and to avoid the consequences thereof 〈…〉 to observe the Edicts inviolably in order whereunto â—order'd the Edict of Nantes that of the 22d of Mayâ—o â—o The private Articles the Decrees the Regulations 〈…〉 other Letters expedited in consequence thereof for the â—…rpretation of the execution of the Edict to be read and â—…lish'd anew in the Parliaments After which he aboâ—…d all Decrees Acts. or Proceedings and Expeditions â—…de against the Reform'd under any pretence whatever 〈…〉 impos'd a perpetual silence to his Attornies General â—…r Substitutes and all others upon that Subject by reaâ—… that he was of opinion that the infractions committed 〈…〉 the Reform'd only proceeded from slight jealousies and 〈…〉 from ill will and that he was in hopes that for the fuâ—…e they would keep within the bounds of the Edict Fiâ—…y he forbad all manner of Communication of Assemâ—…s the establishing and holding of Provincial Councils â—…ing of men and all actions directly or indirectly contraâ—… to the Edicts on pain of being punished as disturbers of 〈…〉 publick peace This Declaration was publish'd on the 15th of Deâ—…ber The Spirit and Stile of the others appear'd visibly 〈…〉 it which only tended to represent the Reform'd as peoâ—… that were ever ready to take up Arms. Nothing could 〈…〉 of more use to the Court than always to give them the â—…me even of the injustices that were committed anst them The project of their Ruin was built upon â—…t Foundation and the minds of the People had been prepar'd so well upon that Subject by that Policy 〈…〉 even some of the Reform'd blam'd the suspicions and 〈…〉 cast of their Brethren It is from thence that the exclâ—…ors have drawn all the Common Places of their Invectiâ—… Nothing can be more specious in appearence to conviâ—… the Reform'd of having ever had a Turbulent Factiâ—… inclination than to produce Pardons upon Pardons granâ—… to them and to see the prohibition of persevering in the enterprises daily renew'd against them However the juâ—…fication of their Conduct will appear by the Remonstrâ—…ces of the Parliaments and by the Manisestos of the â—… who reproach'd the Queen directly with the inobseâ—…tion of the Edicts But before â— proceed to that we 〈…〉 observe that the Reform'd were sensible of the Policy those Deelarations and that they were loth to recâ—… them by reason that they knew that they concem'd themselves by submitting to them Therefore the Deputies the Circle being come to Rochel on the 25th of 〈…〉 Month according as it had been resolv'd at their separatiâ—… made great difficulties upon the State in which affairs 〈…〉 to them They were neither pleas'd with the Decâ—…on nor yet with the Answers made to the Deputies Genâ—… because they did not find those answers in Writing altogeâ—… conformable to those they had receiv'd a month before 〈…〉 Rouvray in the Queen's Name The prohibition of â—…vincial Councils troubled them more than all the rest 〈…〉 the more the Court seem'd adverse to allow them the 〈…〉 they esteem'd them necessary for their safety Inâ—… that the Deputies General were oblig'd to use their 〈…〉 endeavours to appease them and Du Plessis to do the like which proving ineffectual the City of Rochel was obligd seperate from the rest of the Deputies and to declare 〈…〉 they thought there was no further necessity for the coâ—…nuation of the Assembly But the Duke of Rohan 〈…〉 come thither in order to make them alter their reâ—…tions by his presence they were like to come to bloâ—… and to oblige the Body of the City to retract The â—… prevented it by securing the Cantons that could make 〈…〉 the strongest Thus to avoid making War with the â—… the Reform'd were upon the point of waging it â—…st one another and to spare their ancient Enemies trouble to ruin them It is observable that the Mayâ—…nd President of Rochel were
the Name and Lustre of their Families There were some Reform'd among the Deputies of the Noâ—â—lity but they were not strong enough to oppose the Cathoâ—â—cks Besides what ever came from them was suspected by â—…e ignorant Nobility and one of the reasons which prejudic'd â—…e rights of the Crown most and the Prince of Conde was that â—â—ose who maintain'd them most were Hereticks Peoples minds â—eing dispos'd thus The third Estate began to treat the queâ—ion of the Independency of Kings and of the safety of their â—ersons against the enterprizes and pretentions of the Court â—f Rome It was none of their fault that it was not pass'd â—â—to a fundamental Law of the State that they were subject 〈…〉 no Power directly nor indirectly and that there was no â—ase or pretence to authorise any body to declare their forâ—â—iture of the Crown to dispence their Subjects from their Allegiance The murther of the two last Kings had made a deep impression in the hearts of the King 's best Subjects and the Third Estate was desirous to stifle the remainder of the League by that Law by showing their maxims to be false and contrary to the principle of Monarchy It was still fresh in Peoples minds how those maxims had like to have torn the Kingdom into piece and to deprive the lawful Heir of the Crown under pretence of Religion and of the Excommunication pronounc'd against him by the Popes It seems wonderful in our days that a proposition so specious in it self and so advantageous to Kings could be rejected And yet it certainly was and that which is most surprising is that the King's authority was us'd to reject it The truth is that it was no novelty at that time the Court had partly done the same two years before The Monks had undertaken to make Kings stoop under the Popes feet The Clergy of the Sorbonne was inclinable to that Seditious Theology Regal Authority was the sport of their Disputes and most people were wretchedly misled into that opinion I do not wonder that they refus'd to allow the Reform'd at that time to have the honour to defend their Soveraign and that those Books were suppress'd which they wrote upon that Subject but yet methinks they should have had a little more regard for the Catholicks who maintain'd the same Cause Nevertheless the Court handsomely acquiess'd to its own disadvantage Richet only defender of the King 's Rights and of the Liberties of the Gallick Church and who maintain'd the propositions which the Clergy has lately defin'd was oppress'd by Duval another Doctor seconded by the Monks and the Court interposing in that Dispute he was oblig'd to part with his place of Syndis of the University to suffer the Condemnation of his Books without saying any thing and to suffer his Brethren and even the King himself whose Interests he did defend to treat him as an Heretick But whereas the Reform'd had a great share in that Dispute which was renew'd in the States I think it will be necessary for their Honour to relate somewhat at large how that affair pass'd The Clergy fell out into an Excess of Passion against â—…e Authors of that proposition They made as much noise as if they had design'd to take away their vast Revenues or to set the Reform'd Religion upon the Throne They drew the Nobility into their Sentiments and having put Cardinal Du Perron at the head of a solemn Deputation which they sent to the Third Estate he oppos'd â—…e good Intentions of that Body with all his might The did Cardinal made a long studyed discourse upon that â—…atter to render the said proposition odious and he maintain'd the Interests of the Courts of Rome with so much confidence that he seem'd only to make use of the Grandeur to which the favour of Kings had rais'd him to destroy them and to make them subject to a Forreign Power The turn he took to make an Impression upon the minds of â—…e Catholicks was to represent that Doctrine as a branch of Heresie in order to create jealousies about its Original â—…e maintained with a boldness suitable to a more odious â—ame that before Calvin the whole Church and even the Gallick Church did believe that when a King did violate the â—ath he had taken to God and to his Subjects to live and â—ye a Catholick and not only turn'd Arian or Mahometan â—ut even proceeded so far as to War against Jesus Christ â—…at is to force the Consciences of his Subjects and to oblige â—…em to follow a false Religion he might be declar'd deprived of his Rights and his Subjects could be absolved in â—onscience and at the Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Tribunal 〈…〉 the Allegiance which they had sworn to him and that it belonged to the Pope or Council to make that Declaration â—…e maintained that this Sentiment expos'd no body to the Anathema and did not deprive those who held it of the â—ommunion of the Church He declared more than once that â—…e Oath which the King of England had exacted from the Catholicks was the Patron of the Doctrine of the Third Estate which at the bottom was the substance of that Oath â—…e alledged several inconveniences which might arise from the enterprise of that House for Instance that it would be a Snare for Consciences to make people read as an Article of Faith taken out of the word of God a Doctrine the contrary of which had been and was still held by all the rest of the Catholick Church That it was dangerous that Lay-men should undertake to decide matters of Faith without being guided by a Council or some other Ecclesiastical Judgment That it might create a Schism to declare a Doctrine Impious which was approved by the other Catholicks which they did seperate from by that Declaration That under pretence of securing the Life and Grandeur of Princes they would be exposed more than ever by the troubles which a Schism causes He had the boldness to say that the Murther of Kings could be prevented no otherwise than by the fear of Eternal Punishment and that nothing but Ecclesiastical Judgments can give a real Terror of Punishments He seconded all this with Examples and Testimonies set out with a great deal of Pomp displaying as he us'd to do the most fabulous and most false Reports and he endeavou'd to prove by subtil artificial answers the Examples and Testimonies to the contrary He also endeavour'd to refute the Objections drawn from other Causes and among the rest that which was taken from the Tolleration granted to Hereticks from whence it might be concluded that if Just Laws were made to preserve their Lives their Estates and their Honours Kings were much less to be depriv'd of theirs under pretence of Heresie He answer'd it in a manner which show'd that according to his opinion the Laws under which Hereticks lived did only suspend the execution of those which were against them and insinuating
his Motions He declar'd that he would look upon those to be Enemies to the State who should refuse to sign the Peace Moreover he was accus'd of having ingag'd himself to the King's Commissioners by writing to March against the Assembly and to make War against them in case they should disown what their Deputies had done or should continue their Session beyond the Term granted to them The Duke de la Trimouille his Nephew who was Young and Easie and who did not tread long in his Father's Steps did the same in Imitation of his Uncle But the Marshal de Bouillon design'd thereby to show that he was the Moving Spirit of the Party that his Advice was sufficient to incline them to War and his Threatnings to make them accept a Peace The Assembly gave him no cause to proceed to Extreams against them They submitted to the Treaty they did Nominate Deputies General And Berteville to whom the Marshal had given hopes of obtaining that Deputation was Elected according to his Promise Maniald was joyn'd with him After which the Assembly Dissolv'd it self without staying until the time that was granted them This Treaty was thus publish'd and Intitl'd An Edict given at Blois in the Month of May. It contain'd 54 Articles among which those that had a relation to the Publick Good were soon Converted into Illusions by the turn of Affairs that follow'd soon after Most of them only contain'd such things as are commonly imploy'd in general Pardons The Third Article was in favour of the Roman Catholick Religion which was to be restor'd in all Places where their Worship had been Interrupted during the Troubles Their Ministers were maintain'd in the Liberty of their Functions in the Injoyment of their Estates and in the Possession of their Houses of which the Restitution was order'd The Fourth was a weak Injunction to make Inquities into the Death of the late King under pretence that the King was inform'd that his Officers had been remiss in it notwithstanding their having receiv'd express Orders about it from the Queen both by word of Mouth and in Writing and the King promis'd to Write to all the Bishops of the Kingdom to cause the Decree of the Council of Constantia to be publish'd in their respective Diocesses which speaks of the Life of Kings and Soveraign Princes The Fifth revers'd a Decree of Suspension of those which the Parliament of Paris had given in favour of the Independency of Kings provided that such things as were Imported by those Decrees should remain unperform'd which had not been put in execution yet which related to the Assembly of the Princes and Officers of the Crown with the Parliament in order to the Reformation of the State That is the King revers'd those Decrees in Terms which seem'd only to reverse the Suspension of them The Sixth presupposing that the Court had gone a great way in answering of the Cahiers of the Estates General promis'd that they would proceed in it without any Discontinuation The King ingag'd himself by the Seventh to Examine the Article of the Third Estate But he did not oblige himself to pass it into a Law The next Imported that the King would give no more considerable Places to Foreigners But he destroy'd the said Promise at the same time reserving to himself the Power of bestowing them on such under the pretence of singular Merit or of great Services Some others follow'd these in Course which seem'd to be useful to the State but were couch'd in Terms as Illusory as the preceeding The Fourteenth confirm'd the Edicts and all that related to them The next Created a new Office of Councellor in the Parliament of Paris to be given to one of the Reform'd in the room of that of Berger who had only chang'd his Religion on condition that he should not be dispossessed of the said Office The Sixteenth restor'd the free Exercise of the Reform'd Religion in all places where it had been Interrupted upon the account of the Troubles The Seventeenth allow'd the Proceedings of the Prince of Conde and of his Adherents both Catholicks and Reform'd Even of those who compos'd the Assembly of Nimes which was at Rochel at the time of this Edict The Twentyfourth only related to Rochel The Forty seventh ordain'd the Restitution of the Places which had been seiz'd by the Adherents of the Prince And whereas Tartas had been taken by Surprize from the Reform'd the King order'd the present Restitution of the same before they should proceed to the Restitution of the others But in order to punish the People as it is common for the folly of the Great ones the King re-establish'd some old Impositions which he had occasion for to pay the Peace he was oblig'd to buy There were also private Articles which were no less important than the General ones The last promis'd 1500000 Livres to the Prince of Conde and the Lords of his Party The Court had no mind they should be seen by the Parliament for fear of Contradictions Therefore they were sent to them Seal'd up and the 53 of the General Articles was very positive in ordering them to be put in Execution The First maintain'd the Gallick Church in its Liberties The Second disown'd the pursuit of the Clergy for the publication of the Council of Trent and promis'd that it should have no Effect The Third excepted Leitoure from the Article about the Restitution of Places because there was a Dispute between Fontrailes and Angalin about the Captainship of the Castle The Dispute was begun before the War which was the reason that Fontrailles favour'd the surprising of the said place by the Duke of Rohan who turn'd out his Competitor He made a shift to maintain himself in it until the year 1620 and then only quitted it upon good Terms In the mean while the Article Imported that until the decision of the Dispute the King would deposit it into the Hands of an Exempt of his Guards or some other Reform'd Officer The Fourth regulated a very particular Affair Villemereau Councellor in the Parliament of Paris and le Maitre one of the Masters of Accounts of the said Court had embrac'd the Reform'd Religion The Courts which they belong'd to had hinder'd them from Exercising their said Imployments upon that Account The Reform'd took it very much to heart and seeing that Berger did not lose his place tho' he was turn'd Catholick they pretended that the others ought not to be us'd worse for embracing the Reform'd Religion The Catholicks urg'd that the Number of Reform'd Counsellors was Limited to Six by the Edict and that therefore Villemereau's place ought to be taken from them or at most that they could only pretend to keep it in compensation of that of Berger The Reform'd on the other Hand pretended that the Edict only Limited the Offices they were to have of necessity but that it did not baâ— their Access to all others which they were declar'd
the Roman Religion â—…ere according to the Edict in the same Splendor in which 〈…〉 was thereby Establish'd elsewhere So that the Reform'd 〈…〉 Bearn seeing Religion and Liberty were equally concern'd 〈…〉 that Affair omitted nothing to Ward a blow which would â—…casion the ruine of both Whereupon their Enemies upâ—…aided them as being guilty of a very shameful or very Criâ—inal Inconstancy in having formerly desir'd their Churches 〈…〉 be United to those of France in order to make but one â—…dy in the National Synods and in the General Assemblies â—hereas they now express'd so much Repugnancy to become â—embers of the same Body Politick with the rest of the Kingâ—â—m But that Reproach did not move them by reason that the â—…id diversity of Sentiments had been produc'd by the â—…versity of Conjunctures They had desir'd to be United with â—…ose Churches in order the more to engage themselves in the â—ommunion of their Doctrine And they oppos'd the Union 〈…〉 their Country to the Crown as a thing which would serve 〈…〉 introduce the General Oppression of their Consciences and 〈…〉 their Persons Therefore they answer'd the Dissertation I have already â—…ention'd applying themselves more to destroy the Concluâ—…n than to refute the Arguments one after another which were compos'd of those kind of Probabilities which become demonstrations in the Cause of the strongest but yet which â—o not hinder People in point of Politicks to be ready to mainâ—…in the contrary when their interest requires it This Pamphlet under the Name of a Gentleman of Navar maintain'd â—hat the greatest Princes had ever been pleas'd to preserve the â—…itles of their Ancient Possessions as Monuments of the Grandeur of their Predecessors That some of them still reâ—ain'd the Titles of Kings of Jerusalem and Princes of Antioch That Henry III. himself after having lost the Crown of Poland â—ad kept the Title of it That the Republick of Venice tho' depriv'd of the Kingdom of Cyprus would not suffer the Arms of that Soveraignty Carv'd upon a Column before the Church of St. Mark to be ras'd out That those who were least favour'd by Fortune took as many Titles as they had Castle That those who propos'd the Re-union of Navar and of Bearâ— to the Crown seem'd on the contrary only to be desirous to extinguish the Title of King of Navar as if it were inconsistent with that of King of France that though it were true that according to the General Acceptation of the World the greatest draws in the least yet that it did not follow that the Glorious Name of France should Abolish that of Navar and reduce the State of it into a Province by destroying thâ—â— Rights and Privileges That it lessen'd the Authority of Kings to change their Kingdoms into Provinces That the Treâ—â—â— Grown of the Popes and the Thiara of the Kings of Perâ—â—â— show'd sufficiently that it is an honour to wear several Crownâ— That the King of Spain did not confound his Kingdoms That the Emperor though elevated above other Princes was â—â—â— asham'd of the Titles of King of Bohemia and of Hungary That it was true that the King of France bearing the Name of those two Crowns preserv'd the Right of Lawful Soveraign over both but that in case all the Laws of the Kingdom were violated it signify'd nothing to retain the bare Title of it That God having made the Fundamental Laws of Monarchies they cannot be Trampled upon without Sacrilege That they were like the fix'd Star which cannot change their Place unless when the Firmament turns These were partly the Reasons of those who were afraid that the Court design'd to submit as it came to pass those remains of a free State in which Oppression was still unknown to the Laws of a Kingdom in which the King's Authority began to grow excessive But yet neither these nor the others could prevent the publishing of the Edict of Re-union in the same Month in which those Writings appear'd The Eâ—… of Bearn oppos'd the said Edict and nominated Deputies 〈…〉 the Syndicks of the Country to draw their said Opposition in form They positively maintain'd that Bearn was 〈…〉 Lordship distiâ—ct from all other Soveraignty That the Bearnois being Govern'd by Laws and Customs had only Eâ—â—cted Soveraigns in order to maintain those Customs without â—â—lowing them the Power to Alter Correct or to reform them â—ithout the Estates of the Country and by their Consent â—hat this was their Contractual Fundamental Law which the â—rince was oblig'd to swear to keep at his Inauguration That â—â—cording to that the King could not alter it That Henryâ—â— â—â— himself had rejected the Proposition of it being unwilâ—â—ng to wrong a Country in which he was Born Those Conâ—â—derations made them hope that provided they could be heard 〈…〉 the Council they might obtain something favourable from â—… But instead of receiving any satisfaction from them they â—â—ve them fresh Causes of Complaint and the Assembly of â—â—e Clergy obtain'd a Decree of Restauration of the Church â—â—nds after having so long sollicited for it Maniald one 〈◊〉 the Deputies General who staid at Paris while his Colâ—â—ague went to Vitre to assist at the National Synod there beâ—â—g inform'd that the Council was preparing to give the said â—ecree remonstrated on the 21st of June that it was fit to â—â—low Lescun time according as it was promis'd to him to â—â—pair to the Court again to give in his Reasons and to deliâ—â—r those Papers into the King's Hands which were return'd to â—â—m the preceeding Year But the Clergy prevail'd notwithâ—â—anding this just Remonstrance Du Vair who was made â—eeper of the Great Seal and who did not think himself unâ—orthy of a Cardinal's Cap bely'd in this occasion as in â—â—veral others the Reputation of Probity he had acquir'd â—â—fore his being rais'd to that Dignity And in order that all â—â—e Clergy might share the favour of one of the Members of â—â—eir Body he push'd on that Affair with all his Credit So â—â—at on the 23d of the said Month in the presence of La Force â—ho us'd his utmost endeavours to hinder it a Decree was â—â—ven in the Council by which the King order'd the said â—rocess to be brought before him And two Days after it a â—efinite Decree was given to the satisfaction of the â—lergy This Decree declar'd positively that the Deputies had been heard and that the Council had seen the Writings and Answers and ordain'd three things First The Restitution of Church Lands and the Restauration of the Catholick Religion throughout the Principality of Bearn Secondly The preservation of the Reform'd in all their Privileges and the Reimplacement of the Sums that were taken from them by the said Decree of Restauration upon the Ancient Demesne of Bearn and in case that were not sufficient upon the Demesnes of the Adjacent Places according to which it was said that the Sums should be stated upon the Expence of the Houshold as
concerning the Rights of Bearn and he added divers Reflexions to it upon the Violation of Promises and upon the omission of the usual Formalities in the Decree of Restoration This among others was of great Consequence Dâ— Vaiâ— had assisted at the Judgment by virtue of his quality of Lord Keeper though being a Bishop he ought not to sit in the Council when the Affairs of the Reform'd were treated there according to the Answer made to the fourth Article of the Cahier of Loudun in which the King declar'd expresly that the Ecclesiasticks should withdraw whenever those Affairs were treated of there He observ'd the Unjust Precipitation of that Decree made after having return'd all the Writings and Productions to the Parties â—s if they had design'd to give it over notwithstanding which â—t had been judg'd without any new Adjournment given to the Parties concern'd And to the end they might not say that they had examin'd all the said Writings before the returning of them he gives a List of several other Acts which he design'd to joyn to the first Productions He observ'd that the Reimplacement promis'd by the King might be evaded by the Capricio of a Treasurer whereupon he cited the Example of the Country of Gex and of Bearn it self where the like Promises had prov'd ineffectual That the Demesne of Bearn was unalienable That the attribution of a perpetual Usufructuary was a real Alienation and consequently that the Reimplacement would only serve to render the Reform'd the more odious as injoying such an Income by a Title contrary to the Rights of the Country That without touching Regulations so often confirm'd the King might have given the Reimplacement to the Bishops who would have injoy'd it without fear of being depriv'd of it again whereas the Churches being oblig'd to accept it they might get it revok'd when they pleas'd That the King might think it a burthen to his Conscience at some time or other to see his Revenues imploy'd for the maintenance of the Reform'd Churches since it would not permit him then to suffer the Ecclesiastical Lands to serve for that use and that it was to be fear'd that the same Conscience would oblige him to take the Places of Surety from the Reform'd He also argued about the dispute of the Tithes maintaining that they are not due as a ground Rent but as a Religious Duty which cannot be paid by the Earth but by Persons and concluded that the Reform'd could not pay them to the Clergy with a safe Conscience In the next place he prov'd a Prescription of 40 Years and answer'd the two Exceptions of the Clergy viz. That it had been interrupted by the Protestations the Clergy had enter'd against it from time to time and that there can be no Prescription against the Roman Church unless of a hundred Years He reply'd to the first that as often as the Clergy had renew'd their Contestation they had been cast And to the second that in Bearn that Right is of â—â— force against the Old Law nor in France against Royal Ordinances He did not forget that in all the Writings that were made against Bearn absolute Power was sounded high and that they were not asham'd to publish that the pretentions of Bearn were good in time of old while they had a particular Lord but that belonging now to a King of France the Case was alter'd That is to say That the King 's Right was only force which according to the Opinion of the most Equitable â—n France is only a Right among Barbarians Whereas the Apology was only grounded on the Laws of the State very different from the particular Will of the Prince which may â—ary according to time while the others are constant and unvariable He upbraided the Jesuits with their Parricides and their Doctrine concerning the Authority of Kings and return'd the Catholicks some of the Darts they us'd to Lance against the Reform'd call'd the King Abraham the Roman Church and the King of Spain Hagar and Ishmael and the Reform'd and their Church Isaac and Sarah complaining that Agar and â—hmael would turn out Isaac and the true Children of the House unknown to Abraham And finally he protested in the Name of the Reform'd that not being the Agressors they would not be responsible for the Evils that might insue if being attackt they should be forced to make a Lawful defence He implor'd the assistance of all those that were of the same Belief and of all those that lov'd the good of the State lest those should expose themselves to the reproach made to Meroâ— by the Israelites Jâ—g 5. v. 23. of not being come to the assistance of the Lord and these to the Curtesie of the Cyclop He pretended this recourse to be founded on Right and Examples He tax'd the Favourite by the by of injoying Imployments which were only due to Princes of the Blood And he insinuated that the King had been the greatest gainer by the Treaty of Loudun and the Assembly which met at Rochel at the time of the Fall of the Marshal d' Ancre While Affairs were in this State in Bearn the Queen Mother was tyr'd with Blois where she was under Confinement as in an honourable kind of Prison Luines who had a mind to know her Secrets put a thousand unworthy Tricks upon her and Fool'd her and the Duke of Rohan pretending to come to an Accommodation with that Princess in order to discover those in whom she repos'd a Confidence He even made use of the Treachery of Arnoux the Jesuit who under pretence of Confession discover'd whatever she had upon her heart which he acquainted the Favourite with who improv'd it to his own advantage The Jesuit after so base a piece of Treachery disdain'd to excuse it and thought it sufficient in order to cover the Infamy of so base an Action to say that he had begg'd God's Pardon for it The Queen being Exasperated by the Treatment she receiv'd resolv'd to make her Escape She apply'd her self at first to the Marshal de Bouillon whose Ability she was acquainted with and who had a considerable City in which he might have afforded her a Retreat But he refus'd to engage in so great an Undertaking He only advis'd the Queen to apply her self to the Duke d' Epernon who was at Mets at that time very much disatisfy'd with the Court. The said Duke accepted her Proposals immediately and having taken the Queen in a place where he had appointed to meet her he carry'd her safe to Angouleme Luines was stun'd with that Blow which he did not expect He was sensible that he had disoblig'd all the Kingdom His prodigious Fortune created a Jealousie in all the Grandees and the People oppress'd by a thousand Vexations imputed it all as it is usual to the Avarice and Ambition of the Favourite Therefore he thought it better to stop the progress of the evil by Negotiations than to let
days by an affectation of extraordinary Clemency and of being exact to his Word then a Victorious Army where the King was in person could accomplish by a long Siege When he made his Entry into Montauban the Ministers presented themselves to kiss his Hands he receiv'd 'em but before that he gave 'em to understand that he did not allow 'em that Honour as Deputies of any Particular Body because the Reformed made no Particular Body in the Kingdom but only as men of Learning for whom he had an esteem The end of this Compliment was to let the Reformed know that their Union was quite extinct and consisted no longer in any other thing then in their Profession of the same Doctrine The Ministers of State the Intendants the Governors of Provinces and Princes themselves for a long time did 'em the same honour as the Cardinal had done the Ministers of Montauban But at length the Clergy weary of hearing the Compliments of the Ministers preferr'd upon all occasions before those of all the other Deputies obtain'd a Declaration which forbid 'em to make any such Deputations as I shall have an occasion to speak in another place As for the Assembly this year assembl'd at Paris they chiefly minded their own Affairs They obtain'd a Decree of Council which forbid the seizing in the hands of the Receivers of the Clergy the Pensions which had bin allow'd 'em under pretence of being the Debts of Converted Ministers And this open'd a large Door for the Knavery of those who were laden with Debts and had not wherewithal to pay But there were some Articles in the Ordinances of Lewis XIII upon which the Clergy thought fit to make Remonstrances Among which there was one which oblig'd 'em to draw up an Inventory of their Evidences Against which they urg'd that such an Article would do 'em wrong for that the Enemies of the Church meaning the Reformed 〈◊〉 draw from thence a pretence to molest 'em in the Posâ—… of their Livings Tho there was as much reason to fear 〈◊〉 Vexations of the Catholics as those of the other People because they would have found a means to prove the Falshood 〈◊〉 Nullity of their Evidences had they bin once expos'd to the Examination of cunning people but it did not behove them to speak of any other but the Reformed whose Name was 〈◊〉 proper to conceal their secret Intentions They demanded upon another Article that the Clause of Verify'd in Parlaâ—…ts requir'd by the Ordinance to set a Value upon the Concesâ—…s which they had obtain'd of several Kings might be taken away For they saw well that at that rate they should lose a great part or their Priviledges which wanted that Formaâ—…ty Whether it were that the Parliaments did not easily allow 〈◊〉 sorts of Favours or whether it were that the Clergy durst 〈◊〉 present 'em for fear of a Refusal They rather chose that such Concessions should be granted by way of Contract with 〈◊〉 King then by the public Forms of Law in regard the most Zealous Defenders of Arbitrary Power almost all of 'em agree 〈◊〉 Contracts are more Inviolable then the Laws But I make this Observation chiefly in this place to the end that men may 〈◊〉 that this Clause of which the Clergy so well saw the Consequence had not bin inserted in several Edicts given in favour of the Reformed and particularly in that of Nimes but only that they might have an Opportunity to deprive 'em of a great number of Concessions of High Importance for their welfare 〈◊〉 quiet Now they who have a desire to understand how the Reformed were handl'd in such Places where they liv'd under the Protection of the Edicts may readily understand by some Examples The 23. of April at an Assembly of the Town-Hall of 〈◊〉 there was a Resolution taken to admit no more of the Reformed to be sworn into Masterships of Trades and the Reason was this that the contrary Custom caus'd Differences and for that the Catholic Masters oppo'sd it As if the Opposition of a few Male-contents were to have bin of any value 〈◊〉 an Affair which the Edict had so clearly decided The King at another time being at Valence in the Dauphinate past a Decree of the Council of State touching the Bells the Church-Yard the Minister's and the School-Master's Salaries and other Affairs of the same nature to the good liking of all the Inhabitants but the Reparation of the Church contain'd a Regulation which in despite of Custom and the apparent Interest which the Reformed had in the Thing confirm'd to the Curate the Catholic Consul and such and such Inhabitants as were of the same Religion the Power of distributing the Alms and the Government of the Hospital It may be easily then judg'd what share that Regulation left us the Reformed of the Alms or in the Government of the Hospital But the Parlament of Rennes bethought themselves of being more just this year and by a Decree of the 12. of June Confirm'd the Private Article of that Edict which Exempted the Reformed from spreading Carpets before their Doors upon solemn Procession-days onely barely ordering that Carpets should be spread But the Parlament of Dijon was not in so good an Humour For it happen'd that a private person was accus'd before 'em for committing some Irreverence during the Procession of Corpus Christi Day The Party accus'd according to the Edict demanded the Removal of the Cause to the Chamber of Greenoble But the Removal was deny'd him under pretence that it was a matter of Sacriledge and that the Parlaments were to have the sole Cognizance of those Crimes But nothing was more unjust then this Pretention in regard that the pretence of Sacriledge was one of the Cases wherein the Reformed had most reason to be afraid of falling into the hands of Judges altogether prepossess'd The Parlament of Paris also by a Decree of the Third of August reduc'd the Priviledge of taking an Associate of the Reformed Religion for the drawing up and passing Sentences in Criminal Processes brought against those of the Religion to Cases of Marshal Law onely The Edict extended it to Final Sentences by whatever Judges they were given and Custom had stretch'd it to all manner of Criminal Processes because it seem'd Equitable the drawing up of the Process by the first Judge being that which of necessity byasses the Sentence of the Superiour I thought it requisite to set down the Original of this sort of Practice because that these particular Decrees have 〈◊〉 time bin turn'd into a General Law But nothing was more mischievous to the Reformed then the establishment of Missions which were Compos'd for the most part of persons of a violent seditious and pedantic Spirit who thought it an honour to themselves to excite Tumults and to â—…raw bad usage upon themselves that they might have an Opportunity to trouble the Principal Members of the Reformed Churches The most dangerous of these
â—…eql for Religion well perceiv'd that the Power of the Reformed had only serv'd for an Obstacle to delay the Public Sâ—…viâ—ude The Sovereign Courts were treated with unheard 〈…〉 Scorn and lofty Disdain The Court of Aides refus'd to veriâ—… certain Edicts that burthen'd the State with new Impositionâ— and being inform'd that the Edicts were just ready to be brougâ—… to 'em while the Court was sitting they would not stay 〈…〉 'em but rose immediately For the punishment of which presumption the Court was interdicted and other Judges 〈…〉 up in the room of those that had been so hardy to judge of theâ—… Power They continu'd in this Condition for some Months nor could they be restor'd till they had most servilely submitteâ— themselves Nor was the Parlament any better us'd For aftâ—… the Queenmother and the Duke of Orleance were withdrawâ— the King sent a Declaration to the Parlament against the Prinâ—… and his Adherents But that same Senate instead of verifyinâ— the Declaration divided and order'd Remonstrances Thâ— King to punish this piece of Malapertness sent an Order to thâ— Members to come a-foot to the Loure not by their Deputiâ—… but in a Body and to bring the Registers along with 'em Which being done the whole Assembly as August as the stil'd themselves were enforc'd upon their Knees to hear â— tedious and mortifying Censure which reduc'd all their Powâ—… only to the enregistring and publishing all Declarations thaâ— were sent 'em without any hesitation The Keeper of the Sâ—…tore before their faces the Decree for dividing the House anâ— the Parlament had the hard Fortune to hear a Decree pronounc'd which either exil'd or suspended from their Employments some of the most considerable of their Members It was not to be wonder'd that such unheard-of Proceeding should provoke the Spirits of the People to take Arms. Thâ—… Duke of Orleans therefore being return'd into France was 〈…〉 join'd by a numerous Body of Malecontents and in a smaâ—… time beheld all Languedoc at his devotion and they who haâ—… bin the most fierce Persecutors of the Reformed threw themselves into this New Party Lestranges Lord of Privas sideâ— with the Duke and perish'd in the Cause The Bishops â—… â—…lbi Vsez Nimes Alets St. Pons and Lodeve join'd with the Duke of Mommorenci The Bishiop of Leon also was accus'd to have had a share in this War and could not obtain his Pardon â—ill after the King's Death On the other side the Reformed serv'd the King with extraordinary Courage The Second Consul of Nimes preserv'd that City for the King and exâ—ell'd the Bishops and the First Consul who favour'd the Duke â—f Orleans Montaubon sent her Deputies as far as Monceaux â—o assure the King of the Fidelity of the Inhabitants who ofâ—er'd to march a League out of their City to meet the Duke and â—ight his men if they approach'd near their Quarters The Duke â—f Espernon also had so much confidence in 'em that he made â—o scruple to enter the Town tho much inferior in strength â—nd to commit himself to the mercy of a People whom he had â—o rudely handl'd in time of War Marion Camp-Assistant on the King's side made himself Master of Privas which had â—in abandon'd since it was taken and recall'd the Inhabitants who serv'd him successfully and defended the Town for the King against their own Lord. One would have thought that such an Action should have cancell'd the Memory of what was pass'd and indeed those poor Creatures were suffer'd to resettle themselves without any notice taken of it But Thirty years after they were made to understand by Cruel Persecutions that past Offences are never to be expiated by succeeding Services and that by a Maxim quite opposite to the Rule of the Almighty Transgressions are longer retain'd in the Memories of Princes then Good Services The Bishops of Albi and Nimes were degraded by reason of their Rebellion and the Bishop of Vsez dying in the midst of the Process avoided the Disgrace The rest were no less guilty but perhaps might have better Recommendations and their Acquittal cost 'em no more then a little agony of Fear However the Process commenc'd against Bishops for High Treason made so loud a noise that the Reformed could not forbear triumphing and to reproach 'em with their Principal Members tumbling into Rebellion which till then was lookt upon to be the only Portion and Character of Heresy The Ministers lookt upon it as a piece of Divine Vengeance that the Bishops who had so often accus'd 'em of breathing nothing but Rebellion should so openly precipitate themselves into the Sin of Rebellion that the veneration due to their Character could not exempt 'em from Punishment But to mortify these Triumphers they thought it expedient to put to death Marets the Minister of Alets as if he had had a hand in the Insurrection Nevertheless all his Crime was only this That all the People of the City siding either with the Lordâ—… or with the Bishop he was not so fortunate as to hinder the City from joining with the Malecontents though he himself sate still without so much as medling on either side Thuâ— was one Innocent Minister offer'd up to attone for the Transgression of several Prelats and the Minister of Alets paid for the Bishop Couran another Minister of the same Church was only banish'd The City of Lunel the Governor oâ— which was the Bishop of Nimes's Brother was inveagl'd into the Duke of Orleans's Party and Scoffier Minister of the Place was set down in the Catalogue of those that were to be sacrific'd But after the defeat and taking of the Duke oâ— Mommorenci he gave the Governor of Aiguemortes notice of the Flight of the Bishop and his Brother which was well taken 〈…〉 and that Mark of his Affection for the King's Service sav'd his life The Duke of Rohan was recall'd to Court upon occasion of these Troubles and honour'd with several Employments whether it were to find him business that might hinder him from seeking for any in these Confusions or whether it were to take him by the point of Honour and engage him in the King's Service by that Mark of Confidence But this War being suddenly ended by the taking and death of Marshal de Mommorenci serv'd only to advance the King's Authority and disgust the Duke of Orleans who retir'd out of France a second time as also to add some new access of weight to the Slavery of the People The Reformed reapt this little advantage by it That they had but few Injuries done 'em this year and continu'd somewhat free from Molestations Only the Ministers in the Dauphinate were still tormented because they preach'd in more then one place But upon a Petition which they presented to the King they obtain'd a Decree which sent 'em to four Commissioners of the Parlament of Grenoble who were order'd to take their Informations and after that to give their Advice to the