Roman Empire Where luxury and vice increase their dominion decreaseth and together with the rigor of the mind civility it selfe which is not defined by ceremoniall complements but by the strong effect of a judicious understanding England then Albion and now Britaine a Country not fully knowne before Caeâ—…ars time from the entry of the Romans fell to be one of the most noted and most glorious Monarcnies of the world She did not send multitudes of people abroad for abounding in whatsoever is requisite to nature and that in some perfection she haa no need of other Colonies nay her owne abundance and fertility was such as invited her being oppugned whilst divided and under the command of many she remayned a prey to them that did assaile her I intend not to speake of her beginning so long a work sutes not with so short a life as is mine I will take my rise from her Civill warres which will shew unto us what evill effects states divided within themselves doe produce and how that nature to render this people valiant tooke from them the apprehension of death the onely thing which makes men base and cowards not that an inclination to peace bee not to bee numbred amongst the greatest hapinesses of mankind but for that the world being what it then was and what it will be to the end humblenesse and meeknesse ought only to be accounted amongst individuall vertues So as if people be not of themselves fierce they shall alwaies be subject to the neglect and injuries of such as esteeme a pleasing behaviour no vertue but a weaknesse of nature The praise of mansuetude in one or a few is not incompatible with valour but in a whole nation it is as much to be blamed as it is the occasion of harme For vertue or vice are not judged by Morall or Theologicall termes but by the good or bad effects which from thence may ensue The Brittans were not subject to such defects and though they made triall of many ebbes of fortune being miserably inforced if we may beleeve Gilda to invoke the Roman assistance it was for that they were divided in their forces and inclinations But being brought under one absolute King they appeared to bee all members of one solide body of force not to bee conquered and of minde alternatly disposed either to preserve their reputations or dye They have obtained famous victories though fewer in number by two thirds The battell of Cressi and Poictiers witnes this unto us but more particularly those that we are to meet withall in this our story their minds were at first wholy set upon liberty so as free from forraine feare they oftentimes would boggle at their own kings who though they were absolute bad not withstanding their Monarchy so well upheld by the Lawes that they could hardly fall from regall power to oppression And though the jealousie of this libertyhath sometimes been very great in these people even to the making of them headstrong and seditious yet inconveniences which doe incidently happen ought not to be of power enough to take from the substance of that government the title of a well governed Commonwealth And though it be not voide of faults heaven being the onely perfect Monarchy yet not such as are cause of mischiefe They are not taxed or oppressed without grievance or new impositions And whereas the Country people in other parts walke bare foot and bare legged with tattered cloathes and leane lookes beere well cloathed and well liking they in substance are and in apparell seeme to be honorable and wealthy Citizens But it is plainely seene by them that men are weary of well doing For ignorant of other mens miseries when they want their wonted warres and triumphes they thinke themseves miserable whilst in comparison of as many as I know they are the happiest nation in the world Nor is the authority of their kings lessened by this liberty when they are vertuous and frugall or else esteemed of for their victories and Trophees they have done with their people even what they pleased The two Henries the 5. and the 7 in this our story not to make use of any out of it are examples of this Nor do their meane revenues in comparison of those excessive ones of other Kings make them lesse rich for free from the extortion of great men from maintaining of Citadell Garisons borse confines not troubled with Switzers dependences correspondencies spies all necessary expences be it for the preservation of ones owne or the pretending to what is anothers they need not have any more They are secure at home having no dependency but on the King for abroad the Sea is their ditch their Citadell thier Bul-warke and their ships though their chiefest charge yet ordinarily are of no vast expence Besides upon any extraordinary occurrence their treasure is locked up in their subjects purses from whence it is drawen by the usuall way of Parliament without oppression or injury to any one and what by this meanes is raysed doth not as in many other states remaine a continuall revenue to the Prince By the testimony of Philip de Comines the revenue of France in Charles the sevenths time did not exceed one hundred and fourescore thousand pound sterling Vnder Lewis the leventh they came to foure hundred and seventy thousand pounds sterling the yeare 1608. under Henry the fourth three millions one hundred thousand pound sterling and at this present time under Lewis the thirteenth if the relation be not false it amounts to foure millions and five hundred thousand pounds Sterling or more Hence I inferre that the Kings of England walke in the eclyptique line of their government ruled by two just counterpoises regall authority which makes them be obeyed and the Lawes a just weight equally fitted to shape forth a well constituted Aristodemocraticall government The people enjoy their liberty provided for by the Lawes The Nobility such Honours and Offices as become their quality and the King his will in making warre or peace All confiscations and power of pardoning the Lawes not having debarred him of anything which appertaineth to an absolutely juridicall Prince I thought good to touch upon these few things for that necessary foreknowledge which may bee needfull to this our History And if they may appeare strange to such as are borne under Princes who know no other Law then their owne will they ought not to thinke it strange that governments to be good ought as all other sublunary things to bee composed of more elements then one and that their contrariety produeeth the unity which nature requires The Gentiles did not without some great mystery faine their Gods to bee bound by fate and by their swearing by the Stygian waters For Princes are these Gods their oathes by the Stygian waters the oathes which at their Coronation they take for the good of the people which would not be necessary for good Princes for goodnesse is a Law unto it selfe but as
would not doe it the meanes hee had made choice of being the fittest and safest for his souldiers and the best suiting with their deserts That he would keep on his course and that when they should be humbled with famine he would further humble them with such punishment as their obstinacy did deserve This being said hee retired himselfe with an angry countenance into his lodgings commanding his officers to keepe them at dinner with them These people were as much astonished at the Kings wisdome as they were at his power After dinner having advised of what was to be done they desired another audience the which was by the King graciously granted them They desired a truce for eight daies and having obtained it returned to the City The English set up in their campe three rich tents one for their Commissioners one for those of the City and the third for the one and the other to conferre together in The King named the Earles of Warwicke and Salisbury the Baron Fitzhugh Sir Walter Hungerford Sir Gilbert Humfreville and Sir Iohn Robsert together with Iohn Vasques of Almadas the City Iohn Buttler and six more The eight daies were spent in contentions accusations excuses demands and denialls nothing being concluded Whereupon when those of the City tooke their leaves they compassionately begged a prorogation of the truce till the suns next rising and obtained it When they were returned to the City they found the people in such an uproare as that they ran in danger of their lives so as they went early the next morning to Sir Iohn Robsert intreating him to interceede for a second prorogation of truce for foure dayes To the which the King againe giving way the surrender of the Towne was agreed upon the first day of the foure upon three and twenty Articles The chiefe of the which were That they should pay unto the King 365000 French Crownes that Robert Linet Vicar generall to the Archbishop Iohn Giordane Captaine of the Crosse-bowes and Allen Blancard should be delivered to the Kings disposall That they should sweare perpetuall fealty to him and all the Kings of England and that so doing they should enjoy all immunities and priviledges which they had enjoyed in the reigne of Saint Lewis That those who would might have leave to depart carrying nothing along with them but one ordinary suit of apparrell That the Souldiers marching out unarmed with a white staffe in their hands and one onely suite should sweare not to beare Armes against the King for one yeare next ensuing This Citie was surrendred the 19 day of January 1419. Guy Buttler accompanied by the best of the Towne brought the keyes and the Duke of Exceter tooke possession placing Corps de guarde and Sentinels where he thought necessary The next day the King made his entrance waited upon by foure Dukes ten Earles eight Bishops sixteen Barons and a great many Knights being met by the Clergy and Citizens who led him to the chiefe Church where he was received by the Archbishop and Cannons As soone as hee had given thankes he gave order for repaire of the ruines and causing proclamation to be made that all such Cities and Townes as would willingly submit themselves to his obedience should enjoy their former priviledges Caudebe Monstravillier Diepe Fescampe Arques Chasteau Neuf Dencourt Vernon Mante Gourne Honfleur Pont de Mer Triet Tancarville Abrichier Moleurier Vallemont Nucaville Ballacombre Fontenes Nugondeville Logembre Saint Germaine upon Calli Bodemont Bray Villaterra Ciarles Menill Ferefonte Beccrispin Baqueville and many other Townes sent him their keyes and received in English Garrisons The Countrey people and such as lived in the fields did the like so as the white Crosse of France was changed into the red of England Normandy fell into the hands of the English 229 yeares After the time that Philip the second tooke it from Iohn King of England which was the yeare of our Lord 1190. Allen Blancard was beheaded and the other two reserved to bee disposed of as the King should please were sometime after restored to their liberty having payed therefore great summes of money and the government of the Citie was conferred upon the Duke of Glocester The Duke of Burgony was hee who suffered more then any other in this losse whose authority being grounded upon the peoples good opinion was in danger to have fallen upon his opposite The evils which happened thereupon were to be imputed to him alone hee was the directer if not rather the corrupter of the State hee who by his evill practises had got possession of the Kings person had through his ill government obscured his lustre lost his reputation and lessened his command not void of suspition that he had intelligence with the King of England to suppresse the Dolphin a fault not to bee averred because it was not true the opinion thereof though likely to cause his ruine He could not contest against two enemies it behoved him to reconcile himselfe with one of them His naturall hatred his faction his ancient and new injuries his opinion of him to be of an humour not to be trusted his behoving to yeeld the government to him and the often denyed agreement between them made him despaire of reconciliation with the Dolphin With King Henry set the warre aside which may notwithstanding be maintained between generous Princes without malignity or hatred he had nothing of injury or offence His affaires being reconciled to him were not onely to be continued in thir present condition but bettered for his forces would be preserved entire to contend more vigorously against another The which being well weighed by him hee chose the later and sent expresse messengers unto Henry to perswade him to send Embassadours with whom at Troyes in Champania a truce was concluded by meanes whereof the two Kings meeting in a Parke neer Melune might treat of a peace And though King Charles came not thither hindered by a new accesse of his accustomed indisposition the Queene her daughter and the Duke failed not to come This fair Princesse was by them of purpose brought out of hopes that the beames of her beauty dazling King Henries eyes might make him desist from his rigorous pretences so as peace might be the easilier made and upon more advantagious conditions but where honour and love doe intershock Honour though a friend cannot but treat Love like an enemy Honour is not Honour if encountring with passions it overcome them not So as the King though he were much taken with her did not forgoe any thing he had formerly pretended unto hoping if hee could not get her by peace to win her by warre They came not at first to the Rendevous but having made choyce of two neighbouring places the Queen tarried at Pontouse the King at Mantes where he kept his Whitsuntide and made there three Earles Gaston de fois a great man in Gascony hee made Earle of Longaville Iohn Grey Earle of Tancherville and the Lord Bourchiere Earle
enemy he was with all appearing respect carried from thence and comforted and made beleeve that the Duke of Somersets death had established the Crowne upon his head being come together with them to London A Parliament was called wherein all things were decreed directly opposite to what had beene enacted in former Parliaments to testifie that the late government had beene unjust and the King abused by the malice of those that councelled him Humphery Duke of Glocester was declared to have beene Loyall unto the King and faithfull unto his Country all Donnatives howsoever made whether by patent from the King or by Parliament were revoked beginning from the very first day of his raigne to the present time as things which impoverishing the Crowne bereaved the royall dignity of lustre and that the now spoken of insurrection though condemned by all lawes might bee thought meritorious declaration was made that the Duke of Somerset Thomas Thorp Lord chiefe Justice and William Ioseph the third that governed the Kings will were the occasioners thereof by detaining a letter which if it had beene delivered unto the King his Majesty would have heard the complaints and so taken away the occasion of the aforesaid disorders that therefore the Duke of Yorke the Earle of Salisbury Warwick and their associates should not for the future be blamed for it since the action was necessary to free the King from captivity and bring health to the common weale These pretences thus past over they came roundly to their worke by framing a Triumveâ—…at the ground worke of the designed monarchy Yorke caused himselfe to be created protectour of the Kingdome Salisbury Lord Chancellor and Warwick Governour of Callais so as the politique authority remained in the first the civill in the second and the military in the third whilest Henry King onely in name was bereft of all authority and safety all that had dependency upon the King and Queene were put from the Councell bereft of whatsoever charge they bore in the City or Kingdome and Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter was by force taken from Westminster whither he was fled for sanctuary and sent prisoner to Pompheret a sacriledge not formerly ventered on that I know of by any King They now thought no more needed to the establishing of their power whilest tyrannies are not established without meanes much more abominable the Duke of Yorke should have done that wickednes then which once was to be done and which not long after was done by his sonne Edward A Kingdome cannot brooke two Kings and if experience had made knowne unto him his errour in preserving Henries life his carelessenes was very great to stumble the second time upon the same stone and thereby loose his owne life as hee did Moderate evills in such like cases have alwayes beene their authours overthrowe The respect due to Henry was not yet so much diminished nor his Majesty so much darkened but that Henry the now Duke of Somerset Humphery Duke of Buckingham and other Lords that sided with him resolved no longer to endure the injury that was done unto him and together with them to quit themselves of the eminent danger that hung over them for every man saw Yorkes end to be the usurpation of the Crowne and that his delay proceeded from the feare of danger for the King being by reason of his sanctifie reverenced by the â—…est hee thought hee could not on a sudden compasse his ends without scandall and the being oppugned by the greatest part of the Kingdome the â—…ch if it should happen he should for the present ruine and for the future totally loose all his hopes So as consultation being had with the Queene who being highly spirited did with impatiency endure the present subjection a great Councell was called at Greenwitch wherein it was resolved that since he was now no child and consequently needed not a Protectour nor was so void of wit as that he was to be governed by other mens discretions that therefore the Duke of Yorke should be understood to be freed from his protectorship and the Earle of Salisbury from his being Chancellour and that he should surrender the great seale to whom the King should please Yorke could not fence himselfe from this blow being taken unprovided and it selfe strengthened with reasons not to be gainsaid without a note of rebellion so as he was enforced to endure it but not without the dislike of such as sided with him who were not wanting in adding fuell to the fury of the people by making them rise up in tumult occasioned by a dissention betweene a Marchant and an Italian which though they did yet did not things succeed as they would have them for after having pilledged many houses of the Venetians Florentines and Lutchesses thetumult was appeased and the chiefe authours thereof punished but the present remedy had nothing to doe with the threatning mischiefe and both sides failed therein The Duke of Yorke since that he did not quit himselfe of his enemy when he might have done it in expectation of an opportunity to doe it with lesse danger to so horrid a cruelty and those of the Kings side in that they durst not venter upon the Duke of Yorks life for feare of some insurrection since the City was for him and the greatest part of the greatest adhered more to the hopes of a profitable tumultuous change then to the preservation of a quiet condition whereby they could not be advantaged for the King did no more distinguish of deserts then doth a distasted pallate of tastes and the Queene so jealous as that shee durst onely trust those who being injured were to run the like fortune with her Husband But where last extreames are in question extremities are to be chosen for chance may doe that which councell cannot Yorke left the Court confirmed in his former designes by this new affront whilest the Scotts entered England in one part and the French in two the Scotts having endamaged the confines retired themselves with their booty into Scotland the French pilledged some houses surprised Sandwich tooke some ships and returned to Normandy the surprise of Sandwich did but little availe them for they went away and quitted it it not being to be made good by small forces against many enemies England was like a body oppressed by a general distellation humours disperst themselves every where abroad the vitall faculties which are the lawes had not force enough to repulse them Thomas Percy Baron of Egremont one who was an enemy to the Earle of Salisbury sonnes fought with them in open field and slew many of their followers he thought to have escaped but could not for the King who would not have the fault to goe unpunished had used meanes to have his body seised upon and the offended parties being of the contrary party he as not willing to be thought partiall in justice caused him to be roundly fined and imprisoned from whence hee escaped to the much trouble
doubt that it matter'd not much what became of Her or her Daughters the King might live without them but not well without his brother whose company was absolutely necessary for His Majesty That the people upon so unexpected a resolution could make no other conjecture but that she was doubtlesly in danger and her Enemies possest of all manner of power since her owne quality and her childrens were not sufficient to secure her unlesse she should flie to Sanctuary a refuge usually for guilty people and if at any time for such as were innocent onely for such as wanted other meanes of protection That she seemed by Enemies to meane none but the Privy Counsell since they were highest in Authority That to believe their intentions were to oppresse the Queene the Duke of Yorke and the Ladies of the blood Royall so as they were inforced to take Sanctuary was an injury not to be tolerated That whosoever should approve of such scandalous proceedings did not love the King neither did he believe that they did disapprove thereof who would not helpe to remedy it since the King himselfe being a Child could not do it That it behooved them to looke to it who were chosen to looke to the preservation of the Kingdome and the Kings health nor were they disengaged from the many duties they were bound to by the payment of One debt That the consideration of health was the chiefe thing they ought to have in regard and rather the health of the mind then the health of the Body for the former being lost the latter could not long continue for that sadnesse of mind did dry up the Bones especially in a young Prince who if he should not be streightned in honest recreations muchlesse from Honest Company And though it fits not Kings to have companions yet no conversation being to be had without some sort of Equality to whom did it more properly belong then to an onely Brother And if this alone argument might not be of force as it ought hee propounded this consideration unto their wisdomes that the Coronation could not be proceeded in without scandall whilst the Duke of Yorke who was to have the first place next to the King in that great solemnity should not be there but in a Sanctuary a shelter for Delinquents affording matter to the common people to judge according to their Ignorance and to Forreigne Princes according to the appearance of false supposalls which must needs redound to the shame and prejudice of them all to their shame for that it was not to be credited that the onely brother of a King should for his safeties sake be necessitated to make use of the priviledge of Sanctuary without just occasion To their prejudice for that give this necessity for granted great troubles were likely to arise thereout it not being likely that there would want those who would willingly lay hold on any occasion to disturbe the State That in his opinion some one should be sent to the Queene whom shee did not mistrust yet such a one as would be zealous of the honour of the King and Counsell who might rectify her and let her know what wrong she did unto them all To the King by bereaving him of his Brother To the counsell by her thus tacitely accusing them of an evill that never fell into their thoughts To the Kingdome by kindling a fire which was not sodainely to be quenched And that if this should not prevaile the Duke of Yorke should by Regall power be taken from Prison and brought to the King his brother where being more made of then with Her he might reproach unto her her mistrust and how she had beene the occasion of making others do the like her malignant and sottish suspicions tending to the Counsells shame the Kingdomes Harme and her Owne Confusion He propounded the Cardinall Archbishop of Yorke for this enterprise remitting himselfe to their pleasure if they should not approve of him from the which hee profest hee would not dissent They all commended his opinion and agreed with him that if he could not be had from thence inconveniences might ensue But the Cardinall having first taken the imployment upon him was together with as many Ecclesiasticall persons as were there present of a contrary opinion for as much as concern'd his being taken from the Sanctuary by force alleadging the Sanctity of the place was inviolable as well by the many reiterated grants of Popes and Kings as for five hundred Yeares before as is testifyed by tradition it was by St. Peter assisted therein by Angels miraculously consecrated He hoped however it would be needlesse the Queene in reason being to deliver him up willingly the which if shee should not doe the fault was neither to be attributed to Her nor Him Not to Him for he would not be failing in his duty Not to Her shee being therein to be excus'd in respect of her Motherly affection and the weakenesse of her Sex But Buckingham not approving these circumspections swore The Queene knew well enough she had no occasion of feare that her feares were meerely fictitious and of malice and if she would be believed because her kinred were hated as they well deserved to be shee should distinguish betweene those who were of kin to Her and who were the like to the Bloud Royall That her kindred had afforded reason wherefore to be hated as shee her selfe had likewise done through her malignity but in her extending it to the Duke of Yorke the distribution was too large and odious That he likewise had the honour to be a kin unto him neither would hee in his zeale to his service give way to any one no not unto his Mother since she desired to keepe him not without danger and scandall in the Sanctuary to please her malicious humour whereas hee counselled he should be taine from thence to the end that all scandalls being removed the danger of his health might be prevented and other mens troubles He discourst upon the use and abuse of Sanctuaries all the Counsell joyning with him in opinion whereupon it was resolved that if the Cardinall could not prevaile with his Perswasions hee should be taken from her by Force The which being agreed upon they went to the Starre-Chamber to expect there as in the neerest place what would be the issue The Cardinall accompained by a great many Lords either for that the Protectour would not trust a businesse of such weight to One onely man or that the comming of so many might make the Queene perceive it was not He alone that desired the delivery of her Sonne and that if shee should refuse they might Force him from Her as was resolved The Cardinalls words were these He was sent by the Protectour and the Privy Counsell to let her know how much her detaining of the Duke of Yorke in that place was of scandall to the publque and of Dislike to the King his Brother it being an action which must
Princes actions to the peoples humours workes wonderfull effects without the effusion of bloud This Ireland was commanded by many petty Kings almost every Province had its particular Prince he drew foure of them to his obedience and by the example of his honourable treating of them had drawne all the rest had he not been by his Prelates desired to returne to remedy the troubles which the Wiclifs opinions had raised up in England Whence it may be gathered that had hee not been naturally given to listen unto bad advice and flattery hee would have proved a good Prince The Duke of Lancaster was received in Guascony as the Sonne and Uncle of a King but not as Duke of Aquitany he with much modesty shewed them the donation which his Nephew had given him and did with as much patience endure the not receiving of it He moved that Embassadours mought be sent into England giving them his word that hee would approve of what should bee there agreed upon though to his prejudice the which was done The points which opposed the donative were two The one pertaining to Justice the other to reason of State That which belonged to Justice was the preservation of their priviledges The Kings of England were obliged to keep the Dukedome of Aquitany perpetually united unto the Crowne they had deprived themselves of any power of dismembring it giving it away or of giving it in fee-farme to any whosoever were he or Sonne Brother or Uncle to the Crowne They swore at their coronations to maintaine these priviledges and did authorise them by letters Patents and great Seales Richard had sworne the same and had given them letters Patents to the same purpose but hee had forgot it being very young when he did it The point of State was that the successive Dukes contracting affinity with other Princes which must of necessity ensue as namely with Burgondy France Normandy Brettany Fois Navar Castile and Portugal they should in processe of time divest themselves of all interest and shake off the friendship of England and the subjection thereunto The reason of their priviledge wrought much with Richard but this last consideration broke the necke of all the favours therein intended to the Duke for all that Gloster could do to the contrary who left nothing unattempted whereby he might keep him aloofe off Hee annulled the donation and recalled the Duke receiving him at his returne with more honour then good will This businesse being ended there remained nothing of importance but the providing of himself of a new wife not any daughter being then to be found amongst his neighbouring Princes Navar had daughters and sisters too but Richard did not incline that way The Duke of Gloster had a daughter marriageable nor could any thing more acceptable have befallen the Kingdome but the being his full Cosen-german served him for a justifiable excuse for if bare consanguinity had emboldned the Duke so much to molest him what might he expect from him when hee should bee likewise joyned unto him by so neere affinity as to be his Father-in-law But if this was the cause why he would not marry her he was deceived for this was the onely means to have made the Duke on his side and whereby to have avoided the evill which did befall him But the blinded eyes of humane judgement fore-sees not what 's to come but rather by eschewing meets with those evils which it thought to have left behinde The true cause as I conceive was that as his love was in extremity so was his hatred and that consequently the hatred he bore to Gloster was the reason why hee detested this match not the meannesse of bloud The King of France had a daughter between seven and eight yeares old here Richard pitched his resolution though hee therein met with three obstacles all of them of moment That shee was daughter to a King that was his enemy so yong as that hee was not in a long time to hope for issue by her and that she was formerly promised in marriage to the Duke of Brettanies eldest sonne Hee did not so much reflect upon the first save what made for his advantage for detesting warre with France he could not finde a better meanes to settle a peace between the two Crownes then this For her yeares hee did not much value them since hee himselfe was young enough and also her being promised to Brettany he slighted it since the King of France stood more in need of his friendship then the friendship of any other Hee sent a solemne Embassage to France and though answer was not presently made for time was taken to consider of it the Embassadours returned partly assured of successe the King People and Councell being all of them well inclined to the businesse At this same time the Duke of Lancaster tooke his third wife It so fell out as that he had three sonnes and a daughter by one Catherine Roet the daughter of a King of Armes she was servant to his first wife Bianca and he kept her as his Concubine during the life of his second The desire hee had to make his children legitimate and her good conditions though not nobly borne as he made him resolve to marry her and not unluckily for Iohn the Duke of Somerset who was he alone who of the three brethren had any issue was Great-grand-father by the mothers side to Henry the seventh who put a period to the civill warres of England He did legitimate them and his succeeding marriage by Act of Parliament and by ratification of Pope Boniface the ninth from whom he obtained a Bull to that effect I was not willing to leave out this particular in this place as necessary for what we shall hereafter meet withall The Kings marriage was likewise this meane while concluded and since a finall peace could not bee concluded on in respect of many places which the English pretended unto a suspension of Armes for thirty yeares was covenanted with caution that both sides should peacebly enjoy what at this time they were possessed of A businesse which did so highly incense the Duke of Gloster as the King did divers times feare lest hee might upon this occasion raise a rebellion since the people depended much upon him and were not very well pleased with this marriage nor truce he went in person to the confines of France to receive his wife as likewise did her father to deliver her up unto him Being with much content parted he caused her to be crowned at Westminster not being yet fully 8 years old Shortly after came the Count Saint Paul into England sent by Charles to receive the oath of truce a man of a working spirit and who was husband to Iane Holland sister to Richard by the mothers side The King discoursing with this man complained of the Duke of Glosters contumacie that hee was the onely man who opposed himselfe against the match with France as desirous
the Earle of Warwicke restoring them to their dignities and goods which had been taken from them The Dukes of Aumerle Surrey and Exceter the Marquis Dorset his owne brother by the father and the Earle of Glocester as being those who had chalenged Arundell and Warwicke were deprived of such titles as had after that act been conferred upon them and of all the goods which from that time they enjoyed given them by Richard by confiscation or otherwise the Titles and incomes which they formerly enjoyed remaining onely unto them so as Aumerle from Duke was reduced to be Earle of Rutland Surrey of Kent and Exceter of Huntington the Marquis Dorset his brother to be Earle of Somerset and the Earle of Gloster to be Lord Spencer I call those chalengers who accuse others and offer to prove their accusations by single combat as these had accused the above-named to gratifie King Richard and as in this Parliament in hopes of pleasing King Henry Aumerle Salisbury and divers others were accused as traytors to the King and offered to bee proved so by Duell But the King considering the time and humours knowing that Clemencie and Grace would more redound to his glory then by giving eare to accusations to make himselfe bee beleeved their on-fetter appeased them pardoning all of them and prohibiting any further discourse concerning that matter Hee thought to doe the same another way and to winne the friendship of his most profest enemies those whom he found to be so in the behalfe of the deposed King The three degraded Dukes were the chiefe of these Aumerle Richards cousin-german and he who was most intimate with him while hee reigned hee hoped to win the good will of the other two though Exceter were King Richards brother and Surrey his nephew sonne to his other brother who died two yeares before hee feared not Exceter having some interest in him as who had married his sister Elizabeth but beleeved to make good use of him concerning Surrey if need should bee so as if hee would not suffer the combates to proceed nor that the people should triumph in their deaths as they seemed desirous all three of them being the causers of infinite grievances and extortions it was out of these respects which were not in likelihood to deceive him the present good turne which hee did them being likely to oblige them very much for though with justice he might have satisfied the people and secured himselfe hee chose by pardoning them to displease his subjects and prejudice himselfe whilst he might so justly have rid his hands of them An excuseable fault for a Prince who stands upon such ticklish tearmes An enemy resembles glasse which never can be peeced And though Christian Religion have the secret of peecing an enemy which is for the love of God yet Christians though they should do seldome arrive at so great perfection and though Nature may pretend to have the same secret yet ought shee not therein to be beleeved unlesse it proceed from two great extravagancies either from a dead and senslesse pusillanimity or from a generositie onely by imagination to be comprehended The first is not to bee trusted for basenesse and cruelty are tearmes convertible And of the second they onely are capable who like Iulius-Caesar and King Henry beleeve that benefits are able to blot out injuries but others who judge their enemies good conditions by their owne bad ones beleeve that good turnes are baits to revenge and abhorring him so much the more for that they are made the Looking-glasse wherein his noblenesse and glory may be seen they are Diamonds to all other impressions wax to the impression of hatred as in the three above-named and divers others we shall shortly see The first newes which France heard of these alterations in England was by the Merchants and those so uncertaine as they knew not what to thinke thereof Madame de Cousi had the charge of the young Queene who being commanded to be gone without demanding any question or further troubling of her mistresse obeyed and was waited upon to the Sea side where a ship stayed for her and conveyed her over to Bullen she was the first that brought any true relation The which when Charles understood he was thereat so much grieved as that while hee was thinking upon revenge he relapsed into one of his wonted frenzies the Councell not knowing what to resolve upon they perceived by the generall hatred against Richard and the universall consent in Henry's election that in a businesse of this nature 't was bootlesse to use force for England is not to bee undone but by division The Duke of Burgondy who had been no lesse averse to this match in France then was the Duke of Gloster in England upbraided them with the small account they made of his counsell and was of opinion that the businesse was not to bee remedied by a sudden warre but that they should doe well to wait for such occasions as are by discontented subjects offered unto their neighbours such as were those of Gascoigne who were the more displeased at Richards being deposed for that hee was borne among them and was alwayes called Richard of Burdeaux A wise consideration if this ill bloud had growne to a rebellion or if Sir Robert Knolles Lievetenant of Aquitaine a wise and valiant Gentleman had not hindred them by remonstrances and reasons who likewise advertised England of the danger This meane while the French were not wanting to themselves The Constable de Sanserres was the first who presented himselfe upon their confines endevouring to blow the already glowing Coal The Duke of Burbon had recourse thither likewise provoking the Nobility and people offering all they could desire adding withall such promises as upon such like occasions are usuall with as much readinesse of speech as they proved afterwards difficult in performance Bayon Burdeaux and other townes being required sent him their Deputies who having no further directions then onely to heare returned laden with offers But these first passions being calmed the comparative condition of France and England the latter free from Burdens the other subject to perpetuall taxes pointed out unto them the wholesomest resolve For the common people love nothing more then to cultivate their owne grounds to their owne proper use and to enjoy the fruits of their owne industry not being forced thereout to feed officers or souldiers While things were thus carried Thomas Percy Earle of Worster came thither with a fresh supply of souldiers upon whose arrivall all practises ceased while Richards friends endeavouring his liberty did thereby hasten his death which was the onely meanes to free him of the miseries wherein he now lived The Dukes of Aumerle Exeter and Surrey as hath beene before said were friendly embraced by the King who hoped by his good usage to win their love but the latter two not being able to withstand the power of blood nor the first the like of friendship the which was
acquainted with the waies had intercepted was brought himselfe to the like danger of suffering for lacke of victualls and winter now comming on hee quitted the enterprise for that time resolving to reassume it in the spring being hereunto inforced through Glendors daring and the molestations of the French but the French weary of the Countrey and more weary of a warre wherein nothing of advantage was to be had withdrew themselves to Brittanny not intending to returne The Count St. Pauls attempts had no better successe who willing to act his threats had gathered together in Abeville betweene voluntiers and men in pay 1600. fighting men from whence hee went to Normandy and imbarked himselfe at Arflore intending to set upon the I le of Wight upon the coast whereof he was sooner then hee imagined being favoured by the windes which assisted him in his landing The Ilanders who expected not so sudden a surprise retired themselves together with the best things they had from the more open places to places of more defence and if they suffered some losse t was nothing in respect of what the Count intended for England being night at hand succours in few houres to be had the parts thereof strong and not to bee won but by length of time he having but a small number of men the inhabitants once met together stronger then he he lost all hope of victory or booty This Island was by the Romans called Vecta It is seated in the South of England so neere to Hampshire that from Hurst the chiefe Castle thereof seated on the outmost part of a narrow ridge of land which thrusts it selfe forth into the sea the distance is but two miles It is rich in pasture and graine abounding in birds particularly in Partridge and Phesant full of Hares and Connies it yeeldeth great store of Woole of the third best sort of England it is twenty miles in length in bredth where broadest twelve so well inhabited as that there is therein thirty sixe townes boroughes and villages it hath divers strong Castles seated in the most appropriate places for the defence thereof it armeth 4000. men exercised by their Captains from Hampshire in time of need 3000 men are assigned unto it and from Wiltshire 2000. but without their assistance it was able to defend it selfe against so few enemies when posts flew up and downe with newes of the Counts landing those who were nearest unto him thought it best to entertaine him with treaties as well that he might forbeare doing mischiefe as likewise that being allured by hopes and gaine hee might not prepare to be gone they sent unto him a well spoken and well advised Priest who made divers propositions to him but being advertised of the strength of the Island and of what danger hung over him hee reimbarked himselfe contrary to the good will of the adventurers who had laid out much upon vaine hopes and had never any reparation made them though they expected satisfaction from the Generall All sides were so heated with these commotions as that warre was already kindled in Guascony not now contented with inrodes they betooke themselves to more evident and reall injuries but Fortune having favoured the English in these last expeditions on this side the sea would now be gracious to the French in the two next on the other side the sea The one made by Count Claremont sonne to the Duke of Burbone the other by the Constable Albert both which strove who should most indamage the Dutchy The first accompanied by Count Chastearebone sonne to the Count de Fois reduced three strong Castles to the obedience of King Charles St. Peter St. Mary and Chasteaunense The second incensed at the damages done by the Garison which lay at Carlefine which had forced contribution upon all the neighbouring places sate downe before the towne accompanied by Arpadan a Gentleman of note and much followed in those parts after sixe weekes siege the Garison dispairing of succour yeelded themselves their goods being safe and the townsmen redeeming their goods with money But these external adventures merit not the being recounted save as apparent intermediums of the tragicall acts which were internally done men who do good turns use to measure merit by a common measure which agrees ill with the measure of Princes For subjects are born to serve their Princes are bound to their service which they are not to other men so as private men are more obliged by good turnes then Princes not but that Princes ought to reward worth in those that serve them but if this bemade in them a coactive duty vertue will not be its owne end in subjects will eclips the splendor of liberality and gratitude in Princes and not being able to satisfie every one with current money their estates how rich soever not able to suply them they must reward some with the Alchymy of honour a sort of money coined for the chiefest and most noble amongst whom it is oftenest dispersed Tacitus brings in Armenius laughing at his brother Flavius who rather desired to bee a private souldier amongst the Romans then a Prince in Germany and that having in those warres lost an eye and had his face disfigured he termed the increase of his pay and certaine other little gifts which children would disprize a reward But Armenius did not well understand this mystery for take away the opinion of honour which of the two principall columes which sustaine civill life is the second who will expose himselfe to danger who will defend his Country if to die for it be not esteemed glorious The two Percies both brothers the one Earle of Northumberland the other of Worster together with Henry sonne to the former fell into this error they measured their service done to the King according to the common measure so as if the mischief which insued was not answerable to the honour of their familie and their owne particular worths it was notwithstanding most answerable to their ill advised resolutions In the two battels at Hamelton and Nesbit as hath beene formerly said they had taken some of the chiefe Nobility of Scotland the which being demanded by the King who would have them in his power and by them denied they thought to satisfie him by sending unto him Mordachy Earle of Fife the chiefest of them sonne to the Duke of Albeny alledging that this man together with the other prisoners did of right belong to them as a prey wonne by the hazard of their persons and effusion of their bloud so as the King had no pretence unto them Just reasons if the Prince were not to share in the booty Artillery munition or victualls prisoners of quality or otherwise redonable doe properly belong to them not so much in respect of ransome as to facilitate or secure the victory by peace exchange and other contingencies which times and occasions in the manifold interests of States doe produce I speake not of the imprisonment of the two
to bee sought into the reasons of his former life conclude not for him The King having by fines punished the City went towards Northumberland at Durham he caused the two Barons together with the two Knights of the confederacy to be executed The Earle understanding his associates misfortune withdrew himselfe to Barwicke where not thinking himselfe strong enough hee fled to Scotland together with the Lord Bardolf and was friendly received by the Lord Fleming The King finding Barwick resolute not to yeeld levelled a peece of Canon against the Castle thereof an instrument in those dayes new and not knowne with the which at the very first shot he battered it almost downe to the ground whereat the defendants being amazed without capitulation yeelded themselves to the Kings pleasure who hanging some and imprisoning the rest made himselfe master of all the Earle of Northumberlands seats where taking order for all things requisite he passed into Wales leaving the Prince his sonne and the Duke of Yorke with a great army in those parts but he found such deluges of water amongst those mountaines as he was forced toquit the enterprise he had carried along with him many carts and wagons loaded with the most pretious things he had which were all born away by the violence of the torrents no one peece of them remaining Some believe that this was done by the Divell Owen Glendor being held to be a great Negromancer but I am of opinion that if he had had any such power he would have made use thereof against the King himselfe for the losse of the Kings person did more availe him then the losse of his carriages The Scotch men on the other side should have come into England to aide the conspirators but hearing what had happened they budged not but endeavoured to defend themselves by land from the Prince and by sea from Sir Robert Vmfrevill Vice Admirall of the Navy but nothing happened of much importance The one had only time to spoile the Country and the other to sacke the coasts of Fife and Lugdiana all mischiefes ceasing in a truce agreed upon for one yeare which made them returne to their owne homes The plague did now grow hot in London and thereabouts so as the King not being safe in Kent the infection much spred in all places was glad to take shipping to goe to Plessis in Essex the Lord Camois was his guide they were already well advanced in the sea when certaine French Pirates who lay in the Thames mouth for pilladge understanding of this passage pursued them and intended to take the ship wherein the King was tooke 4 ships that were next unto him one of the which was loaded with furniture of his chamber and things belonging to his owne person The Baron who together with the other vessels were a good way from the King came not in time enough to assist his Majesty nor yet to recover what was lost so as if the Kings ship had not been a swift sayler and so made voide the Pirates hopes hee had run danger of going for France in stead of Essex Camois was strictly questioned and in danger of losing his life as thought to have held intelligence with these Pirates but better defending his own innocency then hee succoured the King he was by the Judges acquitted The plague being ceased the King returned to London He made the match between Philleppa the younger of his two daughters and Henry King of Denmarke and this was the third marriage that was celebrated in his family after his comming to the Crowne for before this hee had married Blanch to William Duke of Bavaria Prince Elector and hee himselfe had tane to wife Ione the daughter of Charles the second King of Navarre the widdow of Iohn Montfort Duke of Brittany which I have not mentioned as not belonging to the thred of my discourse But what befell Prince Iames the only sonne and heire of Scotland who did at this time fall into the power of England is not to be passed by as worthy of ample relation Robert the third who now reigned in Scotland and who in his baptisme was named Iohn changed the name of Iohn for Robert either for that the Roberts of Scotland had beene fortunate or for that the Iohns of England and of France had been unfortunate as if the name were of force enough to make those effects good which fortune God permitting had preordained bad T is true that amongst the Kings named Iohn few are found who either have not been very bad or very unfortunate Castile Portugall and Arragon afford us examples hereof of three hereditary Queene Ioanes the two of Naples were unfortunate and unchast the third of Castile was chast but most unfortunate This notwithstanding Iohn of Scotland did not by change of name change the maligne aspect of his destiny for those evills befell him having tane upon him the name of Robert which would have befalne him had he kept the name of Iohn the divine providence not being to bee changed by such alterations This King was by divers pensils painted forth in the same colours Hector Boëtius describes him affable mercifull an enemy to extortions charitable and pious Buchanan a severe writer doth in one place give him to us rather as voide of vice then famous for vertue and another speaking of his innocency inriches him with all the worth that is to bee desired in a private man but judges him rather to be an honest man then a good King T is very true he had nothing of King in him save the name the whole authority remaining in Robert Duke of Aubeney his younger brother in his fathers time created governour of the Kingdome a manifest proofe of his incapacity to governe it alone But this Duke did not content himselfe with the bare government he aspired to the Crowne which though he attained not yet left he no wickednesse unattempted to effect it and the life of the Prince David being a great rub in his way the death of the Queene his mother and of Earle Douglas his father in law afforded him meanes of bereaving him of it as hee desired This Prince was very lewdly inclined and so given to his unbridled lust as that he was not to be endured Whilst his mother lived who kept him in some awe he lived in some order but shee being dead letting the reines loose to his naturall inclination no maidenhood was undeflowred nor marriage bed unviolated When trickes and flatteries could not prevaile hee made use of force Daily complaints were made unto the King of injuries done by his sonne The father by reason of his weaknesse contemned not able to amend him determined to transferre the care thereof to his brother thinking that onely hee was able to tame him an error ordinary enough in persons of his condition For the good man suspects not what he doth not imagine and what he himselfe would not doe were he to gaine the world thereby
by reason of the profit they receive by its residency with them at the which being lesse satisfied and more offended then ever they sent for Burgundy who came to them well accompanied but his conscience pointing out unto him his injustice and keeping him in perpetuall agitation he sent his cosen William Duke of Baviers to Towres to make him some agreement for him not out of any acknowledgement of repentance but out of a desire which guilty people have to bury their shame and because a warre in such a case alwaies blameable and unjust brings ruine if it be lost and if wonne it doth but erect Trophies of shame and infamy the King sent Lodovick Duke of Baviers the Queens brother to meet him and Montaigne Lord high Steward of the houshold with the articles of agreement The Duke hated Montaigne as a maine Orleanist and gave him bitter words which he took patiently but the articles not being according to his liking he regulated them and though they were not afterwards agreed upon according to his corrections they were yet so handled as that he was contented for his adversaries having lost all their defence by the death of their mother Valentina who died of griefe not long before there was none to oppose him They being all yong orphans unexperienced and for want of direction abandoned by all Peace being concluded the parties met at Shartres where in the presence of the King Queene and Dolphin and Princes they swore the peace though the yong Duke of Orleans and the Count Vertu the Count of Anguleine the third brother not being present by reason of his infancy were observed to weepe in the doing of it being inforced by the King and of yeares and power not fit to make refusall The Duke of Burgundy being together with the Court returned to Paris and knowing that what was done was not likely long to continue he resolved to work his own establishment by the ruine of such as favoured the house of Orleans but being to guild over his unjust intention with the title of justice directly opposite to the sworne peace and resolute not to suffer Montaigne live as one of the chiefe of them he caused him to be questioned before the Magistracy for the administration of the Kings monies where in his account between figures and cyphers his head was struck off and his life was made a cypher The Duke of Berry who was a Courtier born well verst in Court policies guest at his designes and not able to indure affronts as one who had formerly lived with as much or more authority in the government then any other Prince withdrew himselfe to Angeires whither unsent for all the malecontents did presently flock this unexpected assembly caused a speedy confederacy between the Duke of Berry the Duke of Orleans and his brother the Count Cleremont now Duke of Burbony by his fathers decease the Count Alanson and Count Arminiacke so as the peace of Shartres proved a short lived Ephemera which died the day it was borne and indeed it was never thought other by the wisest sort the newes of this conjunction did more and more exasperate the Duke of Burgundy he willed the Lord Albret constable of France to raise as many men as possibly he could making use of the name of the Kings safety to save himselfe since he not the King was the marke that was aimed at Albret obeyed as not able to doe otherwise hee was no friend to Burgundy and a great friend to his enemies as the successe demonstrated France like a firebrand newly extinguished tooke fire againe at the approaching of this sudaine blaze Count Richmonte hearing that the colleagues were retired to Shartres came thither likewise with a great number of men They first demanded audience of the King but they wished him to come armed with patience whilest they pretended to appeare before him armed with iron The Queen who did both hate and feare Burgundy did what in her lay to appease them having to this purpose made two journeyes her selfe in person but it was not in her power to keep them from comming to Paris of so much force is desperation when it hath usurped the place of reason and advice They came to the very Suburbes of Marcelles strange were the disorders which were every where committed by the souldiers aswell of one side as of the other But the incommodities and difficulties equally divided after many too 's and fro's caused a second peace called the peace of Winchester wherein was concluded that both Berry and Burgundy were to withdraw themselves from the Court that when the one should be sent for the other should bee sent for likewise and that the meane while they should all withdraw themselves which gave but small satisfaction to the three brothers for Berry made use of them for his own particular ends which when he had compassed he cared no longer for them and it being a thing usuall for the parties offended not to forgive unlesse some satisfaction be made they pretended not to be included in this peace since in their particular they had received no manner of satisfaction so as if they swore unto the peace of Shartres it was to obey the King and if they consented unto this it was for that they could not doe otherwise being abandoned by all The Duke of Berry was returned to Burges and the Duke of Burgundy desirous to calme all the former distastes sent unto him three Embassadors of which the Lord of Croy was chiefe They went on their intended way when met by certaine of the Duke of Orleans his people betweene Orleans and Burges the Signeur de Croy was stayed by them and all the rest suffered to passe the next day being questioned concerning the Duke of Orleans death hee confessed nothing of prejudice though he suffered terrible torment The other two complaining hereof to the Duke of Berry to whom the affront appertained required his freedome wherein though the King joyned with him neither protestation threats nor reason could prevaile with the brothers They pretended the peace of Shartres to be invalid as pursued contrary to the order of Law and Justice and that the King was compelled thereunto that the Duke of Burgundy had violated the same by pursuing undoing and putting to death as many of their friends as he could that the peace of Winchester had been likewise by him in many points broken that those who had murthered their father though condemned and banished did live securely in his territories and did likewise come at their pleasure into France no notice being taken of them and that they were pensioned by him and that no Councellors nor Officers depending upon either of the parties being to tarry near the Kings person his Majesty was not only waited upon by such as had dependency upon Burgundy The Queene and Duke of Berry did what they could to make a new accord betweene them But Burgundy resolute not to recede
King Charles nor the Crowne of France with so ignominious an act The truce betweene these two Kingdomes ended the second of August whereupon such English as were in the garrison of Calleis and other frontiers of Picardy were the first who began the warre sallying forth the very next day sacking the frontiers of Bolonia and places next adjacent Five thousand souldiers under the command of Monsieur de Rambures generall of the crossebow-men were sent to defend the Country But King Henry did not weigh anchor till some daies after and came to Normandy the Eve of the Annunciation His fleet consisted of 1500. ships his army of 6000. men of armes and 24000. Bowmen furnished with all such artillery and provisions as humane diligence and the power of so great a King could assemble for such a designe He cast anchor at Cape Caux and landed without resistance having by publique proclamation commanded that neither Church Monastery women children nor any other person whosoever that had no armes should be molested upon paine of life The next day hee went to sit downe before Harfleur a Towne situated upon the mouth of the River Sens. The chiefe Lords of his army were the Dukes of Clarence Gloster Exceter and Yorke the Earle Marshall Arundell Oxford Suffolke Warwicke and others The Town was commanded by Monsieur de Etouteville afsisted by Messieurs de Blanville Bacheville Ermanville Gallart Bos Clere Bestu Adsanches Briote Gocurt Illeadam and many other Knights and Gentlemen to boote with which were 400. men of armes besides the inhabitants who all made what resistance possibly might be The King of France dispatcht away the Constable Albret the Marshall Boniquot Henaut Ligni and others to fortifie the sea Townes with men and artillery The garrison of Harfleur assoone as they understood of the enemy comming dug up the way which leades from Monteviller to the Town so to make the enemies march more difficult and sallying forth to skirmish with them they had much adoe to get backe into the City so many were their opposers and in such number the arrowes which shoured downe upon them But notwithstanding all impediments the English pitched their campe and planted their artillery upon the most advantagious places The place was well fortified with walls and turrets together with a broad and deep diâ—…ch the defendants resolve to maintaine it whilst there was any the least hope Those who were sent to secure the maritime places did what in them lay to hinder the booties which notwithstanding all their diligence the besiegers did every where take All the good they did was to preserve the neighbouring Townes from being taken The victualls in the English army being almost wholly corrupted by the sea they must have suffered much scarcity had they not made great booties of men and cattell The King of France was come to Vernone between Paris and Roen levying men from all parts to succour Harfleur The which being furiously assailed the gates walls and turrets almost all beaten down their mines ready to play and the powder which the King had sent unto the town surprised by the enemy they of the town brought to such a passe as they were not able to withstand a generall assault a great many of them being slaine or sicke they agreed to yeeld themselves their lives saved leaving all other things to the discretion of the besiegers if they were not succoured within five daies Bacheville brought these newes to Charles who finding himselfe weake permitted them to doe what they were by necessity inforced unto so as the five daies being past they threw open the gates after a siege of 37. daies wherein they suffered very much Harfleur was the chiefest Port Towne of all Normandy The Towne was sackt quarter was given to the souldiers and Citizens who demeaned themselves well The women children and religious persons were all put out of the Town the poorest sort of them having six pence a peece given them The great and rich spoile was sent into England as a witnesse of good successe Whereupon people of all conditions flockt from England thither who besides other priviledges had a house of inheritance allotted to every family so as the City was in an instant peopled by the English The King made his entry without any solemnity walking a foote to Saint Martins Church to thanke God for that victory He made the Duke of Exeter governour thereof who chose for his Lievtenant Iohn Falstofe and for his Councellors the Lord Carew and Sir Hughe Luterell and put therein a garrison of 1500. souldiers besides horsemen A great many sicke people were sent backe to England amongst which the Duke of Clarence the Earle Marshall and Earle Arundell the Earle of Stafford the Bishop of Norwich Lord Molins and Lord Brunell died of a fluxe in the siege That which imported more then all the rest remained yet to be resolved on The King undertooke this businesse about the end of summer who came not to Normandy till the 14. of August so as to continue the warre as was requisite was impossible and so much the more for that winter came early and more egerly in then it had done some yeares before To passe the sea againe if it were not a kinde of running away would at least be proclaimed such by the enemy To keepe in Normandy within the small precincts of Harfleur was impossible the incommodity of victualls being considered That which was resolved upon was to march to Calleis through the heart of the Country and through the enemies forces a resolution no waies necessary as for lacke of other meanes but most necessary for what concerned the honour and reputation of armes of 30000. fighting men who had past the seas from England there remained but 15000. 2000. men at armes and 13000. bowmen The rest were either dead of fevers or fluxe or sent backe into England or left in garrison at Harfleur so soone then as the ruines of the Towne were repaired that things necessary were provided for and that such prisoners as had not paid their ransomes had sworne to come unto the King to Calleis on Saint Martins day he commanded that those who were to follow him should carry along victualls for eight daies And crossing the Country of Caux and En he marched apace that he might get to the bridges of Soane which he necessarily was to passe before they should be broken A bold resolution and which not seconded by good fortune might have beene esteemed a rash one for the Dolphin tooke from the Country all manner of provisions and placed great troopes of armed men in all parts to annoy him and caused the bridges to be broken hoping that wanting wherwithall to live he would be forced either to yeeld himselfe or fight whereas according to the common maxime in case they had beene wanting hee should have built him bridges of silver to passe over King Henry finding the bridges broken turned towards Beauquene to the same Foord betweene
Towrs under the custody of three of his confidents And that this her banishment might be irrevocable he interessed the Dolphin therein making him under pretence of the necessity of the warre seize upon such treasure as she had gathered and placed in certaine Churches and Monasteries as in so many Sanctuaries An action which caused in her such hatred against her sonne as hoping for revenge she by his ruine who was her onely sonne wrought the ruine of France which things though their successe were uncertaine yet nothing of good could be conjectured thereby So as they being by King Henry well examined he hasted to call a Parliament propounding the continuation of the warre which was embraced with much applause and monies to that purpose readily paid downe nothing but good successe being to be hoped for whilst matters went thus The King to make himselfe Master of the Sea dispatcht away Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his Admirall sonne to that Duke of Exceter who was beheaded the first yeare of Henry the fourth a yong man whom he much favoured not so much for that hee was cousin german borne of Isabell his fathers sister as that his conditions did deserve it He on the other side desirous by some honorable atchievement to augment the Kings favour departed resolute to doe some action worthy of the opinion which was conceived of him The bastard of Burbon was Captaine of the French fleet of equall force with the Earle in one onely thing surpassing him that being guarded about by nine Genway Carracts as by so many fortresses he thought them alone sufficient to secure him from all the enemies forces so as seeking him out and finding him who did not hide himselfe they came to blowes Their equall courage and valour held the balance a long time equall till such time as the English prevailing Burbon was taken prisoner and of the nine Carracts three were sunke and three were taken and amongst the prey the mony which was allowed for halfe a yeares payment of the fleet The which being taken by the King as a good omen he tooke shipping at Portsmouth waited upon by many of the nobility and followed by his two brothers Clarence and Gloster leaving his third brother Bedford Regent He landed at Tongues a Castle in Normandy which in foure daies surrendred it selfe as with the like speed did Harcourt Beaumont Ereux Falese Baiensa Lisâ—…aux Corances Aurenches and other places Caen a Towne well peopled strong and one of the Bulwarkes of that Province stood out resolutely and not listning to any termes of surrendring it was soone after taken by assault and sackt The Castle as Monstrelet saith held out three weekes longer and seven weekes according to Duplex whilst the English say that all manner of rigour being denounced against the defendants if they would not yeeld after the first day Monsieur de la Faietta and Monsieur de Montene despairing of succour came forth within the limited time All the riches and ornaments of the neighbouring Townes were found there as placed in a safe place No man durst lay hands upon them for whosoever did was unavoidable to be put to death They were by the Kings directions restored to the Monasteries and Churches to which they did belong The which purchased him the good will of the Country and helped him in his succeeding enterprises Religious actions unfainedly done have power to molifie even those breasts which hardned with hatred would for all other meanes prove obstinate and irreconciliable Chereburg and Ponte del Arco were next Caen the most considerable Forts for the conquest of Normandy A particular account must be given of Roan by it selfe The King sent the Duke of Glocester to Chereburg who finding it provided with men munition and victualls spent tenne months there in vaine in which time when he could not get the gates open by battery force nor industry the avarice of Iohn d'Engenes the governour thereof threw them open unto him which proved afterwards a gaine which caused his death for having by this infamously purchased money received a safe conduct for a certaine limited time during the which he might trade where ever the King of England did command for he could not in reason trust himselfe in France he was in Roan after the City was yeelded up unto the English and tarring there relying upon some when his set time was expired his head was cut off the presence of a traitor smells so ranke in the nose of a noble Prince and lover of vertue After this many other places yeelded incited thereunto by the King having made it to bee proclaimed that all men should enjoy their goods and priviledges and that he would treate with all such as with his naturall subjects who uninforced would put themselves under his government so as in little more then a yeare his ensignes were seene flourishing in every place nothing almost remaining to the entire conquest of Normandy but the Metroplitan Roan proceedings sprung from the Prince his worth and souldiers valour but facilitated by the enemies disunion it being in them made true that desolation must needes ensue where a Kingdome is divided within it selfe And that as amongst the passions of the minde there is none so great as that of hatred so all hatreds must give place to the violence of civill or home hatred The City of Roan in the losse of all those Towns which as to the head of the Province were under her had her eye more fixt upon France then upon her owne eminent danger for being a principall member thereof she thought she should be cut off and made no member if she did not partake of her infections and her inhabitants imitating the Parisians in wealth riches would have thought their honour had bin concerned if they should not likewise emulate themin their seditions Being then resolved equally with them to favour the Duke of Burgony they made an insurrection under the conduct of Allen Blancard a partaker with the Duke and having slaine the governour and some of the officers and chiefe Citizens they would make themselves masters of the Castle a place requisite for their safeties after so sottish a rebellion and were repulsed by Iames of Burbon Signieur de Preaux who had the command of it so as their ill successe causing repentance they were forced to flye for protection to the same Burbon whom they had but just then so unjustly offended So rash and haire braine bold are the people in stumbling upon offences and so affrontedly presumptuous in the choice of their remedies But the Dolphin who was come thither with an intention to give them exemplary punishment meeting with unexpected difficulties did cloake his ill will and pardoned the fault the which without much danger he could not punish But since I am to speak much of this Prince I crave permission to describe him to you in foure lines that you may the better know him He was borne under a
Fleet to cast Anchor under Roan He made a bridge over the uppermost part of the River towards France and displaied three chaines a Canon shot off from the walls the one a fooot and a halfe under the water the second equall with the superficies of the water and the third two foot above the water bereaving them thereby of all manner of succour And because their many salleyes were the cause of the losse of many of his men to no purpose hee endeavoured to take it in by famine being sure that their obstinacy could not continue long Those of Saint Katherins who had not beene diligent in making their provisions yeelded themselves at the first months end their lives saved but not their goods The field this mean while was full of Burgonian Daulphinist and English Colours all of them to each other enemies so as if the former two did backe together the third made booty the two carrying away what the third left At this same time sixteen hundred Irish arrived at the Camp conducted by the Lord Kilmayne ill armed and but badly cloathed but of such agility and valour as they were commended beyond all the rest whereupon a newes being given out that the French were comming to succour the towne they were placed where it was thought the French would come they received this charge with unexpressible joy and though the succour came not they ceased not to do much mischiefe going and returning with more speed and to better purpose then the horses themselves either could or would have done The Citie had suffered much ever since October their victuals were spent happy were they that could get either Horses Dogges Cats Mice or such like uncleannesse to eate The poorer sort of people if in the streets they met any one with any thing of livelihood they would flye upon him blowes nor wounds not availing to make them to desist In three months space no meat had been publickly sold and those who had meanes to purchase any payed excessive prices above 50000. persons died of hunger during this siege They sent Eustace Paville a Doctor to acquaint the King and Duke of Burgony with their misery who when he had shewed how great evills they had suffered onely that they might preserve their faith and loyalty protested that if they should be inforced to yeeld themselves the King and Kingdome of France should have no greater enemies then they The answer was gracious that the King would preserve his good City of Roan that within a few daies hee would so succour it as that the enemy should rather bethinke themselves how to escape away then any longer to continue the siege Words which proved to no effect yet necessary to hinder the proceedings of the English to the cost of the miserable besieged but not able to succour them by force hee bethought himselfe how to give them comfort by a treaty of peace Cardinall Vrsino was about this time come from Avignon sent by Pope Martin the fifth to finde out some meanes how to agree these two great Princes The first thing he treated of was that they should send their Embassadours to Pont d'Arcke as they did but the time being spent in disputes and no conclusion made he resolved to goe himselfe to the walls of Roan Hee spoke with King Henry he presented him with the Picture of the Lady Catherine of France the best meanes as he thought whereby to perswade him The King after he had well considered her beauty and praised it seemed to be desirous of the match if shee should come endowed with a million of gold with the Province of Normandy by him almost wholly conquered the Province of Acquitany by him likewise in a great part possessed the County of Poictou and all the other Signiories which did formerly belong and were hereditary to the Crowne of England adding that he would have them free from having any dependancy upon France The which seeming very hard to the French Deputies the conference was dissolved For besides the abovesaid pretensions the English Deputies explained themselves that Charles by reason of his sicknesse was not fit to make treaties nor the Dolphin as not being King nor the Duke of Burgony as not having power to dispose of the inheritance and dependances of the Crowne That therefore it did necessarily follow there was no accord to be made but by the sword which was onely able to satisfie the one and inforce the other The breach of this Treaty did almost quite dead the hopes of the besieged yet did they a while languishin agony by reason of the great preparations which were made throughout all Picardy but as soone as they perceived that the King and Duke of Burgony distracted through their jealousies of the Dolphin could not succour them they resolved to hazzard their lives lesse valued then their pretended liberty and to goe themselves to procure and bring in succour the which they could not doe but by breaking through the Campe 10000. of them well armed the rest remaining to defend the City rushed furiously out of a gate from whence they were not gone two miles when the rafters of the bridge breaking as many as were upon it fel into the water those who remained in the town issued out at another gate to save their companions the which they could not so soon doe before the English had already fought with them and driven them back Those who fell shared all of severall misfortunes few of them escaping being either drowned broken or wounded The bridges rafters were cut in two by Guy Buttler after the place was surrendred he was thought to have caused them to bee cut onely because he had sworne loyalty to King Henry and was become his subject The Duke of Burgony did not cease though in this desperate case to flatter them with hopes of succour and that they might beleeve him he said he would doe that which he was farre from being able to effect He brought the King and Queene to Beauvais and caused great troopes of armed men to come thither which served to no other use then to bee an oppression to the Countreyes through which they passed Hither for their last Embassy came new soliciters from Roan the midst of December who laid open what miserable famine they suffered the misery that those endured who being shut out of the city died in ditches that they were forced to take up such children as were there borne in baskets over the walles to baptize them and being baptized to convey them downe againe to their mothers who rather expected death then life That many died unbaptized evils which had happened and did happen for their service done unto the King and Duke of Burgony whilest they on their sides had done nothing that they ought to have done and had promised that they could expect no longer that if succour were not immediately sent they would render themselves to the King of England And with this protestation they
renounced what ever former loyalty faith oath service and obedience declaring themselves discharged thereof since they were by them abandoned They were mildly answered that the King could not as yet succour them But that shortly hee would not faile to doe it But not satisfied with this unlimited answer the Duke promised to succour them the fourth day after Christmas Whereupon returning with more appearance of danger then hope they were but sadly received At this time les Sieurs d'Arcourt and de Meurle had gathered together two thousand fighting men with a resolution to try their fortune They placed themselves in ambush in two severall places not above 2 leagues from the English Campe yet so neere together as that they might aid one another To allure the English they sent out an hundred and twenty horse who meeting with certaine English who were lodged in a little village slew the greater part of them the few that escaped gave an alarme unto the Campe beleeving that they who had set on them were the fore-runners of the succour The King commanded the Lord Cornovallia to discover the truth The Baron tooke along with him six hundred horse and for guide those who had brought the newes not farre from thence hee discovered the enemies troopes who turning about clapt spurres to their horse and ran to the place of ambush giving as great alarme to their leaders as the English had done to Henry But the Baron made such haste as finding them in disorder and possest with feare he made some of them betake themselves to their heeles charged other some killing and taking two hundred and forty of which number were Monsieur de Moreule Butor Delroys Bastard and many other Gentlemen Harcourts horse saved him and the Baron made a quick returne unto the campe with victory newes and prisoners In Beauvais where the King Burgony and Councell were as hath beene said nothing was treated of but how to succour Roan after long debate it was concluded That during the enemies might and power the Kings and Dukes forces were not sufficient to make him raise the siege The Duke perceived this but not with the same eye as did others For he considered that if he should meete with any notable disaster in the succour together with Roan he was to lose the advantage of forces he now had over the Dolphin That the losse of that City though it would be a losse unto him yet he therein should have sharers whereas the losse of a battell would disorder and discompose his authority his government and his particular designes A cautelous but bad consideration A Prince who sits at the helme in a Kingdome ought to preferre the publique before his private good nay here his owne peculiar good consisted in the publique welfare for his authority and greatnesse depended upon the well managing of affaires he should have succoured Roan though with never so much danger for in the losse thereof hee lost his reputation both with his friends and enemies And though it had beene impossible for him to effect it as indeed it was yet should hee have attempted it for in matters of difficulty the world accepts of the will for the deed hee should have shadowed the weakenesse of his forces and in the faile of fortune have given a rich testimony of his worth and valour he might have presented himselfe and not have been inforced to fight King Henry was content to defend his trenches prohibit succour not troubling himself about ought else It made not for him to quit his trenches and leave them to the desperate sallies of the besieged to the end that hee might to no purpose and with much danger fight with the enemy in open field whilst by fitting still he overcame his onely end being to winne the Towne without or bloud or danger and though it had behooved the Duke to adventure a battell the disadvantages were counterpoised A City wherein was above 15000. defendants resolved to dye despaire an obstinate defence almost not to be overcome so as the enemy being fewer in number and set upon behinde and before if he were not overcome would at least be weakned and though he should winne the place would be so weakned in his forces as that he could not make any further progresse The victory at Cressis and Ajencourt had onely advantaged him in affording him a meanes of saving himselfe for the small number of his souldiers and his requisitnesse to passe the sea to reinforce himselfe tooke from him the benefit of his victory On the contrary side the losse of men would not be of much moment to so populous a Kingdome able of it selfe forthwith to furnish more For great bodies are not moved much lesse do they fall for one shocke The battell of Poictiers would not have beene of great moment had not the King beene taken prisoner for this now in question the souldiers were onely to be hazarded and grant the losse of the day Roan suffered no mischiefe which without this hazard was assuredly lost But for my part I beleeve that the Duke did never really intend this succour knowing that to boote with his feares of the Dolphin it was impossible for him to force a well disciplined victorious army within its trenches under a powerfull King and great commander unlesse he were mainly assisted by fortune And events being uncertaine are not of force enough to perswade to dangerous and irrevocable resolutions The which if it were so it may be inferred that the reiterated hopes given to the besieged the making of them suffer so much and at last yeeld themselves with so undoing a disadvantage was one of those errors upon which they fall who make use of publique calamity for their owne peculiar good Had he prolonged that siege to winne time to withold the proceedings of the English and quite breake them off by some great undertaking he could not have been accused but his not caring though all were lost so as the Dolphin did not advance proves it to be true That who hath double ends doth alwaies amisse since the moments of reputation are not measured by the moments of time which leaneth upon things casuall but by order which depends upon the rules of wisdome and fidelity a principall condition of him that governes from which whosoever hath at any time swerved hath ever had the heavens fortune for his adversaries The examples hereof are so frequent in past and present times as it is a wonder so many do stumble against this rock The resolution of not succouring the Towne being taken at Councell table all the souldiers were dismissed save such as were to be put in garrison upon the face of Normandy and of the Dolphin Assoone as the King was gone from Beauvois those of Roan were secretly admonished by the Duke to surrender themselves upon the best tearms they could A death doing adue which did utterly astonish and affright them They were not permitted to die fighting for
health to command and to Raigne requires active Spirits as farre differing from this contempt and mortification as ought a Clergie-man differ from the lively and ready resentments which are requisit in him that commands The foure Beasts which are described to have Eyes before and behind ought to serve for a type to Henry for if the inward eyes of conscience were sufficient to him as a Christian the outward eyes of wisdome were requisite to him as a Prince A Prince cannot be said to be good and innocent though of harmlesse intention and customes when his simplicity proves hurtfull to his wellfare honour and Subjects Goodnes ought not to be borne a Sister with us but be begotten by us wee our selves ought to be the Fathers thereof our will the Mother and Election the Soule for though naturall simplicity or sincerity brings with it many advantages hee is notwithstanding more to be commended who hath not transgressed when he might have done so for well doing is not defined by Ignorance of evill or an impotency thereunto but when a Man is able and knowes how to do amisse and doth it not A bound which does not exclude the faculties of civill actions as did Henryes goodnes which was borne a Sister with him but makes them so much the better by how much after the primary cause its objects are the second without which there is no corporeall nor civill life I know not whether his education did concurre with his nature to the making him what he was but doubtlesse faults enough are committed in the education of Princes in their Childhood they are observed with too much respect whilst their discreet Governours knowing that some Witts require the spurr some the bridle ought to make use thereof alternatly and with respect but not excesse for by thus doing they will not only make them be reverenced and beloved by their Subjects but respected and feared by all Nations However it bee 't is evident that Henry's ruine did derive it selfe from this simple inanimate goodnes which lame in its owne judgment rested it selfe upon that of others so as loosing reputation the Soule of Government he therwithall lost Authority Kingdome Liberty and Life The Conditions of affaires in both Kingdomes at Henry the fifths Death was such as by reason of the good directions he left could not be amended His Subjects were ready to obey drawne by the glory of so many famous Victories and by the profit which accrewd unto them by so many considerable acquisitions In France the home discentions of that Kingdome the wisdome and vallour of the Duke of Bedford and the good Commanders and Souldiers which waged Warre under him nourished hopes of more happy proceedings And the two Brothers Unckles to the Infant King free from jealousy and evill intelligence the Duke of Bedford remaining chiefe in France with the Title of Regent and the Duke of Glocester commanding in England under the Title of Protectour did conspire not only to preserve what they had gotten but to acquire more but the cause being tane away the effects cannot continue Charles the fifth King of France dyed within lesse then 3. Moneths after King Henry the fifth who being incapable of Government and govern'd by his Wife a revengefull Woman and bad Mother had by her meanes alienated his Kingdome deprived his Sonne thereof and set dissention among his Subjects to the increase of Englands greatnes Philip Duke of Burgony who according to the Councell of deceased Henry was to be insnared by allurements was by Glocester distasted driven thereunto either by ambition or love or both Whereby Men may learne not to build too much upon their owne knowledge but to watch over their selves every little intrest being sufficient to change us to the worse Since Glocester a good and wise Prince ceased to be so when he suffer'd himselfe to be transported by his passions and private intrests seldome meeting with publique respects those who looke after the one abandon the other or else do ruine both the one and the other together with the State and themselves as did he These were the true causes of the English retrogadations in France civill discentions in France had establish'd the English and the reconciliation betweene the Duke of Burgony and Charles the seaventh was their ruine So as though the recomencement of the Civill Warres be chiefely ascribed to the losses in France yet since they began not till the King was growne a Man and that the Affaires of France were little better then quite lost there would have beene no liklyhood of any disorders in England if things had succeeded well and the Sonne had beene like the Father for in the same manner as the one supprest the Conspiracie of the Earle of Cambridge and thereby wonne reputation the other might have quell'd the Duke of Yorkes audacity and have preserved his Kingdome but the Sword wherwith Scanderberg cut off arm'd limbs was not of the same temper when manag'd by another Hand and therfore the reall difference is that wheras the Earle did Justle with a strong and fierce Lyon his successors encountred with a weake milde lowly Lambe King Henry was proclaymed King when he was about 8 Moneths old the Duke of Exceter and his Brother the Bishop of Winchester were deputed for the Government of his person and the Queene his Mother for his Diet whilst the Duke of Glocester Protectour of the Kingdome took care for all things which might make for Peace at home or Warres abroad the Infant King was brought from Windsor to London to be showne in full Parliament his Mothers bosome was his Throne and generall acclamations serv'd as the earnest penny of obedience Ayds were willingly contributed for the perservation of what his Fathers worth had won The Duke of Bedford on the other side surprised by the disadvantageous Death of Charles the sixth which hapned in October the same yeare and by his being forsaken by many who had formerly followed his Standard to follow the Dolphin who was proclaymed King by the Name of Charles the seaventh knowing how contrary to their naturall affections that obedience was which those who remained with him had sworne to the King his Brother did in a solemne Assembly cause new Oaths to be taken in the behalfe of the now Heyre a thing readily obtained but very irreligeously observed and had it not beene for the power and authority of the Duke of Burgony a Prince of great Possessions and attendance the affaires of England would not have lasted so long as they did but they grew worse and worse according as he slackned his vigilancy therein by reason of Glocester and the City of Orleans wherewith he was not trusted by reason of the death of his Sister who was Wife to Bedford and by his totall alienation when having appeased his anger against Charles the lives of those first Warriers who were his friends did cease Henry in Paris was likewise proclaymed and sworne King of
Councellors and Sheriffe of Beaucaire This relation is made by Du Pleix a moderne Writer who complaines of his not being therein beleeved as if it were as much to bee beleeved as an Article of faith Hee agrees in many things with them that are of his opinion in some things hee sayes more then they as the miracle of the Horsman and the cleansing the sword without art to the which hee ascribes the marke of three Crosses but they three flower de-luces on both sides likewise they say not that it was buried with a Knight but hung up with other rusty swords and prison Irons which by devotion or vow were found in that Church Giles and Belleforest write that Baudicourt was not well satisfied for what concern'd her till the hearing day at which very time shee told him that France had receiv'd a great defeat and that it would receive many more if hee would not take order for the convaying of her unto the King so as hearing that that losse had hapned the very day shee had foretold it him hee thought hee should offend God and doe dis-service to the King should hee not send her and therefore dispatch'd her away suddenly that shee said some things to the King which were never by him retold to any but that laying aside all melancholy hee seemed ever after to bee exceeding joyfull that when shee demanded the aforesaid sword of him hee asked her how shee came to the knowledge thereof and whether shee had ever beene in that Church or no to the which shee answered No but that shee knew it by divine revelation and that there withall shee was to drive out all his enemies and to lead him into Rheims to bee annoynted and consecrated and to strengthen their testimony they produce Mieres a Flemish Authour who though he bee accused of falsehood and partiality against the French they will yet have him in this to bee on their side and to say the truth but t is a strange thing that the English differ not in this and the French doe Vasseburg Paradine and Hallian write diversly of her to whom Argentres may bee joyned for a fourth I will relate what Hallian sayes of this in his history and in his booke intituled Touching the estate and successe of affaires in France His words are these The miracle of this Woman were it true or false did much incourage the depressed hearts both of King Lords and People of so great power is religion and sometimes superstition for some thought her to bee a Wench belonging to Iohn Bastard of Orleans others to Monsieur de Baudicourt and others to Lentruille who being wary and knowing the King to bee so moap't as that hee neither knew what to doe nor say the people to bee so dejected as that they were not to bee cheered by any humane hopes they bee-thought themselves how to make use of a false miracle as a meanes which infuseth courage and strength into men and which makes men especially such as are simple more then is true the people being subject to beleeve such superstitions so as they are not to bee condemn'd who beleeve her to bee a Virgin sent by God nor yet they which beleeve otherwise These noble men spent some dayes in instructing her in all such things as shee was to answer to the demands the King might likely make her and such as in his presence they would aske of her for they themselves were to interrogate her and to the end shee might know the King from among the rest shee never having seene him they oftentimes made her contemplate his picture and failed not to bee present the day that shee was to come being themselves to bee Actors in this busines The first that askt her what her busines was was the Bastard of Orleans and Baudicourt she answear'd shee would speake with the King then they there presenting some of the Lords that were there present for the King shee said that was not hee for hee was hidden behind his bed whither shee went to find him and a little while after hee adds This invention of counterfeit and fained religion was of such advantage to this Kingdome as that it infused hope into men that were before deprest by despaire Hitherto Hallian Now that this was rather to bee beleeved then the other report Argentres seemes to denote where sometime after hee makes her incounter with the Constable Monsieur de Tremuille was by the Constables meanes brought into favour with Charles and hee like an ingrate person had wrought the Constable out of favour with him made him bee forbidden the Court diminished his pensions given order to the Citie to shut their Gates upon him and to the Captaines to fight with him the which the wisest sort thinking to bee somewhat hard the Maid willed it should bee put in execution but the contrary opinion prevailing shee went along with others to meet him who did him this honour not onely as being a Prince but as being Constable and their superiour so as being informed of her bad offices as hee came to salute her said Jane I understand you would have fought with mee I know not what you are nor by whom sent whether by God or the Divell if by God I feare you not for hee knowes my intentions as well as yours if by the Divell I value you much lesse therefore doe the worst you can I defie you Whereby is plainely seene what opinion was held of her and that having failed upon this occasion as in many others shee had no Spirit of revelation for then shee would not have beene subject to ambiguity in the undertaking of things nor to inconstancy in the putting of them in execution For what concernes Messierus his testimony every man who speakes of other mens actions doth say and beleeve what is said and beleeved by a concurrence of Writers not having heard those who affirme the contrary Moreover though hee were a Fleming by Nation yet was hee not separated from the interest of France For if in some things hee writ in favour of Philip against the French hee writ many things wherein Philip was not concern'd as namely this infavour of them but the evidence that hee brings of this Woman for what concernes Philip ought not make that bee beleeved which hee had formerly written in the favour thereof Hee brings her forth as sent by God but not against Philip Hee affirmes that shee had not like successe against the Burgonians as shee had against the English that some said though shee were of power against these yet was shee not so against those as if grace had beene conferr'd upon her conditionally lesse towards them and in abundance towards the English To witnesse the which hee alleadges two cases the one that being gone to the siedge of Senlis in the defence whereof besides the English there were many Burgonians under the command of Lilliadam and Croy shee advised sometimes to fight and sometimes not having lost in
of the other his bad that suffering himselfe to be gulded by a prodigious ambition a usuall disease amongst great wits hee of himselfe did negotiate in an unexpedient and harmefull match and which was likely not to bee denied since that thereby those territories were surrendered which ought not have beene quitted for any whatsoever cause that he did too indiscreetly make use of the Kings favour occasioned by the Queenes more then ordinary inclinations The Parliament was summoned at the Blacke Friers in London wherein treaties being had against the Duke and the Queene fearing least he might therein suffer she thought she might reape some advantage by remooving the Parliament to Lecester but very few of the Nobilitie comming thither she was forced to remove it againe to Westminster where both houses being full the lower house presented many complaints against the Duke whereof some were true and some false The Articles were many the chiefest that hee had treated with the Bastard of Orleans when he was sent Embassadour to Henry to move Charles to make warre with England to the end that hee might make Iohn sonne to the said Duke King by marrying him to Margaret daughter to the late Duke of Sommerset the presumed heire to the Crowne in case the King should have no children Secondly that suborned by the sayd Bastard he was cause of the Duke of Orleans freedome Thirdly that the losse of France and Normandy was happened through his advise which was represented to the King of France by the said Duke of Orleans Fourthly that being sent Embassadour to make peace or truce he had condescended to the surrendring of Aniou and Mayne without the knowledge of the other Embassadours his fellow Colleagues and that being returned to England he perswaded the King thereunto so losing him the inheritance of those countries Fiftly that having at the same time discovered the Kings counsell unto the enemy together with the defects of the Forts and number of Souldiers the English by reason of these informations were driven out of France Sixtly that he had given the like informations to the Dunnesse when he was Embassadour in England seventhly that the King having sent Embassadours into France to treate of peace he was the cause why peace was not made having by way of Anticipation advertised Charles of his advantages Eightly that in the Starre Chamber hee had made his boasts that hee had as much power in the Councell of France as in that of England and that by his power hee could remove whatsoever Counsellors there Ninthly that corrupted by Charles hee had retarded the melitia that was to goe to France Tenthly that in the conclusion of the peace hee had not comprehended the King of Arragon nor the Duke of Britanny both friends to the King so as being comprehended by Charles hee alienated the former and made the other so great an enemy as Giles brother to the said Duke remaining firme in his friendship to England lost first his liberty and then his life His answers to the first three Articles were that hee never had committed nor so much as thought any such thing To the fourth that the businesse of the truce being left to his discretion it could not bee concluded without the surrendring of those states which was but a weake answer since the marriage of the Queene in consideration whereof this surrender was made was not so much as dreamt of by any save himselfe But on the other side it being approved of in Parliament wherein both the houses did joyne in Petition to his Majestie to reward him for this his great good service it followes that either the one Parliament or the other did amisse since the one desired reward the other punishment for the selfe same action the fift sixt seventh and ninth have no proofe at all but the accusers bare narration In the eight he may be convinc't but more of vanitie then of any other errour in the tenth his fault was omission but as it was not excusable in a personage of his condition so it was not to be punished in the highest degree his other accusations contained the topicall faults of favorites which in like persecution are usually alleaged that he had enricht himselfe out of the Kings treasure monopolized things belonging to the Crowne diminished the revenues thereof removed worthy men from the Councell placing such in their roomes as had dependancy upon him that he was the chiefe instrument in the death of the Duke of Glocester which though it were likely enough yet were not their proofes sufficient to condemne him Vpon these complaints he was sent unto the Tower as to be there forth comming till hee should give an account of what he was charged of but being set at liberty about a moneth after the people were thereat so highly incensed that to avoyd sedition it was requisite to take from the Lord Say his place of Treasurer all their places from all his other friends and so banish him for five yeares out of England But being imbarked in Suffolke to goe for France he was set upon by a man of warre belonging to the Earle of Excester was fought withall taken beheaded neare unto Dover in the same ship and his body throwne upon the shore from whence it was taken by one of his Chaplaines and buried in the Colledge of Winkefield in Suffolke This was the end of this man in whom so many causes both of blame and of praise concurring I know not whether hee ought to bee blamed or praised Vices are like Clouds which though they doe not totally obscure the day yet the thicker and blacker they are the more horrid and fearefull doe they make it Vices are not to bee ballanced with vertues no more then is ayre and water with earth and fire yet if amongst punishments the law givers could have taken away the memory of what was good in the guiltie I beleeve they would not have done it If there had beene no other evill in the Duke of Suffolke then the death of the Duke of Glocester whereof the signes are too manifest for him to cleare himselfe 't were sufficient to ecclipse all his other vertues in the estimation of all honest men but bee it as you will his misfortune was very prejudiciall to the King since thereby he was deprived of a servant as necessary for his preservation as by his Councell and valour he was ready to preserve him This chance did much inanimate those who syded with the Duke of Yorke who spared not in what they could to render the King dispised and hatefull they forgot not to inculcate the ignominious losse of France enough to bereave of reputation the most valiant Prince that is much more him who was given to idlenesse and wretchlesnesse that the state was governed by a proud woman the chiefe cause of all their evills Thus said the people should doe well to take example by the government of Ireland where the wisedome and valour of the Duke
Yorke to insnare the King and Kingdome his pretensions were just according to the lawes of England but according to the chiefest of all lawes which is the peoples welfare directly unjust for it is more convenient that a private man suffer and smart alone then the weale publique be ruinated and every one smart for if the meanes to claime be unjust there cannot any thing be thereunto framed but an injurious and blamefull justice he doubted that Henries knowne goodnes would render this his busines difficult and that the people borne by their love to a Prince who bore the Crowne not by his owne usurpation but by two successive discents from Father and Grandfather both worthy Princes the house of Yorke never having beene in possession thereof his pretensions would appeare a dreame and if not such yet not such as were likely to be applauded The evill consequences considered which were to ensue such controversies not being to bee decided but by the bloudy law of the sword and the losse of many an innocent life that therefore they were not likely to forsake Henry long in possession for him a new pretender these considerations prevailed so far with him as to keepe him within the bounds of simulation for doubting that the danger might consist in making knowne his designes he thought it best to make that be beleeved to be done for the weale publique which was indeed done for his owne ends and that by taking his former pretences touching the Duke of Somerset he might take revenge of a mortall enemy free himselfe of his greatest obstacle deprive the King of his chiefest leaning stocke and afterwards purchase the love of all men the love of the people by the ruinating a man detested for the losse of Normandy the love of the Nobility by reducing him who by reason of his too powerfull authority and greatnes was by the most of them infinitely envied Not herewithall contented hee forbare to villifie Henries reputation giving him out to bee poorely spirited and affirming that the condition of the now present times required a King who would not bee governed by his wife nor any third person but by his owne judgement a wiseman and endued with such vertues as not being to bee found in him were requisite in a Prince who was to governe so as having by these meanes prepared the peoples inclinations he made firme unto him such as sided with him especially two the Father and the Sonne the one Earle of Salisbury the other Earle of Warwick the first excellent for matter of councell the second endued with such qualities as vertue doth not impart but to those who are ordained for heroicall actions he wonne the good will of all men by approving his wisedome and valour with his innate liberality and magnificence Vertues by how much more solide then others and proper to make him be esteemed so much the lesse to be commended in this occasion altogether unworthy of any manner of praise he ordered things in this manner by the assistance of those forenamed he caused the Duke of Somerset to be arrested in the Queens lodgings and sent unto the Tower the which he was emboldned to doe by reason of the Kings being at that time sicke whose double weakenes both of minde and body had encourag'd him assisted as he was to worke himselfe into the government But as soone as Henry recovered his health he did not only restore him to his liberty but made him chiefe commander of Callis the then the most important charge the Kingdome had which caused great alterations for he was thought unfit for the custody of the only place which remained beyond the Sea who had lost all Normandy but Yorke perceiving that he had twise failed in his endeavours of ruinating him went into Wales where having got together a good army he marched towards London being accompanied by the forenamed Lords and many others the King so much distrusted that City as that he would not expect his comming there but went to encampe himselfe at Saint Albans where the adversary presented himselfe to give him battell the King had in his campe the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham the Earles of Pembrook Stafford Northumberland Devonshire Dorset Wiltshire and many Barons amongst which Clifford Ludley Berneis and Rosse and proceeding according to the peacefull instinct of his nature he sent some unto him to know why hee came in that hostile manner and what hee did pretend unto but the messengers were hardly arriued when the Earle of Warwick at unawards set upon the Vantguard Royall and disordered it before the Duke of Somerset could remedy it so as all forces on both sides giving together a bitter battell was begun each side made good its station no man recoiled so many were slaine as it was thought there would not be a man in all the field left alive The Duke of Yorke stood observing all occurrences and sent fresh men to supply the place of such as were wounded whereby he made good the fight which Somerset could not doe as not having so many men and being more busy in fighting then in making provision The Royallest were almost all slaine The chiefe that dyed there were the Duke of Somerset the Earle of Stafford sonne to the Duke of Buckingham the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford the Duke of Buckingham the Earle of Wiltshire and Thomas Thorp Lord chiefe Baron together with some few that escaped fled away wounded This victory which hapned the 23. of May was a good Omen to those that ensued and to the putting an end to this difference for the prevailing party though not without shedding their owne teares and bloud did some few yeares after effect what they desired the Duke of Somerset left three sonnes behind him Henry Edmond and Iohn who adding their Fathers revenge to the hatred of the faction came all of them to miserable ends as wee shall see in middest of this good successe The Duke of Yorke would confirme the people in the beliefe that he had taken up armes onely for the good of the commonweale For the Duke of Somerset being dead who was the pretended reason of his commotion nothing remained for him to doe but to assume the Crowne so as having the King in his hands and under colour of his name power to frame the golden age which all seditious people promise in their rebellions he resolved to arrive at his end by degrees not thinking to meete with any more oppositions but he was deceived as are all those who not able to effect their desires but by wicked meanes dare not withstanding bee so wicked as it were requisite for them to be Some report that the King in this occasion was but ill served by the three Lords that fled and by his domestique servants their flight caused him to forsake the field and mightily dishartned the few that remained the King had withdrawne himselfe to a poore mans house where being found by the
the Sea hee should march up to London as to a certaine victory this advise was approved of by the three Earles so as having caused Monfords head to bee struck of and the heads of other twelve leauing good order for what belonged to Callais they came to Kent where they were met by the Lord Cobham and so vast a number of others as were esteemed to amount to 4000. fighting men The Lord Scales both a favorite of King and Queene hearing of their comming gathered some forces together and having in his company the Count de Candale Aguascon and the Lord Lovell hee hasted to secure London but being told by the Lord Major that hee stood not in need of that succour nor would permit that other men should meddle with what was his charge he much incensed entered the Tower understanding by that deniall that the City was not for the King as the effects made manifest for when the three Earles came thither they were received with generall applause and the Earles of March and Warwick going from thence with 20000. fighting men the Earle of Salisbury the Lord Cobham and Sir Iohn Vanlock tarried behind to keepe so important a City true unto them The Queene for the King had no thought but of his soules health had assembled a good army and Coventry which conducted the King to Northampton amongst other Lords there was in that army the Duke of Somerset who was newly returned from Guienes and the Duke of Buckingham they were no sooner come thither but they heard of the enemies approach so as passing the River they went to encampe themselves in the neighbouring fields the Earle of March egg'd on by his youth early in the morning began the battell their arrowes plaid on both sides whilest any were left then they came to handy blowes for 5. houres together without any indifferency At last the King was the looser with the death of 10000. men a great losse but not of so great a consequence as it was had hee not lost himselfe for being bereft of his defendors who were slaine round about his person hee fell into the power of the enemy There dyed of Lords the Duke of Buckingham Iohn Talbot Earle of Shrewsbery who fighting valiantly did not degenerate from his Father the Lord Egremont the Viscount Beamont besides many other Knights and Gentlemen great was the number of prisoners especially of Knights and Gentlemen for being lighted from horse to fight on foote they had no meanes to save themselves The Queene Prince Edward her sonne and the Duke of Somerset fled to the Bishoprike of Durham the victor being returned to London inflicted such punishments as are accustomed in the injustice of civill Warres upon such his adversaries as hee found in the City those who could escape fared better Thomas Thorp second Baron of the Exchequer endeavouring to escape was taken with his head shaven like a Frier and in a Friers habit hee lodged a long time in the Tower those of the Tower had yeelded upon certaine conditions which not being cleere enough for the Lord Scales his safety hee thought to escape unknowne but being discovered by certaine Watermen hee was taken slaine his body wallowing in his bloud and stript of all of his apparell left to the publique view of all men post after post was sent into Ireland to acquaint the Duke of Yorke with this victory so as perswading himselfe that nothing now remained to hinder him from possessing the Crowne hee tooke shipping and came to London at the same time that the Parliament was assembled hee made his entry with great troopes of men and trumpets sounded before him hee made the sword bee carried before as Kings use to doe onely with this difference that where as it is carried sheathed before them before him it was carried naked hee lighted from horse at the Kings pallace of Westminster and entring into the upper house of Parliament where the Kings throne was hee laid his hand a good while upon it as if by that act hee had taken possession of it when hee tooke of his hand hee turned to those that were by as desirous to reade in their countenances what successe hee should have and as it is usuall for us to flatter ourselves in what wee passionately desire hee thought they approved of what hee had done But the Archbishop of Canterbury standing up and asking him if hee would bee pleased to goe and see the King hee changed countenance and angerly answered him hee knewe not any in the Kingdome to whom hee ought that duty but that on the contrary all men ought it to him so as the Archbishop going forth to acquaint the King with this answer who lay in the Queens lodgings not in his owne hee likewise went forth and entered into the Kings lodgings where finding many doores sshut hee caused the doores to bee broke open to the much disdaine of those who could not brooke so great a pride since that the King living and in possession of the Crowne for 38. yeares not numbring those of his Grandfather and Father at his first arrivall hee by his owne proper authority pretended to bee King But they were more scandalized when comming againe into the Parliament house hee sate himselfe downe in the Kings Chaire under the cloath of State where after having set a while hee told them a long rabble of reasons why hee had sate downe in that place that by the law it was due unto him and that contrary to the law it had beene usurped by the three last Kings from the house of Mortimer the lawfull heire to the Duke of Clarence and lastly from his house of Yorke the others lawfull heire He exagerated the evill means Henry the fourth used in usurpingthe Crowne his cruelty in deposing and murthering Richard the second the injustice of Henry the fifth in causing his Father to be beheaded at Southampton that he might establish himselfe and that he being now of yeares without hope of ever enjoying what was his right by faire mean's was enforced to betake himselfe to force not for any respect of himselfe but to restore peace unto the kingdome which was not to be had by any other meâ—…n's that he ought rather to be praised then blamed for this since thereby the evills should be redressed which were sprung up and were to spring up especially under a weake King who to the so much shame of the English nation had lost France Normandy Maine Anjou and in one onely yeare Aquitany after the Crowne had beene hereditarily possessed thereof little lesse then 300. yeares that for these reasons hee had taken the Chaire wherein he sate as belonging to him and that his minde gave him that with their assistance he should restore it to its ancient glory and that it behooved them as peeres to concurre with him in equall actions affections and ends When he had done speaking the Lords wereall so astonished as looking for an answer no man opened
the Duke of Yorke was to bee acknowledged King The people joyfully received this declaration and the next day which was the fourth of March hee went to Saint Pauls where Te Deum being sung hee made the offering which Kings use to doe and was in Westminster proclaimed King by the name of Edward the fourth FINIS THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND Between the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke WHEREIN IS CONTAINED The Prosecution thereof in the lives of EDWARD the fourth EDWARD the fifth RICHARD the third and HENRY the seventh Written originally in Italian By Sir Francis Biondi Knight late Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber to His Majesty of Great Brittaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of Monmouth The second Volume LONDON Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker and are to be sold at his shop at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard 1646. To the Readers his beloved COUNTREY-MEN I Know it is not usuall to say any thing before Second parts of the Same continued Story nor truely am I so inamour'd of my own Pen as to write more then according to some acception may be thought Needfull The reasons then that drew me to this otherwise Unnecessary Epistle are First to let my Readers know lest I may seem to derogate from my Authour by tacitely arrogating to My Selfe that the three Last lives of this Volume are not yet as I can heare of printed in Italian and the Authour being dead out of whose written Papers whilst he was here in England I translated them I know not whether they may ever undergoe the Presse in the Language wherein they were by him penn'd or no. My next inducing reason is That the subject of both parts of this Treatise being Civill Warres and this Second comming forth in a Time of Civill Warres in the Same Countrey I hope I may be excused for doing what in me lies to perswade to a Happy Peace whereunto I know no more powerfull Argument then by shewing the Miseries of Warre which is a Tragedie that alwaies destroyes the Stage whereon it is acted and which when it once seizeth upon a Land rich in the plenty of a Long Peace and full with the Surfeit of Continued Ease seldome leaves Purging those Superfluities till All not onely Superfluous but meere Necessaries be wasted and consumed as is sufficiently made to appeare throughent this whole History I know no Nation in Christendome that could till of some late yeeres more truely have boasted of the blessings of Peace Plenty and Ease then this nâ—…w Miserable Kingdome of Ours insomuch as it may be truely said of Us Quae alia res civiles furores peperit quà m nimia faelicitas Ariosto sayes Non cognosce la pace è non la stima Chi provata non ha la guerra prima We have now sufficiently try'd both Peace and Warre let us wisely betake our selves to the Best choice and say with Livy Melior tutiorque certa pax quà m sperata victoria illa in tuâ haec deorum in manu est And what though the ballance of Victory may leane some times much more to the one side then to the other many Checks may be taken but the Game is never wonne till the Mate be given and if you will believe Guicchiardine who was a Solid and Experienced Statesman be will tell you that Nelle guerre fatte communemente da molti Potentati contra un solo suole essere major le spavento che gli effetti perche prestamente si rafreddano gli impeti primi cemminciando a nascere varietà de pareri onde s'indebolisce tra loro la fede e le forze e cosi spesso auviene che le imprese comminciate con grandissima riputatione caggieno in melte difficultà e finalmente diventano vane If all be true that is of late reported ouâ—… two great neighbouring Kings are concluding a Peace if so we may invert the Proverbe of Tunc tua res agitur c. I believe we are most concerned when Their walls are Least on fire and unlesse it please Almighty God so to inspire the hearts both of our King and Parliament to the speedy piecing up of these unfortunate Rents and mischieveous Misunderstandings as that we may have a happy and speedy Peace cordially agreed on by all sides I am afraid we may finde my beliefe to be too true for Civill Warres give faire Advantage to Forraigne Powers Remember then that an honourable Peace is the Center of Warre wherein it should rest and that when Warre hath any other end then Peace it turnes into Publique Murther and consider that if injustissima pâ—…x justissimo bello sit anteferenda as it is held by some how Blessed will the Peace-makers be in setting an end to that warre which is by all sides acknowledged to be Unnaturall having our Saviours word for their attestate that they shall be Own'd for the Children of God Ita bellum suscipiatur saith Cicero ut nihil aliud quà m pax quesita videatur That this may be the endeavour of all parties interressed is the Sincere Counsell and Humble Advise of him who is a Faithfull and Loyall Subject unto his King an earnest Interceder to God Almighty for a Blessing upon the Parliament a Hearty Well-wisher to his Countrey and who wilâ—… conclude all with the words of the man according to Gods owne heartâ—… Seeke Peace and pursue it Imprimatur May 18. 1645 Na. Breut THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fourth WIth what ease Edward came unto the Kingdome is worthy of observation but hard it is to give a just reason thereof whether power Justice or the peoples inclination It was not power since he was admitted of by election not Justice for to decide the right of the Crowne without an Assembly of Parliament is not a duty belonging to the people especially the tumultuous people of a City though Metropolitan without the joynt approbation of all the Shires and say it did by right belong unto him a businesse of such importance against a King that was no usurper who succeeded to two who for the space of more then threescore yeares his owne reigne comprehended were acknowledged and received for Kings was not to be decided in so short a time he being Sonne to the last one of the best deserving and most glorious Princes that England ever had and being King himselfe ever from his cradle for the space of eight and thirty-yeares so as he had his goodnesse been as usefull as it was innocent the Duke of Yorke durst not have contested with him for the Kingdome nor Edward bereft him of it The peoples inclination was then the onely thing which tooke the Kingdome from the one and gave it to the other whereby Princes may learne that long possession without the practice of Princely actions and the foregoing such affeâ—…tions as are hurtfull and hatefull to the people is
more neerely concerne him that nothing could be more acceptable to subjects than to take a wife from amongst them since children must issue from the same blood that for portion he valued it not having more than he knew what to doe withall that for all other inconveniences contentment in a wife with whom one was to live and die did out-weigh them all His mother finding her perswasions to be of no force bethought herselfe of another means which proved alike vaine The King upon promise of marriage had wrought to his desire a Lady of great birth named Elizabeth Lucy She alledged that since before God this Lady was his legitimate wife he could not marry any other An impediment which delayed his satisfaction in the other for the Bishops required proofe thereof But the Lady Lucy examined upon oath in opposition to the instigation of the Dutchesse and her owne honour and interest did depose that the King did never passe unto her any direct promise but that hee had said such things unto her as had shee not thought them thereunto equivalent shee had never condescended to his will Upon this deposition the King did privately marry the other the marriage being afterwards published by her Coronation None were pleased herewithall the Nobility lesse than the Communalty their greatnesse being obscured by the sudden splendor of the Queenes kindred Her father was created Earle Rivers and shortly after made Lord High-constable of England Her brother Anthony was enricht by the marriage of the daughter and heire of the Lord Scales which Title was likewise conferred upon him Her sonne Thomas Gray which she had by her former husband did afterwards marry the daughter of William Bonneville Lord Harrington and was created Marquis Dorser Historians observe many mischiefes that ensued from this marriage besides the death of so many that was caused thereby Edward did thereby lose his Kingdome his children were declared to be bastards and strangled the Queenes house extirpated the Earle of Warwicke and his brother slaine But they name not the death of King Henry and his sonne which had not hapned had not the Earle of Warwicke for this cause taken up Armes King Lewis though thus abused did not suffer himselfe to be transported by passion but making use of his naturall dissembling expected a time for revenge And to pacifie the two sisters hee not long after married Bona to Galiazzo Maria Sforza Duke of Milan sonne to Francis but not with so good successe as Hall reports for her husband being slaine she within a few yeeres became a widdow and by her ill government afforded occasion to his cousin Lodowicke Sforza to take from her the government and the government life and Dukedome from her sonne Iohn Galeazzo The Earle of Warwicke this meane while wounded in his reputation parted from France more sensible thereof than he made shew for he could not though so farre cloake his anger but that Lewis was aware of it Being returned to England he so behaved himselfe with the King as that he seemed not to be at all distasted whilst this present injury did call to mind many other formerly received which would not though have hurried him to his ruine had it not been for this He saw how the King did apprehend his greatnesse and grew jealous thereof that his designe was to suppresse him when himselfe should be better established that he thought not himselfe King whilst men thought him as necessary to the conservation of the State as he was to the obtaining thereof That the services hee had done him were of such a nature as to shunne the tie of obligation ingratefull people doe oft times desire to rid themselves of the obliger That the state of businesse was such as would not suffer him to be debarred the communication thereof though Edward thought hee did thereby communicate unto him his government and made him Colleague of his Kingdome That he had sought after all occasions to bereave him of mens good opinion All which made him believe that he was sent into France to this purpose To this may be added and which boyled in him more than all the rest that Edward would have dishonoured his house by tempting the honesty of I know not whether his daughter or his neece wherein though he did not succeed the offering at it ceaseth not to be mischievous and wicked as a thing whereby he endeavoured to dishonour the family of his kinsman servant and benefactor All these things put together begat in him such an hatred as hee resolved to depose him and re-inthrone Henry as soone as a fit occasion should present it selfe And though hee retired himselfe to Warwicke under a pretence of an indisposition of health yet did the King spie his discontents though not so much as it behoved him to have done for hee thought him not so sufficient to depose him as he was to raise him up and that out of two reasons First that Princes doe seldome mistrust their owne power especially with their subjects secondly for that they doe believe the injuries they do are written in Brasse by those who receive them whilst they who doe them write them in Sand. The Queene was this yeere delivered of a daughter named Elizabeth who put a period to the Civill warres by marrying with Henry the VII Edward did this meane while peaceably possesse his Kingdome his enemies were all or slaine undone or frightned He had none to feare save France and her but a little for Lewis was more inclined to wage warre at home than abroad Hee forbare not though to joyne friendship with Iohn King of Arragon who upon occasion might by way of diversion assist him in Languedocke a good though deceitfull foresight for it often happens that many yeeres are spent in the cultivating of a friendship which proveth faulty in the harvest Yet wisdome it is to manure such as put us not to too great charge for the opinion of having friends weighes with our enemies This friendship occasioned the transportation of a great many sheepe into Spaine whereby England was as much impoverished as Spaine was inriched He likewise for the same respect concluded a Truce with Scotland for 15 yeeres But the friendship of the Duke of Burgundy was that which most availed him and which re-established him in his Kingdome when he had lost it Philip the Duke of Burgundy did yet live and his sonne Count Caralois who by two wives had one onely daughter afterwards the sole heire of all those Territories the Duke was minded to marry him the third time hoping to secure the succession by issue male He bethought himselfe of Margaret sister to Edward a Princesse of great beauty and indued with a spirit not usuall to her sex but her being of the house of Yorke made him stagger in his resolutions For that the Queene of Portugall his wives mother was a daughter of the house of Lancaster by reason whereof her sonne Charles did love that house and
rather then to live in the miseries they hitherto had done They cal'd upon Alinighty God the King of Kings to inspire him with his light and to continue unto him in his Regall dignity those praise-worthy parts by meanes whereof he deserved to be King though he were not And that though his right needed not any publique Acts of Parliament he being King and heire unto the Crowne without them yet in regard the people might be ignorant of the cause of the deposing the one and assuming the other for this cause and to remove all doubts that might arise the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons assembled in Parliament had in full Parliament pronounced decreed and declared that Richard the third their Soveraigne Lord was whilest hee should live the undoubted King of England and of all that within or without belonged thereunto and after him his heires That the high and mighty Prince Edward his sonne was his heire apparant and after him those who should discend from him This decree being registred among the Acts of Parliament and approved of by King Richard with order to be held authenticall in all the parts thereof made it be understood that the Kings of England have power to doe what they will when they are either loved for their vertues or feared for their force For what concernes love there is no proof in this present case but of feare sufficient feare being the prinium mobile of this businesse Richard having by the assistance of the Duke of Buckingham and their adherent raised a powerfull faction the lawfull King being a Child and prisoner the Tyrant a man of braines wel-spoken and of reputation in armes not likely to undertake such a businesse unlesse certaine to effect it all men doubting themselves since their forces being cut off and those put to death which might have re-united them they were exposed to the violence of so cruell a man as Richard who had given proofe of his cruelty by his detaining the King by his taking the Duke of York from the Sanctuary by his impudence in declaring them to be Bustards and by his shamelesnesse in publishing his mother to be a whore to boote with the death of so many Peeres This feare was that which gave a maske to the flatteries of Parliament and which furnisht it with some colour of pretence drawne from Doctor Shaw's Sermon and the speeches made by the Duke of 〈◊〉 in the City-Hall Richard being thus confirmed and believing to settle his tyranny by resting it upon un-accustomed circumstances hee went into Westminster-hall sate him downe in the Kings Bench where in doubtfull cases the Kings of England had wont antiently to sit and where hee avowed his accepting of the Crowne the which hee exprest in a formall Oration and in a manner so well composed as those who had not knowne him would have thought England had never beene blest with so good a King and to colour with the shew of clemency his innate cruelty hee caused one Fogge who had taken Sancturary and whom he had alwayes mortally hated to be brought before him hee tooke him by the hand in fight of all the people and made professions of loving him now as much as he had formerly hated Him by which act he made a great impression in the simpler sort but those who were better advised knew that this was but a Bait wherewith to catch better fish In his returne to his Palace Hee courteously saluted such as Hee knew loved Him not thinking by this servile flattery to infatuate their mindes and to establish his government Yet for all this he durst not rely upon his present fortune He ascertained His Coronation by unaccustomed forces causing five thousand men to come from the Northerne parts of the Kingdome in whom hee trusted aswell for that they tooke part with the House of Yorke as likewise that living in remote parts they were not acquainted with his actions as were the Londoners who having him alwayes in their eye abhorred Him These Northern men appeared ill clad and worse arm'd which made them be but laught at for t was thought that if He should have occasion to make use of them they would not serve His turne and that t was neither these forces not yet greater but a meere Fatality which had precipitated England into so dire and miserable a subjection The last act of His possessing the Crowne was His Coronation all things thereunto belonging being ready as prepared for His Nephews Coronation Hee went with his Wife and His Sonne to the Tower where the next day Hee created the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Thomas Howard Sonne to the same man Hee created Earle of Surrey Hee made William Barckley Earle of Nottingham and the Lord Francis Lovell Viscount and Lord Chamberlaine and Hee made seventeene Knights of the Bath The Archbishop of Yorke the Lord Stanley and the Bishop of Ely had beene prisoners in the Tower ever since the Chamberlaine lost his Head Hee set the first at liberty finding himselfe peaceably possest of the Kingdome otherwise Hee would not have done it for being an honest man hee would never have given his consent to the deposing of the true King Hee freed the second out of feare for His Sonne the Lord Strange was raysing great forces in Lancashire a place wherein Hee had great Power and was mightily followed it behooved him to appease Him but Hee did not set the Bishop of Ely at liberty who was a faithfull servant to King Edward for Hee was certaine Hee would never condescend to his Childrens deprivation nor to the unjust wayes whereby Hee usurped the Kingdome whereof Hee had made tryall in the Councells held in the Tower whilest by oblique meanes He set the businesse on foot The Bishop was of no great birth but having lived a long time in good repute in Oxford hee was taken from thence being but bare Doctor by Henry the sixt and made a Privy-Counsellour Edward knowing his integrity kept him still in that condition and chose Him at His death to be one of his Executors Richard therefore fearing Him would have kept Him still in Prison though Hee set the others at liberty had not the Vniversity of Oxford which Hee did alwayes very much favour interceded for Him so that desirous in part to satisfy the Vniversity Hee was content to take him from the Tower as being too publick a place but that Hee might not have His free liberty Hee committed him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham who sent Him to a Castle of His in Brecknockshire where they joyntly laid the first ground-worke of Richards ruine Hee together with his Wife was Crowned in great pompe the sixteenth of Iuly his Wife was daughter to the great Earle of Warwicke who had made and unmade the two preceding Kings and Widow to Edward Sonne to Henry the Sixt Prince of Wales to whom she was give in marriage when Edward the Fourths ruine was agreed upon in
but he freed himselfe from any the least signe of guilt and Richard seemed not to valve his Wife least if He should embrue his Hands in the blood of a Lady of so great quality He might yet more incite the Peoples hatred He was contented shee should be committed to the custody of her Husband with order that she should be kept in some private place of her House and that none should be suffered to come to her who might conveigh Letters to her Son or Messages to any Other He also caused William Collingborne who had beene High Sheriffe of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire to be executed for having written by way of jeare That a Cot a Rat and Lovell the Dog did Governe England under a Hog alluding by Cat to Catesby by Rat to Ratcliffe and by the Dog to the Lord Lovell who gave the Dog for his Armes as did Richard the Boare for His and these three were His chiefest Favourites Some were of opinion Hee was put to death for having had Intelligence with the Earle of Richmond and with Marquis Dorset for hee was convict to have proffered Money to a certaine man to carry Letters into Britanny wherein Hee perswaded them to come Instantly and Land at Poole in Dorsetshire whilst Hee assisted by others would raise the People To keepe himselfe from troubles out of Forraine parts and that He might the betteâ—… minde his Home-broyles Richard thought necessary to hold good intelligence with the King of Scotland who often troubling Him with Inroades diverted him from his Home-affaires wherein consisted the preservation of his Life and Kingdome This businesse was treated by Commissioners who agreed upon a Truce for Three yeares each of them being to keepe what they were possest of except the Castle of Dunbarre which was given to King Edward by the Duke of Albany the last time that Hee fled from Scotland which the Scots would have restored And that he might have a double tie upon them he concluded a Marriage betweene the Duke of Rothsay Prince and Heâ—…e of Scotland and his Neece Anne of Poole Daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and his Owne Sister Anne a Lady so affectionately beloved by him as his Onely Sonne the Prince of Wales being dead he made Her Sonne Iohn Earle of Lincolne be proclamed heire to the Crowne disinheriting of meere hatred his brothers Daughters and for that having declared them to be Bastards his Owne title was preserved by the continuaâ—…ce of their such repute All these precautions did noâ—… notwithstanding free his perturbed minde from those furies which leaving their naturall habitation had brought Hell into his Conscience so as though Buckingham were dead and so many others Dead and Banisht yet could not he have any Security his 〈◊〉 commited his deserved Hatred and the Earle of Richmond would not suffer him to enjoy any one houres rest And albeit in his contriving how to usurpe the Crowne hee made no account of Him whilst his brother livâ—…d his minde being then fixt upon Henry that had beene King and was then in Being yet Times and Persons being changed He likewise changed Opinion the one being Dead the other Alive and at Liberty and who was the onely man that with Right and Justice could do that to Him which he unjustly and against all Right had cruelly done to others Hee therefore indevour'd againe to have the Earle in his possession or at least that the Duke of Britanny by bereaving him of his Liberty as he had done in his brother King Edwards time would secure him from the Mischiefe that might ensue by his comming into England and not believing he was likely to obtaine a favour of this nature by way of Friendship much lesse for any Rights sake he grounded his demands upon the basis of Profit and Interest the onely meanes to obtaine ones desire from such as have no feeling of Justice He loaded his Embassadours with Monies and Presents to present unto the Duke together with Them he offered him Richmondshire and all the Revenues of the Earle as likewise all that belonged in England to all those that were fled over to him into Britanny the which being very much would have sufficed to have corrupted any other save Duke Francis the second one of the Noblest and most vertuous Princes that lived in those times as he was held by all men This is Argeâ—…es his relation who affirmes hee hath found among the Records of Britanny the grant of this County together with the Names of the Churches Monasteries and Priories therein but if the Duke should die without heires of his body the Reversion should fall to the King The Embassadours or Deputies as Hee 〈◊〉 them could not have accesse unto the Duke being come to a season that He was beside Himselfe an infirmity He was often subject unto whereupon they made their adresses to Peter Landais who had power to dispose of the Prince and State as He pleased The large sums of English money made him listen to what they propounded his base minde not valuing Honour made him accept of the Offer but not in such manner as it was propounded For He being the man that was to deliver up the Earle the Duke not being in condition either to yeild him or to detaine Him He would have Richmondshire to himselfe whereupon many Messengers were sundry times dispatcht for England which was the Earles safety for these practises being discovered in England and the Bishop of Ely being adveâ—…tised in 〈◊〉 He speedily gave the Earle notice thereof advising him immediately to depart from thence for that He was bought and sold betweene Richard and those who were of chiefe authority in that State so as if He did not sodainely save himselfe He would fall into his enemies hands The Earle received this advertisement when He was at Vennes from whence hee sent 〈◊〉 France 〈◊〉 a safe-conduct which was by the King thereof without delay sent him and it being impossible to save Himselfe and all his Partakers at the same time he feigned to send the Lords that were with him to visit the Duke at Rennes giving order to the Earle of Pembroke who conducted them that when they should be upon the Confines He should immediately quit the Countrey as he did whilst He himselfe feigning two dayes after to visit a friend of his not farre from Vannes got on horse-back waited on onely by Five servants and when He was entred the Wood He put on one of His servants Coates and got by By-wayes out of the State and arrived at Aniou whether the Earle of Pembroke with the rest were but long before come His escape was the easier in that it was not suspected having left above three Hundred English all of His Retinue behinde him in Vennes otherwise it would have gone ill with Him For Peter had already raised people and appointed Commanders over them who were within three dayes to have beene at Vennes to have detained Him hearing by what meanes I cannot
Richard Buried The onely Memoriall that remaines thereof is the Stone Coffin his Body vvas buried in which now serves for a Trough for Horses to drinke in in a Neighbouring Village They say the Body being taken from thence was with much derision buried againe at the foote of Bow-Bridge in Leicester and many other things are said of it which I rather believe to bee the Peoples Invention then that there is any thing of Truth in them In Richard the Line masculine of the House of Yorke ceased some except Edward Plantagenet Earle of Warwicke Sonne to the Duke of Clarence whom I do not account upon since fifteene Yeares after Hee likewise died without any Heires Male As vvee shall see The End of the Eighth Booke The Ninth BOOK OF THE CIVIL WARS OF ENGLAND In the LIFE of Henry the Seventh OUr Discourse leading us to treat of the Occurrences of a Kingdom the Government whereof passed now from one Family to another it will be necessary to know what pretences the present King had to lay claim to the kingdom to the end there may remain no scruple touching the Justice or Injustice of the Alteration Henry the Seventh was by his Genealogie so remote from laying any claim to the Crown by right of Blood as the common opinion is he had no right at all thereunto His father Edmund Earl of Richmond was son to Owen Teuder and Queen Katherine the widow of Henry the fifth whose Houses had no affinity nor relation of Kinred to the House of Lancaster By his mothers side somewhat may be said for him since Margaret Countesse of Richmond onely daughter to the first Duke of Sommerset and grand-childe to Iohn Duke of Lancaster the father of Henry the fourth the first King of that House pretended that in case the then-present Succession should fail she and her son were to succeed as rightly descended from the said Iohn the father as well of the house of Sommerset as of that of Lancaster But this meets with two oppositions The one That the House of Lancaster had no right at all to the Crown The other That say it had the House of Sommerset did not partake therein though sprung from the same Head The reasons why the House of Lancaster had no pretence are these Henry the fourth usurped the Crown from Edmund Mortimer descended from Philippa daughter and heir to Lionel Duke of Lancaster elder brother to the Duke of Lancaster upon whom King Richard the second dying without sons as he did the Succession fell So as the usurpation having continued from father to son in Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth 't was impossible for them to transmit that right to Others which they Themselves had not That the House of Sommerset though the Other had had right did not partake therein is thus proved The Duke of Lancaster having had three wives Blanche Constance and Katharine the due claims of his children had by them were not the same forasmuch as concern'd Inheritance in respect of the several Dowries and different Qualities of the three mothers Blanche brought with her the Dutchy of Lancaster Constance the pretences to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon and Katharine nothing at all being but a meer Waiting-woman to the above-said Blanche So as if Henry the fourth and the daughters born of Blanche could not pretend to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon in prejudice to Katharine daughter to Constance nor Katharine to the Dukedom of Lancaster in prejudice of Henry the fourth and his sisters much lesse could the children of Katherine have any pretence at all in prejudice of the children by the former two wives unlesse what you will allow them meerly in respect of their Fathers Inheritance wherein must be considered their disadvantage of being the last born therefore not to enjoy the prerogative which the Laws give to the first-born To this may be added that they were born whilst Constance yet lived so as they were not onely Bastards but in such a degree as doth aggravate the condition they being on the Fathers side born in Adultery And though after the death of Constance he married Katharine which subsequent Marriage was made legitimate by the double legitimation both of Pope and Parliament yet they not being of the whole Blood the House of Sommerset had nothing to do with the House of Lancaster in what belonged to the Inheritance of the Crown their legitimation making them only capable of their Inheritance by the Father So as Henry the fourth being established in the kingdom by the Authority of Parliament and by the same Authority his sons such as should descend of them being declared his lawful Successors therein he in case his succession should fail made no mention at all of his Half-brothers or such as should descend from them So as let it be granted that his Usurpation was no longer an Usurpation it being allowed of by a Publike Act of Election yet had not the House of the Sommerset though descended from the same father the same pretence since not being able to pretend to the Dukedom of Lancaster much lesse could it pretend to the Crown the father having no pretence at all thereunto And if Henry his eldest son obtained the Crown it was by Purchase and so as none should enjoy after him but such descending from him as he should specifically name So as the Crown according to the Laws of England belonging to the House of York by the Marriage with Anne sister and heir to the aforesaid Edmund Mortimer there remains somewhat of doubt whether the Parliament could invest the House of Lancaster to the right of the Crown in prejudice to the first Mortimer and consequently to the House of York If it could not Then justly do it neither could it justly do it after Henry the Seventh's pretence unto the Crown and if it could do it in the same manner and by the same right as it did operate to the prejudice of Mortimer the House of York by making Henry the fourth King it might do the like to the prejudice of the House of Lancaster by making Edward the 4 King So as Henry the Seventh be it either by Election or by natural Descent is totally excluded from any right unto the Crown which exclusion notwithstanding rests onely in his Own Person not in those who have descended from him For having married Elizabeth the true Heir of the House of York his sons begotten upon her were true Heirs to the Crown And if in this particular we desire to be any thing favourable to him let us say that if the House of Lancaster had any such pretence it had it by the Mother who was Heir to the House of Sommerset and if the House of Sommerset be different from that of Lancaster so as he Thereby have no colour of Claim yet may he have it Another way being chosen King by the same power of Parliament as Henry the Fourth and Edward the 4 were
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father tâ—… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
into Cornewall as he had appointed for hearing that they were not totally appeased he thought it was not good to incite them any further To all the rest he gave a Generall Pardon so as in so scandalous a rebellion there were but Three that suffer'd those not being cast into the number which were slain in the Battell who perished rather by Fortune then by way of Punishment The King of Scotland hearing of this rebellion made use of it he went to besiege Norham Castle plundering the countrey This Castle belonged to Fox the Bishop of Durham who fore-seeing it would be besieged had doubly furnished it with all sorts of Munition causing the herds of Cattle what else might be helpful to the Enemy to be withdrawn into the greatest strengths The Earl of Surrey who was ready upon all occasions in Yorke-shire not far from thence hasted thither accompanied with good store of Souldiers the which when King Iames understood he with-drew himself and was pursued by the Earl who not able to over-take him sate down before Hayton Castle one of the strongest Castles between Barwick and Edenborough the which he quickly took and not meeting with any opposition he returned to Yorke-shire not doing any more these two actions having produced no matter of Note but the Preservation of One Castle and the winning of Another At this time came Pedro d' Aiala a man of praise-worthy conditions to Henry being sent Embassadour from Ferdinand and Isabel King and Queen of Castile The pretence of his Embassie was to compound the differences between Henry and the King of Scotland but the true cause was to negotiate a marriage between Katharine their second daughter and Prince Arthur My opinion is that these two wise Princes were cautious of entring into a busines of this nature till by this peace they might see Henries state setled for considering him to be a New King they did not a little weigh the machinations of an Impostour which being grounded upon the appearances though but of a False name were upheld by the King of Scotland who if he should forsake him they would soon vanish Henry willingly embraced the Offer being no way inclined to the unprofitable wars with Scotland by the cessation whereof two great advantages were to redound to him the one he would unkennell Perkin from out the Kingdom with hopes to get him into his power or else that wanting that leaning stock he might easily end the busines Himself the other his desire to reign in Peace being weary of so many molestations which rising one in the neck of another had always troubled him So as agreeing to whatsoever d' Aiala should treate of his Honour and all wherein it might be concern'd always preserved he suffer'd him to go into Scotland where having rough-cast the busines and perswaded the King to listen to Peace for his endeavours were seconded by the Counsel who favoured England he writ to Henry to send some discreat man who together with Him might end the busines with the Commissioners of Scotland The King gave his Commission to Fox Bishop of Durham who was then at Norham and sent him When they met together in Iedworth they could not agree by reason of many difficulties that arose Henry demanded to have Perkin delivered up unto him and Iames could not doe it without a great aspersition to his Honour for though he knew he was but a Iuggler yet having called him the Duke of Yorke made war in his name and married him to a neer kinswoman of his own the doing of it would injure his own Faith and Reputation On Henries behalfe was likewise demanded satisfaction for the Losse he had suffer'd and the Restitution of such Booty as had been taken from England which was impossible to be had the booty was disperst amongst the Souldiers and the King had not of his Own wherwith to give satisfaction for the Losses suffer'd it was more possible for the one to suffer the Losse then for the other to Repay it But all of them being met together with a Desire of Peace 't was easie to find a way to accommodation wherefore leaving off the Treaty til another time they agreed on a Truce upon condition that Perkin should be dismist Scotland The Kings were here withall contented Truce working the same effect King Iames calling Perkin to him shewed him that according to his promise he had done what lay in His power for him which He had not correspondently done in any thing he promised for having made him beleeve hee had a Party in England not so much as one man had appeared to side with him after Two attempts made that he the King had together with his person hazarded his Kingdom to a perpetual war The Scots would none of it neither would his Occasions permit it that he had reason to complain of none but of Himself who in a busines of so great importance had not cast up his accounts aright that the Emperour Arch-duke Dutchesse of Burgundy and the King of France had been faulty both to Himself and Him that he could not doe all of Himself whilest they far from Danger looked on from safe places without either dammage or expence though this were a sufficient cause yet should it not have been of force enough to have made him change his former resolution had there been any one that would have acknowledged him for the Duke of Yorke as there was none that would acknowledge him for so much as an English man Hee would no farther examine his Genealogy nor make himselfe Judge of anothers pretences whilest there is not any one that dreams much lesse beleeves him to be Sonne to Edward the fourth that hee had given him for wife a Noble Lady his neer kinswoman to the end the Scocs might be moved to favour him and the English might take courage to own him and if the second designe which depended on Him Perkin did not succeed well the first which depended on Him the King failed not that his Kingdom would have Peace which they could not have so long as He stayed in it that therefore it behooved him to be gone for having denied to Deliver him up to the King of England as was by the said King Demanded he could not deny to send him out of Scotland which should he not doe it would be contrary to the interests of One of them and repugnant to the affairs of the Other Hee told him Times did alter so as if hee were the man hee gave himself out to be it was impossible but the Time would bring the Truth to light that though Fortune were Powerfull yet was she not able to prevaile against a certain Truth if therefore his Pretence were such he could not want Friends and Furtherers if otherwise it behooved him to look to himself and to put on apparell fitting his condition Perkin though convinced seemed not to be so casting all his bad successe upon the Aversenesse of Fortune And
France and England Monyes were there Coyned with his stampe and the Armes of both the Kingdomes whilst Charles of more yeares but lesser power and excluded from the Metropolitane Citty possessed nothing on the other side the Loire save the Countries of Berry Forest Bourbonne Lyons and Auvergne the greatest part of Poictou and St. Onges did submit to him in consideration that the Nobility of those parts depended on him or else that they Neighbourd upon him these parts were reduc'd to such a point that one part of their Territories being under him the other under the English they were necessitated either by complying with the one faction to offend the other or else to declare themselves partiall for the one of them conformable to the intrest of their possessions On the other side of the River hee held the Countries of Mayne and Anjou some few places in Champagnia and Picardie being forced to tollerate the insolencies of his owne Souldiers for not being by reason of his poverty able to pay them they paid themselves by rapine and extortion upon the poore people afflicted and impoverished by all sides The Count de Fois had recovered Languedoc for him from the Prince of Orange and as for Guienne the Count Cominges by inclination and Count Arnigniac for hate to Burgony by reason of the Constable Arnigniacs ignominous Death in Paris neare his Bulwarkes All which effects proceeded from the Subjects love for who shall consider his undisolvable difficulties will find he could not possibly have overcome them without the resolv'd patience of those who did obey him who were constrained to indure not only Hostile injuries but likewise the injuries and rapine of such Souldiers as were their friends who being uncorrected and undisciplind were more of damage to them then was the Enemy hereunto may be added that they had no Prince of the bloud to uphold them The Dukes of Orleans and Burbon were Prisoners in England the Duke of Anjou resolute upon the recovery of the Kingdome of Naples and Burgony their inexorable Enemy but to dispute the contrary 't is likely that was not so much the love to Charles as the hatred to the English which made them willing to suffer so much for being but a yong Man about 22. yeares of age he could not have obliged them by benefits nor in those yeares have given such proofe of himself as to cause him to be desired 't is rather to be beleev'd that being born their presum'd King their desire to exclude the English was that which did only foment their affections All Nations do naturally abhorre being subjected one to another the diversity of Language Customes and Humours causing the reciprocall aversion and hatred which wee find in them and if there were no other reason for that it is a kind of wretchlesnes though not alwayes to be overcome by Strangers was a prevalent cause of making him be belov'd he being the Naile by which the other of the English Empiremust be driven out When Charles had understood his Fathers Death and caused his Obsequies to bee celebrated in Espalles a small Castle in Overgnie where he then chanc'd to be after one Dayes Mourning he caused him selfe to be solemnly proclaymed King and going from thence to Poictiers he was with Title of solemnity Crowned Reens a placeantiently destinated for that Ceremony was by the Enemy forbidden him so as France had now a divided Crowne not easie to be peiced together since two did equally intitle themselves King Whilst it was easie for Charles to peece the divided minds of such who either were not incumbred or wavering in Burgony's faction whence it insued that to preserve what the English had wonne or to augment it depended now no more upon the hope of ayd from France but upon the proper strength and Councell of England upon Councell that they might keepe Philip firme unto them for friends by reason of their passions are changeable upon strength since the obstacles which dayly increased by the going over of so many to the adverse party were by no other meanes to be removed After the two Kings Death skirmishes were made in all parts wherin certaine petty places were taken and retaken not worthy to be mention'd in story The Pariseans had sent a solemne Embassy into England to require speedy succour against the injuries done by Charles The English Writers say this Embassy was sent to cloake under this pretended zeale the treason which they were a hatching how to yeild themselves up unto him which whether it were so or no cannot absolutely be sayd but Du Pleis perverting the times and mentioning the Conspiracy before the Embassy augments the suspition they were sent back loaded with promises the effect wherof the English did better make good then did the Parisians their Faith Charles was by this time come to Rochell being somwhat startled at some forces raysed by the Duke of Brittany beleeving it to be done to his prejudice and contrary to what was lately agreed on betweene them during his Fathers Life where sitting in Councell part of the Chamber fell downe which with certaine others indamag'd Iohn of Burbonne Seigneur de Preaux he himselfe being in evident danger had he not beene suddenly drawne from thence At this time hapned the surprizall of Ponte de Melone under the Conduct of Iohn de Greiville who slew as many English as he found there as likewise their punishment who trusting upon the Duke of Bedfords absence had appointed time and place for Charles his People to enter Paris a plot which very well might have succeeded had not the Duke by his making hast hindred them for comming upon them with good forces unexpectedly he put many of them to Death some few escaping by flight and now no longer trusting them he put strong Garrisons into the Citty and parts adjacent wherof some yeilded themselves and some he tooke in He sent for the recovery of Ponte de Melone Thomas Mountaigue Earle of Salisbury a man according to the witnes of such Writers as are not English to be compared to whosoever of the Antient Romans and together with him the Earle of Suffolke the Lord Scales the younger Lord Poinings and many others This place was beseiged all Ianuary and February those which were within the Towne defending themselves valiantly upon the hope of succour which to the number of 6000 was Musterd together upon the confines of the Dutchy of Berry under the conduct of the Count d'Omale Count de Buchane and the Vicount of Narbone but being come within 6 Leagues of the Enemy and ordered in Battell array there fell such disorder amongst them that they return'd disbanded the greatest part of them being defeated by the English which were at Chartres and thereabouts the which when those of the Towne understood they grew into such a fury as throwing downe in the sight of the Enemy Charles his Collours which were set upon the Gates they tore them in peeces as also