his answer after such a kinde as might be both safe for himself and no waies prejudiciall to the rest He tells him what a disgrace it would be for him if without order of law he should all of a sudden bring so many Noblemen to the scaffold without a crime to whom he was but lately reconciled and had promised remission of all that was past especially at such a time when they trusted to the publick assurance given them for their securitie Neither will those that remain said he be terrified and dismayed with the death of these few but be irritated and driven to despair and so to greater violence But if it will please your Majestie to follow my advice I shall tell you a better way to give you satisfaction Do but charge and summond any of them at any time to under-lye the law and I with my friends and followers shall bring them in by force openly and in fair day light to what place you please where execution may be done according to law which is not onely more safe but more honourable than either to betray them under colour of friendship and feasting or to invade them in the night as if they were set on bytheeves and robbers This being spoken with that grace and courage wherewith he used to accompanie his actions the King acknowledging it was true that he said and knowing he was able to performe what he promised supposing he spake in sinceritie gave him many thanks and having loaded him with as many promises dismissed him Assoon as he was come to his lodging he revealed all to the Noblemen and withall went himself out of the Town From that time forth there was no more peace The Kings counsell being revealed he distrusted all men The Nobilitie seeing his resolution to ruine them and that there was no trust to be given to his words despairing of concord whereas they had before sought his amendement and not his over-throw retaining ever a dutifull love and regard to his Person now they set themselves and lay all the plots they can how to undo him Yet can they not be alienated from the race of their Kings His son had not offended and fell to succeed They affect him for their Captain He is also most acceptable and most agreeable to the people and so fittest for them Others might be suspected envied or mis-interpreted Wherefore they allure him to their partie by his keepers and his keepers perswade him by feare of being disinherited and put besides his succession to the Crown And now the parties are adressed the King and his own son There was divers times mention of peace but where all trust was taken away it could not be established They send the King word flatly they could not give credit to his promises And so there was no way to mediate a peace but by his dimission of the Crown to his son That condition was intollerable he aggravates it to forrain Princes and to the Pope shewing what an ill president it was for all Princes But before any help can come from thence the Lords make haste to come to a conclusion which fell out according to their desire The Kings Forces lay most part beyond Forth and in the Northerne parts For conveening of them Stirlin was the fittest place Thither he takes his way with the Forces he had The Nobilitie following as near as they could come to him Yet was he gone before them and might first have come to the Castle But being excluded by the keeper he is constrained to hazard the battell at Bannock-burn There having overthrown the vanguard of the enemy he was overthrown by the Anandale men west-borderers that bare longer spears than they that were on the Kings side The King himself hurt with the fall of his horse and wounded in the right arme fled unto a water-mill that was near unto the place with intention to have fled to his Ships But he was perceived and known by the partisans of his Guard that stuck to him which were trimmed with white fringes or fasses and followed by Patrick Lord Gray and Stirlin of Keir and a Priest named Borthwick Which of these or if all of them fell upon him it is uncertain but there he was slain by them Fame layes it most on the Lord Gray who if it were Cowe-Gray it seemes his apprentiship and his practice in his old age have been very sutable For he it was that slew William Earle of Douglas at Stirlin under this Kings father 35. or 36. year before this He hath put a long time between his assay and his master-piece and gone too high in it If it was his son he hath followed well his fathers example and gone beyond him also All this while the Earle of Angus part was honourable and kindly his heart could not digest the slaughter of his King He sought his own safety and to shorten the reins of his unbridled minde but for his life he neither sought it nor could he suffer it to be taken so farre as he could hinder it Wherefore seeing the victorie to be on their side he cryed oft to save the King attesting all for their love to God and for their respect to the young Prince his sonne that they should do him no harm This was cast in his teeth by the way of reproach as childishnesse or too much tendernesse of heart at such a time by the Lord Gray There were slain on the Kings side the Earle of Glencarne and a few of his fellows the Earle of Angus married his daughter three years after to Robert Lord Kilmaers son or rather Grand-childe to this Earle of Glencarne This happened 1488. the 28. of King James Raigne and 35. of his age But the Warre did not end with the death of the King The old Kings faction was rather scattered than broken chiefly his Navy and Sea Forces of which the Captain Andrew Wood stood out obstinatly In the North the Lord Forbes had gotten the Kings bloudy shirt carrying it upon a spears point like an ensinge through Aberdene and other Towns stirred up all he could to revenge the Kings slaughter In the Westerne parts of the Kingdome the Earle of Lennox assembled his power and divers moe with him did send their messengers to and fro exhorting the people every where not to suffer so detestable a murder un-revenged forbidding them to scarre at the shadow of the present Kings authority whom these Parricides did detaine a captive to countenance their wickednesse he being rather a prisoner than a Prince the whole power resting in the hands of the Douglasses Humes and Hepburnes That even in that regard they would take Arms to free him from their tyrannie who would make the World beleeve that he being but a childe of 15. years of age were so unnaturall as to allow of his fathers murder Besides all this the English made some trouble by Sea with five Ships which lay in the
A GENERALL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND Together with a Particular HISTORY OF THE HOVSES OF DOUGLAS AND ANGUS Written by Master DAVID HUME of GODSCROFT EDINBURGH Printed by EVAN TYLER The Authour to the Reader I Know Reader that he who undertakes to write makes himself a mark of censure for men to level at For to please all men shall then only be possible when all men shal be of one minde til then we look for as many dislikings as there is diversities of opinions each man condemning what is not according to his own humour and palate Some will storm or scorn perhaps our writing as an un-necessary scribling and paper blurring others will quarrell at the subject that we should write a History others that such so composed and formal of a private family with such commendation Again some will accuse us of partiality and some will even question the truth of it Neither will there bee wanting such as will blame the forme and fashion of the work as too short or too long and many I doubt not will carp at the Stile the Phrase the Periods the Diction and Language In all these particulars to satisfie all men is more then we can hope for yet thus much shortly of each of them to such as will give eare to reason That I write and of this subject I am constrained to do it not by any violence or compulsion but by the force of duty as I take it for being desired to do it by those I would not refuse I thought my self bound to honour that name and in and by it our King Countrey And so I have done what I can should have been glad to have done more if it had lyen in my power As for the writing of a History I could never have dreamed that I should have needed to make Apologie for it neither did I ever hear it accounted prophane till I had done Then by chance I lighted on a certain Authour who excuseth himself for so doing and promiseth to doe so no more It may be neither shall I. Yet dare I not promise so much neither see I any reason why I should for if by profane they mean that History maketh men profane and leadeth to profanitie and atheisme then certainly we may justly say that it is nothing lesse For in it we see and behold as in a Glasse Gods Providence guiding and ruling the World and mens actions which arrive often to unexpected events and sometimes even to such ends as are quite contrary to the Actors intentions In History also we see men and our selves in them our vertues or vices which is the second point of wisdom this leads us also to God But if by profane they mean whatsoever is not Scripture and would have men to read and write nothing but what belongs unto it then must we condemne all humane learning knowledge all Arts and Sciences which are the blessings of God and in which Moses and Paul were trained up and well seen It is true there is no knowledge comparable to that of holy Scripture and we cannot be too conversant about it yet there is no kind of knowledge but is usefull may and ought to be esteemed and embraced Our last end should ever be to God and Christ but to speak alwayes of him directly is neither required nor possible As he is the end so the way to this end is by speaking of him or of things which may lead us to him yet is it not necessary at all times to speak of such things professedly as lead us that way He is our end in himself and for himself and happy were we if in him we could terminate all our desires Vertue leads to him and is to be embraced as such but to obtrude it at first for that consideration and on that respect it may be doubted whether or not that be alwayes the right Method and best way of proceeding The other may happen to prove more available with some which is to learne first to be enamoured to love honour then vertue for honour then vertue for it self then to account nothing vertue without God who not being to be found but in Christ must needs be sought for above all things Now History is as it were the A B C. of this Method and the beautifull Picture by looking on which our desire of honour is kindled and so of vertue which onely brings true honour with it Neither is it needfull to proclaim this intention to the world yea I know not whether to say thus much be not even too much It is enough to set the object before them and to furnish them matter for their thoughts to work upon as for the measure of praise wee give them if after thou hast read and weighed thou shalt think it too much all that I can say is that I think it but their due and speak as I think according to the scantling of my own judgment Touching partiality I deny it hot but am content to acknowledge my interest Neither do I think that ever any man did set pen to paper without some particular relation of Kindred Countrey or such like The Romanes in writing the Romane the Grecians in writing their Greek Histories friends writing to of or for friends may be thought partiall as Countrey-men and friends The vertuous may be deemed to be partiall toward the vertuous and the godly toward the godly and religious All Writers have some such respect which is a kinde of partiality I do not refuse to be thought to have some or all of these respects and I hope none wil think I do amisse in having them Pleasing of men I am so farre from shunning of it that it is my chief end and scope But let it please them to be pleased with vertue otherwise they shal find nothing here to please them If thou findest any thing here besides blame me boldly And why should any be displeased that wil be pleased with it would to God I could so please the world I should never displease any But if either of these partiality or desire to please carry me besides the truth then shall I confesse my self guilty and esteem these as great faults as it is faultie and blame-worthy to forsake the truth But otherwise so the truth be stuck unto there is no hurt in partiality and labouring to please And as for truth clip not nor champ not my words as some have done elsewhere and I beleeve the worst affected will not charge mee with lying I have ever sought the truth in all things carefully and even here also and that painfully in every point where I find it assured I have set it down confidently where I thought there was some reason to doubt I tell my Authour So that if I deceive it is my self I deceive and not thee for I hide nothing from thee that I my self know and as I know it leaving place to thee if thou knowest more or better
and king James the second claimeth Stuarton from James the last Earle of Douglas in the conditions of peace sent to him Now Stuarton is knowne to have been the proper inheritance of Iohn Stuart and after him of Walter then of Robert the first king of the Stuarts and so of Robert the third which in all likelihood he hath given with his daughter as her dowrie to this Archbald 6. Also Iohn Earle of Buchan the kings brothers son married a daughter of this Archbald whom he hath had apparently by some other wife 7. Then Alexander son to the Earle of Buchan married Isabel Douglas Countesse of Marre daughter to William the first Earle of Douglas 8. William the first Earle married Margaret Stuart daughter to Thomas Earle of Angus who was uncle to king Robert the second and first king of the Stuarts 9. George Douglas son to the same William who was the first Earle of Angus of the name of Douglas married Mary Stuart daughter to king Robert the third and sister to king Iames the first 10. Iames Douglas Lord of Dalkeith married a daughter of king Iames the second 11. Archbald brother to William the eighth Earle of Douglas married the inheritrix of Murray who was Niece to king Robert the second and so became Earle of Murray 12. Archbald Earle of Angus the second of that name married Margaret Queen of Scotland relict of king Iames the fourth and eldest daughter to king Henry the seventh sister to king Henry the eighth of England and mother to king Iames the fifth of Scotland by her he had Ladie Margaret Douglas 13. Ladie Margaret Douglas his daughter was married to Matthew Stuart Earle of Lennox who was also of the bloud Royall 14. Henry Stuart Lord Darnely son to Lennox and Lady Margaret married Mary Queene of Scotland onely daughter and heire to king Iames the fisth She bare to him Iames the sixth of Scotland and now happily the first king of Great Brittaine France and Ireland And so much for Nobility in bloud and alliance 5. The fift and last kinde of Nobilitie is that of same and renowne Those that take upon them to derive and deduce the Pedegree and Etymologie of words doe thinke that this signification is most proper as being chiefly implyed in the word Nobilis quasi Notabilis so that those are said to be most Noble who are least obscure who are most eminent and conspicuous in the eyes of the world and most praised and blazed by Fame in their own and forraign Countries This kinde of Nobilitie hath ever accompanied their vertue as a shadow followes the bodie and that both at home and abroad And so we have done with their Nobility which is the second point we propounded to be treated of The third maine head to be considered is their Greatnesse concerning which in generall our Chronicles doe witnesse that those of the name of Douglas together with their Friends Vassals and Dependers were able to make an Armie of thirty thousand or fourty thousand men This also doth argue their greatnesse that it was thought an honour and credit to have dependance on them Histories doe testifie that the Hamiltouns and Flemmings thought it no disparagement to follow them Humes were their Pensioners and Vassals even the chiefe houses of them This is verified by a bond of a thousand nobles a great summe in those dayes made by Archbald Earle of Wigtoun and Long Willie who was after his fathers death Earle of Douglas to Alexander Hume of Hume dated at Bothwell 1423. The same Earle also for his father was Duke of Turaine gave the lands of Wedderburne to David Hume brother to the said Alexander propter multiplicia sua servitia for his many good services This Charter of Wedderburne is anterior to the gift of Alexanders pension some eight or nine yeares being dated in the yeare 1414. The Lawders of Basse and Loganes of Rastarigge were their Messengers into France and other parts Gray Salton Seaton Oliphant were their followers also Neither could any man of ordinary pitch of power have brought such aid to a forraign Prince as this same Earle of Wigtoun transported over into France five thousand or as some say ten thousand which he levied and carried over at his owne proper cost all brave and choice gentlemen If for this he were rewarded with the Dutchie of Turaine it was but the just recompence of his service and no more then he deserved and would but countervaile his charges Wherefore I wonder with what indifferent judgement Du Serres Author of the French Inventarie doth grudge at it and can call it mercenarie Certainly the kings of France have thought it their due or else they would not have continued it so long for five or six generations that is untill the Earles of Douglas were forfeited Few subjects of forraigne Princes have beene so much respected and so rewarded It is also an evidence of their power and greatnesse that Henry the sixth of England did contract and covenant with George the second Earle of Angus for his aid and assistance against Edward the fourth and made an Indenture wherein he promises to give him lands erected into a Dutchie lying betwixt Humber and Trent Edward the fourth made James the last Earle of Douglas Knight of the Garter even when he was banished so much did he honour and respect his name and vertue So Henry the second of France made Archbald the second Earle of Angus one of the Order of Saint Michael or the Cockle Their magnificence and stately entertainment and courage at home and abroad doth likewise show their greatnesse William the fourth of that name and sixth Earle being but a very young man not above fourteen or fifteen yeares of age bad for his ordinary train a thousand horse he dubbed Knights had his Counsellours and Officers of State like a Prince and William the fifth was admired for his train and magnificence as he passed through Flanders France and Italy in his journey to Rome Our Writers indeed blame him for it and call it pride ambition and ostentation in him but however that be It was an evident proofe of Greatnesse The last and main point that we are to treat of is their valour Let their deeds and actions speak for this property But to take a generall view of it The common Epethite in the mouths of the common people hath appropriate unto them this vertue who never speak of them but with the addition of doughty the doughty Douglas And from hence indeed chiefly their greatnesse and honours did spring and we shall find none of them but were both skilfull commanders and stout souldiers being no lesse endowed with personall valour then discretion and judgement to direct and conduct That brave matchlesse Romane Scipio Africanus when he was taxed for not hazarding his person and fighting with his own hand thought it enough to answer Imperatorem mater me peperit non bellatorem My mother bare me a Commander not a fighter
obstinacy and treason so was he pleased to nickname vertue of his father saying that he had no service for him nor for any such traitours son as his father was that he had given his lands to better men then himselfe and those that had done him better service then he was able to doe and though they had not been given yet would he never have given them to him So implacable he was and such pride had he conceived with contempt of the deprest estate of this supplicant little remembring the variablenesse of the estate of man and little knowing or considering what weight and moment may be in one man alone in whatsoever condition to braule sometimes and to help even to disappoint and overthrow the enterprises of the mightiest Monarchs It came even so to passe in this man who did this Kings sonne and successour such a piece of shrewd service as he had never the like in all his life which had been more shrewd if the speed of his horses and the undutifulnesse of some Scots that received him into their Castle of Dumbarre when he fled from Bannockburne had not stood him in better steed then all his huge Hoast and rich Kingdome wherewith he was so puffed up Whereby Princes and great men may learne not to despise the meannesse and most afflicted state of any nor to loose the reins neither to unjust actions or reproachfull words Sir James being thus rebuked what could he do against a King a Monarch a victorious and triumphant King to whom all had yeelded with whom all went right well in his ruffe in his highest pitch in his grandor compassed about with his guards with his armies to controll him he was not able to plead for justice it would avail him nothing to reply could profit him lesse a Prince his victors word is a law nay more then a law for the time There was no contesting no contradicting were his speeches never so unjust he behoved to swallow this pill how bitter soever there was no remedy but patience Nay the Archbishop must be silent also and dares not mutter one word wherefore home he goes with this scorn to expect a better time of replying not in words but deeds and of showing what service he was able to have done to him The occasion of which though it were over long in coming in respect of his desire yet did fall out not very long after for within two or three years 1305. Robert Bruce came into Scotland not yet a King save in courage but having right to be King of the Countrey whom Edward had served in the same kind and who had received the like answer and scorn in a Petition not unlike for both did crave their fathers inheritance Sir James onely a Lordship and the Bruce a whole Kingdome which was but his due and he had done him better service then Sir James He had fought against his own Countrey for him spent the bloud of his friends and his owne in hope of it with great losse to himself and example to others not to do the like But neither duety nor desert nor promise could oversway his ambition and master it so farre as to suffer him to perform what he had promised and not content to have fed this Prince with the food of fools faire hopes and after so much imployment and many notable services to frustrate him he must needs also embitter all with a flouting answer to his demand To such a height of pride had prosperity raised him that no modesty could keep him from loosing the reins to an unbridled tongue which doth never beseem a man much lesse a Prince wherefore as hatred and despight did animate him against Sir James for his fathers refusing to serve him so ambition did work the same affection in him against Robert though he had served him both were refused of their suits both their petitions were rejected the one with spight the other with derision What saith King Edward being urged with his promise of giving the Kingdome of Scotland to Bruce N'avons nous autre chose a faire que de conquerir des royaumes pour vous speaking in French Have we nothing else to do but to conquer Kingdomes for you Kings Potentates Victors should not be pressed with their promises So they think and so men say lawes are not made for them which they leap over at their pleasure And it might be thought so perhaps if their power were perfect and if there were not a more absolute and over ruling power that is able to range them under reason We shall finde it so even in this particular in the owne time although this were no time for him to reply no more then it had been for Sir James at Stirling But the time being now come in the yeare 1305. as said is But the time being now come though not so fit as he could have wished yet as it was he behoved to use it and make vertue of necessitie And so withdrawing himself secretly out of England he came to Dumfreis and there slew John Cummin his greatest enemy determining from thenceforth to behave and carry himself as King of this Realme And here by the way we may observe Gods providence towards this Kingdome in preserving the liberties thereof who had before stirred up William Wallace like another Sampson to vindicate it out of the hand of the English Now that he is gone he sends home our lawfull Prince and righteous successour to the Crown to fight our battles for us and to perfect the work which the other had begun onely for so much as about this time John Monteeth under colour of friendship had betrayed William Wallace into the hands of the English for money and he being taken and carried to London was by King Edwards command tortured and put to death with great cruelty and his armes and legs and head hung up in the most eminent places and Cities both of England and Scotland Of which fact of Edwards we will say no more but onely set down the said Wallaces Epitaph which is perfixed to that book that is written of his exploits in Scots rime The Epitaph is in latine verse but the Authour is incertain and the more is the pity for he deserves to have been better known Thus it is Invida morstristi Gulielmum funere vallam Quae cuncta collit Sustulit Et tanto pro cive cinis pro finibus urna est Frigusque pro loricâ obit Ille licet terras loca se inferiora reliquit At fata factis supprimens Parte sui meliore solum Coelumque perrerat Hoc spiritu illud gloria At tibi si inscriptum generoso pectus honesto Fuisset hostis proditi Artibus Angle tuis in poenas parcior esses Nec oppidatim spargeres Membra viri sacranda adytis sed scin quid in ista Immanitate viceris Ut vallae in cunctas or as spargantur horas Laudes tuumque dedâ—…cus A verse whereof
them to have been cattell for they at the foot of the wall heard the watchmen there being two of them saying the one to the other my neighbour such an one naming him by his name means to make good chear to night that he hath no care of his cattell but leaves them thus in the fields all the night to whom the other replied hee may make good chear this night but if the Douglas come at them he will fair the worse hereafter and with this discourse they went their way Sir James and his men having heard this conference were very well pleased withall and glad to be so mistaken they laddered the walls with ladders of cords made by one Simon of the Leadhouse who was also the first that adventured to scale with them himself alone both to trie how they would hold unbroken and to view what guard and watch was kept above The man that stood sentinall saw him well enough but because there were no more with him he gave no alarum but stood watching to have catched him on the top of the ladder thinking to have knockt him down or to have tumbled him headlong over the wall but the other prevented the danger and leaping in nimbly upon him ere he was aware stabbed him with a knife and threw him over the wall amongst his fellowes to whom he called to make haste up assuring them the coast was clear but ere they could come up another of the watch coming about and perceiving a man standing on the wall made towards him but Simon dispatched him also And now the rest of his companions were got up also who marching towards the hall they found the English at their shroving eating and drinking and piping and dancing They entred the hall he had but easie work of it to do with them what he listed being most of them drunke and all of them unarmed Onely the Captain Guillaum de fermes fled into the great tower being dangerously hurt with the shot of an arrow where he remained safe all that night but the next morning hee yeelded himself because of his wound upon condition that his life should be safe and his person safely set on English ground which was willingly granted and faithfully performed But hee lived not long after his wound being deadly and uncurable Thus was the wheel of worldly affairs vvhich men call fortune so vvhirled about by the King and his partners that in this yeare 1313. being the seaventh from his Coronation and the fifth or sixth from the beginning of the course of his victories there vvas not one strength remaining in the possession or povver of the English save Dumbartane Castle which was afterward yeelded up by John Monteeth upon composition and Stirling which at this present was besieged by Edward Bruce the Kings brother To relieve Stirling and to raise the siege thereof King Edward the second came in proper person and thereon insued the battell of Bannockburn a battell so famous and memorable as few the like have happened in any age where there were two Kings present the ods so great and the defeat so notable The English King did bring into the field all that he was able to make not onely of English but of his beyond sea dominions neither of those that were his owne Subjects onely but hee was also aided and assisted by his friends and confederates in Flanders Holland Zeland Brabant Picardie Gascony Normandy Guien Bullonois and Burdeaux of these and his owne Countreymen he had in all 150000. fighting men to place them in the middle number which some say was but half the number and that he had 300000 of the whole in equall proportion of foot and horse intending to have exterminated the whole nation of Scots with so confident a presumption of victory that he brought with him a Carmelite frier a Poet according to the time to commit his triumphs to writing he was defeated by 30000 or 35000 at the most as all agree and that in a plain and open field where there was slain of his men 50000. It was fought the 22 of June 1314. Sir James being present at this Battell did carry himselfe so before the fight in the fight and after it as that his behaviour is not to be slightly slipped over with a dry foot as we say but particularly to be noted both for his owne honour for it is indeed worthy of perpetuall honour and praise and for a patterne to be followed by others especially by all such as set their hearts and minds to follow vertue and to seek true glory which ariseth from vertue Before the battell we have his kindnesse love and care of his friend or as some will have him to be his emulous Competitor joyned with true magnanimitie in his demeanour towards Thomas Randulph for King Robert having sent Randulph with 500. horse to oppose the Lord Clifford with 800. who was making toward the Castle of Stirling Sir James carefull for his friend in respect of this ods in number first very orderly sought leave of the King to go to his succours but after the King had refused him he went out without leave which though it were a kinde of breach of militarie discipline yet it shewes how dearly he loved the man that for his sake he would thus transgresse the order of the warre and to take his hazzard of the Kings displeasure rather then to forsake him in this great danger as he took it to be And as he shewed his love and kindnesse in this a vertue of great price and greatly to be commended so did he also his modestie courtesie and magnanimitie all three concurring in one fact and much more commendable in that hee seeing his friend to have the better of the enemie stood aloofe as a spectator for feare to impaire his glory in that victorie by being a sharer with him therein Weake mindes seeke to participate of other mens glory and for want of worth in themselves thrust in with others Base and meane spirits are wont to lessen and diminish the actions of others because they have no hope to equall them Malignant dispositions envie them and approve of nothing but what is their owne and would have it thought that they onely are able to do all things and that none besides them can do any thing As these vices were here farre from this man so should they be as farre from all others and as the contrary vertues did shine in him so let them also doe in us And thus he behaved himselfe before the Battell In the Battell he with Randulph had the leading of the Vantguard wherein he discharged himselfe so well that for his good service he was knighted in the field This honour in those dayes was given for desert and was a badge and seale of valour not of favour or riches as now it is for the most part neither was it so ordinary and common as now it is and by commonnesse prostitute as it were and dis-esteemed
But that it was in great esteeme of old it appeares by this that notwithstanding this mans predecessours and himselfe also as his evidents do witnesse were Barons and Lords yet he thinks it no disparagement to be knighted and did choose rather to be known and designed by that title than the other so as he was commonly called Sir James Douglas rather then Lord Douglas And indeed we have found that even Princes and Kings have taken upon-them this order not as any diminution of their place but an addition of honour seeing by it they were received into the number and rank of military men and Warriours their other titles shewing more their dominion and power or place then their valour and courage Wherefore we reade how Edward Prince of Wales was knighted when he was sent against King Bruce So Henry the second being then Prince of England received the honour of Knighthood from David King of Scotland his grand Uncle as from one that was the best and worthiest man in his time Then it was that he tooke his oath that he should never take from the Crowne of Scotland the Counties of Northumberland Westmoreland Cumberland and Huntingdon This cremonie vvas performed vvith great solemnitie and pomp in those dayes as our Writers observe so honourable vvas it then and of late it vvas thought so too for the Earle of Clanrikart chiefe of the Bourks in Ireland having done a piece of notable service to Queene Elisabeth at the siege of Kinsoile and at an encounter betvvene the Lord Deputies Army vvith the Irish Rebels vvas knighted by the Lord Monâ—…joy then Generall Lieutenant for the Queene Neither should any abuse discredit it novv Nor can it diminish the honourablenesse thereof in our Sir James who is able to honour it rather by his worth After the battell he is as diligent as he was both diligent and valorous in it This is a vertue which hath been wanting in great Commanders and hath been marked as a great defect in them It was told Hanniball that great Carthaginian to his face Thou canst obtain but not use a victory nor prosecute it to thy best advantage Sir James did not so but as farre as he was able with such companies as hee could gather together and with as much speed as was possible for him hee followed King Edward to have done him service though his father Edward the first would have none of it and set it at nought But he was gone ere Sir James service came to the best Now hee would gladly have showne what it was worth to his sonne and successour the second Edward in most humble sort though it had been to have pulled off his boots no question but his Majestie had no mind to stay for him who notwithstanding made all the haste he could to have overtaken him and followed him with foure hundred horse more then fourty miles from Bannockburne to Dumbarre Castle into which hee was received and so escaped The next was to wait upon him in his way to Berwicke which he did but the King nothing well pleased with the service hee had done and expecting rather worse then better seeing his importunity and that other wayes he could not be rid of him went by sea to Berwicke in a small fishers boat or two with a very thinne train to attend him not unlike unto Xerxes who a little before was so proud of his huge army is now become the scorne of his contemned and threatned enemies a spectacle of pride and an example of presumptuous confidence unto all ages Wee told before hovv his father had driven King Robert and Sir James to the like shifts and straits but theirs vvas not so shamefull A Christenmasse feast may be quit at Easter sayes our Proverb vvhich they do here verefie by this requitall And this vvas all the service Sir James could do to King Edward at this time but aftervvards vve shall heare vvhat service he shall do if not to himself yet to his sonne Edward the third at Stanhop Parke some few yeares after this In the mean time let us behold our Scots enjoying there renowned and honourable victory which cannot bee denied to have been such nor cannot be by envy it self Their spoil and prey was great and rich their prisoners many and their ransomes proportionable The Queen King Roberts wife was restored by exchange and for her an English Nobleman set free without ransome And as their joy was great and their gaining not small so was both the grief of the English their shame and their losses Their were slain of note in the field 200 Knights together with the Earle of Glocester and Sir Giles of Argentine whose death was lamented by King Robert very much and of prisoners very nere as many of which the chief were the Earle of Hartford who fled to Bothwell and was received by Sir Gilbert Gilbaston captain thereof as the Bruces booke sayes Sir John Segrave John Clattengrave perhaps Cattegrave William Latimer Sir Robert Northbrooke Lord keeper of the broad seal and Sir Ralph Mortimer who had married the Kings sister Mortimer was dimitted ransome-free and obtained the Kings broad Seale at Bruces hands These and many other prisoners of divers nations thus dismissed are as many witnesses of the Scottish valour in the fight and of their mildnesse and humanitie after it who used these their so spightfull enemies no worse who if they had overcome would have used another kinde of cruelty as they had both determined and threatned unto them Amongst other Forreiners there were two Holland Knights who being in King Edwards Army before the battell and hearing the bravery and brags of the English and their spightfull railings against King Robert had wished him good luck These were turned out of the English Camp and sent unto the Scottish bidden in scorne to go and fight with them whom they wished so well with a price set upon their heads to him that should either kill or take them prisoners in the battell Their heads neverthelesse were safe and themselves did partake of the good fortune they had wished and when they came home into their owne Countrey they built a lodging naming it Scotland upon which they set up the Scottish Armes and King Roberts statue in Antwerp as a monument of that notable victorie which remained there many yeares after The Carmelite also changed his note singing their victorie whose overthrow he came to set forth and chaunting their discomfiture whose praises he was hired to proclaime Thus he began his Ditty De planctu cudo metrum cum carmine nudo Risunâ—… detrudo dum tali themate ludo In English thus With barren verse this mournfull rime I make And am but laught at while such theme I take Let us here consider the meanes and wayes of both sides we shal finde on the one side confidence of their power and a contempt and slighting of the enemie which seldome falls well because from thence there ariseth commonly sloth
that present day This being done Sir James returned into Scotland This King Robert thought fit to be done not because his owne title was not good enough before for it was good already and sufficient and so found to bee by a better judge then King Edward of England to wit the Estates of the Realme who are the rightest judges in controversies of this nature and who had power to have made it good if it had not been so might have helped any defect that had been in it seeing Balliol by his owne fact had disabled himself by giving it over to King Edward especially seeing it was prejudiciall and against the common liberty and good of the Kingdome to accept of him who had betrayed these and was not able to defend them Wherefore King Robert being in possession and the Kingdome being confirmed to him and to his posteritie he needed no further right from Balliol Notwithstanding of this to cut away all pretences of quarrells and calumnies that malicious men might surmise thereabout afterwards he thought good to have a renunciation from Balliol of his title and consolidate that with his owne whereupon esteeming none fitter for the purpose then Sir James as well for the honourable place he held as for his sufficiency to discharge the Commission not without some consideration of his kindred with Balliol by the house of Galloway he laid the charge upon him which he performed as we have heard Sir James being thus returned out of France King Robert being very glad that his businesse had succeeded so well called a Parliament at Cambuskenneth in the which the right of succession to the Crowne was renewed to King Roberts heirs and namely failing his sonne David to Marjorie Bruce his daughter and Robert Stuart his sonne This the Nobility did enact and confirme by oath in the yeare 1325. or 1326. and before the sending of Sir James Douglas as some Authours record Not long after King Robert fell sick and partly for that cause partly in regard of his age not being able to ride abroad and endure travel himself he committed the managing of all businesse of weight both in peace and warre to the two Friends and Colleagues Sir James and Randulph two of the most noble Knights and bravest Captains that were in their dayes as our Writers do say And now Edward the second was dead and Edward the third had succeeded to him to whom Sir James laboureth to do as good service as he had done to his father This Edward sent Ambassadours to King Robert to treat of peace but being discovered to have no sincere meaning and to deal fraudfully in stead of peace they carried home warre So due preparation being made on both sides our two Commanders assembled to the number of 20000. all horse men some say 20000. horse and 5000. foot and entred into England with resolution not to sight but at their advantage and pleasure which was the reason they took all or most part horse men and few or no foote men Against these King Edward came in person with a great Army of 100000. men as Froysard writes 80000. horse 24000. archers having brought with him the Lord Beaumont out of the Low-Countries with 700. or 500 horse The English souldiers of this Army were cloathed in coats and hoods embroydered with flowers and branches and did use to nourish their beards wherefore the Scots in derision thereof made this rime and fastned it upon the Church doore of Saint Peter in the Canongate beards hartlesse painted hoods witlesse gay coat gracelesse make England thriftlesse He fortified the Townes of Carlile and Berwick and furnished them with men to stay the Scots passages But they little regarding either his fortifications or his forces passed the water of Tine at knowne Foords and made him first know of their arrivall by smoake and fire whereupon putting his men in order he marched directly towards those places that were smoaking to have given them battell but not finding them there and not knowing how to force them to fight his resolution was to passe Tine and there to entercept them at their returne and to give them battell in those fields where the ground was more levell and even and so fitter for his Armie Thither then he goeth with great trouble and turmoiling both of men and horse by reason of the great raine that fell as also for scarcitie of victuall and after he had lien there eight dayes waiting for them he could heare no newes of them wherefore he chose out about sixteene able young men whom he sent abroad into the Countrey to search for them promising a great reward to him that should first bring him word where they were They having roaved up and downe the Countrey at last one of them fell into the hands of the Scots who when he had told how K. Edward had sent him to search for them they let him goe and withall bid him tell the King that they had beene eight dayes as uncertain of him as he had bin of them and that now they were come within 3. miles of him where they would stay for him and abide him battell being as desirous to sight as he was When the young man told the King this he was rewarded with Knigthood being made such by his owne hand and besides that he got 150. pound land to maintain his dignity Then he gave order that his Army should march towards them but when they came neare they found them so stronlgy encamped upon a hill having steepe rocks at the one side and a river on the other called by Hollinshed the water of Weire that they durst not adventure to assaile them at so great disadvantage wherefore they sent a trumpet to them and desired them to come downe to the plaine ground and so to sight with true vertue for honour and empire and not to sit on the tops of the hils where no body could come at them The Scots answered with derision that they would not sight how and when it pleased their enemie but at their owne pleasure telling him withall that they were come into his Countrey and had done as he knew if any thing that they had done did grieve him he might come and seeke his revenge they would stay there as long as they thought meet and expedient for them and if any should assaile them they would do what they could doe to defend themselves and make their enemies smart So they stayed there three dayes in his view but he not thinking it safe to assaile them in that place after some few skirmishes at their watering place the Scots removed their Camp to another place that was stronger and harder of accesse which Hollinshed calls Stanhop parke whither the English also followed them While they lay there encamped the one over against the other Sir James Douglas who was a provident and watchfull Captaine perceiving that the English watches were somewhat negligently kept either because they despised the
small number of the Scots or for that they thought they had no mind to fight but to retire adventured upon a hazzardous but hardie and worthy enterprise he did choose out two hundred of the choicest of his men and passing the river in the night season a little off from the English Camp he entred the enemies Trenches on that side they least expected and approached the Kings Tent thinking either to have taken or to have slaine him but the Kings Chaplaine being a wake discovered him whom he slew with his owne hand for his paines and now the alarme was given and the whole Armie was up against him wherefore having only cut the Kings Tentroapes he returned safe in spite of them leaving 300. of them slaine in the place who offered to hinder his retreat Upon this show and omen of successe and good fortune Thomas Randulph would have given them battell in the plaine fields but Sir James advised him otherwayes showing him how it was not for them being so few in number to deale with so great an Armie in the open and plaine fields but that their onely way was to use slights and stratagems and to keepe themselves in places of strength and advantage To which purpose he told him the Apologue of the Fox whom a Fisherman finding in his Lodge carrying away a Salmond to his denne for his young Cubs he drew his sword and stood in the doore to kill him knowing he had no other way to get out The Fox being thus straitned went and tooke hold of the Fishers mantle which lay by and went toward the fire to cast it into it and burne it the Fisher to save his mantle ranne to the fire and left the doore free so that the Fox escaped out at the door and in his way catched hold of the Salmond and went cleare away withall to the fishers great griefe who had his mantle burnt his Salmond lost and the Fox escaped Even so sayes Sir James it fares with us we have done these men harme and they think they have us in the nouse and in a mouse-trap but I have espied a way by which though it may seeme somewhat hard and troublesome we shall escape safe without the losse of a man They continued still in the same place certaine dayes after this without doing any thing of note or moment on either side for the English warned by their late danger kept better watch then they had done before and now having taken a Scottish prisoner they were informed by him that the host of the Scots was commanded to be in readinesse against the third watch to follow Sir James his standard This put them to no small businesse so that they presently armed and stood all night ranked in order of battell supposing that the Scots intended to make an onset and assaile them in their Trenches and therefore their Watches and Sentinels were doubled and the Foords strongly guarded But the Scots by this time were risen and departed passing through a Mosse or Bogue two miles long which was never passed before especially by horsemen but they had provided flaikes and hurdles upon which they made the horse to passe without sinking leading them in their hands and walking on foot by them About the breake of day two Scottish Trumpeters were brought to K. Edward who were taken by his Scouts and being come before him told that they were commanded to suffer themselves to be taken thus that they might tell him that the Scots were gone home and that if he had a minde to be revenged on them for any thing they had done he should follow them But he considering of the matter and weighing all things and with what men he had to doe being both valiant and able to endure so much hardship thought it his best to let them goe and so he returned to London having seene his Kingdome burnt and spoiled under his nose for all his great Armie and himselfe in the midst thereof in danger of his life or of taking which effronts he was forced to pack up at this time not without great griefe and anger without all doubt And this is the third piece of service done by that so despised man to the posterity of his despiser to his sonne before and now to his grand-childe in the yeare 1327. or 28. neare unto Stanhop park which because it cannot be denied Caxton alledgeth that it came to passe by the treason of Mortimer Earle of March who being corrupted by the Scots with money would not suffer saith he the Earle of Lancaster to passe the water not very deep at that part to invade them by which means they escaped But our Major doth justly scorn that point of corrupting and bribing with money and doth further affirme that they had not any conference at all with Mortimer So that it is likely that what Mortimer spake in that matter of not following or invading the Scots at their departure he hath spoken it out of judgement and not partiality and perhaps more prudently then they that counselled the contrary However they confesse that the King missed of his purpose and being very pensive therefore broke up his army and returned to London Amongst other things they tell that after the Scots were dislodged some of the English went to view their Camp partly to see their customes and manner of living and what provision they had partly to seek some spoil when they were come there they found onely five hundreth carcasses of red and fallow Deare a thousand paire of Highland showes called rullions made of raw and untand leather three hundreth hides of beasts set on stakes which served for Caldrons to seethe their meat There were also five English men who had their legs broken and were bound naked to trees whom they loosed and gave them to Chirurgions to bee cured When they saw these things and judged hereby how painfull and able to endure the Scottishmen were they found that counsell to have been good and sound which was given to their King not to follow them whether it were Mortimers or some others The English Writers upon this scarcitie and penury here found and upon such other passages as when Edward the second entred Scotland and was forced to returne for want of victualls the King having caused remove all things out of his way take occasion to speake contemptuously of the Scots as though they had not defended their Countrey by vertue and prowesse against England between it and which they think there is no comparison but partly by cold and hunger partly because the English Kings did slight it and were not desirous to conquer it as also for the English forces were almost imployed in France so that they had no leisure to bend their whole power against Scotland which if they had done they might easily as they think have mastered it Imputing hereby the cause of their failing to do it they having so great ods in number of men and warlike
Competitor he had gotten also the like renunciation of the King of England and all Evidents Writs and Monuments concerning his pretences delivered up unto him discharged and cancelled and declared to be null and of no value by consent of the English Parliament and to be the surer of King Edwards friendship he had married his sonne David to Jane his sister He had cut off the rebellions that were springing up against him by executing such as were guiltie established Randulph Tutor and Protector to his sonne and Governour of the Countrey hee had removed all occasion of emulation that might have falne out therein and setled all with good advice good precepts good councell in his Testament both for peace among themselves and warre against the enemy But what is the wit of man and how weak a thing are his devices or what bonds will bind whom duety cannot binde This same Balliol whose father had renounced his right nothing regarding what his father had done renewed his claim to the Crown This same King of England who had himself solemnly renounced who had bound up friendship with the most sure and strongest bonds that can bee amongst men regarding neither his resignation made nor his affinity and alliance nor any dutie towards God or faith and promise to man used all means to strip his brother-in-law by consequent his sister out of the Kingdome of Scotland as if nothing were unlawfull that could fill up the bottomlesse gulf of his ambition First he caused an English Monke under colour of giving Physick for the gravell to poyson the Governor Thomas Randulph Earle of Murray and afterward aided Edward Balliol with 6000. English upon condition that Balliol should hold the Crowne of him Edward Balliol entering Scotland with these forces and being assisted by the male-contents in Scotland prevailed so that having wonne a battell at Duplin 1332. the 22. of September the third yeare after the death of King Robert and about one yeare after the death of Randulph in which many were slain to the number of 3000. together with Duncane or Donald Earle of Marre the Governour hee was Crowned at Scone and these of the Bruces side constrained to send their King David Bruce with his wife into France having no safe place at home to keep him in After his Coronation having taken in divers places that stood out against him he went at last to Annand receiving such as would acknowledge him and taking their oath of Allegeance and Fidelitie Whereupon Andrew Murray Earle of Bothwell chosen Governour after Marres death sent Archbald Lord of Galloway to see what hee could do against Balliol in these quarters he taking with him his nephew William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale and John Randulph the Governour Randulphs sonne together with Simeon Fraser having in company with them a thousand horse went first to Mophet and having there understood of Balliols carelesse discipline and securitie departing from thence in the night he came so suddenly to Annand where Balliol lay that he escaped very narrowly being halfe naked not having leasure to put on his cloathes and riding upon a barme horse unsadled and unbridled till he came to Carlile Others write that howbeit he came very quietly to have surprised the enemy at unawares in the night time yet they had notice of his coming and issued forth of the Towne with a great army where they fought long and stoutly till at last Balliol was overthrowne and fled There were slain many of his friends and amongst these Henry Balliol who behaved himselfe very manfully John Mowbray Walter Cummin Richard Kirbie Robert or Alexander Bruce Earle of Carrict and sonne to Edward King of Ireland was taken prisoner and obtained pardon by the intercession of his Cousin John Randulph Hollinshed writeth that somewhat before this time the friends of David Bruce understanding that Balliol did sojourne within the Towne of Perth had besieged it but that they were constrained to raise the siege because of the men of Galloway who having bin sometimes the Balliols dependers invaded the besiegers lands under the conduct of Eustace Maxwell whereupon hee saith Archbald Lord of Galloway with the Earle of March and Murray invaded Galloway with fire and sword and brought away great booties but slew not many men because they got them out of the way for feare of that terrible invasion This narration may bee true in the last part thereof concerning their invasion but the cause of this invasion is not probable that the men of Galloway should invade mens lands that lay so farre from them as they behoved to be that did besiege Saint Johnston for in all liklihood it was besieged by these that were nearest to it being in kinne and friends to those that were slain in Duplin and both Hollinshed himself and others write that it was recovered in Balliols absence about the same time while he sojourned in Annand by those that lay neare to it without mentioning any other siege before that at which it was taken This battell at Annand so changed the case that hee who even now was Crowned King in September who had farre prevailed to whom all men even King Davids nearest friends and kinsmen had yeelded despairing of his estate was by this act of Archbald Lord of Galloway turned quite out of his Kingdome and Countrey and compelled to fly into England to save his life the 25. of December the same yeare about three moneths after his Coronation and was compelled to keep his Christmas at Carlile in the house of the Friers Minors A notable example of the inconstancy of worldly affairs and constancy of an honest heart in the Douglas not abandoning his Princes cause when others had forsaken it and also a proof of his good service and usefull for which as he deserved perpetuall praise and favour of his rightfull Prince so did he incurre great hatred of his enemie the usurping Balliol who the next day after the 26 of December going into Westmoreland and there being honourably received by the Lord Clifford gave unto him the whole lands of Douglasdale which the said Lord Cliffords grandfather had before in the dayes of King Edward the first So proudly did he presume to give that which was not in his power And so little had he learned the lesson of the uncertaintie of humane affairs grounded on whatsoever power appearance or even successe and so difficult a lesson it is to learne where there remains means so great as hee trusted to the power of the King and Kingdome of England with his owne particular friendship and faction within the Countrie of Scotland which shall indeed have power to trouble the State a while but not to establish either the Kingdome to himselfe or any part of Douglasdale to the Lord Clifford The next yeare 1333. K. Edward of England having shaken off all colour of duty to his brother-in-law K. David made open warre to be proclaimed betweene the two Countreyes which
turned on all hands to the disadvantage of Scotland even upon both the Marches For the Lord of Liddisdale was taken prisoner on the West hand he having the charge of that quarter and Murray the Governour on the middle March was taken likewise at the Castle of Roxburgh by pursuing the victorie too farre on the bridge and so excluded from his owne King Edward took openly upon him the protection of Balliol having caused him to sweare homage to him and so with a great Army both of his owne subjects and forreiners came in person and sate downe before Berwick and besieged it both by sea and land Hereupon the Nobility of Scotland choose Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway to be Governour and Generall of the Army advising him to enter England and to spoile it with fire and sword so to force K. Edward to rise from before Berwick and leave the siege And this whilest he was about to have done he is advertised from within the Towne that Sir Alexander Seaton Governour thereof had made a paction with K. Edward to render the Towne if he were not succoured by the Scots before the first of August next and for performance thereof had given him his sonne and heire in pledge and hostage Hereupon the Lord Governour changeth his purpose fearing the losse of the Towne and against the opinion of the wisest of his Armie marcheth directly towards Berwick and the third day after he set forth he came within the sight both of his friends and foes Before this King Edward besides Thomas Seaton who was given him in pledge had taken also Alexander Seaton another son of the Governour of Berwick whilest at a sally out of the Towne he followed upon the enemy too eagerly and had now both the brothers in his power the one a pledge the other a prisoner He therefore seeing now that the Towne was like to be relieved sent to the Captaine certifying him plainly that unlesse he did render the towne forthwith into his hands both his sons should be hanged immediately upon a gibbet in sight of the Towne before his eyes The Captaine returned him answer that the dayes of Truce were not yet expired and therefore desired him either to keep the covenant he had made or else deliver the Hostages and be at his advantage When the King could not prevaile with him nor breake him off his resolute constancie to which his vertuous and generous Lady did also notably encourage him he was as good as his word and performed indeed what he had threatned against the law of Nations and against all humanitie hanging them up almost in the very sight of their Parents who bore it patiently and constantly for the good of their Countrey and thought their childrens lives well bestowed in that regard onely that they might not be beholders of so heavie a spectacle they retired themselves to their chamber apart This strange tyrannicall barbarous and monstrous fact is suppressed in the Histories of England and buried in silence not unwisely it being capable neither of defence nor excuse and yet is contrary to the lawes of Histories and the duty of an Historian who ought according to the oath of witnesses to tell all the truth and nothing but the truth seeing where the truth is either adulterated or suppressed the life of History is lost which consists in particular circumstances truly related Neither do I see how this same King in the end of his life can pertinently and justly be called courteous and gentile after such a fact whereof few the like have fallen into the hands of the cruellest Tyrants that ever were recorded in story And for my part I think certainly that it is not possible that one who is of a nature truly gentile and courteous should commit and be guilty of so foule a crime It is a perpetuall blot and unexcusable and such as no wit can wash away So it is still and so let it ever be branded and detested So it was by our Governour the Lord of Galloway and so much did it move him and so farre stirre up his noble indignation that he thought he could never be exonered with credit without avenging of it or spending his life in the quarrell and so being resolved to fight he would never give eare to any counsell on the contrary nor alter his determination for any difficulty that could be proposed And now K. Edward after that unpleasant spectacle detested even by the English themselves had drawne up his Army and taken a hill to the west of Berwick called Halidoun hill a place very advantageous for him and the Scottish Army did stand over against them in battell aray The Governour commanded to march up the hill and to invade the English where they stood altogether against the counsell of the best advised who both before considering the inequalities of the Armies both in number they being but few in respect of the English and in experience being for the most part young and raw souldiers not yet trained had disswaded him from fighting any at all and now seeing the odds and inequality of ground would gladly have opposed themselves thereunto But all was in vaine he was so incensed with that so detestable fact that boiling with anger and desiring of revenge and trusting to the goodnesse of his cause and to the forwardnesse of his Armie who being inflamed in the like anger upon the same occasion were very desirous to joyne battell esteeming that their earnestnesse of minde would supply their want of skill and overcome all other difficulties and thinking in himself that if having bin a spectator of that vile and cruell murther he should turne his backe without fighting it would be accounted cowardise he prosecuted his resolution and commanded to march forward which was accordingly performed They were first to descend and go down from a little hill on which they stood then through a valley and so to climbe up another hill so steepe that one man may as Major saith keepe downe foure such is the scituation thereof on the west side Wherefore the Scots ere they could come to stroakes were almost overwhelmed with shot and stones when they were come up being quite out of breath and charged from the higher ground they were borne downe with violence and slaine Some write that the first joyning of the battell was at the foot of the hill upon more even ground but that the English gave somewhat back towards the side and ascent of the hill and having gotten that advantage of the rising of the hill made a fierce onset upon the Scots who pursued them too rashly supposing the English had fled by which meane they were utterly overthrowne There died of the Scots in this battell 10000. others say 14000. the English writers say 30000. A rare hoast amongst the Scots though the Countrey had not been divided in it selfe and there were but few more then 30000. when they overthrew the King of England with his
amongst them of a stout stomack named Robert Phanderghest whose lot was â—…allen to be on that side but his heart was with the other party and hee carried no great good will to the English This being perceived he was the worse entreated by them so that one day his head was broken by the Marshall Thomas Kneveton whereat taking indignation hee sought all means to bee avenged thereof and so brought it to passe that he shortly after slew him and to avoid the danger of punishment fled to the Lord Liddesdale whom having informed of the negligence that was growne amongst the English he perswaded him to take advantage of their sloath he nothing slack in a businesse of that nature went secretly in the night to the Towne and slew foure hundreth of them in their sleep and drunkennesse before they could make any resistance About this time Murray the Regent dieth after he had brought back all the Northerne parts of Scotland to his Princes obedience excepting Perth a great losse for his Countrey and hee greatly regrated But no losse is without some gain Robert Stuart had now recovered his health who was the other Governour and as some write hee assumed the Lord Liddesdale for his collegue whether that were so or not and what ever his place and name was hee was a notable adjunct to Robert Stuart and under his authority performed much good service and profitable to King and Countrey with great hazard of his life by receiving of many wounds while he did assail and vanquish greater numbers with far fewer So that by his prowesse and singular valour hee reduced Tivedale Niddesdale Annandale and Cliddesdale except the Hermitage to the Kings obedience having expulsed from thence all the English These lands and strengths were lost again after the battell of Durham and recovered again the second time by VVilliam the first Earle of Douglas which wee have inserted here lest men inconsiderately should confound and mistake the one VVilliam for the other By these doings his name came to bee spred throughout the whole Island insomuch that Henry Lancaster Earle of Darbie hearing thereof and being himself a valiant man and desirous of glory provoked him to fight with him hand to hand on horseback but at their first encounter the Lord of Liddesdale his hand was so sore wounded with his owne speare which brake hard at his hand that hee was not able to prosecute the combate whereupon it was delayed Major maketh mention of his justing and joyneth Alexander Ramsay with him at Berwick hee telleth also of one Patrick Grahame who being provoked and challenged by an English man into the field told him he was content but wished him to dine well for hee would send him to suppe in Paradise which hee also did hereupon hee condemns these justs and duels in time of peace so that it should seeme there have been some peace or truce But wee heare not of any I doe rather thinke there hath been some assurance at that time That same yeare the King of England sent a very valiant Knight named Sir Thomas Barcklay into Scotland with a great power of men to assist their faction Robert Stuart and the Lord Liddesdale goe against him and gave him battell at Blackburne where the Lord of Liddesdale fought so eagerly that all his men being slain he and Robert Stuart having onely three left with them continued still fighting and defended themselves till night which being come on by favour thereof they escaped and saved themselves by flight It was not long ere he recompensed this losse by the defeating of John Stirline and his company This Stirline with five hundreth men assailed the Lord Liddesdale at unawares at a place called Cragens having but fourtie in his company as he was journeying without any feare or suspicion of an enemy This did put him into a great feare at first but he recollecting himselfe out of that sudden affrightment fought so valiantly that hee defeated Stirline slew fiftie of his men and tooke fouretie prisoners Afterward the English that lay at Creighton made divers onsets and incursions upon him in one of which he was runne through the body with a speare and was thereby disabled to doe any service for a season So soone as he was recovered being accompanied with twenty men onely he set upon sixty English at a place called The blacke Shaw and having wisely taken the advantage of the ground which was fitter for foot then horsemen he slew and took them every one In the same year 1338. the 24. of December or as others the 2. of November he set upon the convoy of the English that were carrying vivers to the Castle of Hermitage as they were in Melrosse or neare to it and defeated them but not without great slaughter of his owne men and so having got the victuals he went and besieged the Castle of Hermitage tooke it and did victuall it with the same victuall which he had taken at Melrosse He vanquished also Lawrence Vauch alias Rolland Vauch a very valiant man with a great company of Englishmen And in the yeare following 1339 he fought five times in one day with Lawrence or William Abernethie a Leader under Balliol and having beene put to the worse foure times saith Hollinshed Boetius five times at the sixth time vanquished him and slew all his men and took himselfe prisoner and thereafter presented him to Robert Stuart who sent him to the Castle of Dumbartan For these and such other exploits atchieved by him he was highly esteemed of all men and got the name which is commonly used of him The flowre of Chivalrie He was after this sent Ambassadour into France to informe King David of the estate of the Realme and to conferre with him about weighty matters being either chosen for his worth or only sent by Robert Stuart as his Collegue and so fittest for that employment While he was there he obtained pardon of the K. of France and peace for one Hugh Hambell a famous Pirate During his absence in France Robert Stuart had laid siege to St. Johnstoun in the yeare 1339. and had divided his Army into foure squadrons under foure chiefe Captaines each Captaine commanding a part of which he himselfe was one the Earle of March another William Earle of Rosse the third and Magnus Mowbray Lord of Cliddesdale the fourth It was divers times assaulted but they were repulsed with losse it being valiantly defended by the English that were within They had lien at it ten weekes without doing any good and were now almost quite out of hope to take it so that they began to thinke of leaving off when in the very meane time the Lord Liddesdale arrives on Tay having brought with him out of France Hambell the Pyrate with five ships well furnished with men munition and weapons These men the Lord Liddesdale had hired in France of purpose for this businesse amongst them were two Knights of the
related at large hereafter when we shall come to treat of the house of Douglas And so we see him very fortunate and honourable in his marriage in his purchases and in his children his honourable minde appeares in his deportment to his sister Uterine whom the Writers call Elconora de Bruce to whom he gives no lesse then the Baronie of Wester Calder in maritagium to her and her heires whatsoever with her husband Sir James Sandilands as the transumpt of the Charter beares extracted by James Douglas Lord Dalkeith 1420. April 4. The Charter it selfe is not dated but the giver is cleare Gulielmus Douglas Dominus loci ejusdem and Sir James his entaile doth cleare it in which he is called Earle of Douglas and Marre This Elionora Bruce had to her father Robert Bruce some call him Alexander son to Edward slaine in Ireland and Cousin Germane with K. Robert He was Earle of Carrict and after the death of Archbald Lord of Galloway he married his relict this Earles mother and had by her this Lady Elionora who as we have said was married to Sir James Sandilands In regard of this marriage and the Donation of these lands that house of Sandilands gave the coat of the house of Douglas a Heart and three mullets which none else hath besides him except those of the name of Douglas This Earle William was bred in France and as the manuscript beareth most part in the warres his first returne to Scotland was before the battell of Durham some few yeares which appears by the forenamed Charter given him by his uncle in the year 1342. Touching his actions after his return the first was a hard entry at the battell of Durham where the King made many Knights to stirre them up to fight valiantly and first he created William Lord Douglas an Earle In the morning being Warden he is sent to view the English Camp and engaged among them ere he was aware he had a number of his men slaine and himselfe also narrowly escaped In the battell being Leader of the Foreward he was taken and the King himselfe likewise with divers others But his successe after is more fortunate for the better understanding whereof let us remember the estate of affaires of the Countrey of Scotland at that time After King David Bruce was taken prisoner at the field of Durham the English repossessed themselves of the Merse Tivedale Liddesdale and Lawderdale so that their Marches were Cockburnspath and Sawtray and from that to Carnilops and the Corse-cave Balliol had gotten again his old inheritance in Galloway and wasted Annandale Nidisdale and Cliddisdale with fire and sword and had also with Percie overrun Lowthian neither could there be an army made up in Scotland to resist him for some few yeares so that Balliol behaved himselfe again as King but we heare that no obedience hee got by the good will of the people The Scots had chosen Robert Stuart who was King afterward to bee Governour in the Kings absence but no great action is recorded that hee was able to take in hand at such a time and in such estate of his Countrey The Earle of Douglas being ransomed or dismist the more easily for that they had the King in their power returned home Thereafter there fell out a matter very greatly to bee lamented that it should have fallen into the hands of so worthy a person the killing of the Lord of Liddesdale by the Earle let me never excuse such a fact I may well bee sory for it But I wonder at this that the Earle after his slaughter should have obtained his whole estate not onely that which hee did acquire for his owne vertue and valour in the Borders as Liddesdale with the Sherisship of Roxbrough or Tweddale but also those lands which hee had gotten by his wife as Dalkeith Newlands Kilbugho c. But being rightly considered it seemes not so strange for after the Lord of Liddesdale had slain Sir Alexander Ramsay the King apparantly hath never pardoned from his heart But being still incensed against him as may appeare in that action the King allowed or rather moved of Sir David Barcklay in taking and slaying Sir John Bullock a speciall friend of the Lord of Liddesdale and for ill will and spite of him say our Writers and that his anger being renewed and increased by the killing of Sir David Barcklay It is possible the King hath beene well pleased to heare and know of his ruine whereupon the Earle of Douglas there being none so able to do it as he being his Chief and kinsman having his owne particular grudge was incouraged to make him away and having done it hath obtained his lands the more easily Our Histories testifie that the house and name of Douglas was divided against it self pursuing each other for many yeares together with much bloudshed and all upon this occasion Belike the marriage of the Lord Liddesdales daughter to Sir James Douglas of Lowden Kincavell and Calder-cleere hath beene or should have been made in his owne time which hath moved the Douglas of Dalkeith Calder-cleere and them of Strabrock to make head against the Earle as those who did most resent that slaughter But at last the Earle as commonly remorse cometh after bloud repenting or at the intercession of friends gives the lands of Dalkeith Newlands and Kilbugho to Mary daughter to the Lord of Liddesdale by resignation in favour of her as is extant in our publick Register to regain the favour and dependance of his friends that were alienated from him retaining Liddesdale and his other Borderlands and Offices in his owne person for we finde in the Register James Douglas sonne to William Earle of Douglas and Marre stiled Lord of Liddesdale in a letter of pension of 200 marks sterling granted to him by King Robert the first of the Stuarts His first care was to deliver his own inheritance from the English bondage for which purpose having gathered together a company of his friends He recovered Douglasdale from them having slain and chased them every man out of it then encouraged with this successe the favour of his countrey people increasing towards him and greater companies drawing to him he expelled them also out of Attrick Forrest and Tueddale and the greater part of Tivedale At that time John Copland I know not whether it were hee that had taken King David at the battell of Durham or some other of that same name was Captain of the Castle of Roxbrough and seeing that the Earle of Douglas did so prevail against his countrey men gathered together a great company of them and went forth to oppose him but was quickly put to flight and constrained to retire to the said Castle again Thus having repressed and ejected the English out of those parts of Scotland he not contented therewith resolveth to invade them in their owne Countrey wherefore he accompanied with the Earle of March his owne father in law and
having gathered together a great power of men as privately and as secretly as hee could hee marched towards England They sent VVilliam Ramsay of Dalhousie before and gave him order to burn Norame and to spoil the Countrey about to draw the English upon their hoast which lay in ambuscade at a place called Nisbet-moore Ramsay having done his part very dexterously as he was injoyned having gathered together a great bootie of cattell made as if hee would drive them into Scotland The English to recover their goods pursued him eagerly and he flying of purpose drew them into the ambushment where the Scots arising suddenly set upon them fiercely and put them to flight with great slaughter There were taken prisoners Thomas Gray and his sonne with John Darcy a Noble man and many others even the greatest part of them After this being encouraged by their former successe they did enterprise against the towne of Berwick and took it in by scalade not without great opposition and resistance having been discovered by the watches They had in their company Eugenie Garrantiers with some fouretie Frenchmen more whom John King of France had sent into Scotland a little before with foure thousand crownes to wage souldiers therewith and this was all excepting fair promises a weake support in so great a strait and let it bee well marked that men may see how farre they erre from the truth that alledge that our Countrey and the liberty thereof hath been maintained and upheld by support from France and not by the valour and industry of the inhabitants The Nobility tooke the money and divided it amongst themselves prosecuting the warre in their owne manner by frequent incursions and inrodes These fouretie were present at this exploit and at other occasions where they behaved themselves valorously It is said by some that Thomas Stuart Earle of Angus was present at these surprises and that he had a chiefe hand in it as being the man that first broached it and drew the rest to it by his perswasion But most Authours mention onely the two former There were slaine within the towne of Berwick Alexander Ogle Governour thereof Thomas Percie brother to the Earle of Northumberland and Edward Gray with others but they could not winne the Castle which he held against them whereupon King Edward coming to rescue it they being not able to keep the towne rifled it and then burnt it and razed the walls thereof in the yeare 1355. King Edward caused repair it again and while that was in doing he went himself to Roxbrough where he kept his residence for that time Thither came Balliol and being wearied as may be supposed of his titular Kingdome resigned all that hee had which was a show and pretense to it The King of England requesting instantly that hee would avenge him of the injuries done to him by the Scots who would not acknowledge nor obey him but had expelled him out of his Kingdome King Edward heard him very willingly and upon that pretext invaded Lowthian by sea and land but his Navie was dispersed and broken by storme of weather and by land the victuall was put out of the way so as he was constrained to retire home again after he had powred out his fury upon Edinburgh Hadington and other townes in Lowthian which lay in his way He being gone the Earle of Douglas passed into Galloway and partly by force partly by perswasion and entreatie hee reduced that whole Countie to the Kings obedience and caused Donald Mackdowgall one of the principall men in Galloway to take his oath of allegiance and fidelitie in the Church of Cumnock Hollinshed attributeth this to the Lord of Niddisdale his brothers sonne naturall sonne to the Lord of Galloway he tooke also by force the Castle of Dalswinton and Carlaverock and razed them Some Histories say they were razed by composition and upon agreement by King David himself after his returne At this time also John Stuart sonne to Robert the Governour recovers Annandale from the enemy and Roger Kilpatricke took in Disdeir And even as before in their Kings minority they had done so now during his captivitie these his faithfull subjects made his enemies to reap but small profit of all the pains having now again delivered this Countrey from them almost every where Let it be remarked as wee said before to the end that Kings and Princes may think it the best policy that can bee to procure and entertain the love and heartie affection of his subjects and more specially of his faithfull Nobilitie Shortly after this they write that the Earle of Douglas went into France with 3000. men and was made Knight of the chiefest order in that Kingdome he was present at the battell of Poictiers where the field being lost and John King of France taken prisoner by Edward the black Prince son to King Edward the third the Earle of Douglas escaped very hardly being rescued by his own men of whom there was slain Andrew Stuart Robert Gordon Andrew Haliburton and Andrew Vasse Knights Archbald Douglas son naturall to good Sir James and brother to the Lord Liddisdale was taken prisoner and with him William Ramsay of Colluthie Archbald was known for a man of qualitie but the other not known to be a man of any estate and they perceiving it the more to deceive their taker Archbald used him as his serving-man making him to pul off his boots and do such other drudgerie by which means he was set at libertie for a small ransome Now as these actions of warre do shew his valour and love to his Countrey so likewise there fell out an occasion at home in matter of State Policie which did no lesse manifest his prudencie magnanimitie and affection to his native soile which was this King David being returned from his captivity after he had spent some five years in settling of the troubles and affairs of his Kingdome after he had fined such as had fled first at the battell of Durham and composed such broiles and disorders as were amongst his subjects at last in the year 1363. he kept a Parliament There he propounded unto the Estates that they would give way to the uniting of the two Kingdomes of Scotland and England and seeing he himself had no children be contented to give way that King Edward of England or his son might be his Successour Whether he made this proposition because he did judge it indeed to be most profitable for both Kingdomes so to end all their quarrells and warres or that he had taken a great liking of the King of Englands son or else that he had been constrained to promise and sweare to do it by King Edward when he was in his power or some other occasion it is uncertain But the motion was so ill taken by all that were there present that they had no patience to stay till every mans vote were asked in his turn but altogether with one voice
of September I am not ignorant that our Writers give this Henry the commendation of great modestie in this journey as being mindfull of the courtesie showne to his father the Duke of Lancaster in Scotland and that they say that he used the prisoners not cruelly but courteously and that when he passed by the Castles and Forts of the Countrey he did onely require of the Captaines and Keepers of them that his Ensignes might be set on the top of the wall as a token of their submission and that they were in his will but seeing their owne Authors deny him this honour and say that he burnt the Towns Villages and Castles even a great part of Edinburgh and Leith we have small reason to contend with them for it and so we accept of it and follow the Scottish Manuscript Upon Henries departure because the Earle of March troubled the Countrey with frequent rather then with great incursions the Earle Douglas who had the government of Lowthian and the Castle of Dumbar went with an Army into Northumberland and wasted the Countrey with great havock At his returne he gave order that the Barons and Gentlemen should choose some of their number to be Captaines and allot unto them a competent number to follow them who might by turnes wait and be in readinesse either to resist the enemie or to make an in road upon him in his owne Countrey as they should find occasion The first turne fell to Thomas Haliburton Lord of Dirleton who having entred England and gotten a great bootie neere unto Bambrugh returned home safe But Patrick Hepburne of Hailes the younger had not the like successe for he going upon the like adventure had indeed taken a rich bootie but having stayed a day longer then he should and had beene advised by his friends in the enemies bounds they gathered themselves together and following him overtooke him at West Nisbet in the Merse There after a sharp encounter the Scots had gotten the better of the English and well nigh the victorie till George Dumbarre the Earle of Marches eldest sonne coming in with an hundred fresh horse regained the victorie to the English and slew the flowre of the youth of Lowthian together with their Captaine Patrick Hepburne The fight happened the 22. of June 1401. the place whereof is yet called The Slaughter Hill This Patricke Hepburne was entirely beloved of the Earle Douglas and as deare to him as his owne selfe for he it was that fought so valiantly at Otterburne and therefore he was filled with griefe and indignation for his death being so brave a Captain and so deare a friend to his house and to himselfe His honour also and the credit of his Countrey stirred him up also to seeke a revenge of the Authors thereof Whereupon having obtained leave of the Governour he gathered together about some 10000. men amongst whom were many of the chiefe Nobility of the land even the Governours eldest sonne Murdock who succeeded to his father in the Government George Earle of Angus his owne Uncle Thomas Earle of Murray and John Dumbarre brother to the Earle of March one that had married the Kings sister With this company he entered England as farre as Newcastle upon Tine and having gotten a great bootie was retiring homeward In his returning neare unto Milfield Henry Hotspurre and George Earle of March lay in his way with a farre greater power then he had Wherefore the Earle Douglas tooke a ground of advantage which was a little hill besides Homildon a Village in Northumberland Percie would have marched straight towards him to have assailed him but the Earle of March being very skilfull in warre and more calme and advised stayed him and gave him counsell first to send a flight of arrowes amongst them and to give them a volee of their fielding pieces which was done accordingly and did greatly annoy the Scots and slew many of them Douglas perceiving that he could not brooke that place with safety thought it better to hazzard the battell in plaine field then to stand still and see his men slaine about him by the enemies shot while they stood safe and came not within stroake of their swords and long weapons And so though farre inferiour in number downe the hill he goes and gave a fierce assault upon the enemie But the Vauntguard being brangled and giving backe being much troubled and sore wounded by the Archers though they were sharply rebooked by Adam Lord Gordon and Sir John Swinton and brought on againe yet were they not able to sustaine and abide the shot of the enemie but were defeated every man The rest that were behind being exhorted by their Captaines to revenge the death of their fellowes slaine before their eyes did acquit themselves bravely but being overwhelmed with the greater number were also overthrowne at last There were many slaine amongst whom were the forenamed Adam Lord Gordon who had beene at variance with the Earle Douglas but in this expedition hee had been reconciled to him and Knighted by him and Sir John Swinston two that gained greater reputation of valour and courage that day and fought so valorously that if the rest had followed their example that field had not been so lost There were also divers others of note such as John Livinston of Calender Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie with a number of common souldiers Many were taken of quality Murdock the Governours son George Earle of Angus Thomas Earle of Murray Robert Ereskine of Alloway James Douglas eldest son to the Lord Dalkeith and his two brothers John and William George Lesly of Rothes Patrick Dumbar of Beâ—…ll In the black Booke of Scone is set downe the death of the foresaid George Earle of Angus how hee died in England of the plague being a prisoner with many others and Alexander Hume of Dâ—…glas also as the same Booke doth witnesse The Earle Douglas himselfe was taken also having lost one eye in the fight This battell was fought on the Holy Rood-day in Harvest or as others the 5. of May 1401. or 1402. rather as appeareth by the former History Whilest the Earle Douglas was prisoner in England the Duke of Rothsay became so riotous and insolently unruly that his father not being able to governe him by his owne authority did commit him to his brother the Governours tuition to be corrected and taâ—…ed by him Hee made use of this occasion for compassing his owne ambitious ends or to be rid of the feare hee had of him shut him up in Falkland and starved him to death The blacke Booke of Scone saith that the Earle Douglas was with the Governour when hee brought the Duke from Saint Andrewes to Falkland But it should rather seem that he hath been a prisoner in England when the Duke was thus used for if hee had been at home in all likelihood he would have reclamed the Duke being his brother in law and have brought him out of his wild courses or by his
that he made Wigton Marshall of France The King of England upon the death of his brother came into France in May or about the beginning of June and carried along with him the heire of the Crown of Scotland afterwards King James the first thereby to divert the Scots from assisting the Daulphin or to have made the Daulphin to suspect their fidelitie but none of those plots succeeded as he would have had them for neither would they acknowledge him for their King being in anothers power neither did the Daulphin conceive any sinister opinion or jealousie of them Wherefore the same yeare or the next to wit one thousand foure hundreth and twentie one the Daulphin caused besiege the Towne of Cosme upon Loire And Henry departed from Paris to have relieved it but by the way hee was overtaken with sicknesse and returned to Bois-devincins yet he sent the Duke of Bedford with a puissant Army to succour it and the Scots and French finding themselves too weake to resist rose and retired to a strength where the rest of the Army had assembled with resolution to abide the enemies comming While as the English were preparing to fight newes were brought them of their Kings death which made them to alter their purpose of giving battell The King died about the last of August one thousand foure hundred and twenty one and his corps was carried into England the two and twentieth of October Not long after Charles King of France died also which was the occasion that Buchan and Wigton with many of the Gentlemen that accompanied them returned into Scotland But it was not long ere the Daulphin had need of them sent his Chancellour Rene de chartres and the Archbishop of Rheines into Scotland to recall his Constable but the Earle of Wigton was so vehemently sick that he could not possibly travell Wherefore the Earle Douglas his father went in person himself and being a Noble man greatly regarded far above any other Subject in Scotland there went with him great store of young Gentlemen some to doe him honour some to bee participant of his fortunes and most to bee trained under him in discipline of warre So besides those that went over with Buchan and Wigton in the yeare 1420. there went at this time with the Earle Douglas 10000. more as saith Hollinshed They landed at Rochell and being to come to the Daulphin were gladly welcomed and much made of especially the Earle Douglas of whom he had heard much by report that hee was both valiant and skilfull in warre And therefore he enstalled him in the Dutchie of Turrain which he gave to him and his heires for ever having onely engaged it before to his sonne upon reversion and moreover made him Marshall of France This hath been in all appearance in the yeare 1423. at most yet we do not finde any memorable thing done by them or against them untill the battell of Vernoill which if we reade our Histories one would think it had been fought immediately upon their landing thought it be cleare that it was not till after the death of King Henry the fifth and in the second yeare of his sonnes reigne in the yeare of God 1424. The occasion whereof was this The Earle of Bedford having besieged Ivery the Daulphin to relieve it sendeth the Army under the Conduct of the Duke of Turrain whom the French call Marshall Douglas of the Constable Buchans the Earle of Narbon and others They not being able to force Bedfords camp when they were come within two miles of him returned towards Vernoill in Perch which belonged to the King of England and sent word to the Garrison there that they had discomfited the English Army and that Bedford with a small number had saved himself by flight The Garrisons giving credit thereto did open the gates and received them with the whole Army into the towne where having left a part of their Army they came and encamped in the fields neare the towne Bedford having gotten Ivery by composition or surrender followeth them and sent word to the Duke of Turrain by a Trumpet that he would come and dine with him The Duke bade him come he should be very welcome for all was ready Neverthelesse when the point came to consultation his opinion was that they should not fight at that time because hee thought it not fit to hazzard a battell but in case of necessitie and that they had no necessitie to fight at that time in respect that they had Vernoill in their hands and other two good townes besides whereby they might bee plentifully furnished with provision which the English could not have and thereby would bee constrained to retire But the Earle of Narbon was earnest to have them fight and said the Nobility of France should not receive such a bravade from the enemies and if none would fight he would do it alone and so getting him hastily out of the Counsell he began to put his men in order The Duke of Turraine tooke such indignation hereat that hee should offer to fight without his leave that hee determined not to have stirred at all and it was long before hee would suffer his men to goe forth yet at last thinking that it would reflect upon him if he should sit still and see them overthrown in his sight he armed and went forth also But then there arose some strife for the vantguard betwixt them which made things to be so confusedly handled that the English got the victory slew the Duke Buchan Sir Alexander Lindsay Robert Stuart and Sir John Swinton with above 2000. others of all sorts Hollinshed in his Chronicles of England saith but upon what warrant wee know not that the Earle Buchan Constable was not slain but lost an eye onely and was taken prisoner he reckoneth among the slain Sir Alexander Hume whom our Writers doe not mention yet it is true and knowne to them of that house that Sir Alexander Hume of Douglas went thither in the Earle Douglas company and was slain with him for they tell how Sir Alexander being minded to send his brother David Hume of Wedderburn went to accompany the Earle to his Ship and when they were parting Douglas embracing him kindly said to him would I have beleeved Sir Alexander that ever you and I could have been separated from one another To whom hee replied surely then my Lord I shall not part and so taking his brother Davids apparrell and furniture and sent David back he went with him to take care for his house and children in his absence or in case of his death which he also did with such fidelity and industry after the death of his brother that he greatly increased the estate and purchased for a younger sonne of his brothers called Thomas the lands of Tiningham and for another named James the lands of Spot hee is said to have purchased Wedderburn for himself but the truth is he had it tenne yeares before not by
for better times when the Captain of theeves being removed from the Kings side which they had of times done before they would approve their innocency to the King and all honest men These reproaches and brags touched and were meant of the Earle Douglas Him it was they called Captain of theeves because of the border men of whom many were his followers That they removed him often before was idle boasting for he had abstained to come to the King so long as the King was in their custody so long as he was in the Castle of Edinburgh where they might have murthered him as they did his Cousins That he was their enemy he denied not and had just cause so to be but to take that excuse from them he gave them assurance he should not proceed against them any wayes but by order of law and offered for that purpose to goe from Court till they should come to it in safetie And to meet their reproach of captain of theeves and their boasting of the just administration of their Offices hee was ready to prove that they themselves were theeves that they had stollen the Kings revenues and distributed to their friends and converted them to their owne particular use and that they had traiterously against justice murthered his Cousins whereof he besought the King to grant him justice and so a new charge was given out and another day appointed for them to compeir Which being come and they not compeiring they were denounced rebells in a Convention kept at Stirlin the fourth of November and their goods and moveables confiscated Thereafter John Forrester of Corstorphin a depender of the Earle Douglas is sent with a power of men to intromet with their goods who having received their houses some he razed some he manned with new forces and provision and so without resistance he returned laden with great spoil Hee was scarce retired when Creighton assembled his friends and followers so suddenly as none could imagine furrowed the lands of Corstorphin together with the lands of Strabrock Abercorn and Black-nesse and amongst other goods he drave away a race of mares that the Earle Douglas had brought from Flanders and were kept in Abercorn doing more harme then he had received This may seem strange to any man neither do our Histories sufficiently cleare it either where he got these forces or whither he carried the goods They insinuate that he was aided and assisted under-hand by Bishop Kennedie and the Earle of Angus and Morton Angus was the Kings Cousin germain sonne to his fathers sister and by her brother to the Bishop Morton had married the Kings owne sister But of these the Bishops power lay beyond Forth for he was Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and the Earle of Angus further beyond Tay so it is hard to conceive either how they could suddenly assemble to their folks or that they could conveene many except such as Angus had on the South side of Forth in Liddisdale Jedward Forrest and Bonkle likewise Mortons lands and friends were most part on the same side of Forth to make assistance against the Earle Douglas But how ever apparantly they did it not openly and this it was against order against authority and against Law and if the Earle Douglas had done it it would assuredly have been called an open Rebellion against the King theft oppression presumption arrogancie insolencie and faction as we heard it was before when he contemned the Governours onely and as it will be called perhaps hereafter If men alledge that the King was guided with the Earle Douglas counsell and his name used to a particular onely tell me I pray you was there ever any thing more formally than this against Creighton And if the Earle Douglas his particular was in it what then how many actions of justice are otherwise done without instigations of private men without the mixture of their cause without their particular suiting and particular insisting and if it be lawfull to any to seek justice for his own particular the Earle Douglas his particular was such as very well became him to insist in the wrong so manifest the murther so vile and traiterous And if that which is done against the lawes shall not be accompted wrong nor esteemed to touch the King because parties have their particular in that law none or few things shall be accounted to be done against the king or against law for there is almost ever some particular joyned and the same hath been and wil be the Earle Douglas his case This therefore cannot be accounted innocencie yea no lesse then open violence and plaine rebellion and presumption against the Earle clad now with justice and lawes and against the king as protector and Patron of justice No marvell then if the Earle Douglas was offended herewith both for his own cause whom the losse touched so neere and for such manifest contempt of the King and if therefore he seeke to be avenged thereof But there was a different forme to be used according to the different actours of which we see there are two sorts Creighton and Levingston were open enemies open actours they themselves obnoxious to the law against them the law will strike and so he proceeded with them he besieges openly Creighton in the Castle of Edinburgh and no question he had taken from him before whatsoever was without it The others not open enemies and actours themselves they were but secret stirrers up abetters and assisters of his enemies and among them Bishop Kennedie was the chiefe plotter and deviser the law could not well be had against him he must be met with in his owne way he had done besides the law he must be met with besides the law he had done disadvowedly he must be met with disadvowedly Therefore he writes to the Earle of Crawford who with Alexander Oglebee of Innerwharitie gathered a great hoast entred life and without resistance spoiled the Bishops lands either because they could not get himself or because they had a greater minde to the bootie then to the quarrell The Bishop using his own weapons curseth them but they made small reckoning of his curses Neverthelesse shortly after there fell variance between Crawfords eldest sonne the master of Crawford and the Oglebees about the Bailliarie of Arbroth for the Monks had given it from the Master to Innerwharitie and hereupon having assembled their forces on both sides they were readie to fight it out But the Earle of Crawford having gotten advertisement came into the field to have composed the busines and trusted they would have respected him and not have offered him any violence he entred in between the two parties where having stayed his sonnes companie he was going over to speak with the Oglebees to have brought matters to a parlee and treatie In the meane time one that neither knew what he was nor what his intent was runnes at him with a spear and slayes him hereupon the battells joyning the victorie fell to the
truth and falshood so that there is great attentivenesse required to distinguish betwixt them yet if we will attend to them it may be they be discerned Let us then consider the particulars and what particulars we find in any of those to be true let us acknowledge it what is not so let us reject as false and reckon amongst those that are but amplified and augmented for envie After which rule we shall finde in effect the last three to be those which are most true 1. The riches 2. The number 3. The puissance of the house and name of Douglas And yet not simple true as they set them downe for they amplifie them also to stirre envie unlesse we interpret it favourably for not all the riches of the Countrey nor all the honour was in their hands though there were more in theirs then in any others at that time yet there hath been more both riches and honours in the hands of some other before for the Cummines are accounted to have been greater and that their power was beyond the Kings power it was false their power being but a dependant and subordinate and could not be supposed to have been so great so united though they were of one name as was seen afterward And however we find it was thought so of before in the first Earles time yet he never used it to the Kings prejudice after that he was informed of his right which was now out of question but these carry no fault in them The rest which carry fault in them the first two avarice and tyranny are to be tried by the effects the third taking to himselfe the Noblemens Patrimony by law and besides law what he did by law take from them was not theirs what besides law we heare of no instance given There is a fact may seem so in the Earledome of Murray which he tooke not to himselfe but to his brother Neither was that the Patrimony but the Title and Dignity of which we have spoken already and it was but a small peece of matter The fourth and fifth his killing and robbing by theeves and his dependers invading of other mens Patrimonies are of the same quality for we heare of no instance bearing any wrong Neither of the sixth and seventh advancing of new men wrongfully or killing of men for free speeches And truely raising of new men and mean men was the thing that he and all his house did ever dislike very much and was the ground of their discord with the Levingstons and with Creighton And I hope no man will call his brother a new man So that to be short when we have sifted them all we see nothing but falsehood and calumnies and aggravations to move envie which makes it no truth for a truth augmented or diminished is no longer truth though otherwise it were true in substance Wherefore leaving these speeches as the speeches of his enemies that is to say for Calumnies as they are called and as they are indeed wee will come to that which is of greater weight and followes in the Authours owne name Animus per se insolens hee was of an insolent minde of himselfe saith one which being the judgement of one of the most learned and judicious Writers I will not contest but leave it in the middle and soberly crave to have it weighed that wee may see whether there bee any necessitie to make us thinke so or not for it is Historicall onely which I must thinke hee hath found in fact as he hath had leisure and perused his Histories of which we are scarce to wit that he grew by successe to that impotency of commanding his affections that he had his eares closed from the free admonitions of his friends Nothing is more pernicious nor is there a more certain prognostick of ruine to follow then when men are so puft up with the opinion of their owne wisedome that they disdain and contemne to heare and to weigh the judgement of others Yet this that followes is an extreame high degree of it that men might not dissemble their minds in silence to hold their peace at those things which they could not approve was not sure nor safe for them which ought to be safe for all men to say nothing and keep their minds to themselves and God which no other man no not a mans selfe can command altogether He is obedient that obeyes in the rest The minde is his that made it and can search it over which no man should usurp The cause of all this ill followes the aboundance of flatterers and giving eare to them a naturall but a pestiferous fault naturall to all great men and small in their owne kinde men are given to delight in what they beleeve and to beleeve easily most good of themselves whom they love most of any and for aboundance of flatterers who wants them Diogenes said he had his owne Parasites the mouse was if men failed yea men never fail and perhaps failed not him hee whom all the world flattered King Alexander did he not flatter Diogenes what was his speech to him but a flattery both of himself and Diogenes or else anerrour concerning them both when he said If I were not Alexander I would be Diogenes So common is it so naturall is it but notwithstanding it is hurtfull and to be avoyded and the more carefully to be taken heed of the more common and the more naturall it is he hath the fairest of the play that is most wary of it and accounts it his greatest perfection to know his imperfection and he is most accomplished that best knowes his defects and wishes for helps and knowes he hath need of them Out of doubt these were enough to bring down more then one Earle of Douglas as for that which is further said of him His old enemies were drawne to law to plead their cause before the same man both judge and party of whom many were spoyled of their goods some of their lives some to eschew the in just judgement tooke voluntary exile unto them and that which is said of their dependers they overshot themselves carelesse of all judgements because none could contend with them in judgement To all sort of licentiousnesse robbing and stealing holy things profane things and slaying them they could get their hands over neither keeped they any bridle or measure in their wickednesse Of all this concerning his dependers being so generally and almost hyperbolically conceived I could wish among so many that there had been some instance set downe that we might the better have knowne it and discerned it This I am sure cannot be without hyperbole that they did commit some gratuit wickednesse that is such as was for no good to them nor profit and without gain pleasure or profit having no cause in the world for them but onely to keep their hands in ure of wickednesse lest being disaccustomed from ill some honest thought might come into their minde that might tame
thiefe and that notwithstanding the Kings earnest request for his life by letter A pitifull matter and greatly to be lamented and though he had some colour of justice yet it tasted not so much of justice as of malice no not of indifferency which would be injustice having eye to the due circumstances so much as of partiality joyned with contempt of the King and his equall request and so it was constructed and gave more just occasions to his enemies surmising and the increasing of the Kings indignation which by yeelding and remitting a little of his priviledges and showing respect to the Kings entreaty he might have mitigated in some measure and that without any danger he could have incurred by the said Lord Harries enmitie although he should have been his enemy and perhaps he might have regained him to his friendship by remitting the offence The other fact which ensued upon this not so unjust but made as odious as carrying the odiousnesse of the other with it was Macklalane Tutor of Bombee the chiefe of that name and one of the principall houses in Galloway falling at odds with a servant of the Earle Douglas had slain him and was therefore with his brother who was partaker of the slaughter apprehended and put in prison in the Trevie a strong house belonging to the Earle His friends made means to the Courtiers and by them to the King informing him that Douglas carried a spleene against the man more for being a friend a favourer and follower of the best side so they called their owne then for killing of the man wherefore they besought him that he would not suffer a Gentleman of his rank who was also a good man otherwise however that had fallen out in his hands to bee drawne not to judgement but to certain and destinate death before one who was both judge and party By this and such like information whereby the eares of Princes are deceived while men go about to withdraw their friends from due punishment they perswade the King to send for Bombee and take the triall and judgement of him in his own hands desiring the Earle Douglas that if he had any thing against him he should come and pursue him before the King Amongst the furtherers of this sute Patrick Gray of Fowls uncle to the Tutor was chiefe he was directed with the Commission as one that both would be earnest therein being so neare to the party and would also bee respected being some way in kinne to the Earle Douglas having notice of his Commission and perceiving thereby they meant no other thing but to defraud him of justice for killing of his servant which he thought he could not suffer with his honour that he might doe what hee had determined the more calmely and with the lesse offence as hee thought he courteously received the said Patrick Gray and intertained him with diverse purposes and caused the Tutor in the meane time to be tried by an Assise and being condemned to bee quickly conveyed a mile from thence to a place called Carling-work and there executed Afterward when Patrick Gray ignorant of what was done had delivered his Commission from the King he answered he was sory he was come too late and then told him what was done and desired him to excuse him to the King When he heard that and saw himselfe so deluded he presently in a great chafe and rage renounced all kindred and friendship and whatsoever band besides might seeme to tie him to the Earle vowing that from that time forth he should be his deadly enemy in all sort and by all means he could which the other little regarding dismissed him But however he little regarded it the French Proverb proveth true and is worthy to be regarded of all men That there is no little enemy for he had the power to be his death afterward with his owne hands and plotted it by his Counsell or set it forward being plotted and devised by others for being come to the King and relating the issue and effect of his message all was by him and the other Courtiers of the faction aggravated in the most haynous sort That the Kings commandments were contemned eluded and mocked That it was likely that the Earle Douglas was King That doubtlesse he aimed to be so yea hee behaved himselfe already as such That that was the meaning of his private conference with the King of England on that ground he gave licence to slay so many honest men to spoil and robbe That innocency now was contemned for brutishnesse faithfulnesse to the King punished for unfaithfulnesse That by the Kings indulgencie the common enemy was become insolent That it became him once to take upon him his place as King and do things by authority and by his power that then it would appeare who were friends who were foes These and such as these were the speeches of the Courtiers and interpretations of his actions such as it pleased them to make following their humour of faction or judgement But they neither considered the equitie that was done in punishing bloud by bloud nor the authority by which it was done for hee had authority and sufficient jurisdiction of old granted to him and given by former Kings to his Predecessours and their Heires for his service Neither did they observe what order and formality hee kept in his proceedings nor his honour interested in the revenging his servants death Neither what scorne to him it was on the other part if he had sent the party having thereby his priviledges infringed his servant slain and no satisfaction for it but to bee eluded by a Commission purchased by his enemies justice defrauded and the guiltie pulled out of his hands and by their credit with the King procuring him to hinder justice who should have beene the furtherer of it onely upon their particular private motion and by their factions inclining of his Majesty that way Upon these considerations what had beene more extraordinarily done would have beene excused by the same men in another then Douglas Now in him though done orderly it is thus traduced aggravated exaggerated amplified and named contempt of the King and affecting the Crowne Such is the misery when Princes are moved by parties to command or request things that are unjust there being perill and inconvenients either in obeying or refusing their requests receiving hurt and prejudice in their rights scorne of their adverse party or denying to offend whom they would fain serve and happy is that man that can steere aright betwixt these rocks Happy hee who falleth into the hands of such a Prince as measureth and moderateth his commands according to equitie or if they bee inique when it falleth out so for what Prince may not fall into such weaknesse who tempereth his passion and moderateth his minde in the just refusall thereof taking it in good part and accounteth not his authority contemned when an unjust command is refused by his Subjects Whether it were
him as an oversight onely which the King had apparently tried and found to bee nothing else hee had beene vehement in the revenge of the murther of his Cousins and servant John Auchinleck but that though vehement was not injust and therefore wee finde him never charged with it as injustice hee had against equitie executed the Lord Harries yet hee had done it legally and by forme and order of Law whereof the particulars not being perfectly knowne the judgement is difficult yet is it not for any thing wee see any way to bee excused The execution of the Tutor of Bombee was very good justice and irreproveable though it bred him most hatred and ill will at Court Other particulars are not mentioned Onely they say that hee bore with theeves to have their assistance An ill and unwise course and ever pernicious to the users of it for harming of such as they hate A farre worse and unworthy fact unfit for a generous minde to companion it selfe with them whom hee should punish and to participate of the guiltinesse hee should correct But how farre he went in this point is not certain at least is not specially set downe and as for the speeches of his enemies reproching them unto him in the hatefullest sort all must not bee taken for truth they say All agree that he was a man of great power great policy great performance and execution and greater expectation in whom the name of Douglas rose to the greatest toppe of height and with whom it began to fall which was afterward accomplished in his successour as shall bee said he was slain the 13. of February 1452. esteemed to have beene Fastings-Eve or Shrove-Tuesday after the Romane supputation or in the yeare 1451. as Major reckoneth it according to the account of Scotland He was Earle the space of nine yeares or thereabout but left no children behinde him Where he was buried or what was done with his body there is no mention made in History Me laetho ante diem Chrightonus Rexque dedere Ille necis causam praebuit esse manum By Crighton and my King too soon I die He gave the blow Crighton the plot did lay Of James the ninth and last Earle of Douglas the eighteenth Lord sixth Duke of Turraine and fourth James who died in Lindores WIlliam being thus slain by the instigation of these Courtiers his enemies to the end that the King as they would have it thought might be established in his Crowne by the making away of him whom they made the King to thinke so great an enemy to him It was so farre from producing that effect that by the contrary there was nothing nearer then that it should have been the very occasion of spoyling him thereof for the Earle Douglasses friends who before tooke Creighton and his faction onely for their enemies Now they take the King for their enemy They who before thought not that what they had suffered proceeded from the King or that it was his doing now they impute them to him They who before were onely male-contents and within the bounds of obedience and had a good opinion of the King now they become enemies with an ill opinion of him as a wicked man They who before contained themselves in civill termes now become open rebellious and whereas they had good hope and looked for reconcilement now cast off all hope thereof and matters becoming irreconcileable all love and regard all reverence their hearts being laden with the injury with the dishonesty with the horrour of it they burst forth into all outragious words and deeds things coming to that point that they could not bee ended but by the destruction of one of the parties Either they behoved to ruine the King or behoved to be ruined by him And here the hardest lot at the first was the Kings by all appearance the power of the other party being so great their minds so inflamed their anger so incensed against him neither the party onely but the people in generall detested the fact and the horriblenesse of it in such sort that hee was put by all his shifts and driven to such a point of despaire as to thinke of leaving the countrey and going by sea to France For though the Earle himselfe was dead yet had he left behinde him in the towne of Stirlin foure brethren that were come thither to accompany him The eldest of these James was provided to the estate three yeares before by the Kings consent upon the occasion of Earle Williams going to Rome in the yeare of Jubile to succeed to his brother after his decease He therefore with the rest of the Nobility who favoured them and their cause having heard the report of Earle Williams being stabbed in that manner being astonished with these sudden and unexpected newes first ranne and tooke armes with great haste and tumult but having contained themselves and commanding their companies to be quiet every man keeping within his owne lodging for that night upon the morrow they assembled together in counsell and according to the defuncts ordinance and the Kings consent obtained thereto before they acknowledged James lawfull heire and successour to his brother William Then he with many vehement and bitter words inveighing against the treasonable perjurie of the King and Courtiers exhorts them who were present to lay siege to the Castle Send sayes he for your friends and followers from all quarters and let us withdraw out of their lurking holes those men who are onely valiant in perfidiousnesse while as yet they waver being uncertaine in their resolutions and tremble with the guiltinesse of so horrible a fact They who were present praised his pietie towards his dead brother and also his courage but because they were come in a peaceable manner and unprovided of things necessary for so great a worke they abstained from the siege which if they had as the Earle gave advice resolved upon and fallen to presently while the odiousnesse ef the fact was yet greene and fresh before the eyes of men the King and his partners being unprovided and unforeseene in any certaine course of their affaires as neither able to consult nor to meet for consultation the Castle being inclosed which being also as it is to be supposed not well victualled for a siege the King could hardly have escaped their hands Neither was the matter so difficult for them to have remained and sent for the rest of their friends and any provision which they needed who might have come to them within five weekes as they did themselves returne in that time having given the King so much leasure to advise and prepare for them Neither could the King for all that he had that space and time finde any meanes sufficient to match them For having upon this their deliberation resolved upon the worst part and departed to their houses and taken full advice concerning all things they returned the five and twentieth day of March where all the way as they
came along to Stirling James Hammiltoun dragged the Kings safe conduct which had beene given to Earle William having the broade Seale hanging thereat at the taile of an ill-favoured spittle sade or mare through the streets of all the towns and villages in their way abstaining from no contumelious words that they could devise against the King his Counsellers and Courtiers Being come to Stirlin they went to the market Crosse and there sounding with five hundred hornes and trumpets they caused a Herauld to proclaim the King and such as had been plotters and authours of E. Williams death perjured traitors to God and man and that they were to be abhorred and detested by all men as such Others write that they went to the Castle gate and made that Proclamation in the Kings hearing whiles he was looking on them and that it was done the next day after the slaughter Thereafter they pillaged the towne and being angry even with the innocent and harmelesse place they sent backe James Hamiltoun of Cadzow and burnt it Where this is to be considered what could be the cause why these men who before were upon advisement to have besieged the Castle of Stirlin and did not doe it then onely because they were unprovided why these men I say now being come again and provided abstained notwithstanding from besieging of it having nothing to let them and which if they had obtained they had withall obtained full victory being masters of the field the King inclosed and secluded from his favourers and partners no others in likelihood could have made head against them for neither could any have taken that upon them neither would the people as was thought have followed them at least not so freely whether it was because they had no hope to force it being a strong place neither to famish it in haste being well provided of victualls or if they chose rather to deprive him of his partners abroad in the Countrey by forcing them to forsake him first and then it would be easie to take the King who had nothing but the Castle walls to trust to or what ever else were the occasion thereof our Histories very defective in this so speciall a point tell not But so it was that they leaving the principall point unprosecute the King himself wherein would have consisted the whole summe of a full victory and to which they should chiefly have directed their courses contented onely to have blazed his reproches turned towards his friends pilling and spoiling such as remained on his side and even by this the King was so put to it that he had determined to leave the Country and to fly into France had not Archbishop Kennedie advised him to stay and hope for better fortune shewing him that if he could keepe his person safe and have patience to protract and linger out the time a while his adversaries faction would dissolve ere long and fall asunder of it selfe Amongst those who tooke part with the King there were diverse of the name of Douglas and that of the principalls as Angus brother to Archbishop Kennedie by the mother who was daughter to Robert the third and sister to James the first by whom therefore they were Cosins germain to the King who was partly perswaded by his brother to take that course as fittest for him against the Earle Douglas partly also accounted it right to follow him as his King partly for kindred There was also John or rather James Lord Dalkeith who had married the Kings sister as Hollinshed writeth in the life of Mackebeth as also the manuscript in this same place and the contract with the Earle of Morton yet beareth Also the manuscript in the life of Grosse James this E. James father saith the Lord Dalkeith or Henry his sonne rather married the said Grosse James eldest daughter this James sister called Margaret whether therefore having married the Kings sister and so fracke on that side or having married E. James sister and being of the name The Earle Douglas was so much the more incensed against him that he should without regard of this tie have joyned with his enemies and therefore besieged the Castle of Dalkeith binding himselfe by an oath not to deport from thence untill he had gotten it taken in But it was valiantly defended by Patrick Cockburne and Clarkington in such sort that after he was constrained by great travell and trouble of his men with watching and many wounds to lift his siege and depart The King had in the mean time conveened a company of men to have releeved the besieged but finding that his power was not sufficient for that purpose he resolved to attend the coming of Alexander Gordon Earle of Huntley his brother in law or sister sonne whom he made Lieutenant and who they said was come in with a great Army collected out of the furthest parts of the North. But as hee was marching through Angus the twenty eight of May he was encountred at Brichen by the Earle of Crawford who lay for him there to stoppe his passage There was fought a great battell betwixt them in such sort that Huntleyes middle ward was almost defeated and well nigh routed not being able to sustain the impression of Crawfords army which was so strong that they failed but a little to overthrow the Kings Standard brought thither and displayed by Huntley had it not been for the cowardly and treacherous flight of John Collesse of Bonnie-Moone to whom the left wing was committed by Crawford He in the hottest of the conflict offended with Crawford because he had refused him that same morning the Barrony of Ferme or a part thereof which lay neare to his house fled on set purpose out of the battell and so left the middle ward naked on the one side of the speciall force which the said Earle had which was called the battell of axes or billmen By their flight the rest who were almost victours were so terrified that they turned their backs and left the victory to Huntley farre beyond his owne expectation and yet not without a great slaughter of his friends servants and followers and especially those of his name amongst whom were two of his brethren This battell was fought on the Ascension day in the yeare 1453. hee had before the battell that same day given lands to the principall men of those surnames that were with him as Forbesses Leslies Vrwines Ogilbies Graunts and diverse others which made them fight with greater courage Crawford also lost many of his men together with his brother John Lindesay so that the losse on both sides was accounted almost equall Huntley had the name of the victory yet could not march forward to the King as hee intended and that partly because of his great losse of men partly for that he was advertised that Archbald Douglas Earle of Murray had invaded his lands and burnt the Piele of Strabogie Wherefore hee returned speedily to his owne Countrey which gave Crawford leasure
and occasion to poure out his wrath against them who had so traiterously forsaken him by burning and wasting their lands and casting downe their Houses and Castles Huntley being returned to the North not onely recompensed the dammage done to him by the Earle Murray but also compelled him out of his whole bounds of Murray yet it was not done without conflict and mutuall harme for Huntley coming to Elgin in Murray found it divided the one halfe standing for him the other halfe and almost the other side of the street standing for the Earle Murray wherefore he burnt that halfe which was for Murray and hereupon rose the Proverb Halfe done as Eglin was burnt While he is there Murray assembled his power which consisting most of footmen he sate downe upon a hill some two or three miles off called the Drum of Pluskardein which was unaccessible to horsemen Huntley forrowed his lands to draw him from the hill or at least to bee revenged of him that way thinking hee durst not come into the plain fields and not thinking it safe to assault him in a place of such disadvantage But Murray seeing Huntlies men so scattered came out of his strength and falling upon foure or five hundreth horsemen drave them into a bogue called the bogue of Dunkintie in the bounds of Pittendreigh full of quag-mires so deep that a speare may be thrust into them and not finde the bottome In this bogue many were drowned the rest slaine few or none escaping of that company There are yet to be seene swords steel-caps and such other things which are found now and then by the Countrey people that live about it They made this round ryme of it afterward Where left thou thy men thou Gordon so gay In the Bogue of Dunkintie mowing the Hay These victories in the North together with the repulse at least the retreat of the Earle Douglas from the Castle of Dalkeith did so encourage the King that he began to conceive better hopes of his affaires and by the counsell of Archbishop Kennedie he called a Parliament at Edinburgh and summoned the Earle Douglas and his partners to compeir thereat But the Earle was so farre from obeying that he caused plackards to be affixed upon the Church doores and other publick places sealed with his seale containing in effect that from thenceforth he would neither obey citation nor other commandement of the Kings nor in any sort commit his life to him who having allured his Cousins to Edinburgh and his brother to Stirlin under safe conduct had traiterously murthered them without any order of law and contrarie to his oath Hereupon he and his three brethren Archbald Hugh and John together with Beatrix Relict of Earle William were declared Rebels and forfeited and with them Alexander Earle of Crawford and James Lord Hammiltoun and that the number of the Nobilitie might not seeme to be diminished by their forfeiture there were divers new Lords created and the goods and lands of the forfeited given to them Thereafter an Armie was levied to pursue them their lands were wasted their goods driven away their cornes destroyed and then winter comming on because the Armie could not lie in the fields they were dismissed and appointed to meet againe in the spring But the Earle Douglas seemed to make small account of all this and that the grandour of his house which was growne to that great height by that great marriage might not be impaired and that estate transferred to strangers he takes to wife the foresaid Beatrix and deales with the Pope for a dispensation and confirmation of the marriage But that sute was crost by the Kings Letters I finde it in an ancient book written of the Douglasscs in meeter that she her selfe alledged that her first husband Earle William had never carnall copulation with her and that she gave her oath thereupon which giveth some colourable excuse to this fact which otherwise is so enormous and void of all appearance that he could have beene so shamelesse as to have gone about it without some such reason or pretext which therefore I would not omit to intimate and I remember not that I have read it elsewhere However it were he kept her as his wife and continued the warres that yeare and the next two yeares pillaging and wasting the Kings possessions and the King doing the like to him especially in Annandale Galloway and the Forrest Hereupon ensued a Famine and upon the Famine a Pestilence Townes and Castles were destroyed on both sides and no kinde of hostilitie pretermitted The King notwithstanding caused trie indirectly whether the Earle could be perswaded to yeeld himselfe to him and the wisest of his friends counselled him to doe it alledging that his Predecessours had often done so chiefly seeing he had a King of a gentle nature and who would be entreated by friends not to extinguish so noble a Familie and undoe so many Noblemen as joyned with him or to redact them to that necessitie that they should be forced to take a course for themselves that it would be easier for him to get some good quarters now while matters were as yet not past reconciliation and while his friends were about him then afterward when he should be deserted and left alone then there would be no hope of pardon To this he answered That he would never commit himselfe to the credit of those whom neither shame nor honestie could binde who regarded neither the law of God nor man but having allured his Cousins and Brother with faire promises had so traiterously and cruelly slain them that hee would rather suffer all extremity then come into their power This speech was approved or reproved according to every mans disposition some praising his magnanimitle and courage some disliking his obstinacie exhorting him not to lose this good occasion of making his peace which if his friends wearie of troubles should abandon him he would repent afterwards He persisted in his opinion and what for detestation of the fact what for feare to be used after the same manner himselfe if he should come into the Kings power as it falls out and must of necessity where trust which is the ground of all peace and reconciliation is taken away not suffering any thought of peace to come into his minde resolved himselfe to trie the fortune of warre But the Earle Crawford being wearie of so long troubles apprehending the iniquitie of the cause and weighing with himselfe the common changeablenesse of all humane affaires and knowing that pardon would be easily granted to him who should preoccupy the Kings favour and uneasie and difficult to those that should continue in armes being left by a part of his friends and suspecting the fidelitie of the rest as the King was journeying through Angus he casts himselfe in his way with a habit most composed to move pitie bare footed and bare headed he plainly confessed his offences in times past put himselfe absolutely in the Kings will
commemorating the good offices done by his Predecessours that he acknowledged that whatever had happened to him had happened by his owne default whatever life or fortune he should have thereafter he would owe it to the Kings clemencie These and such like speeches moved the Noblemen that were present especially the Gentlemen of Angus who although they had always followed the King yet were loath that so ancient and noble an house should perish chiefly Archbishop Kennedie howbeit he had received many injuries of Crawford or his father yet considering of what importance it was to the King to have his owne forces increased by this accession and his enemies diminished and weakned by want of so great a man dealt earnestly with the King to receive him into his wonted place of honour and favour Neither was the King difficult to be entreated but graciously pardoned him and restored him to his former condition both of goods and honour onely admonishing him to doe his dutie in time to come It is reported that the King being defirous to performe his promise which was to raze the house of Phineavin the chiefe Mannour of the Earle Crawfords and to make the highest stone the lowest he went up to the top of the house and according to this promise threw down a little stone which was lying loose above the built worke to the ground which is to this day kept in an iron chaine for a Monument and memoriall of this action Some also write that the King tooke from him the lands of Badenoch and Loquhabre and gave them to Huntley for the lands which he had distributed at the field of Brighen as also the second place in Parliament and honour of bearing the Scepter Crawford died within six moneths of a burning feavour at Phineavin and was buried in the Gray Friers at Dundee in the Sepulchre of his Progenitors The Earle Douglas informed hereof and seeing his forces decay daily and the Kings daily growing greater he thought he would goe trie what succour or support he could have out of England and for that effect he sent James Hammiltoun of Cadyou to K. Henry to desire his help in this estate King Henry considering and thinking the occasion fit for him to encroach upon Scotland perswading himselfe that the Earle Douglas his passion of revenge on the one part and the necessitie of his estate on the other two powerfull perswaders to move men should drive him to accept his help on whatever termes was content to aide him upon this condition that he should become his subject sweare himselfe English and so to continue for ever and for better assurance hereof should put into his hands such Strengths and Castles in Scotland as he had in his custodie Unto this Douglas replied very generously and honestly That hee would never leave such a blot upon his house and would rather choose to die by what ever hand then commit such a crime against his Countrey for a fault done by the Prince and some particular men onely whereof he hoped to be avenged without that shame This being so honest a part and testifying so honest a heart as some of them have not had the like even of those who pretended to be Kings themselves some of whom have not refused to render themselves and their Kingdomes to the English servitude to be avenged of their enemies and to obtaine the Crown for themselves is too lightly overpassed by our Writers without the due testimony approbation and praise that it well deserveth Besides there can hardly be a clearer argument of his not affecting or aiming at the Crowne which his brother and Predecessours were charged with and traduced to the King for had he beene that way set he would have accepted of the proffer of England and made use of their help which questionlesse these Kings would not have denied him according to their ordinary practice And how many are there that would have forborne in such power and upon such an occasion for although he seems to have no colour of title to the Crowne yet men that aspire to it doe seldome want their pretences when they have power to search it So that the greater is the pitie in so moderate prosecution of such a quarrell that the event should have beene so hard on his side which appeares yet better in that which followed So left thus to himselfe by the instigation of his partners and namely of James Hammiltoun of Cadyou hee gathered together his friends and followers to raise the siege of Abercorne which the King had beset and lay before it in his owne person And when hee was come within five miles or as others say within sight of the besiegers they looked assuredly that he would and that hee had resolved to fight because he put his Army in order of battell and being very ready for their part and forward Cadyou also exhorting him thereto that he would end these warres with a notable victorie to his perpetuall praise or with an honourable death as became his house that he would vindicate himselfe from those miseries and contumelies he utterly refused to fight though he were more in number saying plainly his heart would not suffer him nor serve him to fight against his Soveraign Wherby it may be conjectured as saith the Manuscript that his meaning was only to have terrified the King and brought him to some reasonable conditions of peace But there wanted intercessours to deale betwixt them partly because all were ingaged to the one or other side partly for that they beleeved that he still persisted in his former opinion of distrust and indignation and so nothing was done therein by any Others interpret it to have bin cowardize or faint heartednesse and lack of courage for their words import so much a fault that was incident to few of that stock and we never finde it imputed to any of them against England or against any other private enemie neither to this man elsewhere but only at this time And we heard how after the killing of his brother his courage is commended together with his piety The reason of it hath been this then while his anger was recent and green against the authors thereof he could have done any thing to have been avenged now time having taken away the edge of that disposition when he considered it was his King he had to do with whose hand the Courtiers his enemies had onely borrowed his naturall affection and regard of a subject toward his Prince was returned and by peece-meal had taken possession of his heart again as the own proper lodging where it had been harboured ever before Certainly this refusall to fight now and his former rejecting the King of Englands disloyall conditions of help have proceeded from one and the same disposition of minde Wherefore seeing that ought highly to be praised I see not how this can be condemned at least how they can condemn it that do so highly respect that high place of Kings
wherefore the said Thornton was taken by the Kings Officers and executed These things being not yet fully settled did greatly perplex the King between domestick and forraign enemies In the year 1457. the Earl Douglas came in with Henry Percie Earle of Northumberland to the Moâ—…se which as they were in wasting pillaging they were encountred by George Earle of Angus and put backe to their Camp Being irritated with this indignitie they put themselves in order of battell without staying for their full companies many of which were gone abroad into the Countrey and Villages for spoile and bootie and so entred into conflict When the noise hereof was carried to the eares of the sorrowers they for feare of losing what they had gotten which was a very rich and great prey past directly into England without regarding what became of the two Earles Hereby the battell was lost by the English but the losse of men was almost equall on both sides This victorie did not a little recreate the King and so affrighted Donald and his Islanders that he sent and submitted himselfe to the King and was received by him Neither was there any farther insurrection within the Countrey Neither did the Earle Douglas without the Countrey enterprise any thing by the aid of England they being distracted at home by the dissention of Lancaster and Yorke during the dayes of this King which were not many for about two or three years after this the King alone was slain by the wedge of a peece of Ordnance of his own and with him George Earle of Angus hurt amongst 30000. of his Armie of whom none else was either slaine or hurt at the siege of the Castle of Roxburgh in the 29. yeare of his age in September 1460 some 8. yeares after the killing of Earle William in Stirlin Castle at which time he was about the age of twenty one or twenty two yeares Neither hear we any mention of the Earle Douglas his stirring in the next Kings James the thirds time either in his minoritie being but a childe of seven or eight yeares of age at his coronation or in his majoritie either in the dissentions betwixt the Kennedies and the Boydes or the dissention betwixt the King and the Nobilitie Whether it bee the negligence and sloth of Writers that have not recorded things or whether hee did nothing indeed through want of power his friends and dependers and vassals being left by him and despairing of him having taken another course and his lands being disposed of to others so it is that for the space of twenty yeares or three and twenty untill the yeare 1483. there is nothing but deepe silence with him in all Histories Onely wee finde that hee was made Knight of the noble Order of the Garter by King Edward the fourth and is placed first in order of all the Earles and next to him the Earle of Arundell who is the first Earle of England in the booke intituled Nobilitas Politica and the English Heraulds say of him that he was a very valiant noble Gentleman well beloved of the King and Nobility and very steadable to King Edward in all his troubles These troubles perhaps have beene the cause that they could enterprise nothing in Scotland untill the foresaid yeare 1483. However it be he hath the honour to be the first of his Nation admitted into that Order At last then in the yeare 1483. Alexander Duke of Albanie and brother to King James the third who was also banished in England and the Earle Douglas desirous to know what was the affection of their Countreymen toward them vowed that they would offer their offering on the high Altar of Loch-mabane upon the Magdalen day and to that effect got together some five hundred horse what Scottish what English and a certaine number of English foot-men that remained with Musgrave at Burneswark hill to assist them in case they needed So they rode toward Lochmabane and at their coming the fray was raised through Niddisdale Annandale and Galloway who assembling to the Laird of Moushill then Warden encountred them with great courage The English who were on the hill Burneswark fled at the first sight of the enemy so that the rest behoved either to doe or die And therefore they fought it out manfully from noone till twilight with skirmishes after the border fashion sometimes the one sometimes the other having the advantage At last the victorie fell to the Scots though it cost them much bloud The Duke of Albanie escaped by flight but the Earle of Douglas being now an aged man was stricken from his horse and taken prisoner with his owne consent by a brother of the Laird of Closeburnes in this manner The King James 3. had made a proclamation that whosoever should take the E. Douglas should have 100. l. land the E. being then thus on foot in the field wearied of so long exile and thinking that he might perhaps be knowne by some other seeing in the field Alexander Kilpatrick a son of Closeburnes and one that had beene his owne servant before he calls on him by his name and when he came to him he said I have foughten long enough against my fortune and since I must die I will rather that ye who have beene my owne servant and whom I knew to be faithfull to me as long as I did any thing that was likely for my selfe have the benefit thereby then any other Wherefore take me and deliver me to the King according to his Proclamation but see thou beest sure hee keepe his word before thou deliver me The young man who loved the Earle entirely in his heart wept as is reported for sorrow to see him thus aged and altered in disguised apparell and offered to goe with him into England But hee would not being wearied of such endlesse troubles onely hee desired the young man to get his life safe if hee could obtaine so much at the Kings hands if not to bee sure of his owne reward at least Hereupon Kilpatricke conveyed him secretly out of the field and kept him in a poore cottage some few dayes untill hee had spoken with the King who granted him the Earles life and gave unto himselfe the fistie pound land of Kirk Michaell which is possest by his heires unto this day Some give the honour of this victory to Cockpool and Johnston and make the number of those that came with Douglas and Albany greater and say that King Richard of England blamed the Duke of Albanie for the losse thereof and that he discontented and taking it ill to bee so blamed withdrew himselfe secretly into France The Earle Douglas being brought to the King hee ordained him to be put into the Abbacie of Lindores which sentence when hee heard hee said no more but this Hee that may no better bee must bee a Monk which is past in a Proverbe to this day Hee remained there till the day of his death which was after the death of King
James the third which fell out 1488. he being of a good age and having beene a man in action from the beginning of his brother William now foure and fourty yeares Some write that while he was in Lindores the faction of the Nobility that had put Coghran to death and punished some others of the Courtiers supported by the Kings favour especially Archbald Earle of Angus called Bell-the-Cat desired him to come out of his Cloyster and be head of their faction promising he should be restored to all his lands which seemeth not very probable But that which others write hath more appearance that the King desired him to be his Lievetenant against the Rebells but hee laden with yeares and old age and weary of troubles refused saying Sir you have kept mee and your black coffer in Stirling too long neither of us can doe you any good I because my friends have forsaken me and my followers and dependers are fallen from me betaking themselves to other masters and your blacke trunck is too farre from you and your enemies are between you and it or as others say because there was in it a sort of black coyne that the King had caused to bee coyned by the advise of his Courtiers which moneyes saith he Sir if you had put out at the first the people would have taken it and if you had imployed mee in due time I might have done you service But now there is none that will take notice of me nor meddle with your money So he remained still in the Abbacy of Lindores where hee died anno 1488. and was buried there THus began and grew thus stood and flourished thus decayed and ended the Noble House of Douglas whose love to their Countrey fidelity to their King and disdain of English slavery was so naturall and of such force and vigour that it had power to propagate it selfe from age to age and from branch to branch being not onely in the stocke but in the collaterall and by branches also so many as have beene spoken of here They have continually retained that naturall sap and juice which was first in Sholto then in William the Hardie who died in Berwick who was in a manner a second founder in such a measure that amongst them all it is uncertain which of them have beene most that way affected This vertue joyned with valour which was no lesse naturall and hereditary from man to man caused their increase and greatnesse their Princes favouring them for these vertues and they by these serving their Princes in defence of their Countrey Their affection pressing them thereto their worth and valour sufficing them the hearts of the people affecting and following them Their enemies regarding and respecting them all men admiring them so that in effect the weight of warlike affaires was wholly laid on them The Kings needed onely to give themselves to administer justice consult and direct living at peace and ease and in great quietnesse to use their honest recreations from the latter dayes of King Robert Bruce wherein there was a pleasant harmony and happy concurrence the Kings as the great wheel and first mover carrying the first place in honour and motion and commanding and they in the next roome serving and obeying and executing their commandements as under wheels turned about by them courageously honourably faithfully and happily to the great honour and good of their Prince and Countrey This behoved to be accompanied with greatnesse for neither could service to any purpose bee done without respected greatnesse neither had greatnesse beene worthily placed without service Their power is said by some to have been such that if they had not divided amongst themselves no Subject in this Island could have compared with them in puissance But that which diminished their power and ruined the Earle Douglas was the falling of the houses of Angus and Morton from them to the King for the last battell the Earle Douglas was at the Earle of Angus discomfited him so that it became a Proverbe The Red Douglas put downe the Black Those of the house of Angus being of the fairer complexion They might have raised thirty or fourty thousand men under their owne command and of their owne dependers onely and these most valiant for their command was over the most expert and most exercised in warre by reason of their vicinitie and nearnesse to England which was their onely matter and whetstone of valour They who give them least give them 15000. men who upon all occasions were ready with them to have ridden into England at their pleasure and backe even for their private quarrells and have stayed there twenty dayes and wasted all from Durham Northward which no other private Subject could ever doe upon their owne particular without the Kings Army this power as hath been said they used ever well without giving of offence to their Prince in any sort that we can reade of clearly and expresly set downe Yet our Writers say it was too great for Scotland But how could it be too great that was thus for the good of it for the Kings service for their ease making no rebellion no resistance no contradiction which we see they came never to untill the killing of E. William at Stirling Truely if we shall speake without partiality their greatnesse was so usefull to their King and Countrey that Hector Boetius stickes not to say the Douglasses were ever the sure buckler and warre wall of Scotland and wonne many lands by their singular man-hood and vassalages for they decored this Realme with many noble Acts and by the glory of their Martiall deeds And though their puissance was suspected to some of their Kings and was now the cause of their declining yet since that house was put downe Scotland hath done but few memorable deeds of Armes And we cannor say justly that they gave any cause of jealousie Princes were moved to conceive it without just occasion given by them unlesse it were a fault to be great whether they were jealous of their owne naturall inclination as jealousie is esteemed ordinarily to the highest places or by the suggestion of others that were mean men and so envious of great men the one inclining to jealousie the other working on that inclination however notwithstanding of all this they stisl behaved themselves towards their Princes moderately obeying them to warding and after releeving to warding again at their Kings pleasure without any resistance whatsoever as may be seene in the Earle of Wigton which being well considered the cause of their stirring or commotion against their Prince which was never till this last man will appeare not to have proceeded from their greatnesse enterprising against their Prince or aspiring to his Throne although the meane men and new start-up Courtiers perswaded the King so for their owne advantage and ends but the cause was indeed the aspiring and ambition of these mean men who laboured to climbe up into their roomes by their decay neither was
Robert Douglas of Loghleven and Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie suretie for it Her mother gives her bond for their relief To return to Earle George we finde that he was a man very well accomplished of personage tall strong and comely Of great wisedome and judgement He is also said to have been eloquent He was valiant and hardie in a high degree His father carrying the name of George also we saw how by his mothers help he raised and advanced the house many wayes almost doubling the estate of it as it was before him this man reares it up a great deal higher upon the ruines of the house of Douglas yet doth he also diminish his own patrimonie and revenues of Angus whiles to gain service and dependancie he bestowes liberally chiefly his lands of Angus for he redacted the greatest part thereof from propertie to superioritie onely there being above 24. Barons and Lords in Angus that hold their lands of the Earles of Angus His determination was fully to follow the King though against his Chief and Cousin But the King who had espoused the quarrell and made the Earle Douglas party was nearer to him in bloud and therefore reason inclined his minde more to him Besides he was a King duety required his assistance Hope also swayed the ballance greatly There is hope of a Kings liberality chiefly when Lands come in dealing and parting And he being a Douglas and the Lands having belonged to a Douglas he had great probabilitie to expect a large share in them For to whom could they be given so justly and pertinently His brother Bishop Kennedle could well egge him on There was no hope of rising for him that huge tree of Douglas standing which over-topt all others and over-shadowed the whole borders and almost the whole Kingdome He was younger this Bishop than Angus but wise vertuous learned and of authority Experience also had given occasion of late to think that the house of Douglas drew all to themselves The maiden of Galloway the Earle of Wigtons daughter was thought fittest to have been matched to some other Douglas being near to the Earle as was thought then and the house too great already in the Kings eyes not to be augmented But he would none of such wisedome he marrieth her himself and disappoints them all who could look for any rising by these mens means Or in their standing in such greatnesse yet the cause seems to go higher than the Kings cause For even when the Earle of Douglas had the Kings authority on his side and Creighton was denounced Rebell Angus assists Creighton against the Kings authority Wherefore in all likelihood the course hath begun in King James the firsts time Then hath the house of Angus entred into friendship with Creighton in the dayes of William Earle of Angus which hath continued in the time of Earle James his sonne whose Lands Robert Fleming therefore did burn and spoile in the Baronie of North-Berwick And now that course begun then is here prosecuted by Earle George to the utmost point A pitie of such dissention in these houses or one house rather against which if it had not been thus divided in it self their enemies could hardly have prevailed For it cannot be denyed but the house of Douglas had great wrong and was treacherously dealt with by Creighton neither did it ever intend any thing against the King but the King was drawn to the partie against it though in the good cause of it it committed errours it is to be pitied and lamented for who doth not Also George Earle of Angus declares not himself openly against the house of Douglas for a time The support that he is said to have given to William Creighton is said to have been done covertly at the spoiling of Strabroke and Abercorne Neither after that untill such time as the King declared himself openly slew William Earle Douglas at Stirlin and made open Warre against James who succeeded to him Then he also declared for the King and bent his whole force and power to aide him He had that same year before 1452. the 24. of May taken a course for keeping good order in his Countrey of Liddesdale and to keep his Castle of the Hermitage safe for him and that his folks should do no hurt to others nor receive any of the enemies He had for that purpose made Sir Archbald Douglas of Cavers Sheriffe of Roxbrough and William his sonne Bailiffs of Liddesdale and keepers of the Castle who undertook and bound themselves to do what we have said for which he allowed them a large recompence and reward as the Indenture thereof yet extant doth testifie He is stiled in it Warden of the east marches William Earle of Douglas being then alive Some give unto him the honour of the battell in which the Earle Douglas was defeated in Annandale where the Earle Murray was slain and Ormond taken in the year 1455. Others attribute all to the Lord Carlile and Johnston But however that was in the year 1457. he defeated the said Earle and Henrie Percie Earle of Northumberland on the east border which was his wardenrie in a bloudy battell For the Earle of Douglas and Northumberland a fatall Warriour to the Douglasses having conveened an Army and come to the Merse began to spoile and burn the Countrey But the Earle of Angus set upon the Forragers and drave them to the hoast The Earles moved with this indignitie though many that were gone out to forrage were not yet come in advanced and presented him battell which he also accepted After a sharp conflict on both sides with a greater courage and spite than strength the victorie which a long time was doubtfull which way to incline at last fell to the Earle of Angus not without some losse The number of the slain was equall but the English were put to flight and many of them made prisoners A chief cause of this defeat was the suddennesse of the enemie in giving battell and his not staying for the rest that were abroad and had been sent out to forrage the Countrey For they being laden with bootie when they heard the noise of the fight were so farre from coming to succour their fellows that for fear of loosing what they had gotten they took their way directly home into England This victorie did not a little recreate the King being wearied both with civill and forraine Warre For this service which was exceeding pleasing and acceptable the King gives him a new Charter of the Lordship of Douglas upon a resignation which he had gotten before when the Earle Douglas was forfeited What other Lands he got we have no speciall mention So the Earle Douglas being now forfeited his brother slain himself banished and with small either effect or effort entertaining hostility by small incursions rather than doing any thing for the advancing of his main businesse the face of the world was quite changed The Earle of Angus was now made Lord of
other Court of Justice and that neither he nor his Tenants should be fined for his non-compearance 7. That this Indenture should be showne to the Pope and ratified by him And so it was sealed and subscribed with a Henry as long as the whole sheet of Parchment the worst shapen letters and the worst put together that I ever saw And as I beleeve it hath a particular Letter of confirmation of the Pope in the hands of the Earle of Angus It is thought that when William Earle of Douglas went secretly into England that his errand was to this or some such purpose to have made a proffer of his service to King Henry on these or the like conditions For even then the seeds of civill discord were sowne and began to bud sorth But either because things were not as yet come to any ripenesse or for that the Earle of Douglas was fallen into disgrace with his Prince nothing was done Now about the year 1460. in the minoritie of King James the third King Henry came into Scotland and did thus transact with the Earle of Angus A rare thing and whereof the like example is hard to be found in any subject except it be the Earle of Douglas concerning the Dutchie of Turaine with the King of France which is not unlike in many things Howsoever this shews how little inferiour the house of Angus hath been to the house of Douglas in credit and authority at home and abroad This Indenture took no effect it being now too late and King Henries estate brought to so low an ebbe that both his friends and his fortune having forsaken and turned their backs upon him his aide could not suffice against the whole power of England to make head against King Edward and to stoppe the current of his victories Notwithstanding Angus gave him a taste of what he could have done for him and shewed him in a notable exploite how available his service would have been if his case had not been desparate and past recovery Which though it were not rewarded with a Dutchie yet doth it not want nor ever shall want the due reward of high praise and honour as one of the hardiest and greatest interprises that hath been atcheived by any subject The Queen King Henries wife had obtained of her friends in France a few souldiers 300. of which were in the Castle of Anwick with Monsieur Brissac their commander King Edward following his victories and that he might prevent or suppresse any commotion that might arise in the North parts or out of Scotland was come to Durhame with a great Army He himself remaining in the Town sent abroad his Commanders to take in all such Castles as stood good for King Henry Amongst others he sent the Earle of Warwick to besiege Anwick with 20000. men He had another Army lying about Bambrough not far off from this and a third besieging another Town King Henry and more especially his Queen being very solicitous for the French men dealt with the Earle of Angus very instantly to have them relieved He promised to do his best and performed no lesse than he promised He assembled to the number of 10000. horse amongst whom there were 500. empty horses or moe for commonly the best appointed have ever two horses for service upon which he might mount the French-men and bring them away So he marches toward Anwick and when he came within a little space of the Castle he ranged his men in order of battell in the sight of the English Army making show as if he would have invaded them or at least that he meant to bide them battell if they should offer to set upon him or hinder him in his purposed businesse In the meane time he sent those 500. spare horse conducted by some choice troups to a posterne of the Castle to receive the French and so brought them away Some of the the English esteeming it a great affront to suffer them to be carried away in such sort from under their noses advised the Earle of Warwick to stay them But he was resolute in the contrary and told them that he had no commission to fight And sayes he who knowes what more aide these may have near hand in the parke or some other place And suppose they have not these are certainly all choice men able enough to sustaine our charge They cannot take the Castle with them into Scotland let them take the men I shall get the Castle which is all that my commission bears And so he lets them go who returned into Scotland with the French men an acceptable present chiefly to the Queen of England This was a fair assay and preamble of his ensuing services which being prevented by King Henries destinie and his death were smothered in the cradle and his Dutchie engrossed in parchment to have lien betwixt Trent and Humber is confined to a narrower precinct within the compasse of a Coffer Notwithstanding of this greatnesse and power to make him yet stronger and more puissant on the borders he did excambe his Lands in the Maines and Clarberon with Robert Grahame of old Monrosse and got for them the Lands of Eskedale upon the border He contracted his sonne Archbald and his heir apparant to Catherine daughter to Alexander Earle of Huntly or to any other of his daughters which the said George should choose The portion 2000. markes the termes of payment 10. years 100. markes every terme That if Archbald should die his brother whom the Indenture doth not name should marrie one of the said Earle of Huntlies daughters That the Earle of Angus should give his sonne 100. mark Land in Angus That Archbald after he be seven years old shall be given to the Earle of Huntly and the Earle of Huntlies daughter to the Earle of Angus The Indenture is dated at Saint Andrews 1461. the last of September This marriage took no effect what ever were the cause thereof Either before or after this there fell out a dissention amongst the Estates about the choosing of a governour and protectour for the young King James the third In which he and his brother Bishop Kennedie with the greatest part of the Nobilitie opposed themselves to the Queen who pretended to be Tutrix and had now usurped that place a year while as the Nobilitie being busied in the Warres had no leasure to look into these things The Queene and such as followed her remained in the Castle and the other party in the Abbey of Halyroodhouse A Convention being appointed the Queene and her faction came to the Parliament house and declared her Tutrix So soon as this was known the Earle of Angus and James Kennedie came up to the market place where the said Bishop declares that their intention was nothing else but to maintain their old law and the ancient practice of the Countrey which was that in such cases the Nobilitie should choose one whom they thought most fit to undergo that charge of governing
to follow it in all things wherefore he had given his daughter to Robert Coghran in marriage as a bond of friendship and societie his name was Thomas Preston There was also a young page John Ramsay who was of the same combination These were the Kings Minions Counsellours and whole confidence On these he reposed and cast the burden of affaires Their hopes were built upon the ruine of the Nobilitie that by their fall they themselves might rise These were Counsellours and Executioners of the murder of his younger brother John and had caused him to commit his other brother Alexander to prison in the Castle who had died likewise if he had not found means to escape in the night by making a rope of his bed-clothes and so got over the wall To these great evils there were joyned worse things He had given himself to seek responses and predictions of things to come chiefly concerning his own estate of Magiciens and Witches He had for that purpose brought one out of Flanders that was thought very skilfull in divining named Andrew a Physician by profession and Astrologer This man had given the Kings Ambassadours some proof of his cunning when they went through Flanders to the Duke of Burgundie He hearing whether they were going told them they needed not to make any great haste for they should hear news of the Duke ere it were long And so they did indeed for within three dayes they heard that he was slain When they came home they related this to the King extoll his skill and inslame his minde which was too prone of it self with desire to hear him So he was sent for and being come was presented with many rich gifts And good reason he should if he could withall have instructed the King how to avoide the evils that were to come But meerly to foretell evill which could not be shunned it was too dear bought evil tidings Yet that is all he doth tels him that his own should be his ruine The King interprets it of his brethren his kins-men and his subjects especially the chief of the Nobilitie Whereupon being suspicious and jealous of all others he trusted none but his foresaid Minions By these doings he makes way for the fates by slaying or warding his brother he irritates the Nobilitie he suspecting them and being suspected of them by a mutuall fear They to secure themselves put hand into the Courteours who were the authours of these evils he interprets that to be Rebellion against himself and seeks how to be revenged They for their safety are driven from point to point constrained by necessitie for the preservation of their lives cast off all respect and take Arms openly drawes his sonne to the party his own nearest according to his responses whereon ensues his ruine This is the effect of seeking to Magiciens and sooth-sayers whereof we seldome hear a better end And it is but deservedly that those that leave the authour and fountaine of all good who guides all by his providence to follow follies and superstition and the authour of all evil and wickednesse should be thus served This is the effect of pride and arrogancie that leans onely to its own judgement and will not give way and libertie to admonish and informe rightly Upon which other inconvenients do follow by degrees First with-drawing the ear from faithfull Counsellours then giving themselves to flatterers then entertaining of these and rejecting and casting off others whereof ariseth suspicions jealousies wrongs injustice from hence shedding of bloud under colour of law or without colour in open Tyranny as no man at first becomes extreamly wicked At last followes the ruine of the authours together with the ruine of others To return to our point it came so about here The warre began betwixt Scotland and England An Army behooved to be raised and for the raising thereof the Nobilitie must be conveened Loath were those new men to the work they knew not what they might think when they were conveened But there was no remedie their privie counselling could not sustaine the warres That was the part of the Noblemen and could not be done without them So they are conveened the Army raised marches toward the borders on to Lawder they go It is a Town in the confines of Merse and Tivedale which countries were both wasted by the incursions of the enemy Nothing will make men wise where there is ruine determined The place the time the enemy the necessitie to use the Nobilitie could not serve to admonish the King and his Courteours to give them some small countenance and contentment Whom they were constrained to employ they would not endeavour to please On they go with their wonted course The King only countenances consults advises with his Cabin-councell Neglects the Nobilitie and distrusts them It had been strange if they had not recented it and as strange if they had not remedied it Now was the time or never The force power and all was in their own hands They disdain it they regrate it in private one to another They agree on the generall that some order must be taken with these disorders They appoint a meeting for advising of the forme and particular manner how and what to do The place Lawder Kirk the time next morning betimes Thither they come at the time prefixt Here the Earle of Angus first in place and rank first in credit first in authority and their account is also first in speech and is said first thus to have opened up the matter unto them My honourable Lords I hold it not needfull to go about with many words to set before you the Estate of this Kingdome For some things you your selves remember some you see before your eyes Our chief Noblemen are thrust into exile and forced either to suffer intolerably or do unjustly And you who are the Arms and Limbs of this Kingdome are left without a head as a Ship without a Pilot and Master exposed to the storms and tempests of fortune Our fields are burnt our goods carried away the labourers killed or seeing no other remedie of their manifold miseries have yeelded themselves to the enemy His Majestie in the mean time a man indeed if he were himself of a generous minde and rare understanding bewitched in his affection asketh no advice or counsell of his Nobilitie but consulteth of peace and warre of the good of the Countrey and safety of us all with a few base vile and ignorant fellows who by relating the predictions of Sorcerers and Magicians fill his sick minde with vaine fear and superstition And these men determine and set down decrees of our lives and estates who knowing that they merit the hatred of all men do therefore hate all men Neither do they seek onely to lessen your authority but to strike off your heads by one plot or other Some of you they have already made away by death others by banishment Neither do they as commonly new risers
mouth of Forth and not onely infested the Merchants and such as did trade by Sea but also many times came a Shore and pillaged the Countrey These were prognosticks of a storm arising and of a tempest as great as had been from the West from the North and from the Sea But these droping Clouds which threatned an after-clap were quickly dispersed by the prudent handling of the other party Andrew Wood was intreated and brought not onely to be no enemy but also to set upon the English Ships which he did with his own two onely and brought in the five English to Leith Lennox was defeated by the Lord Drummond whose daughter George master of Angus had married and the Northern men hearing of it sat quiet and stirred not And for conclusion a Parliament was held at Edinburgh the 6. of November where all that was done at Bannock-burne was decerned to be good service and that those that were slain there were slain through their own default and that those that had taken Arms against them were free from all crime This had been done before in the Parliament when the King was crowned but there were so few present then that they thought it necessary to renew it here where both parties were present And so it was not onely enacted but subscribed by all that had vote in Parliament Thus did Angus with the rest of his associats governe those matters which seemed to be very hard to settle both wisely and moderately For they used not their victory and power either cruelly or covetously They forgave sincerely those that came in and yeelded and punished gently the more obstinate fining them in their goods or taking from them some portion or parcell of their Lands and Possessions but there was no man ruined or wholly undone by them And so they both pacified things and did not much displease the parties who bare it patiently when they called to remembrance for what small faults and upon what slight pretences men were turned out of their whole Estates in the late Kings time By these meanes they procured a true and sincere peace among the Subjects strengthened with a generall love and submission of both parties to the King And to confirme all the two principalls of the other party Lennox and Forbes came in and were received into favour Many attribute the commendation of all this to the King himself whose inclination it cannot be denied was good but to speak the truth as it is he was but young and not a Guider but guided even by the confession of the adverse partie Neither could he of himself have carried things so wisely for all his good disposition neither was he able to have done it though he had been skilfull if there had not been great moderation in those that were about him Wherefore seeing both common report and our Histories also make our Douglasses Humes and Hepburnes the chief authors and actors in these matters I see no reason why we should defraude them of their due commendation of being men that were dutifull to their Countrey and withall very respective to their King having laboured all they could to reclaim him and after he had shut himself up in the Castle restoring him to his full authority and even when he was seeking their lives they did tolerate him a good while being very loath to come to extremity And last being forced to it by necessitie for the preservation of their own lives they had regard to the race of their Princes yea to himself and his life in the greatest heat of the battell ever willing and desirous to save him And then after the victorie we see how moderate they were against their detractours slanderers and profest enemies that had taken Arms against them how meek in bearing with them how carefull too with calmnesse to reconcile them how gentle in using of them how wise and prudent in the whole progresse of pacification And above all the moderation of their desires is to be remarked for they did neither increase their estates nor enrich themselves on whit by spoiling or violent seizing of any mans Lands or Goods The Earle of Angus was made Chancellour But that was after the death of the Lord Evendale and so it was not taken from any other man neither was there any wrong in it And on whom could it have been so well bestowed who was so fit for it and who so worthy of it Besides it seemes that he got it not in the Kings minority when he had all power in his own hand under the shadow of the Kings name and so might have extorted it from the King in those troublous times for he is never termed Chancellour untill the year 1493. which was 5. years after Bannock-burne and then all the troubles were quieted and pacified and the King came to be 20. years of age able to guide his affairs by himself The Lord Hume is also made great Chamberlaine of Scotland yet that was also in the Kings power to give and belonged to no man What other casuality or benefite they acquired by the Kings liberality we finde not unlesse it were the Guardianship of the inheritrix of Glenbarvie which Angus got whom he married to his son William But suppose they did get any such thing yet was it without injury to any man and un-reproveably Wherefore we may say justly that no Princes minority was ever so moderately and innocently so justly wisely and prudently guided amongst so great troubles and grounds of dissention This made them that they feared no man having offended no man but were even secure in the Kings presence notwithstanding that he had enjoyned himself a pennance for being accessarie to his fathers death which was the wearing of a chain of iron about his middle in stead of a girdle to which he added every year a new link or ring Not the lesse of all this they were never afraid of the King nor jealous of him but interpreted this well and took it in good part not onely because they trusted to the Kings gentle disposition or because they confided in their own Forces as being of the stronger faction but also because they reposed on the conscience of their fact the necessity of doing what they had done and innocencie every other way towards every man From this time the Earle of Angus continued Chancellour so named in all Writs and Indentures untill the year 1496. the 14. of January at which time he contracts his daughters to the Lord Harris and the Lord Lile He indents with Hugh Douglas Deane of Buchan and sonne to the late Earle of Ormond in two severall Indentures whereof the condition of the one is to pursue for the lands of Evendale in the year 1493. the other in the year 1496. the 14. of January is to this purpose That the said Hugh shall pursue for Glenwhome Gladstanes and any other Lands pertaining to the Earles of Douglas Lord of Evendale or his
without desert or that it hath been ignorance in King Henry her brother a forrain Prince ill informed Let us therefore hear such witnesses as were not blinded either with womanly affection or with the ignorance of a stranger such as were unpartiall and who had neither fear nor hope love or hatred which are the common causes of partiality These are ourhistories which if they record truth as they are recorders of truth if there was any more worthy or before him in any good quality then let it be accounted folly in her and weaknesse in her brother What do these our Histories then say First of his place and descent they say he was the first of the youth of Scotland for Nobility Lo here is one good quality and that a very main one wherein her choyce and her brothers approbation are justified and he shown to be worthy nay most worthy by his place and birth whereof we have said enough heretofore But let that be thought of no moment or value if there be no more What say they next What of himself In himself in his personage The first of the youth of Scotland for favour and comelinesse of personage I dare not consent to them that make no account hereof It hath ever been in account men have thought it worthy whereon to bestow a Kingdome It is yet regarded it affects all humane creatures and moves us whither we will or no They say that beasts discern it not I doubt of it though we are not able to discern their discerning of it But let them be beasts that do so And let this also be nothing in him if there be yet no more in him if there be no qualities joyned to it which it gives lustre to as gold to a Diamond Let it be as in all men and women like a ring of gold on a Swines snout ill placed and matched unseemly and unworthily Yet it is gold and gold is ever precious and to be desired although the Swines snout of ill conditions be not worthy to be so fairly and finely deckt or adorned What are then his other properties and qualities of minde and man-hood soule and body which is the third point The first and principall say they of the youth of Scotland in all good exercise knowledge cunning skill and understanding belonging to a man of his place for I doubt not there were many more cunning Clerks than he yet not more sufficient in uprightnesse honest vertue dexterity and good addresse both in politick matters belonging to the good government of the Countrey and Gentleman-like exercise becoming his estate for body or minde for peace or warre What particulars they are we shall see in his particuliar actions viz. valour and true courage with love and kindnesse to his Countrey hereditarie properties from the very root of which he is sprung Also wisedome and magnanimity truth and uprightnesse in words and actions with others which will appear as the occasion occurres And so we have him by these testimonies thrice that is every way first or chief and principall 1. Chiefe in Nobility beyond all 2. Chiefe in personage beyond all 3. Chiefe in vertue and all good arts for so is the word or qualities beyond all Worthy therefore whom the Queen should have preferred and made choyce of to be her husband beyond and before all Worthy of whom should descend that race of Kings so Noble beyond all Which as it honours him so doth it not disgrace or disparage that Noble and Princely race to be come of such an one in his person of such stock in the whole race and descent of that whole Family so noble so worthy and heroicall every way Not so much private in place as Princely in worth all vertue and magnanimity though otherwise Subjects And thus the honour of the house doth rise in his person whom we see accounted by all every way honourable honourable by bloud honourable by vertue honourable by marriage honourable by affinitie and alliance honourable by progenie and posteritie honourable by all actions by all valiant and alwayes worthy acts As for his greatnesse and puissance we finde it at his entry and beginning matched yea over-matched by the Lord Hume Chamberlaine But in end harderto be matched by any nay matching almost what should not be matched in any sort where with no Subject should match himself Which however good or evil it be in using yet it is greatnesse to have done so To come to his particular actions The first we finde is his marriage which is not indeed to be attributed to his prudencie or his purchasing yet is it the effect of his worth She affected him and he had reason not to refuse the party Her brother King Henry consents and writes lovingly to them both He had his own particular end which was to counterpoize or weigh down the French faction and to hinder the incursions of Scotland by his means some say also to stay the Duke of Albanie from coming home to be Governour but that was not yet motioned And though that were his end yet the other was the end of his desire to stay Albanie and his main scope for all that he aimed at by staying of him was but to stay the Scottish warres which he by his coming was like to set on foot Things fal out contrary many times to mens intentions This marriage brought in the Duke of Albanie and by him had strengthened the French if he had guided wisely kept the hearts of men in Scotland and entertained his home-bringer the Chamberlain and given him a thankfull meeting for that work But there is a providence if men would observe This plot fails King Henry that fails the Chamberlain this fails the Duke of Albanie The King hopes to hinder the French by this marriage it furthers them to be all the guiders being brought in by the Chamberlain The Chamberlain looks to be rewarded he hath his head stricken off The Duke thinks that the Chamberlains death shall breed him all quietnesse ease and power it looseth him the hearts of all men and at last his office The working of these things was thus The Queen was by the King her husbands testament left Regent during her widow-hood That lasted not long from the 25. of September untill the next Spring was ended say some others say untill the 6. of August almost a year Then she marrieth and so fals from that charge The Earle of Angus did labour to have it continued and used a strong motive which was that so the peace should last with England which was both profitable and necessary The Queen during her Regencie had procured it She had written to her brother that he should stay the war and abstain from troubling his Nephews Kingdome troubled already too much with factions within it self He had answered her that he warred against the Scots when they made war against him and that he would keep peace with them when they kept peace
with him This was a magnanimous minde and a Princely say our writers not envious of the praise of the English though indeed it were not without a good policie For by that meane he had leasure to prosecute his French intentions without fear of being disturbed or diverted by the Scottish incursions But we will not extenuate it he had indeed the better hand of it and at this time peace was more needfull for Scotland And therefore this reason brought by Angus for the continuation of the Queens authoritie was so much the greater But it could not move the other party whereof the Lord Hume Chamberlain was Chief They shew their willingnesse to honour the Queen That appeared say they in this that contrary to the ancient custome of this Kingdome they had suffered and obeyed her authority whiles she her self kept her right by keeping her widow-hood Now that she had quit it by marrying why should they not choose another to succeed into the place which she had left which the old laws would also have taken from her which do not permit that a woman should govern in the most peaceable times far lesse now when such evils do threaten as can scarce be resisted by the wisest and most sufficient men This they pretended and touched the point that did annoy them The marrying of the Earle of Angus had made him too great already the continuing of her authority would make him farre greater This they can not endure especially the Chamberlain who was jealous of his greatnesse which he thought would impair and lessen his own already beginning to decline by the retiring and with-drawing of Liddisdale and Anandale from following him and casting them again under the wings of the Douglasses to whom they had wont to belong This point being once obtained that the Queen should governe no more the next was who then should be the man Here also was no lesse strife and contention The Chamberlains credit carried it away his own power his alliance the Earle of Arane being his brother in law the Earle of Lennox Aranes sisters son joyned to the Prelates a Faction ever French and then more than ever by the King of Englands shaking off the yoke of Rome especially the Archbishop of Glasgow a proud Prelate and ever factious By these men all Noblemen at home are despised and balked and the Office cast upon John called afterward Duke of Albanie Cousin-germane to the late King being then in France brought up in France and onely with the French tongue where his father was banished and forfeited and he himself not restored yet is he by them who had not so much power as to restore him in the minoritie of a King as had been proved in King James the second his time against the Earle of March restored in his minoritie ordained to be Governour of the King and whole Countrey Bent was the Chamberlain that way And so bent he was that he professed openly at the Convention that though they would all refuse yet he alone would bring him home and make him Governour A great word if he were not able to do it a great power if he were able It is interpreted ambition in him and that despairing to have that honour conferred on himself and envying it to any other he took this course I cannot be of that minde He that had power to do so much for another had power to have done somewhat for himself At least so far as to have gotten some part of the government with others as it was customable when they could not agree upon any one man they divided it It is reported also for ceâ—… â—…at the Earle of Angus finding that he was so earnest in that course went to him and naming him familiarly by his name Alexander said he what do you mean by this that man is a stranger to us and understandeth not our language no more than we do his He will work his own ends and who knoweth after what manner Whether or not to the Kings prejudice who is onely between him and the Crown Certainly he will never regard either of us whom he will rather seek to depresse than to advance Go to therefore let us agree amongst our selves Take you the government of the borders and of all that lieth on that side of the river of Forth and let me have the command on the other side A fair offer and a wise consideration which the Chamberlain shall acknowledge hereafter too late and shall himself say the like to him that now doth thus admonish him For the present he refused obstinately and as it may be thought fatally persisting in his former resolution Whereof when I consider what might have been the cause I think it hath been not any distrust to obtain some place in the guiding of affairs but a doubting how to keep it if by chance any thwarting or insociablenesse of Empire should fall out between them at any time thereafter in which case Angus could not but be the stronger by the power of England his allies they having no partie so great to counterpoize them For this cause he hath thought it fit to bring in the French to equall the ballance as principall himself onely as accessarie not doubting of a chief place both by his desert in bringing him home and the necessitie of his service which could never be lacking On this rather than the other ground as I take it he hath laid down his course But as well as he laid his grounds hereupon he built both his ruine before three years were come about and speedie repentance soon after the arrivall of his Governour Howbeit upon this occasion the Duke of Albanie so called afterward is sent for arrives is made Earle of March Duke of Albanie which his father had been before but was forfeited and Governour untill the Kings ripe years The Lord Hume comes to him some say with a huge number 10000. horse to Dumbartan whereupon the Governour said he was too great to be a subject Others report that he came very privatly with his houshold onely some 24. horse in Kendall Green which was his Livery and that the Duke slighted him with this sentence minuit praesentia famam being a man of low stature and carrying no appearance of much stuff to be in him by his out-side However he was then welcomed and what faire and good countenance he got then it lasted not long John Hepburne Prior of S. Andrews was his enemie on this occasion Andrew Stuart Archbishop of S. Andrews was slain at Flowdon Three divers pretended to the place by divers meanes Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to the Earle of Angus by the Queens admission Hepburne by the election of the Chapter Andrew Foreman by the Popes gift This Foreman was Abbat of Dumfermling and Aberbrothe Legat from the Pope and had gotten this to maintain his grandour or as a reward of his service The question was hard to decide All pretended
derided of the beholders to see so many beaten and chased by so few Besides these there were many others that had fled before and divers stayed still in the City lurking This conflict fell out in the year 1520. the last of April in which there were 70. slaine and two of note Patrick Hamilton brother to Arran and the Master of Montgomerie The Chancellour as we have said fled disguised to Stirlin to the Queen After this Sir David Hume returning to the Merse and being thus strengthened by the authority and countenance of Angus found means to take his own house of Wedderburne from those that had kept it since the killing of De la Beaute He took also the Castle of Hume at the same time which had been seized on by the Governour and was kept by men that he had put into it And thus was the Earle of Angus partie settled and strengthened in the Merse Also in Lowthian he had no opposition or contrary neither in Tividale and such other parts of the borders The Hamiltons were the onely great men that had any equality to match him and were now incensed by their losse at Edinburgh Some of his friends lay near unto them Robert Lord Boyde was his depender and speciall friend He was also near to him in bloud for Angus his Grand-mother Elizabeth Boyde was sister to Thomas Boyde Grand-father to this Robert The Lord Boyde was nearer to Arran for King James the third his sister was mother to Arran and Grand-mother to Boyde as is probable But Boyde followed Angus more than him His house of Kilmarnock in Cunninghame lay nearest to their Forces in Cliddisdale and farthest from the Earle of Angus his power and friendship Therefore they besiege it but without successe it being so well defended that they rose and went away without getting of it The next year 1521. the 18. of July Angus came to Edinburgh accompanied with his friends and especially the Humes that were banishshed as our writers designe them By which he means rathest as I think George now Lord Hume for he is Lord ever after this and Sir David of Wedderburne with his brothers who may be said to have been banished in regard he was denounced Rebell and out-lawed but otherwise he never went out of the Countrey but dwelt ever still in some part of the Merse There Angus as Buchanan sayes but as our folks say George Lord Hume and Wedderburne by Angus his connivence took down the heads of the late Chamberlain and his brother William and interred them solemnly in the Gray-friers He passed from thence to Stirlin hoping to have found the Chancellour Beton there but he was fled From thence he returned to Edinburgh About the 28. of October the Governour returned out of France Angus his power seemed to him to be too great He determines to diminish it For which purpose he commands himself to go into France causeth his uncle the Bishop of Dunkell to be sent for to Rome as wee have said above Neither did Angus return out of France untill the Government was taken from the Duke who from this time forward doth nothing of importance For the next year 1522. he went with an Army to Solway to have invaded England But his Army loved him not all went unwillingly with him and against the hair The Earle of Huntly being come within three miles of England openly refused to go any further so that he was forced to move Dacres and Musgrave English-men under hand to sue for peace that he might have some shew of an honourable cause for his retreat Wherefore the 10. of October the same year away he goeth again to France having stayed one full year in Scotland and returnes into Scotland the next year 1523. the 22. of September He brought then with him 3000. foot and 100. men of arms Then assembling an Army of Scots the 20. of October thinking to do great matters with his French aid but having passed Tweed at the Bridge of Melrosse he was served just as he had been the year before they refused still to enter into England Thereupon he came back again to the other side of the River and coming along by the bank thereof on Scottish ground he began to batter from thence the Castle of Warke standing on the other side of the River on English ground And having made a breach caused his French-men to give the assault who entred the breach but they were repulsed again and beaten out So he left the siege and retired to Lawder in the night In the spring he goeth again into France promising to return before September and taking a promise of the Nobilitie that they should not transport the King from Stirlin before his return This their promise was keeped with the like sidelity as he had kept his promise made to the Chamberlain For the King was brought to the Abbey of Halyroodhouse by the Queen his mother The Earls of Arran Lennox Crawford and many others And from thence with all solemnitie of Parliament to the Parliament house where he did solemnly abrogate the Governours authority by which mean he saved him a labour of returning into Scotland again He needed not neither did he return any more to it nor passe the Seas for that errand He had governed or rather mis-governed the space of nine years He spent in his journeyes and staying in France five whole years or six of these nine being absent from the countrey and leaving it a prey to forreiners and civill ambition and dislention and when he was at home he abused and oppressed the Nobilitie by slaughter or banishment But though he returned no more yet others returned for him those whom he had caused go to France by his authoritie do now return without his licence yea without licence or recalling of any other for ought we read The Earle of Angus returnes after he had been in France almost three years He returned through England having first sent Simon Panango and obtained licence of K. Henry by whom he was received lovingly and dismissed liberally For K. Henry desired greatly the diminishing of the Governours authoritie was glad of the alterations in Scotland therefore did make the more of Angus because he knew that he was opposite to the Duke At his returne he found the estate of the Countrey in this case We told before how in the year 1518. the Queen his wife and he had with-drawn themselves into England and stayed at Harbottle where she bare her daughter Lady Margaret Douglas how her husband having returned into Scotland she after her deliverie went to the Court of England to visit her brother and her sister with whom she stayed for the space of a whole year In which time the Earle her husband becomes acquainted with a daughter of Traquair by whom he had a daughter called Jeane Douglas married afterward to Patrick Lord Ruthven When the Queen came home again he meets
her at Berwick and brought her to Edinburgh She having gotten notice of this wrong he had done her never lived with him in that love they had done before And now having set her affection upon a younger brother of the Lord Ochletrees whom she intended to create Lord Methven she was become altogether his enemie And that so obstinately that howbeit her brother K. Henry wrote to her that for her own honour for the peace and quietnesse of the countrey and for the advantage of his affaires she would be reconciled to him yet she not onely would not yeeld to it but even sued for a divorcement before the Pope at the Court of Rome alledging that Angus had been affianced betrothed or hand-fasted to that Gentlewoman who bare the childe to him before he had married her and so by reason of that pre-contract could not be her lawfull husband She prevailed not in her sute for her alledgance could not be proved being also untrue but she increased in spight and hatred against him and was set by all the means she could to overthrow him This drew Arran to be of her Faction both of them disliking that Angus should be in the first place and suspecting he would not be contented with the second bent their Forces to contend against him as for dominion and empiring On the other side there were the Earle of Lennox and Argyle who had assisted the Queen and Arran and helped them to abrogate the Duke of Albanies authority and to establish the King himself in the Government of the Kingdome But now finding that the Queen and Arran took all the guiding of the King and Countrey into their own hands onely and did not admit them to be any way sharers with them therein but wholly excluded them from all copartnership they were glad of Angus his returne for they knew that by his power they should be able either to break the authoritie of the Queen and Arran or to diminish it in some measure Neither were they deceived in their expectation for having conveened the greater part of the Nobilitie Angus Lennox and Argyle are chosen Keepers and Governours of the King and Countrey Hereupon they passe forth with great celeritie accompanied with 2000. horse and move Archbishop Beton Chancellour to consent to the election who did accordingly not daring to refuse Then to Stirlin they go and there depose all that bare any publick Office whom they suspected and placed in their rooms such as were sure to their side From thence they came to Edinburgh and made there entrie without violence The Queen and Arran remained in the Castle with the King confident in the strength of the place and the Kings though naked and unarmed authoritie but there being but a small trench cast up about the Castle they yeelded themselves and it because they were no wayes provided for enduring a siege The King onely was retained and the rest dismissed The order of governing agreed upon amongst these three Earles was that they should rule by turnes each of them his foure moneths successively The first place was Anguses either by lot or by consent During the time of his presiding the Abbacie of Holy-rood-house fell vacant the Abbot thereof George Creichton being advanced to be Bishop of Dunkell Angus conferres this Abbacie on his brother William Prior of Coldinghame either by himself and his own power or by moving the King to conferre it upon him and that without the consent of the other two which he thought he needed not seeing he was absolute Governour for his time The other two thought themselves wronged by this balking and thought that howsoever he was for those moneths to attend the King alone yet that he ought not to governe or dispose of any thing of moment by himself alone So they take offence at it and Argyle retires and with-drawes himself home into Argyle Lennox would gladly have done the like but the King detained him for the love he bare him yet did he utter his discontentednesse many wayes Thus is the Trium-virate dissolved for which dissolution Angus is blamed as having encroached upon the others and drawing all to himselfalone But he seemes to be unjustly blamed if this were the time of his Government as it should appeare it was and not of attendance onely for they also attended the King at that same time The decision of this question depends upon the words of the Act or Contract of their agreement in point of governing which we have not precise Yet they seem to have been too hastie in that they did not expect their turne during the time of which some such thing or perhaps some betterthing might have fallen in their donation wherein if he had impeded or hindered them then they might have had just and undeniable cause to complain of him Now they abandon their charge and thereby give him occasion to administer all alone which is imputed to his ambition And so he takes all upon him making small reckoning of their offence which he esteemed to be unjustly taken and leaning to the greatnesse of his own power which was such as we have said and was now also increased by having the Earl of Huntly for his ward and pupill he being left Tutour by his Grandfather Earle Alexander Gordon and having gotten the Wardship from the King so that now he had the friends and dependers of the house of Huntly to be his In this mean time fell out the slaughter of Patrick Blackader Archdeacon of Dumblane Cousin Germane to Robert Blackader sometime Priour of Coldingham and brother Germane to Robert Blackader late of Blackader Robert the Priour of Coldingham had been slain before by Sir David Hume of Wedderburne and his brother John Hume being in his company is thought to have given him the deadly stroake This Sir David married Alison Douglas sister to the Earle of Angus and relict of Robert Blackader of Blackader She had two onely daughters married to two of Sir Davids brothers the eldest to this John Hume and the younger to Robert Hume who claimed and possest the Lands of Blackader in the right of their wives who were heirs of Line Hence arose deadly feude betwixt them and the name of Blackader who challenged to be heirs by entailment of the Lands to the heirs male Wherefore they had laid wait for John divers times to have slain him especially at one time he being in a Taverne in Edinburgh and his men being all abroad or in another room with a Gentleman or two of his acquaintance and companions a Priest of Arch-deacon Blackaders camè into the room where he was John not knowing who he was desired him to drink with him out of courtesie but he refused and went forth presently When he was gone one of the house sayes to John if ye had known who that man was ye would not have offered him any wine for it was such an one If I had known sayes John that it had
he could not go to him and leave them strong behinde him having the Douglasses before him There were slain with him the Laird of Howstoun and the Master of Glencarne was sore wounded and hardly saved by the Earle of Angus whose Cousin he was brother and sisters children as is said above After the Battell those that had born arms against the King were enquired after and summoned to compeere in judgement but some of them compounded for money some became dependers to the house of Angus some to the Earle of Arran The obstinate were pursued by Law such as the Earle of Cassils who alledged for himself that he had the Kings Letter to show for his warrant to do what he had done whereupon they desisted from further processe against him which I see no ground why they should have done upon a private Letter and as little reason is there why they could not charge him with the hurting or slaying of some man seeing he was in the Battel It should seem they would not have been so malicious vehement against men as our writers give out or not so pregnant in the inventing of crimes and quarrells as men are now a dayes Cassills was slain by the Sheriffe of Aire his friends a little after at the instigation of Arrans bastard who had killed Lennox at Linlithgow because he stood to justifie himself and refused to become a depender of the house of Arran His son betook himself to the protection of the Douglasses came to Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie who was then Thesaurer to the King and was kindely received by him and lovingly entreated as one who for his noble birth and towardlinesse he intended to make his son-in-law Now the Earle of Angus knowing well that Archbishop Beton was one of the chief stirrers up of the Earle of Lennox in this enterprise against him remembring also how he had before stirred up Arran in the same manner and his assisting of him at Edinburgh and many other times goes now to S. Andrews takes the Castle by force and pillageth it but could not apprehend the Fox himself who fled from hole to hole and linked secretly amongst his friends The Queen also lest she should come into her husbands hands kept her self hid and solitarie These escaped their search After this he went to the Border where he caused the principall of every Name to give pledges and hostages for their good behaviour and keeping of good order And first he went into Liddisdale with an army where they came and yeelded themselves to him and the rest of the Borderers followed their example And now had the Earle of Angus settled all things in all appearance His enemies were overcome on the East hand at Melrosse on the West at Lithgow the Earle of Lennox was dead and his Faction dispersed and broken the Queens authoritie dashed and Bishop Beton beaten out of the cock-pit both put to save themselves by hiding all-husht and under hatches no partie no faction no men to make head against him An estate highly esteemed greatly affected and mueh sought for by men But as in our bodies fulnesse of health hath the own danger so in our estates too great prosperitie and ease are the fore-runners of change which as experience doth teach is even then at the doores when there is least appearance otherwise It fell out just so now while the Douglasses were thus secure of all danger knowing too well and leaning too much to their own strength no partie to take the King from them no place strong enough to keep him in when he were taken nor to keep them out no meanes to effect either the one or the other and threupon grew slothfull in attending him are often abroad about their businesse he findes first the place then the means to escape then the party to maintaine it and at last to over-throw them The Queen his mother had the Castle of Stirlin as a part of her dowrie which while she for fear of the Douglasses hides her self was left emptie and waste and yet not seized on by them who were neither so greedie as men would have them to appear by so much neither so circumspect as wise men should have been to secure themselves knowing the fitnesse of the place for such a purpose the disposition of the owner and the inclination of the King toward themselves Now her fear being somewhat abated and the coasts being clear of them the Queens servants returned thither and furnished it more for show than sufficient resistance of any Force The King making wisely choice of it knowing there was no other place so strong pretending the conveniencie of hunting even to her transacts secretly with her and gives her Methwen in exchange for it with other Lands about Methwen no lesse convenient and profitable for her And so he had gotten his first point a place of retreat The meanes how to retire were easie which was the next He was in Falkland which was not far from Stirlin in a countrey not subject to the Douglasses nor near their forces and power Angus and Sir George his brother are both absent about affairs of the Countrey and none of theirs we hear of that were to attend the King or few and negligent they were as men are wont when they are secure So he goeth from Falkland to Stirlin in the night with a few of his familiar servants as secretly as he could Having gained these two points of them by their errour there rested the third without which these errours had been no errours to them nor advantage to him they had been of no effect nor importance that was a partie to maintain the retreat This is the main point and their main errour the cause and the ground of the other two errours that made them slothfull in seizing that house in attending the King because they laid their ground there could be no partie in Scotland And Buchanan writes concerning the Earle Bothwels refusall to be Lieutenant against them that he saw them a little before to be such as all the rest of Scotland were not able to match them But they took not heed nor considered that then the King was with them However his minde was against them he was in their custodie and power and if any had been ill-affected to them he could be no warrant to any Faction having no assurance of his life which was at their disposing and therefore he could not be a Head to any These considerations being of no small consequence as the event now proves for he is no sooner gone from them than he findes a partie against them now that he could be a Head to a partie He writes for many of the Nobilitie they come all to him others upon the first news of his retiring came without staying till they were sent for So that he quickly found himself free and out of danger to be forced Then by their advice he causeth make a Proclamation that the
within the Wals of any strength having ever in his mouth this maxime which he had received from his Predecessours That it was better to hear the Lark sing than the Mouse cheep The Castle was well defended for certain dayes none hurt within many without were wounded with shot from the Castle and some burnt and scalded with their own Powder which took fire unawates and divers killed The besiegers were troubled without by the horsemen who assaulted them daily at their trenches so that seeing no hope of carrying it they raised their siege and retired In their retreat they were set upon in the Reare by Angus his horsemen and one David Falconer a principall Cannonier slain with some other hired Musketiers and two of the Cannons cloyed This the K. took so highly esteeming it an affront and scorn put upon him that he swore openly that so long as he lived the Douglasses should never be received into favour He was then young and in his hot bloud and saw not their worth or at least looked upon it through the prospective of an angry passion but before he died he saw it more setledly and clearly and that their service was more steadable than all theirs that were now about him Being come to Edinburgh he adviseth what was next to be done It was thought fit to keep a company at Coldingham which needed not to be very great but onely to lye there constantly to preserve and protect the common people from their incursions But that was to Bell the Cat a good designe but difficult to prosecute Billie where Angus made his residence is within five miles of Coldingham and all the Countrey about did favour him yea some in that same Town it self did bear him good will The task to execute this conclusion was laid upon the Earle Bothwell who was the most powerfull man in Lowthian He refuses it absolutely as that which he was not able to perform So is the King driven to think of another The Earle of Arran was the greatest in power and friendship but he had slain the Earle of Lennox at Linlithgow and was in societie with the Douglasses He doubts with what zeal or fidelity he would prosecute the businesse Argyle was in great account for warrelike and politick wisedome But he lay farre off in the North-West parts of the Kingdome There is no remedie he must be the man he is made Lieutenant and as our Writers say by the Lord Humes assistance drove Angus out of Scotland But all our ancient men who lived in those dayes and were present at those doings and actors in them say the contrary That he did no good but came to Dumbar and some of his companies going before were set upon at the Peeths and three or fourscore of them slain Hereupon was made this rime in derision beginning thus The Earle of Argyle is bound to ride From the border of Edge-bucklin bray And all his Habergeons him beside Each man upon a sonke of Stray They made their vow that they would slay c. Neither did the Lord Hume take any particular dealing against him neither did he leave Scotland being compelled thereto by force as our traditioners say but upon the King of Englands desire who wished him so farre to obey and yeeld to his Prince He also caused him to render Tantallon up to the King What warrand the King of England had and what promises by word for it stood not with his honour to give any thing in writ that his clemency might be free and voluntary and not by capitulation our History doth rather glance at it than expresse it in these words That the Castle of Tantallon being rendred the King should under his hand-writing assure them of the rest of their petitions Yet the Castle being rendred the rest were not for all that sincerely kept What he speaks of the rendering of the Castle our old men acquainted with these mysteries speak also of the Earles leaving Scotland That both were done upon these promises They tell also what the promises were that they should be received again pardoned and get their peace the Kings honour being once thus salved by his going out of the Countrey and rendering of the Castle within such a space as was agreed on Our Histories also signifie no lesse by the exception which it makes in this The rest sayes he were not sincerely kept except that favour was granted to Alexander Drumond to return c. Then his return hath been one of the conditions seeing it is accepted as one of them that were performed Neither hath the condition been that he alone should return but that they should be brought home all of them He signifies also that Drumonds return was not permitted out of any respect to the promise but at the request of Robert Bartaine So that the exception is no exception and so nothing hath been keeped But the King of England to whom the promise was made was not at this time disposed to exact the performance of it and to back his exacting of it with 40000. men as Princes promises should be urged Men say he had other work in hand and businesse of his own to request for which was to desire his Nephew James to be quiet and not to trouble his Kingdome while he made Warre against the Emperour Charles Yet afterward in the year 1532. he sought it directly amongst the conditions of peace that the Douglas according to his promise should be restored For King Henries own part he entertained them with all kinde of beneficence and honour and made both the Earle and Sir George of his privie Councell The Kings anger still continued against them in such sort that nine years after in 1537. he was contented that Jeane Douglas Lady Glames who was Angus sister should be accused by false witnesses condemned and execute The point of her accusation was that she and her husband Archbald Campbell then and her sonne and an old Priest had gone about to make away the King by Witch-craft Their servants were tried and racked but confessed nothing the accuser John Lion a Kinsman of her first husband when he saw how they were like to be used and that the house of Glames would be ruined repenting of what he had done confessed to the King that he had wronged them but it did no good She was burnt upon the Castle hill with great commiseration of the people in regard of her noble bloud of her husband being in the prime of her years of a singular beauty and suffering all though a woman with a man-like courage all men conceiving that it was not this fact but the hatred the King carried to her brothers that had brought her to this end Her husband seeking to escape over the wall of the Castle fell and broke his leg and so died Her sonne was kept in prison because he was so young that the law could not strike against him Others were committed to Ward as
after it had gone through the Regent killed the Horse of George Douglas of Park-head a naturall brother of the Earle Mortons This fell out the 21. of January 1569. The Regent finding himself hurt alighted from his horse went to his lodging and died ere midnight Bothwell-hawke who had done the deed having mounted upon a horse which hee had standing ready for him of purpose escaped untaken He was much lamented of all but especially of Morton who had best reason to be sensible of this losse seeing by his death the common cause did want a main pillar and supporter thereof and the Kings side which he followed was deprived of a sufficient and able leader He himself also had lost a dear friend with whom he had so long entertained honest and faithfull friendship and who had borne so great a part of that heavie burden and weight of State affairs with him For now the whole burden of guiding the Kingdome and managing the State lay upon him almost alone and that even in the time of the two succeeding Regents for the space of some three years or thereby They indeed bare the name and the authoritie but he was the man by whose advice and counsell by whose travels and paines both of body and minde yea and upon whose charges also often times most things were performed till at last he himself was chosen Regent and did then all things alone without a helper This was well known to all and was plainly spoken in the time of Lennox his Regencie A staff under a Hood so they termed Lennox Morton rules all Yet was it not so altogether neither was Lennox so devoide of judgement but behaved himself very well very judiciously courageously and courtiously even in Mortons absence in the taking of Pasley and Dumbartan and in his courteous usage of the Lady Fleming who was within the Castle of Dumbartan Onely because matters seemed to rely most upon Mortons good advice action and means the ruder interpreters made that hard construction of it as if Morton because he did much had therefore done all as commonly men are wont to judge and speak And it is very true that is said of Lennox in that Epitaph of him samam virtute refellit Yet it cannot be denied but that even while Murray was Regent Morton did very much and though â—…e were not equall with him in place and dignitie for there was but one Regent yet he was such a second as might well be esteemed a yoke-fellow both in consulting and performing being a partaker with him in all perrils and burdens So that of all that is set down here of Murray Morton was ever an equall sharer and may justly challenge the one half as his due And therefore it is that we have been so particular and insisted so long in Murrayes actions because of Mortons perpetuall concurrence with him in all things and his interest in every businesse Wherefore we hope it will not be thought impertinent to our Historie thus to have handled them although Morton were not the sole actor since he was a prime and maine one For whoso will rightly consider shall finde that saying to be true of these two which Permenio said of Alexander and himself Nihil Alexander absque Permenione multa Permenio absque Alexandro being applied to Morton For Morton did many things without Murray but Murray nothing without Morton And thus it went even when Murray was alive when all acknowledged his authority Now he being dead many swarved many made defection and as if they had forgotten what they had promised became open enemies The Kings party was weakened the adverse party strengthened both by forrain and home-bred power Fear might have terrified him ease sollicited honour and profit allured him to have left it and joyned with the other side But he shrinks not for any perill hatred or envie for no pains or travell to be sustained no case or security could allure him no hope of favour of riches of honour could move him to abandon it Which doth evidently justifie and clear him of all the imputations which the wit of man can devise or imagine against him Whether it be that he conspired with Murray to make him King he was now dead and that hope with him Or if it be any particular end and aime of his own what appearance is there that he could have any private end which he followed forth with certain danger and uncertain event or profit For clearing of which let us weigh the parties and the forces and meanes at home and abroad on both sides First there were of the Queens side Duke Hamilton Argyle Athole Huntley almost all pettie Princes in their severall Countries and Shires Also the Earles of Crawford Rothuse Eglinton Cassils the Lord Harris with all the Maxwels Loghenvarre Johnston the Lord Seton Boyde Gray Oglevie Levingston Flemin Oliphant the Sheriff of Air and Linlithgow Balcleugh Farnihast and Tillibardine The Lord Hume did also countenance them though few of his friends or name were with him safe one meane man Ferdinando of Broom-house Metellan the Secretarie a great Polititian and Grange an active Gentleman who was Captain of the Castle and Provest of the Town of Edinburgh they had the chief Castles and places of strength in their hands Edinburgh Dumbartan Logh-Maban France did assist them Spain did favour them and so did his Holinesse of Rome together with all the Roman Catholiques every where Their faction in England was great all the North-folcians Papists and male-contents had their eye upon Queen Mary Neither was she though in prison altogether unusefull to her side for besides her countenance and colour of her authoritie which prevailed with some she had her rents in France and her Jewels wherewith she did both support the common cause and reward her private servants and followers especially they served her to furnish Agents and Ambassadours to plead her cause and importune her friends at the Court of France and England who were helped by the banished Lords Dacres and Westmoreland to stirre up forraine Princes all they could Thus was that partie now grown great so that it might seeme both safe and most advantagious to follow it The other was almost abandoned there were but three Earles that took part with Morton at first Lennox Marre Glencairne Neither were these comparable to any one of the foremost foure In Fyfe there was the Lord Lindsay and Glames in Angus no such great men and no wayes equall to Crawford and Rothuse The Lord Semple was but a simple one in respect of Cassils Maxwell Loghenvarre and others Methvaine in Stratherne a very mean Lord Ochletree amongst the meanest that bare the title of a Lord and yet Kirkart was meaner than he both in men and means Neither was Ruthven so great but that Tillibardine and Oliphant were able to overmatch him They had no Castles but Stirlin and Tantallon which belonged to Morton The commons indeed were very forwardly set that way
but how uncertaine and unsure a prop is the vulgar England did befriend them some times but not so fully as they needed and even so farre as did concern their own safetie So that when all is duely considered we shall not finde any ground for one to build on that would seek nothing else but his own private ends of honour or preferment Wherefore it is no wonder if Secretarie Metellane and Grange men that sought themselves onely did joyne with that partie which was likest to thrive and prosper in all discourse of reason and humane wisedome Neither can any man think that Morton did aime at his own greatnesse or that it was out of any self-respect that he followed the other partie with such disadvantage if we will acknowledge that he was a wise and judicious man And therefore if we search with an unpartiall eye what could have been the motives that made him cleave so stedfastly to this cause we shall finde them to have been no particular of his own nor any thing else besides the equitie and justnesse thereof as he conceived his love to the young King as his King and Kinsman together with the preservation of Religion and the welfare of his Countrey which he thought did stand and fall with this quarrell and cause This in all likelihood hath been his minde which whether it was right or wrong let them dispute who list our purpose is onely to shew so farre as may be gathered by discourse of reason what it was that did induce him to follow this course Now although he had bent all his power and endeavours this way yet there lacked not some who did blame him as not zealous enough to revenge Murrays death His brothers Uterine Loghleven and Buchain craved justice against the murtherers so much the rather for that he was not slain for any private quarrell or enmitie but for the publick defence of the King and Countrey When it came to a consultation some were of opinion that those who were suspected should be summoned to appear against a certain day according to custome and order of Law Others again thought that such processe and legall proceeding needed not to be observed toward them who had already taken arms to maintain by force what they had committed by treacherie and treason but that an Army should be levied against them and not only against them but also against all such as had been declared Rebels by the former Parliament But Morton did not like of this last course nor Athole because neither was that meeting frequent enough to determine of those things and besides they foresaw that the joyning of many faults would take away or diminish and make men forget the principall and to mingle other crimes with the murther were but to make all the guiltie in what ever kinde to joyn with the murtherers and so raise a generall and open insurrection and a most dangerous Civill Warre Wherefore they deferred all till the first of May the day appointed for a Convention as also for choosing of a new Regent These delayes were motioned by Secretary Metellane who at Granges request upon his oath that he was innocent of the Kings and Regents murther and of the Rebellion raised in England and having found sureties to appear and answer whensoever he should be legally pursued was released by the Nobility here conveened For what ever respect Metellane made this motion Athole consented to it and Morton also because he saw there could be no orderly proceeding at this time This was ill taken of the vulgar who did interpret this delay of which they knew Metellane to be authour to be nothing else but a plot of his to gain time to strengthen his own faction and that Murrayes death might be forgotten or at least the heat of revenging it might cool and relent which they thought should not have been granted and given way to This was done the 14. of February the day after the Regents Funerall The 15. of February Argyle and Boyde wrote to Morton from Glasgow where the principall of the Queens side were conveened that they were willing to joyn with the rest of the Nobility against such as were guilty of the Regents death but because it was not yet perfectly known who they were they desired that they might meet and conferre about it so that they of the Kings side would come to Lithgow or Fawkirk or Stirlin for they would not come to Edinburgh Morton did impart the businesse and communicate these Letters with Metellane as they had wished him to do but he refusing to meet any where else save in Edinburgh there was no meeting at this time But afterward the 24. of February they came to Morton to Dalkeeth and laboured to perswade him to come over to their side but he was so farre from listening to them that he did assure them he would stand to the maintenance of the Kings authority to the utmost of his power It may be some will think that this constancie did proceed from distrust according to that Pseudo politick and Machiavillian maxim qui offensa non pardóna who once offends never forgives and that he thought his fault so great in opposing the Queen that it could not be pardoned But why should he have thought so His was no greater than were some of theirs who were pardoned than the Lord Humes by name And certainly by all appearance he could have made a far better mends he might have put an end to the controversie and restored the Queen again to her own place which might have sufficiently expiated all his former transgressions Wherefore we may justly call it constancy which was accompanied with courage in undertaking so hard and difficult a task and with wisedome in atchieving and bringing of it through In the beginning of March he went to Edinburgh whither the principals of the other party came also Huntley Crawford Oglebee and the Lord Hume Seton and Metellane There were but few with Morton till Marre and Glencairne came in to him The next day after they met to consult of businesse but because Argyle was absent whose power was great they could conclude nothing Wherefore Huntley goes to him with intention to bring him along with him but he came back without him which every body thought was done by Metellans cunning who hindred all agreement that he might the better fish in troubled waters The night following these Lords who were on the Queens side took such a sudden apprehension and panick fear without any apparant cause that having watched all the night in their Arms they departed next morning without order and very dismayedly About the end of April 1570. The Earle of Marre set forth from Stirlin to Edinburgh against the 1. of May which was the day appointed for a Convention of the States but the Lords of the contrary partie lay in his way at Linlithgow Wherefore Morton goes forth to meet him with 500. horse and 1000. foot so that
Marre having crossed the water of Aven a good way above Linlithgow they joyned their Troupes and came both safe to Edinburgh the 29. of April about twelve a Clock at night Thus were the two parties the one at Linlithgow the other at Edinburgh each accusing other and blaming other as authours of dissention yet they at Edinburgh offered to yeeld unto any thing and to come to any terms of agreement which might not be prejudiciall to the K. authority and upon condition that they would assure them of their concurrence to avenge the late Kings and Murrayes slaughter But they were so farre from accepting of these conditions that on the contrary they chose three Lieutenants for the Queen Arran Argyle and Huntley they appointed also a Parliament to be held in her name the 3. or 4. of August at Linlithgow In this mean time Sir William Drury with 300. horse and 1000. foot came into Scotland to pursue the Queens Rebels and such as received them as was given out but the Lords at Linlithgow fearing they might be brought against them assoon as they heard of their coming went toward Glasgow and besieged the Castle thereof which Minto had in keeping But he being absent and not above 24. of the Garrison Souldiers within the Castle notwithstanding was so well defended that having slain moe of the besiegers than they were themselves in number after six dayes stay hearing of the approaching of the contary partie they raised their siege and went every man unto his own home The Kings side with Drury and the English went into Cliddisdale and cast down Hamilton and other Houses belonging to the Queens faction After this the English returned to Berwick and Morton did go along with them the 3. of June having stayed some 20. or 22. dayes from the 2. of May. The 13. of July 1570. they chose Lennox to be Regent in a Convention holden at Stirlin and gave him the oath to observe the Laws and to maintain the professed Religion His first care was to stay the Parliament which the contrary partie had appointed to be kept at Linlithgow in August Wherefore he sends to Grange for some pieces of Ordnance out of the Castle of Edinburgh but he refused to send any pretending that he would be a procurer of peace and not an instrument of War and shedding of Scottish bloud Notwithstanding hereof the Regent goes to Linlithgow with 5000. men the 3. of August where he could see no appearance of a Parliament nor of any meeting nor hear no news of them at all save that Huntley had been at Brechin and placed a Garrison there of some hired Souldiers and that he had also commanded them to provide victuals and lodging for some thousands of men against the 10. of August Hereupon the Earle of Morton made haste to go to Brechin to surprize them before they were aware and sent word to the Lord Ruthven and Lindsay to go with him or before him because they lay nearer But the Souldiers having gotten some inkling of their coming fled and retired some to the Steeple some to the Castle where they thought themselves to be in safety Morton therefore lay about these places and not long after the Regent came thither himself in person and the Gentlemen of the Countrey about came all to him so that his Army did now amount to the number of 7000. men Those that were in the Steeple yeelded presently but they that were in the Castle stood upon their defensive at first and wounded some that approached to have assaulted the castle but hearing that the Batterie was to be planted and that Huntley who they looked should have come to their relief according to his promise had abandoned them offered to yeeld their lives only safe but when they could not obtain that they came in the Regents will simply without condition Thirty of them were hanged who had bin taken divers times before and bin pardoned upon their promise never to bear arms against the King the rest with their Captains were let go free This being done they returned to Stirlin the 15. of Aug. The Winter following was quiet and free from trouble In the beginning of February Morton was sent into England to Queen Elizabeth at her desire with whom went Pitcarne Abbot of Dumfermling and Master James Mackgill Clerk Register Being come to the Court the 18. of February he was remitted to seven of the Councel who were appointed to treat with him These propounded two heads to be spoken of one was that the Queen might be better informed of their proceedings and the equity of their cause then as yet she was and that their reasons and proofs might be so clear and such that both she her self might be fully perswaded thereof and that she might be able to satisfie others who should require her help against them The other point was to make some overture of Peace and to finde out some way of reconcilement that so the Kingdome of Scotland might be quieted and settled For the first point they gave in their Reasons in writing the last of February which when the Queen had read she answered by her seven Counsellours that she was not satisfied there with fully and therefore desired them to come to the second point what course was to be taken for pacification She propounded the first Head onely for a shew she knew well enough before what they could say and was sufficiently satisfied but would not be so at least she would not seem to be so As for the second Head they answered that their Commission was limited and that they could not consult of any such thing as tended to the diminution of their Kings authoritie neither would they take it upon them though they might nor use any such power although it had been given them The Queen was at Greenwich whither she sent for them and in a manner chid them for their obstinacie that they would not listen to a Treatie of Peace but did rather avoide that which did concerne their good so much and made large Protestation of her good-will toward them and their King willing them at least if they would do no more to hear what her Counsellours would say unto them On the morrow her Counsellours propounded many things for deciding the Title of the Crown betwixt the Mother and the Son Morton craved the Propositions in writing in regard there were many Articles and of great importance Which being given him after he and the others that were with him had considered of them they found them to be such as did diminish the Kings authoritie and were without the bounds of their Commission wherefore they returned answer that these were things of so high a nature that they belonged only to the three Estates and could not be medled withall by so few as they were This answer the Counsellours craved also to have in writing which was done accordingly the day following The 10. of March
sister Germain to Archbald Earle of Angus and the Lord Bothwell also had married her sister Margaret Relict of Walter Scot of Balcleugh The Lord Hamilton had been in great enmitie with him for besides the publick cause of Regent Murrays death he with his brother Claud of Pasley had killed Johnston of Wester-hall a follower and depender of the house of Angus At that time the Countesse of Cassills Lyon by name of the house of Glames and a near Cousin to the Regent was a widow Whether the love to that Lady brought on the reconcilement or their reconciliation occasioned the affection to the Lady it is hard to say but so it was that Hamilton suited her in marriage and obtained his suit and by this all quarrels and more especially that slaughter of Westerhall was taken away And for the better satisfaction herein both the brothers the Lord Hamilton and Claud of Pasley made publick obeysance to Archbald Earle of Angus in the Palace of Haly-rood-house by coming the whole breadth of the Inner-Court thereof bare-footed and bare-headed and falling down on their knees holding each a naked sword by the point delivered it to him to take hold thereof by the Pommell This was in the yeare 1575. the seventh of March being Monday After this Hamilton was married to the Lady Yet may it bee doubted whether he acquired more friendship in private by them than he furnished matter of obloquie in publick to the countrey because both these brothers were accounted authours or accessarie to the killing the Earle of Lennox then Regent and the Kings Grand-father as also they had been of that of Regent Murray These slaughters all the Nobilitie especially of the Kings side had solemnly sworne to avenge and now by this hee seemed to neglect that quarrell and his oath and that he had more care to be satisfied in his own particular for the slaughter of one mean man his depender It grieved particularly William Douglas of Logh-leven who desisted not from the pursuit of those that had slain his brother Murray after a privat manner seeing he could not get publick justice executed twice he set upon the Lord Hamilton as he was coming from Arbrothe and chased him so that he was constrained to return to Arbrothe again Another time as he was coming through Fyfe he made him flee to Darcie which he beset lay about it till the Regent sent to him and commanded him to desist However by the alliance of these Noblemen he seemed more strengthened more secured The Earle of Angus his Nephew was married to the Lord Ereskins sister daughter to the late Regent Earle of Marre a Lady of rare beauty and vertue and worthily made choice of by Morton who was author of the match both because of the Ladies deserving as also for that it not a little seemed to strengthen him seeing her mother and uncles during the minoritie of her brother had the custody education of the young Kings person which was the only way to attempt any thing against his Regencie Whether these things begat in him security and security bred carelesnesse to entertain mens love from whence did arise a loathing of him in all estates coldnesse in particular friendship or what ever the occasion was certain it is that he keeped his place more by the estimation of all than by the affection of many on the occasions following We shewed before how in matters of Church-government he ever inclined as the most politick course to the estate of Bishops The name was yet retained by custome the Rents were lifted also by them as we have said more for other mens use profit than their own They had also place vote in Parliament after the old manner and he would gladly have had them to have kept their power and jurisdiction over their brethren M. John Douglas being dead he filled the place by putting in M. Patrick Adamson his domestick Chaplain who then followed that course thoughbefore he had preached against it Many were displeased herewith all the Ministers especially they of greatest authority all men of all estates that were best affected to Religion He endeavoured also to have put the charge and cure of more Churches into one Preachers hands that there being the fewer to provide of stipends the Kings revenues who paid them out of the thirds of the Church lands might be increased by the surplusage which remained to him Hee did so eagerly presse this point that some thought it necessary to write against this course namely Master John Davidson Minister at Salt-Preston then a Student at S. Andrews Him he caused to be summoned to under-lye the Law and to be indicted criminally and being entreated for him he shewed himself so animated against him that he durst not under-go his triall but fled to England with the consent of those that were bail for him of whom he exacted the summe to the full and they willingly did choose rather to pay it than to expose their friend to the hazard of his wrath The Printer of the Book Robert Lake privike was convicted by an assise or jurie and committed to the Castle of Edinburgh It was also hardly taken that he sought to diminish the authoritie of the Generall Assemblies of the Church by refusing to be present being desired at an Assembly holden in Edinburgh the 6. of March 1573. which was very frequently and solemnly kept almost by the whole body of the Countrey the Nobility Gentrie Commissioners from Burrowes as the custome had alwayes been and as he himself before had been present at them Yea he began to question their priviledge and libertie thereof by asking the Commissioners which were sent from them to crave his assistance thereat who had given them power to assemble the Kings Lieges without his leave who was in authority With this unlooked for demand they were dashed at first but re-collecting and gathering their wits again they answered He that gave power to preach and hear preaching gave power also to conveene in Assemblies Neither doth it depend on man say they He said that was treason They answered That if so be then all the Apostles were Traitours and the primitive Church in time of persecution He said That they conveened onely to preach the word They answered That they conveened to advance facilitate and set forward the preaching of the word and that was to preach also But however if to conveene without the consent of the Magistrate were unlawfull preaching was also unlawfull unlesse they should preach to the Wals. A little velitation thus passed he in end refused to goe which did so grieve them all that a publick Fast was appointed to pray for diverting and averting of such things as he seemed by this to intend against the accustomed Assemblies He propounded to be reasoned whether the supreame Magistrate should not be head of the Church as well as of the common-wealth and there were Divines appointed to dispute it for the
himselfe almost after the same manner turned out of his charge of keeping the King and Castle For as the King had been moved to take the government upon himself before the time appointed so the Earle of Marre was moved to take upon himself that his own charge of keeping the King and Castle of Stirlin before his time being not yet of age nor Major The manner of it was this One Morning the 26. of April 1578. the Earle got up betimes to go a hunting and sending for the Keyes of the Castle Gate Alexander his Uncle came himself in person and having opened the Gate to let his Nephew forth he himselfe and his servants were thrust out at the Gate by the Earle assisted by his own naturall brother and his Uncles the Abbots of Cambskenneth and Driebrugh very worthie kinde upright and honest Gentlemen and so he took the Keyes and keeping of the King and Castle into his own hands the 27. of April 1578. as my notes say and so not above 7. weeks after Mortons dimission of his Regency Whether or not Morton imployed Tillibardine in this work and gave him Money for it he being Uncle to the Earle of Marre I cannot affirme it though I know it was reported neither indeed can I say confidently that Morton plotted this businesse and that it was his doing or what hand he had in it or whether it were nothing else but division amongst themselves However it were by this meanes the designes of the new Counsellours were turned to nothing They had the 9. of April chosen the Earle of Athole Chancellour and indicted a Parliament to be held the 10. of July and had consulted of many Articles to be concluded therein Upon the newes of this change they go to Stirlin but the Castle was kept so close that they were not suffered to come in save one at once There they had some meetings in the Town and afterward returned to Edinburgh the 8. of May. Morton waa come to Dalkeith a little before wherefore they send to him and desire to conferre with him He came to Craig-Miller and there spake with Athole and Argyle and at last after much tossing of businesse they agreed so well that they went with him to Dalkeith to dinner On the morrow the 9. of June Morton goes to Stirlin and was friendly received by the Earle of Marre into the Castle The rest followed that same day so that the whole Nobilitie was assembled together the tenth day By their advice the Counsell was changed and Morton made Principal and President thereof The Parliament by Proclamation was transferred to Stirlin there to be held the twentie fifth day of July whither the Lords of Parliament were ordained to come with their ordinary train The other Lords Athole Argyle Montrose Lindesay Oglebee Maxwell Harris and the former Councell conveened in Edinburgh and sent Montrose and Lindsay to excuse their absence and to give the reason and cause of it because as they alledged the Parliament was not free being kept within the Castle of Stirlin and both King Castle and all in the Earle of Marres power All this notwithstanding the Parliament held wherein there were not many things concluded The chief things were a discharge given to Morton for his government during the time of his Regencie An exoneration to the late Earle of Marre who had been Regent for his keeping of our Soveraigne Lords Person within the Castle of Stirlin The Lord Hume was also restored from his forfeitrie by the meanes and procuring of Sir George Hume of Wedderburne with the consent indeed of Morton whom he solicited for that end but against his opinion and advice For he told him freely that he thought it was not his best course for sayes he you never got any good of that house if it were once taken out of the way you are next and it may be you will get but small thanks for your paines Sir George answered that the Lord Hume was his Chief and he could not see his house ruined if they were unkinde he could not do withall that would be their own fault this he thought himself bound to do and for his own part whatsoever their carriage were to him he would do his duty to them if his Chief should turne him out at the fore-doore he would come in again at the back-doore Well sayes Morton if you be so minded it shall be so I can do no more but tell you my opinion and so consented to do it Yet Sir George had so ordered the matter that he made no question to have carried it without Mortons consent by the Abbot of Driebrugh and Cambskenneth to whom he was allied by his wife Wherefore they are mis-taken that say Morton did all and that there was nothing done but according to his pleasure for hee was but accessary and concurred as one of the chief and prime Noblemen but the house of Marre had the main sway at this time At this Parliament the wardenrie of the East march was taken from Coldinknowes and given to Sir George of Wedderburne and he thought it no robberie to take it being given him In August the other Lords with whom were Coldinknows and Manderston Cesford and Fadunside assembled their forces and having set forth a Declaration that their purpose was to set the King at liberty they marched from Edinburgh to Fawkirk Neither was Morton slow in gathering together his friends at Stirlin with resolution to have tryed the hazard of a battell The Earle of Angus went out divers times and skirmished with them but there was no great hurt done Onely in a single Combate or Duell upon a challenge which was sought on horse-back with Lances one Taite a Tividale man that belonged to Cesford was slain by James Johnston a follower of Angus he also being sore wounded At last they came to an agreement and lest they should seem to have done nothing they condescended that the King should be brought to Edinburgh or elsewhere as they pleased by the advice of the Nobility which served little for their purpose for there was no time limited and when he was brought to the palace of Haly-rood-house the 30. of September 1579. a year after yet was Marre and Morton the chief men about him and had greatest credit with him But before that time it was concluded in Councell that the Lord Aberbrothe and Claude of Pasley his brother should bee pursued as slayers of Lennox and Murray late Regents which was done accordingly But they themselves having fled into England their servants were taken and some executed others imprisoned and their Lords Houses demolished This motion is thought to have proceeded chiefly from the house of Marre and Logh-leven Wee hear of no new occasion given by them for they remained neutrals and did not side with either partie at this time Mortons part was that he remained a spectator and was contented that mens minds should be taken up with some other thing
neare the King He had upon the first surmising of an alteration come from Edinburgh with a company of some fourescore horse but hearing that the Earle of Marre was at Kinrosse in his way hee sent his company with his brothers Robert and Henrie and he himselfe with one or two taking a byway came to have slipt into the Kings presence before they had beene aware of him But Gowrie being advertised hereof met him at the gate and had straightwayes killed him if George Authenlecke sometime servitour to Morton had not held his hand as he was about to have pulled out his dagger to have stabbed him His two brothers with their company were defeated by the Earle of Marre of which Robert was wounded also and taken prisoner There joyned with Marre and Ruthven openly Thomas Lion Master of Glames Lawrence Lord Oliphant together with Sir Lewis Ballandine of Achnowle Justice-Clerke and others Before Marre came the Guard made some difficultie to admit them and grant them entrance into the Kings chamber for they serving for pay and being put in and commanded by Arran when they heard what had happened to their Captaine made an offer to resist and not to suffer any man to come neare the King unlesse hee should signifie his pleasure to be such Sir Lewis Ballandine conceiving great indignation hereat asked at master David Hume who by chance was come thither and stood next to him if he had a pistoll about him which he gave him but withall said to him Be not too hastie to shoot let them alone you shall find that their fury will soone fall lacking their Captaine and a head and that they will give way when once they see the Nobility approach And so they did indeed for the Earle of Marre being come and the rest joyning with him they shranke away and gave place When they came to the King they shewed him the necessity of doing what they had done in regard of the violence of Arrane and their feare and suspition of the Duke of Lennox That there was no other way to remove the generall discontent of his Subjects and to prevent the dangers which would follow thereupon to himselfe and his Crowne then by removing of these men from about him whose unjust actions and violent oppressions reflected upon his Majesty to the great prejudice of his honour and estate as also to the great disadvantage of Religion and the good of his people The King assented to what they said either because he thought it to be the true or rather as appeared afterward that he might seeme to approve of that which hee could not resist So they goe to Perth then to Stirling where their Proclamations were set forth the one containing the Kings Declaration concerning what was done at Ruthven that it was for his service and acceptable to him In the other the Duke of Lennox was commanded to depart out of the Realme of Scotland before the 24. of September There was a third also by which the Chamberlain Aires were discharged to be kept The Earle of Angus had a little before these things come down from the Court of England to Berwick in expectation of this change and now having notice given him by these Noblemen of what had passed he stayed a while in the towne and thereafter came into Scotland yet did he not goe directly to Court but came to Cumledge in the Merse a house within eight miles of Berwick which belonged to Archbald Authenleck a follower of his Uncle Morton and lay next adjacent to his Barony of Boncle There he remained till Master Bowes and Master Cary Embassadours from the Queen of England came into Scotland the 11 of September and did by their intercession obtain of the King that hee might be assoyled from that crime of Rebellion which his enemies had put upon him because he had not obeyed their charges given out in the Kings name to come to Court which was indeed to come into their power Neither did he presently after hee was relaxed come neare the King untill he had assurance that the King was very well contented and desirous that he should come to him but stayed some five weekes expecting his full and free consent therein that his return might bee such as could not be excepted against The King delayed him a while that hee might be beholding to him for this favour and he was contented to stay so long that the King might see he was willing to receive it at his hands as a favour and that by so doing he might fully remove all hard construction that his Majesty could make of his withdrawing into England He had presence of the King the 20. of October about two moneths after he came home in the Palace of Haly-rood-house where hee was kindly and lovingly received to the great contentment of all men and with great commendation of his modesty for that hee had patiently waited for his Princes pleasure so long a time and had not abruptly rusht into his sight which many would and he might have done easily had he pleased to have made that use of the times and opportunitie which was offered but his disposition was not that way set he was truely of a milde disposition abhorring all turbulencie every way towardly inclining to peace and to all submission toward his Prince Now being thus returned gladly would hee have lived in quietnesse and injoyed the Kings favour still as he had it at this time and willingly would he have served him as a faithfull and loyall Subject according as he had been pleased to have imployed him without further stirring or meddling with any thing or any person Neither as I thinke did the world ever know or bring forth a more calme and quiet spirit voyd of ambition and covetousnesse as also of all envie and malice to any creature which are the chiefe causes of restlesse and tumultuous practices He was also mindfull of Mortons counsell at his death who advised him to doe so and being alreadie in so honourable a place first of the Nobilitie he had little or nothing else to desire or hope for if hee could have been assured to possesse his owne in peace But finding the Countrey divided the dregs of the old faction that stood for the Queen still working underhand and by it the Romish party labouring to undermine the true reformed Religion and such as had been instruments to establish it upon whose ruine these new men by their new courses did indeavour to build their preferment so that none could with surety live in any honourable place as a good Patriot but behoved to take part with them that stood for Religion and undergoe the like hazard as they did Besides these Noblemen had in very deed wrought out and made way for his returne from exile by removing of those who were as common enemies to all honest men so more particularly his especiall enemies having been authours of his Uncles death and who had seized
of GOD commands not any obedience at all to such a Bishop neither doth it ordain acknowledge or once name such a Bishop Thus either truly deceived or deceiving themselves that they might redeeme their ease by yeelding and cover their yeelding with an equivocation they found that it was all in vaine for they were not admitted nor permitted to expound it in that sort whatsoever their meaning was but were forced to accept of the exposition which the Court and the Bishops did put upon it who understood that phrase according to the word of God not as a limitation but affirmatively wherein it was acknowledged that the word of God did command obedience to them and therefore they promised obedience according to that command Notwithstanding of all this divers stood out and would no wayes be moved neither by threatnings nor by promises to give the least shew of approbation directly or indirectly by equivocation or any other forme whatsoever but spake plainly against them and prayed publickly for the banished brethren Of these Master Nicholas Dagleish was one who thereupon was accused as too bold to pray for the Kings Rebels He answered that they were no Rebels but true Subjects who had fled from tyranny and such as sought their lives by commanding them to doe against their conscience Hee was empannelled put to his triall by an assise and was cleansed in despite and maugre the Court so farre there remained conscience in men But the Courtiers will not let him escape thus dry-shod they labour to finde a hole in his Coat another way they search and finde that a Letter had come from Master Walter Balcanquell to his wife which because shee could not well read the hand shee had given him to read to her and he had read it Hereupon he is again put to an assise and they not daring to cleanse him yet would they not finde him guilty but desired him to come into the Kings will Hee was contented to submit himself to the Kings pleasure for so much as concerned the reading of the Letter and so was sent to the Tolbooth where hee remained three weeks and was from thence sent to Saint Andrews And thus went Church-matters In the civill government there was none now but the Earle of Arran he lacked the name of King but hee ruled as absolutely and commanded more imperiously than any King under the shadow of the Kings authority and the pretext that all that he did was for the Kings good and safety Hee had gotten before the keeping of the Castle of Stirlin he behooved also to have the Castle of Edinburgh in his power Alexander Ereskin Uncle to the Earle of Marre was Captain of it hee must needs favour his Nephew and his Faction wherefore it was taken from him and given to Arran who was also made Provest of the Towne Hee was Chancellour of Scotland and having put out Pitcairne Abbot of Dumfermling hee made Master John Metellane Secretary Hee did whatsoever hee pleased if there were no Law for it it was all one hee caused make a Law to serve his ends It was observed that his Lady said to one who alledged there was no law for doing of what shee desired to have done It is no matter said shee wee shall cause make an Act of Parliament for it If any man refused to do or grant any thing hee craved they were sure to bee tossed and vexed for it even the chief of the Nobility Athole Cassils and the Lord Hume were committed Athole because hee would not divorce from his wife and entaile his estate to him the Earle or Master of Cassils because hee would not give him a great summe of Money under the name of a Loane the Lord Hume because he would not give him his portion of Dirleton Also the Lord Maxwell then Earle of Morton was quarrelled because hee would not excambe his Baronie of Pooke and Maxwell his old inheritance for a parcell of the Lord Hamiltons Lands which were now his by forfeiture Many Lands had hee taken from many but was never satisfied ever seeking to adde possession to possession which was not impertinently remonstrated to him by John Barton Goldsmith a wittie and free-spoken man Hee had directed this Barton to make him a Seale and to carve on it his Coat of Armes duely quartered according to his Lands and Honours This he did pretty well to his contentment but he left one quarter thereof blank and void Hereof when the Earle asked the reason he answered That there maybe room for the Lands your Lordship shall purchase hereafter Hee took for his Motto Sic fuit est erit meaning that it was an ordinary thing in all ages for meane men to rise to great fortunes and that therefore it ought not either to bee wondred at or to be envied And it is true if the meane had been vertue and not wickednesse which ever was is and will be both envied and hated as it deserveth His ambition was such amongst other examples thereof that Queen Elizabeth must needs bee God-mother to his daughter whose Ambassadour was present at the Christening His crueltie though conspicuous many wayes did appear singularly in the causing execute Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle and Master Douglas of Maines his sonne-in-law This Cunninghame was an ancient Gentleman and of an old house who himself in person had beene a follower of the Earle of Lennox the Kings Grandfather and had done him good service when he took in the Castle of Dumbartan and Douglas of Maines was esteemed to bee one of the properest men in the Kingdome and was a youth of good expectation yet both of them were hanged at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh The pretext was a forged conspiracie to have taken the King on a certain day at hunting and to have carried him into England Their accuser was Robert Hamilton of Inshemachon who was as hee said himself upon the plot or at least as hee said had been desired to bee of it by Master Edmiston of Duntreath Edmiston being apprehended related How they had plotted to bring in the exiled Lords on horses forsooth which had their eares their maynes and their tails cut themselves being disguised c. A tale which was so unhandsome toyish and ridiculous that no man did beleeve it but esteemed it a foolish fable yet did they make use of it to practise their crueltie upon such as they feared and to make themselves a terrour to all men To returne to the Earle of Angus he and his associats were removed from Berwick to New-castle in May. So it seemed good to the State of England seeing no appearance of their hastie restoring to their own Countrey to secure the Court of Scotland by taking that thorn out of their foot which was too near and too pricking at Berwick Besides these banished Lords were not greatly liked of by the Lord Hunsden then Governour of Berwick for hee entertained correspondencie with the contrary Faction either
his own modestly tolerating that the Lands House and Lordship of Dalkeeth should still be retained by the young Duke of Lennox upon the Kings promise to be restored thereto so soon as any occasion should fall out of providing some other Lands to the Duke which was not done till the Lord Methven dying without heires male the Lands falling to the King he gave them to Lennox and restored Dalkeeth to Angus Out of the like modesty will to gratifie his Prince in whatsoever he could to the very uttermost of his power at the Parliament held in Edinburgh 1587. about two years after he dispensed with his priviledge of bearing the Crown at the Kings request and suffered the Duke to carry it with protestation and promise that it should not be prejudiciall to him nor his house in time coming and so with all meeknesse submitted himself to take the second place and carry the Scepter In this last point it was thought wisedome to yeeld so to disappoint those who were thought to have put the King upon it of purpose to have made a breach betwixt the King and him by his refusall The former was not effected without the bribing of those Courtiers who did then possesse the Kings eare Secretary Metellane got his Lands of Die-Water to work it which when he would have holden of the King by renunciation Angus refused to renounce and would onely give them holding of himself not without some indignation on both sides It was hardlier constructed that he suffered a decreet given in favours of Farnihaste to his prejudice to be reserved and stand good in his restitution And thus did he behave himself in his private affairs As for the publick affairs of the Kingdom hee suffered them to bee managed by the Master of Glames to whom the rest of their society were most inclined for the opinion they had of his wisedome greater experience and age as also for that now he was a prime officer of State Treasurer and allied with the Lord Hamilton rather than hee would enter into any contest which might breed any division amongst themselves being set altogether on peace and calmnesse howbeit he did not approve of all their proceedings and differed much in judgement from them concerning the administration and handling of matters So in the policie of the Church though out of a sincere minde and true zeal hee favoured and affected the right form as much as any and was much grieved that such order was not taken in it as should have been was expected yet he did tolerate that course which the rest thought good to suffer to go on For this they gave out That the King inclined to the government of Bishops and therefore it was not convenient to crosse his inclination abruptly and directly lest he should seem to be constrained or thralled in his actions a point which they avoided carefully and not used with that respect and liberty which is due to a Prince yet they said they should labour to work him to it with time taking their opportunity as it should be offered unto them And so indeed it was brought to passe for Bishops were first restrained of their using their pretended jurisdiction and by fact de facto even then brought under obedience to Synodes and Presbyteries and in the year 1592. the former discipline was re-established by Act of Parliament and all authority directly taken from Bishops But neither in the former Parliament holden at Linlithgow in December 1585. neither in the next holden at Edinburgh the 29. of July 1587. was there any mention made thereof This gave occasion of much discontentment to the best affected and bitter contention betwixt the Court and the Ministery they reprooving this toleration of that unlawfull office and the King committing them for their freedome of reproof So no man of any judgement and good disposition was satisfied with their proceedings Notwithstanding there was none of any degree but had a good opinion and thought well of the Earle of Angus and excused his part of it laying the blame thereof upon the rest who they thought were more carefull of their own particular than mindefull or solicitous for the state of GODS Church And when I call to minde the disposition of men in those times I cannot expresse it otherwayes than thus That they accused all but excused him and yet they so excused him that they did also accuse him not for his want of good-will but for want of action They were perswaded of the sincerity of his heart but they thought him defective in action according to their opinion and would have had him to have taken more upon him than he did Concerning which purpose I have thought it best not so much to deliver my own judgement or use my own words in excusing or accusing what might be thought worthy to be excused or accused in him for what is mine may be more obnoxious to mens censure as to set down every point according to the judgement and in the words of others who were present eye-witnesses and special actours in those times what they thought worthy to be reprehended and what they required to have amended which wil comprehend whatever negligence or omission any man can lay to his charge for as touching any fault of Commission and doing what he ought not to have done there was no man complained of him To which effect diverse letters might bee produced which were written to himselfe by diverse persons of all sorts Civill and Ecclesiasticall Scottish and English of the Ministery which had beene banished with him and of the brethren of the Church of England but I have made choice of one for all which containeth the summe of all both Church and State businesse both private and publicke and that in the Authours owne words most faithfully neither adding nor impairing any thing To which wee shall subjoyne his owne answer in his owne words so farre as our memory can serve at least his owne estimation and judgement of every point his ends grounds and reasons of his actions which hee delivered in his most inward and private conference where it pleased him to open himselfe as hee was accustomed freely and even to the laying naked of his very heart and soule The letter was after the wonted formalities thus HAving occasion of this bearer I thought good to remember some things especially that you would as you know I intended to have done purchase in name of the Countrey some to bee sent to keepe Justice Courts in our Countrey and Teviotdale otherwayes all will breake Also let the sitting of the Session bee hasted that such things as flow from their restitution may bee decided otherwayes some men may bee greatly prejudiced and disappointed As for Master John it is hard for my Lord to helpe you both I am still of that opinion wherefore if no place fall about the King let it not displease his Lordship that one of you seeke some other course
will finde meanes to cause Naboth be accounted a blasphemer and if we suffer sedition to be punished Tyrants will call a good Patriot a seditious fellow free admonitions treason and any word of liberty rebellion Shall therefore sedition be unpunished shall theft shall blasphemie And certainly there is more danger and it comes oftner to passe that a Tyrant should call an honest man seditious then it is found that subjects call a good King a Tyrant The people suffer much what by custome what through a naturall inclination and love toward their Princes and beare with many great faults and seldome come to rise up against him but when the injury is intolerable And you shall finde when you please to trie it that they have comported more and oftner with wicked Princes then ever they have made insurrection against good ones nay then they have made against the wicked unlesse their wickednesse hath beene extreme enormous and pernicious Yea I doubt whether any can finde an example of insurrection against any that was good nay against any tolerably wicked whereas of the other side many honest men have beene opprest and put to death by Tyrants upon small or no occasion upon a forged accusation lie or calumnie Wherefore it is a foolish and ridiculous pretext to maintaine Obedience and the Impunitie of Tyrants that so good Kings may be obeyed and secured as if a man should plead for impunitie to harlots that so honest matrons may be secured All is but folly for there is but one way to secure honest women which is to avoyd whorish fashions to secure honest and true men to take heed they be not found breaking or digging through of houses And let a good King beware and carefully avoid all tyrannicall actions So and onely so shall he be sure if word and worke justifie him and free from all feare of punishment from God or man And thus much concerning your Lordships question what my opinion is of that Sermon But seeing we are fallen upon this subject let me tell your Lordship how men while they labour to put a good face upon this matter wavering betwixt flatterie of Princes and truth of reason received and allowed by the common consent of all men against Tyrants involve and intangle themselves into many difficulties and absurdities I will bring one instance for all and that is Bodinus a Frenchman in his booke De republica faine would he make even Tyrants to be sacred and inviolable and perswade that all obedience is due and ought to be given them And he concludes that they are not to be touched by their subjects but obeyed whereof he gives this for his chiefe reason Because their subjects have no jurisdiction over them yet finding how hard it were to free them from all feare of punishment he puts them into the hands of forraine Kings and exhorts them to exterminate and root them out commending it as a laudable action by the imitation of Hercules who travelled through the world sayes he to destroy these Monsters Tyrants Now let any man judge what good reason can be given for denying that power to the Countrey it selfe under the pretext because they have no jurisdiction and to give it to a forrainer who hath neither interest nor jurisdiction over another Prince And whether is there more danger in the sedition of his Countrey people then in the ambition of a stranger Prince And which of them is likeliest to picke a quarrell against him and to call him a Tyrant and seeke occasion to worke their owne particular ends Besides what shall be the part of the people in this case Shall they fight against this forrainer who comes to cut off their Tyrant Who then shall come to relieve those from tyrannie that will take armes for defence of the Tyrant Shall they joyne with him Certainly in all reason they ought to joyne with him seeing it is for their sakes that he under-takes the warre But that is Rebellion if wee beleeve Bodinus Shall they be neutrall and spectators Even that is disobedience And yet the same Bodinus sayes That Tyrants are monsters now there is no societie farre lesse bond of obedience and subjection with monsters Yea hee sayes That there is no societie with Pirats because they break the Lawes of humane societie and Tyrants break them much more This same man in his Daemonomania sayes A King may become a Wolfe and that a great King in Christendome was one when hee pleased I ask him then Whether such a King should bee obeyed when hee is a Wolfe And if hee should ever continue to bee such without returning to bee a man whether or not must hee bee ever obeyed in all things Shall his sacred Majestie bee reverenced And lest hee should starve shall hee bee fed with childrens flesh perhaps because hee will eat no other or at least because hee likes that best Certainly his reason will inferre no lesse than that hee should And if hee bee ashamed to affirme this and will confesse that it is lawfull to put such an one from his Kingdome who hath put off humane nature and can now no more guide a Kingdome what shall wee think of one who though retaining the shape of a man hath a wolvish nature and disposition being cruell wicked licentious and over-throwes all right and equitie And is not a Tyrant for the like reaâ—…on as worthie to bee deprived of that Kingdome which hee cannot or will not guide rightly but destroyes and makes havock of all Certainly the reason is all one for it is not the shape so much of a Wolfe that men abhorre as the wolvish and ravenous nature and disposition For suppose a good King were contrary to his will transformed by Magicall incantation onely into the shape of a Wolfe who did retaine his reason his speech his wisedome justice equitie meeknesse and all good Government omitting nothing that belonged to a good Prince men would not so much abhorre as pity him and expect till some way were found how hee might recover his former shape and would doubtlesse preferre his humane nature though in the shape of a Wolfe to a wolvish nature though under the shape of a man it being farre more tolerable and farre more advantageous for the Common-wealth whereof the good and safetie is ever to bee respected and preferred in all things And thus much for Bodinus But will your Lordship bee pleased to hear what that great Doctour of the Lawes a professed Patron of Princes in his book which hee wrote of purpose for their defence I mean Blackwood sayes concerning this question It is sayes hee an absurd thing to affirm That a Princes commandement should or may be dis-obeyed Yet if a Prince command any thing that is unjust it must not be obeyed But how shall we do then Even this sayes hee when the commandement is unjust we must suppose that the commandement is not the Kings commandement but either that
much to hunt out a theefe as others did to hunt a hare and that it was as naturall to him as any other pastime or exercise is to another man But he lived not long after this nor had he time to doe any memorable thing in it He made onely one roade against the outlawed theeves of the name of Arme-strang most of them after the King was gone home who had beene present at the casting downe of their houses Hee pursued them into the Tarrasse Mosse which was one of their greatest strengths and whither no hoast or companies had ever beene known to have followed them before and in which they did confide much because of the straightnesse of the ground He used great diligence and sufficient industry but the successe was not answerable either to his desire or other mens expectation Neither did hee forget to keepe his intention close and secret acquainting none of the people of that Countrey therewithall untill he was ready to march Then directing one Jordan of Aplegirth to goe to the other side whither hee knew they behooved to slee hee sent with him one of his especiall followers whom hee knew to bee well affected to the service to see that hee did his dutie Hee himselfe with the Armie came openly and directly to the place of their aboade that they fleeing from him might fall into the hands of Aplegirth and his companie who were come in sufficient good time before the Army could bee seene to that passage which they were sent to keep But the birds were all flowne and there was nothing left but the empty nest having no question had some inkling and intelligence hereof but it could not be tried by whom the notice had been given them In the retreat they shew themselves and rode about to intercept and catch such as might happen incircumspectly to straggle from the Army and they failed very narrowly to have attrapped William Douglas of Ively a young Gentleman of my Lords family for which incircumspection he was soundly chid by him as having thereby hazarded his owne person and his Lords honour After this he came to Langhop where his infirmity having continued long and being now increased through travell it grew at last to a formed disease Wherefore hee was carried from thence to Smeeton neare to Dalkeith a house belonging to James Richison of whom wee have spoken before His care of the good of the Church which was ever in his mouth during his sicknesse shewed that it lay nearest to his heart of all other things There hee departed out of this transitory life with great comfort to himselfe and great griefe of all honest men and with a generall regreting of all men there being none such an enemy to him or who did so envie or hate him as not to professe and expresse his sorrow for his death King Courtiers Noblemen Barons Burgesses Commons men of all degrees ranke qualitie and condition did lament him such was the forceable power of vertue in him Of which wee will say no more onely we will set downe this following Elogium to be considered by the Reader then which nothing can bee said more true Here therefore let it remaine as a witnesse of his vertue and the Writers deserved affection Morte jacet saevâ Angusius spes illa bonorum Terror malorum maximus Cui laude luctu meritis pia turba parentat Patrem Parentem ingeminans Par studium impietas simulat quem carpere livor Vivum solebat mortuum Aut veris sequitur lacrymis aut gaudia fictis Celat pudenda laudibus Saltem non fictis os penè invita resolvit Seque arguit mendacii O laus O veri vis O victoria honosque Cunctis triumphis clarior Yet were not the aspersions of his enemies if hee had any such of any moment or consequence I say if he had any for he had no private enemies who hated him or bore him any ill will for his owne cause onely such as were enemies to the Countrey and the true Religion hated him as a main pillar and supporter of these The greatest objection they had against him I mean that carried any show of truth was his modestie which they termed slownesse but after his death all mouthes were closed The love which was generally borne to him was exceeding great both for his house and families sake which was ever the most popular in this Kingdome of all other names as also and that no lesse for his owne vertue and personall humanitie and courtesie He was of a blackish and swart complexion tall of stature and of a flender body but well proportioned and straight limmed of a weake and tender constitution and not very able to endure travell but having courage enough and willingnesse to undergoe His death was ascribed to witchcraft and one Barbary Nepair in Edinburgh wife to Archbald Douglas of the house of Casshogle was apprehended on suspition but I know not whether shee was convicted of it or not onely it was reported that she was found guiltie and that the execution was deferred because she was with childe but afterward no body insisting in the pursuit of her shee was set at libertie Anna Simson a famous witch is reported to have confessed at her death that a picture of waxe was brought to her having A. D. written on it which as they said to her did signifie Archbald Davidson and shee not thinking of the Earle of Angus whose name was Archbald Douglas and might have beene called Davidson because his fathers name was David did consecrate or execrate it after her forme which she said if she had knowne to have represented him she would not have done it for all the world He died the day of 1588. yeares his body was buried in Abernathie and his heart in Douglas by his owne direction He is the last Earle of the race of George entitled Master of Angus who was slain at Flowdon c. Of Archbald the ninth Earle of Angus Angus by cruell death lies here The good mans hope the wickeds feare The praise and sorrow of the most Religious who as having lost A father mourn worst men are knowne To faine a woe if they have none Envie accustomed to wrong His guiltlesse life imployes her tongue Now a loud Trumpet of his fame And weeps if not for grief for shame Enforc't to give her selfe the lie O! Power of Truth O! victory By which more honour is obtain'd Then is in greatest triumphs gain'd Archibaldus Duglassius Angusius OLim saeva truci dente calumnia Clam vanas ad opes fraude viam struens Mussabat posito aut palam pudore Jactabat caput in meum O si non nimium credita Crimina Foeda atrociaque infandaque crimina Aut Diro Lepedo aut fero Cethegi Patrandum genio nefas Quos caecis stimulis ambitio impotens Aut aestu rabies fervida pectoris Auri aut sacra mali fames in omne Egit praecipites scelus
Moliri in patriam incendia spicula In patrem patriae sanctaque numina Regum alti solio Jovae locata Celsis pellere sedibus Regni praesidium spem decus exsterae Genti ludibrium tradere civium Vota pontificis nefas tyranni Romae degeneris metum O linguae improbitas callida nectere Fraudes insidias exitium bonis Regum aures animosque suspicaces Ficto ludere crimine Haec cuncti cumulum stagitii manus Patrare haec facinus mens coquere impium Haec coctum potuit probare pectus Hoc conscire nefas sibi At me qui sapiens intima sensuum Scrutaris Deus quisquis erat mihi Arcani penito sinu reposti Testis crimine liberas Vitae perpetuus compositae tenor Mens legum patiens imperii jugum Justi legitimum subire mitis Cunctis cedere lenitas Non claros atavos stemmate regio Regnatasque atavis penè provincias Et belli decora feri triumphis Partam Martis adoream Non longo titulos ordine turgidos Arces pennigeris turribus arduas Non turbam numerans gravem clientum aut Latis praedia finibus Nudi simplicitas candida pectoris Et semper similis cana fides sui Fraudes impietas licet dolosque LaudanÌ„s clam sibi rideat Sincerae rigidè justitiae tenax Dextra a flagitio libera sanguinis Expers innocui doli rapinae Solis noxia furibuâ—… Archbald Douglas Earle of Angus BLack slander erst her ends to gaine Employ'd her Art to wound my name Low whispers were her secret traine Her open force lies void of shame O! that they had lesse credit found As from the thought my heart was free Lepidus nor Cethegus own'd Such mischiefs as were charg'd on me Whom love of vengeance set on fire Or blinde ambition overswaid Or hope of riches or desire Of pleasure t' every vice betraid As if my soul such plots had knowne As would a publicke ruine bring By justling from his sacred Throne My Countreyes father and my King And so to forraigne scorne expose The Kingdomes glory shield and hope The peoples joy and dayly vowes The scourge and terrour of the Pope Thus wicked tongues with cunning Art Weave nets the innocent to catch And to the jealous eare impart Fain'd treasons which their fanciesatch So base a villanie to act Was it for such a hand as mine Or could my breast contrive the fact Or conscious be of the black sinne But I appeale my God to thee Who know'st my heart and to those friends Who were most intimate with me How much I loath'd unworthy ends The constant tenour of my life Was calme obedience to the will Of rightfull power detesting strife I shunn'd more then resisted ill Though my descent from Kings I drew And in my Grandsiers well might see A Princely power none ever knew A bragging vanitie in me No emptie titles fill'd my minde With hatefull pride nor stately tops Of Towr's large fields nor troups of kinde And humble followers swell'd my hopes An equall vertue led my way A spotlesse truth adorn'd my heart Let wicked falsehood boast and say Loe what I compast by my Art By me sincere strict Justice dwelt From guiltlesse bloud my hand was free No wrong my harmlesse neighbour felt Onely theeves punisht were by mee Ad Archibaldum tertium cum post primum exilium reversus ultra Speiam Elginii in Moravia relegatus esset Nuper fortunae varias experte procellas Angusie velis aequor a iniqua tuis Nuper in immenso pelagi jactate profundo Obruteque insanis pene voraginibus Nunc quoque nescio quos iterum subiture labores Quicquid id est sorti pectore perfer onus Discute tristitiae nebulas frontemque serena Anxietas animo sit procul atra tuo Pelle graves curas properantem parce severi Sponte suâ fati praecipitare diem Degeneres animos flatus levis aura sinistri Dejicit aeternis in tenebrisque premit At mala cum pungunt tuleris si fortiter illa Materiesque tibi causaque laudis erunt Scilic et ille viros dignus numerarier inter Hunc sequitur firmo gloria celsa pede Cui dejecit mutatum nubila vultum Blanda nec in fastus sustuiit aura leves Qui solidum vitae servans certumque tenorem Robore fortunam vicit utramque pari Ut fremat hinc Boreas illinc ruat Eur us auster Et quatiat timidam fluctibus undaratem Illa tamen medios inter secura tumultus Aetheris rapidi vimque minasque freti Saepe tenet cursum optatum portaque potita Despicit irati murmura rauca maris Hinc cape non obscura tuae exemplaria vitae Dura nec rebus cedere disce malis Magnis te quoque junge viris quid passus Ulysses Exul in ignoto nudus inopsque solo Quid cui Roma suae tulit incunabula gentis Queis sua in Adriaco Troia renata mari At quid ego haec antiqua quid peregrina recordor Ditior exemplis stat patria alta suiâ—… Stat genus ordine longo atavos age respiâ—…e avosquâ—… Quot sunt Duglasiae nomina magne domus Quot bello insignesque duoes fortibus armis Heroes saecli gloria quisque sui Quem non nobilitat virtus afflicta polo quem Non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unâ—…s erit Omnis turba salo fortunae exercita omnes Passa vices versâ—… ludibriumque rotae Quas pax infida insidias discrimina bellum Quaeque habet exilii taedia longa dies Nec nisi post exantlatos venêre laborâ—…s Otia nec nisi post dura pericla quies Te quoque defunctum confide laboribus olim Laetior excipiet candidiorque dies Securusque inter duâ—…ces memorabis amiâ—…os Tu quoque fortunae tristitia factatuâ—… Tristia nunc sed quae tune meminisse juvabit Agnosse decoris prima elementa tui Hac itum hac quicunque alta affectabit eundum est Hâc te sublimi gloria celsa via Sistet avos supra atque atavos accingere O te Quo sors quo virtus quo Deus ipse vocat Fallor an heroas supra priscosque fâ—…rosque Tollere te tanta sydera mole parant Virtuti labor est comes ire per ardua rerum Gaudet invicto fata superba gradâ—… Aude ingens jam nunc superi ad templa 〈◊〉 Olympi Carpere qua pronum semita monstrat iter Aude inquam nec tu surgentia nubila ventis Aetheraterram undas tartarave ipsa time Tantum quem vener arâ—… Deum pius igneâ—…s insta Sollicitans cursus dirigâ—… ille tuos Ille gubernaclo succedet rector ille Inveniet facilem per vada salsa viam Anfractusque vagos per avia invia vitae Et brevia syrtes saxaque caeca ratem Securam in placida sistet statione perenne Ut teneas celsi flammea templa poli To Archbald the third when after his returne from his first banishment he was confined to Elgine of Murray beyond