in and answer and forejudged of the same by way of Law and if any thing be done against the same it shall be redressed and holden for nought 37 Ed. 3. cap. 10. although it be contained in the great Charter that no man be taken or imprisoned or put out of his freehold without due processe of the law neverthelesse divers persons make false suggestions to the King himself as well for malice as otherwise whereof the King is often grieved and divers of the Realm put in great damages contrary to the form of the same Statute Wherefore it is ordained that all they that make such suggestions be sent with their suggestions to the Chancellour or Treasurer and they and every of them find sureties to pursue their suggestions and endure the same pain that the other should have had if in case that his suggestion be found untrue and that then processe of the law be made against them without being taken or imprisoned against the form of the same Charter and other statutes So that it appears by these severall statutes that such commandments of the King as are grounded upon suggestion either made to himself or to his Councell for the imprisonment of a man are against the law Fourthly I find that there is a commandment of the King which is made under his hand with his signet for in the fourth and the fifth of Philip and Mary Dier 162. where the statute of 1 Rich. 2. cap. 11. restraineth the Warden of the Fleet for letting any man at large that is in upon judgement at the suit of any man except it be by writ or other commandment of the King It was doubted whether the Queen by letter under her hand and privy signet doth give commandment to the Warden of the Fleet to suffer a man that is there in execution to go about his businesse or the affaires of the Queen whether this be a warrantable command or not within the Statute and the Law hath alwayes been conceived upon that book that such a commandment is not warrantable by Law and if such a command will not serve the turn to give unto a man his liberty which the Lord favoureth and had the countenance of an Act of Parliament for the doing of it then I conceive it should be a more strong case the King should not have power by his commandment to imprison a man without due processe of the Law and restrain him of his liberty when there had been so many Acts of Parliament made for the liberty of the subjects Fifthly I do find that there is the commandment of the King which is by his writ under the Great Seal or the seal of the Court out of which it issueth Regist. f. 69. 70. in the writ de cautione admittenda I find the words mandatum Regis expounded to be breve Regis for the writ goeth Rex vic Salutem Cum nuper ad requisitionem S. de Isle Canonici Lincol. venerabilis Patris H. Lincoln Episcopi ipso in remotis agente Vicarii general per Literas suas patentes nobis significantis Nicho. B. dict Lincoln Dioc. propter manifestam contumaciam Authoritate ipsius Episcopi Ordinar excommunicat esse nec si velle c. vobis praeceperimus quod praefat c. satisfactum ex parte ipsius N. qui virtute mandati nostri praedict per vos Capt. in Prison nostra de Newgate detent existit c. nos nolentes quod praefat N. per breve nostrum praedict via praecludatur c. prosequi possit in forma Iuris maxim c. integer esse debeat vobis praecipimus quod scire c. quod sit c. quare praedict N. à Prisona praedict deliberari non debeat Rex Iusticiar suis de Banco salut Cum nos nuper ad significationem S. de Isle c. usque ibi excommunicat extitisse nec se velle c. esset satisfactum ex parte ipsius N. virtute mandati nostri praed capt in Prisona nostra de Newgate tunc detenti c. nolentes eo praetextu praefato N. per breve nostrum praed via praecludat quo minus appellac suae negotium c. processerat appellant statut c. per breve nostrum praeceperimus praefat vic quod scire facerent c. signific consult circumspect in Placitis per breve praedict coram vobis pendentibus procedere valeatis secundum legem consuetudinem Regni nostri Stamf. 72.5 E. 3. c. 8. 1 E. c. 3.9 saith that every Capias in a personall action is a Commandment of the King for it is Praecipimus tibi quod capias c. and yet the defendant as there it is said is replevisable by the Common Law 7 R. 20. a. Calvins case saith that there are two kind of writs viz. brevia mandatoria remedialia brevia mandatoria non remdeialia breuia mandatoria remedialia are writs of Right Formedon c. debts trespasses and shortly all writs reall and personall whereby the party wronged is to recover somewhat and to be remedied for that wrong which is done unto him Sixthly I do finde by our books of Law and by the Register that this speciall mandatum domini Regis is expounded to be his writ and that the Law taketh no notice of any other speciale mandatum then by this writ the which being so when the return is made that he is imprisoned and detained in prison by the speciall commandment of the King how can the Court adjudge upon this return that Sir Iohn Corbet ought to be kept in prison and not to be bailed when the nature of the speciall commandment is not set forth in the return whereby it may appear unto the Court that he is not bailable In Bracton c. 12.112 you shall see a writ reciting Praecipimus tìbi quod non implacites nec implacitari permittas talem de libero tenemento suo in tali villa sine speciali praecepto nostro vel Capitalis Iusticiar nostri And the reason of it there is given quia nemo de libero tenemento sine brevi sive libello conventionali nisi gratis voluerit respondebit So as the exception of speciall commandment by the very book appeareth to be breve sive libellus conventionalis Regist. 271. the writ of Manucaption goeth in this manner Rex vic Salut Cum nuper assignaverimus dilectos fideles nostros A. B. C. D. ad inquisitiones de forstallariis transgressionibus contra formam statuti dudum apud Winton editi in com tuo faciend ad illos quos inde culpabiles invenirent capiend in Prisona nostra salvo custod faciend donec aliud inde praecepissemus quod C. D. E. pro hujusmodi forstallamentis transgressionibus unde coram praefat A. B. C. indict fuerint capt in Prisona de L. detent exist à qua delibera ri non possunt sine mandato nostro
the Commons were in force and that Magna Charta did extend most properly to the King But he said First that some of them are in generall words and therefore conclude nothing but are to be expounded by the Presidents and others that be more particular are applyed to the suggestions of Subjects and not to the Kings Command simplie of it self Hereunto was answered That the Statutes were as direct as could be which appeareth by the reading of them and that though some of them speak of suggestions of the Subject yet others do not and those that do are as effectuall for that they are in equall reason a commitment by Command of the King being of as great force when it moveth by a suggestion from a Subject as when the King takes notice of the cause himself the rather for that Kings seldome intermeddle with matters of this nature but by information from some of their Subjects Secondly M r Attorney objected that per legem terrae in Magna Charta which is the foundation of this Question cannot be understood for processe of the Law and originall Writs for that in all Criminall proceedings no originall Writ is used at all but every Constable may arrest either for fellony or for breach of the peace or to prevent a breach of the peace without processe or originall Writ and it were hard the King should not have the power of a Constable the Statutes cited by the Commons make processe of the Law and Writ originall to be all one The answer of the Commons to this Objection was That they do not intend originall Writs only by the Law of the Land but all other legall processe which comprehends the whole proceedings of Law upon Cause other then the triall by Jurie Iudicium parium unto which it is opposed Thus much is imported ex vitermini out of the word processe and by the true acceptation thereof in the Statutes which have been urged by the Commons to maintain their Declaration and most especially in the Statute 25. E. 3. cap. 4. where it appeareth that a man ought to be brought into answer by the course of the Law having former mention made of processe made by originall Writ And in 28. E. 3. cap. 3. by the course of the Law is rendered by due processe of the Law and 36. E. 3. Rot. Parl. num 20. the Petition of the Commons saith That no man ought to be imprisoned by speciall Command without Indictment or other due processe to be made by the Law 37. E. 3. cap. 18. calleth the same thing Processe of the Law 42. E. 3. cap. 3. stileth it by due processe and Writ originall where the conjunctive must be taken for the disjunctive which change is ordinary in the exposition of the Statutes and Deeds to avoid inconvenience to make it stand with the rest and with reason And it may be collected that by the Law of the Land in Magna Charta by the Course of the Law in 25. E. 3. by due processe of the Law in 28. E. 3. other due processe to be made by the Law in 36. E. 3. processe of the Law 37. E. 3. and by due processe and originall Writ in 42. E. 3. are meant one and the same thing the latter of these Statutes referring alwayes to the former and that all of them import any due and regular proceeding of Law upon a Cause other then the triall by Jury And this doth appeare in Coke 10.74 in the case of the Marshalsey and Coke 11.99 Iames Bagg's case where it is understood of giving Jurisdiction by Charter or prescription which is the ground of a proceeding by course of Law and in Selden's Notes on Fortescue fol. 29. where it is expounded for Law wager which is likewise a triall at Law by the oath of the partie differing from that by Jurie And it doth truly comprehend these and all other regular proceedings in Law upon Cause which gives authoritie to the Constable to arrest upon Cause And if this should not be the true exposition of these words per begem terrae the Kings Councell were desired to declare their meaning which they never offered to do and yet certainly these words were not put into the Statute without some intention of consequence Whereupon M r Serjeant Ashley offered an interpretation of them thus Namely that there were divers Lawes of this Realme as the Common Law the Law of the Chauncerie the Ecclesiasticall Law the Law of the Admiraltie or Marine Law the Law of Merchants the Martiall Law and the Law of State and that these words per legem terrae do extend to all those Lawes The answer To this it was answered that we read of no Law of State and that none of these Lawes can be meant there save the Common Law which is the principall and generall Law and is alwayes understood by way of excellency when mention is made of the Law of the Land generally and that though each of the other Lawes which are admitted into this Kingdome by Custome or Act of Parliament may justly be called a Law of the Land yet none of them can have the preeminence to be stiled the Law of the Land And no Statute Law-book or other Authoritie printed or unprinted could be shewen to prove that the Law of the Land being generally mentioned was ever intended of any other Law then the Common Law and yet even by these other Lawes a man may not be committed without a cause expressed But it standeth with the rule of other legall expositions that per legem terrae must be meant the Common Law which is the generall and universall Law by which men hold their inheritances And therefore if a man speak of Escuage generally it is understood as Littleton observeth of the incertain Escuage which is a Knights-Service Tenure for the defence of the Realm by the body of the Tenant in time of warre and not of the certain Escuage which giveth only a contribution in money and no personall service And if a Statute speakes of the Kings Courts of Record it is meant only of the 4 at Westm. by way of excellency Coke 6.20 Gregorie's Case So the Canonists by the excommunication simplie spoken do intend the greater excommunication and the Emperour in his Institutions saith that the Civil Law being spoken generally is meant of the Civil Law of Rome though the Law of every City is a Civil Law as when a man names the Poet the Grecians understood Homer the Latinists Virgil. Secondly admit that per legem terrae extends to all the Lawes of the Realm yet a man must not be committed by any of them but by the due proceedings that are exercised by those Lawes and upon a Cause delivered Again it was urged that the King was not bound to expresse the cause of imprisonment because there may be in it matter of State not fit to be revealed for a time lest the Confederates thereupon make meanes to escape the hands
also to the Nobles and their honourable Progenies to the Bishops and Clergie and their successours to all persons of what condition or sex or age soever to all Judges Officers c. whose attendance are necessary c. without exception of any person Fifth generall reason The fifth is drawn from the indefinitnesse of time the pretended power being limited to no time may be perpetuall during life Sixth generall reason The sixth à damno dedecore from the losse and dishonour of the English Nation in 2 respects First for their valour and prowesse so famous through the whole world Secondly for their industry for who indeavours to apply himself in any profession either of warre liberall science or merchandise c. if he be but Tennant at will of his Liberty And no Tennant at will will support or improve any thing because he hath no certain estate And thus it should be both dedecus and damnum to the English Nation and it should be no honour to the King to be King of slaves Seventh generall reason The seventh is drawn ab utili inutili for that it appeareth by the statute of 36. E. 3. That the execution of the statute of Magna Charta 5. E. 3.25 E. 3. are adjudged in Parliament to be for the profit of the King and of his people Rot. Parl. 36. E. 3. num 9. 20. And therefore this pretended power being against the profit of the King and of his people can be no more part of this prerogative Eighth generall reason The eighth generall reason is drawn à tuto for it is safe for the King to expresse the cause of the commitment 1. E. 2. de frang prison stat unt pasche 18. E. 3. rot 33. coram Rege Bildestons case rot Parl. 28 H. 6. nu 16. Acts Apost cap. 25. v. the last and dangerous for him to omit it for if any be committed without expressing the cause though he escape albeit the truth be it were for treason or felony yet the escape is neither felony nor treason But if the cause be expressed to be for suspition of treason or felony then the escape albeit he be innocent is treason or felony Ninth generall reason The ninth generall reason is drawn from the authorities 16. H. 6. tit Monstrans defaits 182. by the whole Court the King in his presence cannot command one to be arrested but an action of false imprisonment lieth against him that arresteth 22. H. 6.46 Newton 1. H. 7.4 the opinion of Markham Chief Justice to E 4. and the reason because the party hath no remedy Fortescue cap. 18. proprio ore nullus Regum usus est c. to commit any man c. 4. Eliz. Plowd Com. 236. the common Common Law hath so admeasured the Kings prerogative as he cannot prejudice any man in his inheritance and the greatest inheritance a man hath is the Liberty of his person for all other are necessary to it Major haereditas venit unicuique nostrum à jure legibus quam à parentibus 25. E. 1. ca. 2. Confirm Cart. all judgements given against Magna Charta are void Objections Upon Conference with the Lords the objections were made by the Kings Attorney First object That these resolutions of the House were incompatible with a Monarchy that must govern by the state Bracton Answ. Whereunto it was answered that nihiltam proprium est imperii quam legibus vivere And again Attribuat Rex legi quodlex attribuat c. viz. dominationem imperium quia sine lege non potest esse Rex It can be no more prejudice to the King by reason of matter of state for if it be for suspition of treason misprision of treason or felony it may be by generall words expressed viz. pro suspitione proditionis 2 object To blind those that are committed one cause must be pretended and another intended especially when it toucheth matter of state Answ. Whereunto it was answered that all dissimulation especially in the course of Justice was to be avoided and soundnesse of truth to take place and therefore David that was both a King and a Prophet prayed to Almighty God against dissimulation in these words Lord send me a sound heart in thy statutes that I be not ashamed where sound in the originall signifieth upright without dissimulation and shame followeth dissimulation when the truth is known Third object If a Rebell be attainted in Ireland and his children for safety and for matter of state be kept in the Tower what shall be returned upon the Habeas Corpus Whereunto It was answered First that their imprisonment might be justified if they could not find good sureties for their good behaviour Secondly It was charity to find them meat drink and apparell that by the Attainder of their father had nothing Fourth object Though his Majesty expresseth no cause yet it must be intended that there was a just cause Answ. De non apparentibus de non existentibus eadem ratio Fifth object First The King in stead of gold or silver may make money currant of any base metall Secondly He may make warres at his pleasure Thirdly He may pardon whom he will Fourthly He may make denizens as many as he will and these were said to be greater priviledges then this in question Answ. To the first it is denyed that the King may make money currant of base metal but it ought to be gold or silver Secondly It was answered admitting the King might do it his losse and charge was more then of his Subjects both in the case of money and in the case of warre The pardon was private out of grace and no man had dammage or loss by it so of the making of denizens the King was only the looser viz. to have single custome where he had double Thirdly it was a non sequitur The King may do these things ergo he may imprison at will Your Lordships are advised by them that cannot be daunted by fear nor misled by affection reward or hope of preferment that is of the dead By ancient and many Acts of Parliament in the point besides Magna Charta which hath been 30 times confirmed and commanded to be put in execution wherein the Kings of England have thirty times given their Royall assent Secondly Judiciall Presidents per vividas rationes manifest and apparant reasons we in the house of Commons have upon great studie and serious consideration made a grand manifesto unanimously nullo contradicente concerning this great Liberty of the subject and have vindicated and recovered the body of this fundamentall Liberty both of your Lordships of our selves from shadowes which some time of the day are long sometimes short and sometimes long again and therefore no Judges are to be led by them Your Lordships are involved in the same danger and therefore ex congruo condigno we desire a conference to the end your Lordships might make the like declaration as we
Petition of Right but our rights themselves for the addition being referred to each part of the Petition will necessarily receive this construction That none ought to be compelled to make any guift loan or such like charge without common consent or Act of Parliament unless it be by the Soveraign power with which the King is trusted for the protection safety and happiness of his people That none ought to be compelled to sojourn or billet Souldiers unless by the same Soveraign power and so of the rest of the Rights contained in the Petition And then the most favourable construction will be that the King hath an ordinary Prerogative and by that he cannot impose Taxes or Imprison That is he cannot impose Taxes at his will to imploy them as he pleaseth that he hath an extraordinary and transcendent Soveraign power for the protection and happiness of his people and for such purpose he may impose Taxes or billet Souldiers as he pleaseth and we may assure our selves that hereafter all Loans Taxes and billeting of Souldiers will be said to be for the protection safety and happiness of the people Certainly hereafter it will be conceived that an House of Parliament would not have made an unnecessary addition to this Petition of Right and therefore it will be resolved that the addition hath relation to the Petition which will have such operation as I have formerly declared and I the rather fear it because the late Loan and Billeting have been declared to have been by Soveraign power for the good of our selves and if it be doubtfull whether this proposition hath reverence to the Petition or not I know not who shall Judge whether Loans or Imprisonments hereafter be by that Soveraign power or not A Parliament which is made a body of several wits and may be dissolved by one Commission cannot be certain to decide this question We cannot resolve that that the Judges shall determine the words of the Kings Letter read in this House expressing the cause of Commitment may be such that the Judges have not capacity of Judicature no rules of Law to direct guide their Judgements in cases of that transcendent nature the Judges then and the Judgements are easily conjectured It hath been confessed by the Kings Councel that the Statute of Magna Charta bindes the King and his Soveraign power cannot be divided from himself If then the Statute of Magna Charta bindes the King it bindes his Soveraign power if to the Petition these words be added the exposition then must be that the Statute of Magna Charta binds the Kings Soveraign power Saving the Kings Soveraign power I shall endevour to give some answer to the reasons given by the Lords The first is that it is the intention of both Houses to maintain the just Liberty of the Subject and not to diminish the just power of the King and therefore the expression of that intention in this Petition cannot prejudice us which I answer First that our intention was and is as we then professed and no man can assign any particuler in which we have done to the contrary Neither have we any way transgressed in that kinde in this Petition and if we make this addition to the Petition it would give some intimution that we have given cause or colour of offence therein which we deny and which if any man conceive so that he would assign the particuler that we may give an answer thereunto By our Petition we onely desire our particuler Rights and Liberties to be confirmed to us and therefore it is not proper for us in it to mention Soveraign power in general being altogether impertinent to the matter in the Petition There is a great difference between the words of the addition and the words proposed therein for reason viz. between just power which may be conceived to be limmitted by Laws and Soveraign power which is supposed to be transcendent and boundless The second reason delivered by their Lordships was that the King is Soveraign That as he is Soveraign he hath power and that that Soveraign power is to left for my part I would leave it so as not to mention it but if it should be expressed to be left in this Petition as it is proposed it must admit something to be left in the King of what we pray or at least admit some Soveraign power in his Majestie in these Priviledges which we claim to be our Right which would frustrate our Petition and destroy our Right as I have formerly shewed The third reason given from this addition was that in the statute Articuli super Chartas there is a saving of the right and seigniory of the Crown To which I give these answers That Magna Charta was confirmed above 30 times and a general saving was in none of these Acts of confirmation but in this onely and I see no cause we should follow one ill and not 30 good Presidents and the rather because that saving produced ill effects that are well known That saving was by Acts of Parliament The conclusion of which Act is that in all those Cases the King did will and all those that were at the making of that Ordinance did intend that the Right and Seigniory of the Crown should be saved By which it appears that the saving was not in the Petition of the Commons but added by the King for in the Petition the Kings will is no expressed In that Act the King did grant and depart with to his people divers Rights belonging to his prerogative as in the first Chapter he granted that the people might choose three Men which might have power to hear and determine complaints made against those that offended in any point of Magna Charta though they were the Kings officers and to fine and ransome them and in the 8.12 and 19. Chapter of that Statute the King departed with other prerogatives and therefore there might be some reason of the adding of that Soveraign by the Kings Councel But in this Petition we desire nothing of the Kings Prerogative but pray the enjoying of our propper and undoubted Rights and Priviledges and therefore there is no cause to add any words which may imply a saving of that which concerns not the matter in the Petition The 4. reason given by their Lordships was that by the mouth of our Speaker we have this Parliament declared that it was far from our intention to incroach upon his Majesties Prerogative and that therefore it could not prejudice us to mention the same resolution in an addition to this Petition To which I answer that that declaration was a general answer to a Message from his Majestie to us by which his Majestie expressed that he would not have his Prerogative streitned by any new explanation of Magna Charta or the rest of the Statutes and therefore that expression of our Speakers was then propper to make it have reference to this Petition there being nothing therein
Throne sit the Lights of Justice your grave Iudges and Sages of the Law learned and just as many Ages have known and learning justice by your example Our Lawes as excellent as they are I am sure no humane Lawes excell them nor could so well suite with the constitution of this People were they in the power of corrupt or ignorant men I know not which were worse for one will perhaps oftner erre then the other bribe Justice could never keep her right chanel nor runne cleare as in your Majestie 's reigne it ever hath I must not forget the other Lights the Knights Citizens and Burgesses the Representative of their Estate who although they move lower and at more distance from your royall Person yet I am confident will ever be found constant to the Poles of Love and Loyaltie 'T is a gracious Favour of your Majestie and our former Kings I have often thought on that when both these Houses are humble suitors for any thing they are never denyed Le Roy s'aviserà The King will advise of it is the greatest denyall And I assure my self your Majestie shall finde all your Subjects so full of dutie to your Crown and of true and loyall affection to your royall Person that you shall never have cause to think your gracious Favours ill bestowed on them The Union of Hearts Sir is a greatnesse beyond that of the Kingdome to which you are Heire Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos it is a Name of advantage to this Island if the Division be not amongst our selves which the God of Unitie for his mercies sake forbid and so knit our Hearts in love one to another and all of us in duty and loyalty to your most excellent Majestie that this renowned Island perish not by our Distractions but may ever flourish and be like Ierusalem the Citie of God where his Name may be for ever honoured Great and glorious have been the Actions of your royal Predecessours yet greater remaine for your Majestie and most of theirs attend you for their perfection The first Christian King of Europe the first that abated the swelling pride of Rome by banishing his usurped power and God's true Vice-gerent the first that established the true Religion now profest were all Kings of England and the last a young one Queen Elizabeth was a woman yet Spaine hath cause to remember her the Protestants of France and the Low-Countries will never forget her And were Henry the Great alive he would say That in requitall of the love of this Kingdome shewed him he hath sent us one of his owne Loynes your royall Consort our most gracious Queen to propagate these blessings to us and our posteritie for ever Your royall Father of ever blessed and famous memorie had a Reigne like Solomon's for Religion no man knew more a lustre or advantage to him this Age shall deliver it to the next and all Ages shall see it in his Kingly Workes But while under his glorious Reigne we abode in peace and plenty our hands had forgot to warre and our fingers to fight till at last by your Princely mediation upon the humble suite of both these Houses the two Treaties were dissolved and a foundation laid for your Majestie to restore us to our antient and Military honour which I doubt not will quickly be Eritis sicut Dii was the Serpent's Counsell and ruined Mankinde nor is it fit for private men much lesse for me to search into the Counsells or Actions of Kings Onely Sir give me leave from an heart full of zeale to your glorie and greatnesse to say to your Majestie the Times require you Religion calls upon you to goe on with that Kingly Courage you have begune till the state of Christendome be settled in the right Balance again We see how the Eagle spreads his wings in Germany reaching with his talons as farre as the Sound and Baltick sea Denmark and Sweden in danger of utter ruine by seizing the Electorates the choice of the Empire invested in a manner solely in the House of Austria Our Religion in France and every where never so neare a period And we know who it is for whom all this works he of whom the boast is made Allà qui Monarqui nasciendo d'el monendo who by the ruine of us and our Religion will make a new Zodiack and draw an Ecliptick line through the East and West Indies But he that sits on high will in his good time laugh them to scorne and as that wife Woman said to King David God will make to my Lord the King a sure house if my Lord shall continue to fight the battels of Iehovah and let all England say Amen I have presumed too farre upon your royall Patience and therefore I will conclude with a few words for them that sent me who are humble suitours to your excellent Majestie First for our better attending the publick and important services that our selves and our necessary Attendants may be free both in our persons and goods from all arrests and troubles according to our ancient priviledge and immunities Next that since that in all great Councells where difference of opinion is truth is best discovered by free debates your Majestie according to our like ancient use and priviledge will be graciously pleased to allow us liberty and freedome of speech and I assure my self we shall not passe the latitude of duty and discretion That upon all occurrences of moment fit for resort to your owne person your Majestie upon humble suit at your best leisure will vouchsafe us accesse to your royall person And lastly that all our proceedings being lodged in your royall heart with belief of our zeal and loyalty we may reap the fruits of it by your Majestie 's gracious and favourable interpretation One word more I humbly begg for myself That though it be the beginning of a Parliament I may now and ever enjoy your Majestie 's most gracious and generall free Pardon The Lord Keeper Coventry's second Reply M r. Speaker HIs Majestie with no lesse content then attention hath heard your learned Discourse he observes your beginning with his gracious incouragement and advice not forsaking your humble modestie but adding to it thankfulnesse alacrity and joy of heart a just and right temper He observes you derive these aright first from the Throne in heaven he lookes thither with you and joynes in prayer that both you and all this Assemblie by that Divine hand and power be moulded and procured for the honour safety and good of the Church and Kingdome Next you apply your self to the Throne on earth his Majestie doth graciously accept your protestations of the truth of your heart the fulnesse of your zeale and duty to his Majestie and the Publick he believes it and that not in you alone but in all this Assembly so that you are secure not onely from wilfull and pregnant errours but from doubt of sinister interpretation My Lord the
But yet our Eden in this garden of the Common-wealth as there are the flowers of the Sun which are so glorious that they are to be handled onely by royall Majestie so are there also some Daisies and wholsome herbs which every common hand that lives and labours in this garden may pick and gather up and take comfort and repose in them Amongst all which this oculus diei this bona libertas is one and the cheif one Thus much in all humblenesse I presume to speak for the occasion I will now descend to the Question wherein I hold with all dutifull submission to better Iudgments that these Acts of power in imprisoning and confining of his Majesties Subjects in such manner without any declaration of the cause are against the fundamentall Lawes and Liberties of this Kingdome And for these reasons thus briefly drawn I conclude 1. The first from the great favour which the Law doth give unto and the great care which it hath ever taken of the liberty and safety of this Kingdome I should not need to take the question in pieces nor handle it in parts dividedly but as one intire because I hold no other difference between imprisonment and confinement then only this that one hath a lesse and streighter the other a greater and larger Prison And this word Confinement not being to be found in any one case of our law if therefore it is become the language of State it is too difficult for me to define To proceed therefore in maintenace of my first reason I find our Law doth so much favour the Subjects liberty of his Person that the body of a man was not liable to be arrested or imprisoned for any other cause at the Common Law but for force and things done against the peace For the Common Law being the preserver of the land so abhorreth force that those that commit it she accompts her capitall enemies therefore did subject their bodies to imprisonment But by the statute of Marlebridge Cap. 24. which was made 35. Hen. 3. who was the eighth King from the Conquest because Bailiffs would not render accounts to their Lords it was enacted that their bodies should be attached And afterwards by the statute 23. Edw. 3.17 who was the 11 King after the Conquest because men made no Conscience to pay their debts it was enacted that their bodies should likewise be attached But before those statutes no many body was subject to be taken or imprisoned otherwise then as aforesaid Whereby it is evident how much the Common Law favoured the Liberty of the Subject and protected his body form imprisonment I will inforce the reason futher by a Rule in law and some cases in Law upon that Rule The Rule is this That Corporalis injuria non recipit aestimationem fuluro So as if the question be not for a wrong done to the person the Law will not compell him to sustain it and afterwards except a remedy for the Law holds no damage a sufficient recompence for a wrong which is corporall The cases in Law to prove this rule shall be these If one menace me in my goods or that he will burn the evidence of my land which he hath in his custody unlesse I make unto him a Bond there I cannot avoyd the Bond by pleading of this menace But if he restrains my person or threatens me with battery or with burning my house which is a protection for my person or with burning an instrument of manumission which is an evidence of my enfranchisement upon these menaces these or dares I shall avoid the bond by plea. So if a Trespassour drives my beast over another Mans ground and I pursue to rescue it there I am a Trespassour to him on whose ground I am But if a man assault my person and I for my safety fly over into another man's ground there I am no Trespassour to him for Quod quis in tuitione sui corporis fecerit jure id fecisse existimatur Nay which is more the Common Law did favour the Liberty not only of Freemen but even of the persons of Bondmen and Villains who haue no right of propriety either in lands or goods as Freemen have And therefore by the Law the Lord could not maim his Villain nay if the Lord commanded another to beat his Villain and he did it the Villain should have his action of Battery against him for it If the Lord made a Lease for yeares to his Villain if he did plead with his Villain if he tendred his Villain to be Champion for him in a Writt of Right any of those acts and many other which I omit were in Law infranchisements and made these Villains Freemen Nay in a suite brought against one if he by Attorney will pleade that he is a Villain the Law is so carefull of Freedome that it dissallowes this plea by Attorny but he must doe it propria persona because it binds his Posterity and bloud to the Villains also And thus much in the generall for my first reason 2. My next reason is drawn by an Argument à majori ad minus I frame it thus If the King have no absolute power over our Lands or Goods then à fortiori not over our Persons to imprison them without declaring the cause for our Persons are much more worth then either Lands or Goods which is proved by what I have said already and Christ himself makes it clear where he saith An non est corpus supra vestimentum Is not the Body more worth then Raiment where the Canonists say that Vestimentum comprehendeth all outward things which are not in the same degree with that which is corporall And our Law maketh it also plain for if a Villain purchase Frank-land this maketh it Villain-land according to the nature of his person but it holds not è converso Frank-land shall not free the person Now that the King hath no absolute power either over our Lands or Goods I will onely at this time but put a case or two for without proof of the Premisses my Conclusion would not follow First for Land The King cannot by his Letters pattents make the son of an Alien heir to his father nor to any other for he cannot disinherit the right heir saith the book nor do no prejudice to the Lord of his Escheat The King by his Prerogative shall pay no toll for things bought in Fairs and Markets but a custome for paying toll to go over the soil and free-holds of another shall bind the King for this toucheth the inheritance of the Subject and therefore the King shall not have so much as a way over his lands without paying and if not a way then certainly not the land it self Next for Goods If a man hath a Jewell in gage for ten pound c. and is attainted for Treason the King shall not have this Jewell if he payes not the ten pound So if Cattel be distreined and the owner of them
That divisions have weakned our party and our attempts united the two greatest Princes of Christendome against us whom we have provoked That the State is desperately diseased and this Parliament the way that it may yet be recovered if soveraigne and proper remedies be speedily applyed 1. To trust the King whose Kingly nature is to yield it prevails 2. To supply the King and that without condition which is fewel of Jealousie 3. To present our grievances to his Majesty personall and reall humbly moderately and briefly 4. To do all this speedily and in order whereby the King may be strengthened the Kingdome recovered our Allies relieved and the Laws and Liberties of the Subject preserved in a legall propriety for he that is not master of his goods dwells not at home Sir Robert Philips his Speech March 22. 1627. Mr. Speaker I Reade of a custome amongst the old Romans that once every year they had a solemn Feast for their Slaves at which they had liberty without exception to speak what they would thereby to ease their afflicted minds which being finished they severally returned to their former Servitude This may with some resemblance and distinction well set forth our present state where now after the revolution of some time and grievous sufferance of many violent oppressions we have as those Slaves had a day of liberty of speech but shall not I trust be hereafter slaves for we are free yet what new illegall proceedings our states and persons have suffered under my heart yearns to think my tongue falters to utter They have been well represented by divers worthy Gentlemen before me yet one and the maine as I conceive hath not been touched which is our Religion Religion M r. Speaker made vendible by Commission and men for pecuniary annuall rates dispenced withall whereby Papists may without feare of Law practice Idolatry For the Oppressions under which we grone I draw them into two heads Acts of Power against Law and Judgements of Law against our Liberty Of the first sort are strange instructions violent exactions of money thereupon imprisonment of the persons of such who to deliver over to posteritie the liberty they have received from their Fore-fathers and lawfully were in possession of refused so to lend and this aggravated by reason of the remedilesse continuance and length thereof and chiefly the strange vast and unlimited power of our Lieutenants and their Deputies in billetting of Souldiers in making rates in granting warrants for taxes as their discretions shall guide them and all against the Law These last are the most insupportable burthens that at this present afflict our poor Country and the most cruel oppression that ever yet the Kingdome of England endured These upstart Lieutenants of whom perhaps in some cases and times there may be good use being regulated by Law are the worst of grievances and the most forward and zealous executioners of those violent and unlawfull courses which have been commended unto them Of whose proceedings and for the qualifying of whose unruly power it is more then time to consult and determine Judgements of Law against our Liberty have been three each latter stepping forwarder then the former upon the right of the Subject aiming in the end to tread and trample under foot our Law and that in the form of Law The first was the Judgement of the Post-nati whereby a Nation which I heartily love for their singular zeal in our Religion and their spirit to preserve our Liberties far beyond many of us is made capable in any the like favours priviledges and immunities as our selves enjoy and this specially argued in the Exchequer Chamber by all the Judges of England The second was the Judgement upon the impositions in the Exchequer Court by the Barons which hath been the source and fountain of many bitter waters of affliction unto our Merchants The third was that fatall late Judgement against the Liberty of the Subject imprisoned by the King argued and pronounced but by one alone I can live although another without title be put to live with me nay I can live although I pay excises and impositions more then I doe but to have my Liberty which is the soul of my life taken from me by power and to have my body pent up in a gaole without remedy by Law and to be so adjudged Oh improvident Ancestors Oh unwise Fore-fathers to be so curious in providing for the quiet possession of our Laws and the Liberties of Parliament and to neglect our Persons and Bodies and to let them ly in prison and that durante bâ—neplacito remedilesse If this be Law what do we talk of Liberties why do we trouble our selves with the dispute of Law franchises propriety of goods and the like What may any man call his if not Liberty I am weary in treading these waies and conclude to have a select Committee deputed to frame a Petition to his Majestie for redress of these things which being read examined and approved by the House may be delivered to the King of whose gracious answer we have no cause to doubt our desires being so reasonable our intentions so loyall and the manner so humble Neither need we feare this to be the Critical Parliament as was insinuated or this a way to distraction but assure our selves of a happie issue Then shall the King as he calls us his great Councell find us his true Councell and owne us his good Councell Which God grant c. The Kings Propositions March 28 1628. 1. TO furnish man and victuall 30. ships to guard the Narrow seas and along the Coasts 2. To set out 10. other ships for the preservation of the Elve and the Baltick sea 3. To set out 10. other ships for the relief of the Town of Rochel 4. To leavy arme cloth victuall pay and transport an army of 1000. horse and 10000. foot for forrain service 5. To pay and supply 6000. men for the assistance of the King of Denmark 6. To supply the stores of the Office of the Ordinance 7. To supply the stores of the Navy 8. To build 20. ships yearly for the increase of the Navy 9. To repair the Forts within the Land 10. To pay the Arriers of the Office of the Ordinance 11. To pay the Arriers of the Victuallers Office 12. To pay the Arriers of the Treasurer of the Navy 13. To pay the Arriers due for the fraight of divers Merchants ships imployed in his Majestie 's service 14. To provide a Magazine of Victualls for Land and Sea-service Three grand Questions 1. NO Free-man ought to be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the command of the King of the Privy Councel or any else unlesse some cause of the commitment detainment or restraint be expressed for which by law he ought to be committed detained or restrained 2. A Writ of habeas corpus may not be denyed but ought to be granted to every man that is committed or detained in prison
as I cannot without Scandall apprehend it I cannot without some Character or exception passe it And therefore I desire that such interposition may be left and that all other **** respects and goodnesses of his Majesty in the confidence of our own loyaltie and affections Now let us proceed to those services that concern him which I doubt not in the end will render us so reall unto him that we shall not need more help to endear us to his favour A Message by Secretary Coke from the King to the Lower House April 7. 1628. HIs Majesty hath again commanded me to put you in mind how the eyes and interest of the Christian World are cast upon the good or ill successe of this Assemblie He also graciously taketh notice of that which is in agitation amongst us touching the freedome of our Persons and propriety of our Goods And that this particular care which he in no way misliketh may not retract our resolution for the generall good he willeth us cheerfully to proceed in both and to expresse our readinesse to supply his great Occasions upon assurance that we shall enjoy all our Rights and Liberties with as much freedome and security in his time as in any age heretofore under the best of our Kings And whether you shall think fit to secure our selves herein by way of Bill or otherwise so as it be provided for with due respect to his Honour and the publick good whereof he doubteth not but you will be carefull he promiseth and assureth you that he will give way unto it and the more confidence you shall shew to his Grace and Goodnesse the more you shall prevaile to obtain your desires Sir Benjamin Ruddier's Speech upon the receipt of his Majestie 's Answer to the Petition against Recusants M r Speaker THe best thanks we can return his Majesty for his gracious and religious answer he hath given to our Petition is to move towards that which will both please him and secure our selves The dangers and necessities of the present state M r Speaker are so obvious to every mans eye and understanding and therefore so well known as to make a large and particular rehearsall of them would rather astonish our iudgements then refresh our memorie Wherefore in short and in grosse I will but only reflect upon the desperate condition of the Kings Vncle the King of Denmarke engaged from hence even to the hazzard of his own Kingdome in the quarrell of that royall and victorious Lady his Majesties Sister for the recovery of her and her childrens patrimony the preservation and reestablishment of the Religion in those Countreys so that the King is bound in nature in policie and in religion to relieve and assist both the persons and the cause to the utmost of his power Believe it M r Speaker the hindge of the many businesses mov'd in Germany doth not a little presse us to look about us at this time for if that great bodie were once united under one head it would crush all the rest with the weight of it Next let us a little look over into France there shall we find the poor men of our Religion exposed to the furie of an enraged King with a juster pretence against them then hath been at any time heretofore besides which is worse the Kings of Spain and France are united against them and us and made better friends then ever they meant to have been So that not to succour and support the Professours of our Religion will not only be infidelity and cruelty but improvidence and folly for their ill is ours If Rochel should be lost which is now in loosing and his Majesty not able to set out one ship to help it if it should be lost it would hazzard the totall extirpation of the Religion besides it would be an extraordinarie advantage to the King of France for shipping and as great a disadvantage to us in respect of the neighbourhood and if the Sound should be lost too whereby should we escape from being swallowed up by a Spanish invasion this Island would be more like to a prison then a Kingdome for we were not able to walke abroad These are dangers too many yet have I willingly abridged them for I had rather come to the remedy so should we all which consists only in money plentifully and speedily brought in wisely and judiciously laid out I doubt not but wee are all resolved to give wherefore Mr Speaker let us prepare our selves to give plentifully to satisfie the publick occasions to heave his Majesty out of necessity for necessity is the worst Counseller and I shall be verie sorry that we of all others should be guilty of placing ill Counsell about the King and now to think of sparing when all lies at the stake were the most undoing kind of prodigality Let us give speedily for delaie is the greatest danger of all dangers it will not only loose that which we give but that also which we would give And this I propound not as the Kings businesse but our way wherein every man in this house hath particular interest if his fortune his life his religion be any thing unto him Neither speak I this to divert the great businesse in hand but to hasten it for I love as well Mr Speaker to tread upon English ground as any man here doth The King's Message to the House of Commons by M r Speaker 12 April 1628. HIs Majesty having given timely notice to this House as well of the pressing of the time as of the necessity of supply hath long since expected some fruit of that which was so happily begun but finding an unexpected stop almost beyond all expectation after so good a beginning hath commanded me to tell you that without any further unnecessary delay you proceed with his businesses for however he hath been willing and consenting his affaires and ours should concurre and proceed together yet his meaning was not that one should give interruption to another nor the time to be spunne out upon any pretence upon which the common cause of Christendome doth so much depend He bids us therefore to take heed and force not him to make an unpleasing end of that which hath been so well begun The Petition concerning the billetting of Souldiers 14 April 1628. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty IN all humility complaining shew unto your most excellent Majesty your loyall and dutifull Commons now in Parliament assembled That whereas by the fundamentall Lawes of this your Realme every free-man hath and of right ought to have a full and absolute propriety in his goods and estate and that therefore the billetting and placing of Souldiers in the houses of any such free-man against his will is directly contrarie to the said Lawes under which we and our Ancestours have been so long and happily governed yet in apparent violation of the said ancient and undoubted right of all your Majesties most loyall Subjects of this your Kingdome
this Land And when according to the Lawes and Statutes of this Realm redresse hath been sought for in a legall way by demanding Habeas Corpus from the Judges and a discharge or triall according to the Law of the Land successe hath failed which hath now inforced the Commons in this present Parliament assembled to examine by Acts of Parliaments Presidents and Reasons the truth of English Subjects Liberties which I shall leave to learned Gentlemen whose weightie Arguments I hope will leave no place in your Lordships memories for the errours and infirmities of your humblest Servant that doth thankfully acknowledge the great favour of your most honourable and patient attention The Argument made by M r Littleton at the command of the House of Commons out of Acts of Parliament and Authorities of Law expounding the same at the first Conference with the Lords concerning the Liberty of the Person of every Free-man My Lords UPon the occasions delivered by the Gentleman that last spake your Lordships have heard the Commons have taken into their serious Consideration the matter of Personall Libertie and after long debate thereof on divers dayes as well by solemn Arguments as single propositions of doubts and answers to the end no scruple might remaine in any mans breast unsatisfied they have upon a full search and cleer understanding of all things pertinent to the Question unanimously declared That no Free-man ought to be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the command of the King or the Privie Councell or any other unlesse some cause of the commitment detainer or restraint be expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained And they have sent me with some other of their Members to represent unto your Lordships the true grounds of such their resolutions and have charged me particularly leaving the reasons of Law and Presidents for others to give your Lordships satisfaction that this Libertie is established and confirmed by the whole State the King the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons by severall Acts of Parliament The authority whereof is so great that it can receive no answer save by interpretation or repeal by future Statutes And these that I shall mind your Lordships of are so direct to the point that they can bear no other exposition at all and sure I am they are still in force The first of them is the Grand Charter of the Liberties of England first granted in the 17 yeare of King Iohn and renewed in the 9 yeare of King Hen. 3. and since confirmed in Parliament above 30 times Cap. 29. the words are these Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur aut diseisietur de libero tenemento suo vel libertatibus vel liberis consuetudinibus suis aut utlagetur aut exuletur aut aliquo modo destruatur nec super eum ibimus nec super eum mittemus nisi per legale judicium parium suorum vel per legem terrae These words Nullus liber homo c. are expresse enough yet it is remarkable that Matthew Paris an Authour of speciall credit doth observe fo 432. that the Charter of the 9. H. 3. was the very same as that of the 17. of King Iohn in nullo dissimiles are his words and that of King Iohn he setteth down verbatim fol. 342. and there the words are directlie Nec eum in carcerem mittemus and such a corruption as is now in the print might easily happen 'twixt 9. H. 3. and 28. E. 1. when this Charter was first exemplified But certainly there is sufficient left in that which is extant to decide this question for the words are That no Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned but by the lawfull judgement of his Peeres which is by Jury Peeres for Pares ordinary Jurours for others who are their Peeres or by the Law of the Land Which words Law of the Land must of necessity be understood in this Nation to be by due processe of Law and not the Law of the Land generally otherwise it would comprehend Bond-men whom we call Villains which are excluded by the word liber for the generall Law of the Land doth allow their Lords to imprison them at pleasure without cause wherein they only differ from the Free-men in respect of their persons who cannot be imprisoned without a cause And that this is the true understanding of those words per legem terrae will more plainly appear by divers other Statutes that I shall use which do expound the same accordingly And although the words of this Grand Charter be spoken in the third person yet they are to be understood of Suites betwixt partie and partie at least not of them alone but even of the Kings Suites against his Subjects as will appear by the occasion of the getting of that Charter which was by reason of the differences betwixt those Kings and their people and therefore properlie to be applyed to their power over them and not to ordinarie questions 'twixt Subject and Subject The words per legale judicium parium suorum immediately precedeing the other per legem terrae are meant of trialls at the Kings Suit and not at the prosecution of a Subject And therefore if a Peer of the Realm be arraigned at the Suit of the King upon any Indictment of Murther he shall be tried by his Peeres that is Nobles But if he be appealed of Murther by a Subject his triall shall be by an ordinarie Jury of 12 Free-holders as appeareth in 10. Edw. 4. It is said such is the meaning of Magna Charta By the same reason therefore as per judicium parium suorum extends to the Kings Suit so shall these words per legem terrae And in 8. E. 2. Rot. Parliam num 7. there is a Petition that a Writ made under the Privie Seal went to the Guardians of the Great Seal to cause lands to be seized into the Kings hands by force of which there went a Writ out of the Chauncery to the Exchequer to seize against the forme of the Grand Charter That the King or his Ministers shall out-law no man of Free-hold without reasonable Judgement And the partie was restored to his land Which sheweth the Statute did extend to the King There was no invasion upon this personall liberty till the time of King Edw. the 3. which was soon restrained by the Subject For in the 5. E. 3. cap. 9. it is ordained in these words It is enacted that no man from henceforth shall be attached by any accusation nor forejudged of life or limbe nor his lands tenements goods nor cattells seized into the Kings hands against the forme of the great Charter And the Law of the Land 25. E. 3. cap. 4. is more full and doth expound the words of the Grand Charter and it is thus Whereas it is contained in the great Charter of the Franchises of England That no Free-man be imprisoned or put out of his Free-hold nor of
called because the Authour lay in the Fleet when he made the book for he lib. 2. cap. 52. in his cap. of Turnes and the views of the Hundred Courts in the Countrie sets down the Articles of the Charges that are there to be enquired of amongst which one of them is de replegiabilibus injuste detentis or irreplegiabilibus dimissis which cannot be meant of not bailing by the Justices for what have the inferiour Courts in the Countrey to do with the Acts of the Justices And to make it more plain he setteth down in this Chapter that concernes Sheriffs only the very Statute of Westm. cap. 15. which he translates verbatim out of the French into the Latin save that he renders taken by the command of the Justices thus per Iudicium Iustitiariorum and his Preface to the Statute plainly sheweth that he understood it of replevine by Sheriffs for he saith Qui debent per plegios dimitti qui non declarat hoc Statutum and per plegios is before the Sheriff But for direct authoritie it is the opinion of Newton the Chief Justice in 22. H. 6.46 where his words are these It cannot be intended that the Sheriff did suffer him to go at large by mainprize for where one is taken by the writ of the King or the command of the King he is irreplevisable but in such case his friends may come to the Justices for him if he be arrested and purchase a supersedeas So he declares the very Question That the Sheriffs had no power but that the Justices had power to deliver him that is committed by the Kings Command And both the ancient and modern practise manifests as much for he that is taken for the death of a man or for the Forrest is not replevisable by the Sheriff yet they are ordinarily bailed by the Justices and were by the Kings writs directed to the Sheriffs in the times of E. 1. and E. 2. as appeares in the Close Rolls which could not be done if they were not bailable And it is every dayes experience that the Justices of the Kings Bench do baile for murther and for offences done in the Forrest which they could not do if the word irreplevisable in Westm. 1. were meant of the Justices as well as of the Sheriffs For the authorities which have been offered to prove the contrarie they are in number 3. The first is 21. E. 1. Rot. 2. which also is in the book of the Pleas in Parliament at the Tower fol. 44. It is not an Act of Parliament but a resolution in Parliament upon an action there brought which was usuall in those times and the Case is That Stephen Rubar the Sheriff of the Counties of Leicester and Warwick was questioned for that he had let at large by sureties one William the son of Walter le Parsons against the will and command of the King when as the King had committed him by Letters under his Privie Seal that he should do no favour to any man that was committed by the command of the Earle of Warwick as that man was Whereunto the Sheriff answered that he did it at the request of some of the Kings houshold upon their Letters and because the Sheriff did acknowledge the receipt of the Kings Letters thereupon he was committed to prison according to the forme of the Statute To this I answer that he was justly punished for that he is expresly bound by the Statute Westm. 1. which was agreed from the beginning But this is no proof that the Judges had not power to baile this man The next Argument is 33. H. 6. in the Court of Common Pleas fol. 28.29 where Robert Poinings Esq was brought unto the Barre upon a Capias and it was returned that he was committed per duos de Consilio I believe it is misprinted for Dnos de Consilio i. e. Dominos de Consilio which is stongest against that which I maintain pro diversis causis Regem tangentibus and he made an Attorney there in an accusation whence is inferred that the return was good and the partie could not be delivered To this the Answer is plain 1. No opinion is delivered in that book whether he were delivered or bailed or not 2. It appeares expresly that he was brought thither to be charged in an accusation of debt at another mans Suit and no desire of his own to be delivered or bailed and then if he were remanded it is no way materiall to the question in hand But that which is most relied upon is the opinion of Stamford in his book of the Pleas of the Crown lib. 2. ca. 18. fol. 72.73 in his cap. of Mainprize where he reciteth the Statute of Westm. 1. cap. 15. and then saith thus By this Statute it appeareth that in 4 cases at the Common Law a man was not replevisable to wit those that were taken for the death of a man by command of the King or of his Justices or for the Forrest Thus farre he is most right Then he goeth on and saith As to the Command of the King that is understood of the command of his own mouth or his Councell which is incorporated unto him and speake with his mouth or otherwise every writ of Capias to take a man which is the Kings command would be as much And as to the command of the Justices that is meant their absolute command for if it be their ordinarie commandment he is replevisable by the Sheriff if it be not in some of the Cases prohibited by the Statute The answer that I give unto this is That Stamford hath said nothing whether a man may be committed without cause by the Kings command or whether the Judges ought not to baile him in such case but only that such a one is not replevisable which is agreed for that belongs to the Sheriff And because no man should think he meant any such thing he concludes his whole sentence touching the command of the King and his Justices That one committed by the Justices ordinarie command is replevisable by the Sheriff So either he meant all by the Sheriff or at least it appeares not that he meant that a man committed by the King or the Privie Councell without cause is not bailable by the Justices and then he hath given no opinion in this case What he would have said if he had been asked the question cannot be known neither doth it appeare by any thing he hath said that he meant any such thing as would be inferred out of him And now my Lords I have performed the command of the Commons and as I conceive shall leave their declaration of personall Liberty on ancient and undoubted truth fortified with 7 Acts of Parliament and not opposed by any Statute or authoritie of Law whatsoever The Objections of the King's Councell with the Answers made thereunto at the two Conferences touching the same matter IT was agreed by Master Attorney generall that the seven Statutes urged by
of Justice And thereupon the Statutes cannot be intended to restrain all commitments unlesse a cause be expressed for that it would be very inconvenient and dangerous to the State to publish the cause at the very first Answer Hereupon it was replied by the House of Commons that all danger and inconvenience may be avoided by declaring a generall Cause as for treason suspicion of treason misprision of treason or fellony without specifying the particular which can give no greater light to a Confederate then will be conjectured by his very apprehension upon the imprisonment if nothing at all were expressed It was further alledged that there was a kind of contradiction in the position of the Commons when they say the partie committed without a cause shewed ought to be delivered or bailed Bailing being a kind of imprisonment Delivery a totall freeing To this it was answered that it hath alwayes been the discretion of the Judges to give so much respect to a Commitment by the Command of the King or the Privie Councell which are ever intended to be done on just weightie Causes that they will not presently set him free but baile him to answer what shall be objected against him on his Majesties behalf But if any other inferiour Officer commit a man without a cause shewed they do instantly deliver him as having no cause to expect their pleasure So the Delivery is applyed to an imprisonment by the command of some mean minister of Justice Bailing when it is done by the Command of the King or his Councell It was said by M r Attorney That Bailing was a grace and favour of a Court of Justice and that they may refuse to do it This was agreed to be true in divers cases as where the case doth appeare to be for fellony or other crimes expressed for that there is another way to discharge them in some convenient time by their triall yet in some of these cases the constant practise hath been anciently modernly to baile them But where no cause of the imprisonment is returned but the Command of the King there is no way to deliver such persons by triall or otherwise but that of the habeas Corpus and if they should be then remanded they may be perpetually imprisoned without any remedy at all and consequently a man that had committed no offence be in worse case then a great Offender for the latter should have an ordinarie triall to discharge him the other should never be delivered It was further said that though the Statute of Westm. 1. cap. 15. as a Statute by way of provision did extend only to the Sheriff yet the recitall of that Statute touching the 4 cases wherein a man was not replevisable at the Common Law namely those that were committed for the death of a man by the command of the King or the Justices or for the Forrest did declare that the Justices could not baile such a one and that Replevisable and Bailable were Synonyma and all one and that Stamford a Judge of great authority doth expound it accordingly and that neither the Statute nor he sayes replevisable by the Sheriff but generally without restraint and that if the Chief Justice commits a man he is not to be enlarged by another Court as appeareth in the Register To this it was answered First that the recitall and body of the Statute relates only to the Sheriff as appeareth by the very words Secondly that replevisable is not restrained to the Sheriffs for that the words import no more that a man committed by the Chief Justice is bailable by the Court of Kings Bench. Thirdly that Stamford meaneth all of the Sheriff or at least he hath not sufficiently expressed that he intended the Justices Fourthly It was denyed that Replevisable and Bailable were the same for they differ in respect of the place where they are used Baile being in the Kings Court of Record Replevisable before the Sheriff and they are of severall natures Replevisable being a letting at large upon Sureties Bailing being when one Traditur in ballium and the Baile are his Gaolers and may imprison him and shall suffer bodie for bodie which is not true of replevying by sureties And Baile differeth from Mainprize in this that Mainprize is an undertaking in a summe certain Bailing is to answer the condemnation in Civil causes and in Criminall body for body The reasons and authorities used in the first Conference were then renewed and no exception taken to any save in 22. H. 6. it doth not appear that the Command of the King was by his mouth which must be intended or by his Councell which is all one as is observed by Stamford for the words are these That a man is not replevisable by the Sheriff who is committed by the Writ or Commandment of the King 21. E. 1. rot 2. dorso was cited by the Kings Counsell But it was answered that it concerned the Sheriff of Leicester only and not the power of the Judges 33. H. 6. the Kings Attorney confesseth was nothing to the purpose and yet that Book hath been usually cited by those that maintain the contrary to the Declaration of the House of Commons And therefore such sudden opinion as hath been given thereupon is not to be regarded the foundation failing And where it was said that the French of 36. E 3. Rot. Parliament 9. which can receive no answer did not warrant what was inferred thence but that these words Sans disturbance mettre ou arrest faire et le contre par special commandment ou en autre maniere must be understood that the Statutes should be put in execution without putting disturbance or making arrest to the contrarie by speciall command or in other manner The Commons did utterly deny the interpretation given by the Kings Counsell and to justifie their own did appeal to all men that understood French and upon the 7 Statutes did conclude That their Declaration remained in undoubted truth not controlled by any thing said to the contrary The true Copies of the Records not printed which were used on either side of that part of the debate INter Recorda domini Regis Caroli in Thesauro Recepto Scacarii sui sub custodia domini Thesaurarii et Camerarii ibidem remanentia viz. placita coram ipso Domino Rege Concilio suo ad Parliament suum post Pascham apud London in Mâ—nerio Archipiscopi Ebor Anno Regni Domini Regis Edw. vicessimo primo inter alia sie continetur ut sequitur Rot. secundo in Dorso Vic. Leic. sci Stephanus Rubaz Vic. Leic. War coram ipso Domino Rege ejus concilio arianatus ad Levem positus de hoc quod cum Io. Botetourte Edel Hatche W. Hemelin nuper in ballium ipsius vicecom per Dominum Regem fuissent assignati and Goalas Domini Regis celiberandum eidem vic quendam W. de Petling per quendam Appellatorem ante adventum eorundam Justic. ibidem
examination and deliberation taken by them And it was observed to the Lords also that their confidence herein was of another nature and far greater weight then any confidence that could be expressed by M r. Attorney or whomsoever else being of his Majesties Councel learned To which purpose the Lords were desired to take into their Memory the difference between the present quality of the Gentlemen that spake in behalf of the House of Commons and of the Kings learned Councel in their speaking there howsoever accidentally they were both men of the same profession For the Kings Councel spake as Councel perpetually retained by Fee and if they made glosses and and what advantagious Interpretations soever for their own part they did but what belonged to their place and quality as M r. Attorney had done But the Gentlemen that spake in behalf of the House of Commons came there bound on the one side by the trust reposed in them by their Countrey that sent them and on the other bound also by an Oath taken by every of them before they sit in the House to maintain and defend the rights and prerogatives of the Crown So that even in the point of confidence alone that of them that spake as retained Councel by perpetual Fee and might by their place being permitted to speak say what they would and that of them that spake as bound to nothing but truth but by such a trust and such an Oath were no way to be so compared or Counterpoised as if the one of them were of no more weight then the other And then the Objections before mentioned were also answered For that of the resolution of all the Judges of England in 34. Eliz. It was shewed plainly it agreed with the resolution of the House of Commons For although indeed it might have been expressed with more perspicuity yet the words of it as they are sufficiently shew that the meaning of it is no otherwise To that purpose besides the words of the whole frame of this resolution of the Judges as it is in the Coppy transcribed out of the Lord Chief Justice Andersons book written in his own hand which book was there offered to be shewed also in behalf of the House of Commons It was observed that the Records of the first part of it shew plainly that all the Judges of England then resolved that the Prisoners spoken of in the first part of their resolution were onely Prisoners committed with cause shewed for they onely said they might not be delivered by any of the Courts without due Trial by Law and Judgement of acquital had which shews plainly that they meant that by trial and acquital they might be delivered but it is clear that no trial or acquital can be had where is not some cause laid to their charge for which they ought to stand committed Therefore in that part of the resolution such Prisoners are onely meant as are committed without cause shewed which also the Judges in that resolution expresly thought necessary as appears in the second part of the resolution wherein they have these words If upon Return of the Habeas Corpus the cause of their commitment be certified to the Judges as it ought to be c. by which words they shew plainly that every return of a commitment is insufficient that hath not a cause shewed of it And to that which M r. Attorney said as if the cause were sufficiently expressed in generality if the Kings Command or the Councels were expressed in it and as if that were meant in the resolution for a sufficient general cause it was answered That it was never heard of in Law that the power or Person that committed the Prisoner was understood for the Causa captionis or Causa detentionis but onely the reason why that Power or Person committed the Prisoner as also in common speech if a man ask why and for what cause a man stands committed the answer is not that such a one committed him but his offence or some other cause is understood in the question and is to be shewed in the Answer But to say that such an one committed the Prisoner is an answer to the question who committed him and not why or for what cause he stands committed Then for that of the Coppy of the Report of 13. Iac. shewed forth by Mr. Attorney it was answered That the Report it self which had been before seen and perused among many other things at a Committee made by the House was of sleight or no Authority for that it was taken by one that was at that time a young Student onely and was a Reporter in the Kings-bench and there was not any other Report to be found that agreed with it Secondly although the Reports of young Students when they take the words of Judges as they fall from their mouth at the Bench and in the Person and form as they are spoken may be of good credit Yet in this Case there was not one word so reported but in truth there being three Cases a time in the Kings-bench one Ruswell and one Allen and one Saltonstall every of which had something of like nature in it the Student having been present in the Court made up the form of one Report or Case out of all those three in his own words and so put it into his book so that there is not a word in the Report but is framed according to the Students fancie as it is written and nothing is expressed in it as it came from the mouth of the Judges otherwise then his fancie directed him Thirdly there are in the Report plain falshoods of Matter of Fact which are to be attributed either to the Judges or to the Reporter It is most likely by all reason that they proceeded from the Reporters fault but however those Matters of falshood shew sufficiently that the credit of the rest is of slight value for the purpose It is said in the Report that Harecourt being committed by the Councel was bayled in 40. Eliz. upon a privy Seal or a Letter where as there was no such thing in truth And it is said there that no such kinde of Letters are filed there in any case whatsoever That resolution of the Judges in 34. is miscited there and in 36. of Queen Eliz. and it is said there that by that resolution a Prisoner returned to be committed by the command of the Councel might not at all be delivered by the Court whereas no such thing is comprehended in in that resolution But that which is of most moment is that howsoever the truth of the report were yet the opinion of the Judges being sudden without any debate had of the case is of sleight moment For in difficult points especially the gravest and most learned men living may on the sudden let fall and that without disparragement to them such opinions as they may well and ought to change upon further enquiry and examination and full debate had
grievances breeds hate and dislike And because we have not to give what is asked Yet to give freely what we intend to give and so by this freeness we shall win the Kings heart M r. KERTON HE desires to know the Rock to the end we may avoid it and not to go back but forward in our conclusion S r. ROBERT PHILIPS HIs good hopes are in his Majesties royal care and wisdom That the free and great Councel is the best but time and hope of change is coming towards us Rome and Spain trench deeply into our Councels That heretofore there hath been a fair progress on both parts according to the saying of the late King If the Parliament did or should give more then the Countrey could bear they gave him a purse with a knife in it Serjant HOSKINS THat knowing our own rights we shall be better enabled to give Two legs go best together ' our just grievances and our supply which he desires may not be seperated for by presenting them together they shall be both taken or both refused Serjant ASHLEYS Argument seconding M r. ATTORNEY in the behalf of his MAJESTIE I Hope it will be neither offensive nor tedious to your Lordships if I said somewhat to second M r. Attorney which I the rather desire because yesterday it was taken by the Gentlemen of and argued on the behalf of the Commons that the cause was as good as gained by them and yielded by us in that we acknowledged the Statute of Magna Charta and the other subsequent Statutes to be yet in force for on this they inforced this general conclusion That therefore no man could be committed or imprisoned but by due process presentment or indictment Which we say is a non sequitur upon such our acknowledgement for then it would follow by necessary consequence that no imprisonment could be justified but by process of Law which we utterly deny For in the cause of the Constable cited by M r. Attorney it is most clear that by the ancient Law of the Land a Constable might ex officio without any Warrant Arest and restrain a man to prevent an affray or to suppress it And so is the Authority 38. Hen. 8. Brooks abstract So may he after the affray apprehend and commit to Prison the Person that hath wounded a man that is in peril of death and that without Warrant or Process as it is in 38. E. 3. fol. 6. Also any man that is no Officer may apprehend a Fellon without Writ or Warrant or pursue him as a Wolf and as a common enemy to the Common-wealth as the Book is 14. H. 8. fol. 16. So might any one arrest a Night-walker because it is for the common profit as the reason is given 4. Hen. 7. fol. 7. In like manner the Judges in these several Courts may commit a man either for contempt or misdemeanour without either Process or Warrant other then take him Shrief or take him Marshall or Warden of the Fleet. And the Adversaries will not deny but if the King will alleadge cause he may commit a man per mandatum as the Judges do without Process or Warrant And various are the cases that may be instanced wherein there may be a Lawfull commitment without Process Wherefore I do possitively and with confidence affirm that if the imprisonment be Lawfull whether it be by Process or without Process it is not prohibited by the Law Which being granted then the question will aptly be made whether the King or Councel may commit to Prison per legem terrae were onely that part of the Municipal Law of this Realm which we call the Common Law for there are also divers Jurisdictions in this Kingdom which are also so reckoned the Law of the Land As in Kendrick's Case in the report fol. 8. the 1. Ecclesiastical Law is held the Law of the Land to punish Blasphemies Schismes Heresies Simony Incest and the like for a good reason there rendred viz. That otherwise the King should not have power to do Justice to his Subjects in all Cases nor to punish all Crimes within his Kingdom The Admiral 's Jurisdiction is also Lex terrae for things done upon the Sea but if they exceed their Jurisdiction a prohibition is awarded upon the Statute of nullus liber homo by which appears that the Statute is in force as we have acknowledged The Martial likewise though not to be exercised in times of peace when recourse may be had to the Kings Courts yet in times of invasion or other times of Hostility when an Army Royal is in the field and offences are committed which require speedy reformation and cannot expect the solemnity of legal Trials then such imprisonment execution or other Justice done by the Law Martial is Warrantable for it is then the Law of the Land and is Ius gentium which ever serves for a supply in the defeat of the Common Law when ordinary proceeding cannot be had And so it is also in the case of the Law of the Merchant which is mentioned 13. E. 4. fol. 9.10 where a Merchant stranger was wronged in his goods which he had committed to a Carrier to convey to Southampton and the Carrier imbezelled some of the goods for remedy whereof the Merchant sued before the Councel in the Star-Chamber for redress It is there said thus Merchant strangers have by the King safe conduct for coming into this Realm therefore they shall not be compelled to attend the ordinary Trial of the Common Law but for expedition shall sue before the Kings Councel or in Chancery de dic in diem de horâ in horam where the Case shall be determined by the Law of Merchants In the like manner it is in the Law of State when the necessity of State requires it they do and may proceed to natural equity as in those other Cases where the Law of the Land provides not there the proceeding may be by the Law of natural equity and infinite are the Occurrences of State unto which the Common Law extends not And if these proceedings of State should not also be accounted the Law of the Land then we do fall into the same inconveniency mentioned in Cawdries Case that the King should not be able to do Justice in all Cases within his own Dominions If then the King nor his Councel may not Commit it must needs follow that either the King must have no Councel of State or having such a Councel they must have no power to make Orders or Acts of State Or if they may they must be without means to compell obedience to those Acts and so we shall allow them Jurisdiction but not compel obedience to those Acts but not correction which will be then as fruitless as the Command Frustra potentia quae nunquam redigitur in statutum Where as the very Act of Westminster first shews plainly that the King may commit and that his commitment is lawfull or else that Act would never
have declared a man to be irreprieveable when he is committed by the Command of the King if the Law-makers had conceived that his commitment had been unlawfull And Divine truth informs us that the Kings have their power from God the Psalmist calling them the children of the most High which is in a more special manner understood then of other men for all the Sons of Adam are by election the Sons of God and all the Sons of Abraham by recreation or regeneration the Children of the most High in respect of the power which is committed unto them who hath also furnished them with ornaments and arms fit for the exercising of that power and hath given them Scepters Swords and Crowns Scepters to vestitute and Swords to execute Laws and Crowns as Ensigns of that power and dignity with which they are invested shall we then conceive that our King hath so far transmitted the power of his Sword to inferiour Magistrates that he hath not reserved so much Supream power as to commit an Offender to prison 10. H. 6. fol. 7. It appears that a Steward of a Court Lect may commit a man to prison and shall not the King from whom all inferior power is deduced have power to commit We call him the fountain of Justice yet when these streams and rivolets which flowe from that Fountain come fresh and full we would so far exhaust that Fountain as to leave it dry but they that will admit him so much power do require the expression of the cause I demand whether they will have a general cause alleadged or a special if general as they have instances for Treason Fellony or for Contempt for to leave fencing and to speak plainly as they intend it If loan of money should be required and refused and thereupon a commitment ensue and the cause signified to be for a contempt this being unequal inconvenience from yielding the remedy is sought for the next Parliament would be required the expression of the particular cause of the commitment Then how unfit would it be for King or Councel in Cases to express the particuler Cause it s easily to be adjudged when there is no State or pollicy of government whether it be Monarchal or of any other frame which have not some secrets of State not communicable to every vulgar understanding I will instance but one If a King imploy an Ambassadour to a Forreign Countrey of States with instructions for his Negotiation and he pursue not his instructions whereby dishonour and dammage may ensue to the Kingdom is not this commitment And yet the particuler of his instruction and the manner of his miscarrying is not fit to be declared to his Keeper or by him to be certified to the Judges where it is to be opened and debated in the presence of a great audience I therefore conclude for offences against the State in Case of State Government the King and his Councel have lawfull power to punish by imprisonment without shewing particuler cause where it may tend to the disclosing of State-Government It is well known to many that know me how much I have laboured in this Law of the Subjects Liberty very many years before I was in the Kings service and had no cause then to speak but to speak ex animo yet did I then maintain and publish the same opinion which now I have declared concerning the Kings Supream power in matters of State and therefore can not justly be censured to speak at this present onely to merit of my Master But if I may freely speak my own understanding I conceive it to be a question too high to be determined by any legal direction for it must needs be an hard case of contention when the Conquerour must sit down with irreparable losses as in this Case If the Subject prevails he gains Liberty but looseth the benefit of that State-Government by which a Monarchie may soon become an Anarchie or if the State prevails it gives absolute Soveraignty but looseth Subjects not their subjection for obedience we must yield though nothing be left us but prayers and tears but yet looseth the best part of them which is their affections whereby Soveraignty is established and the Crown formerly fixt on his Royal head between two such extreams there is not way to moderate but to finde a medium for the accommodation of the difference which is not for me to prescribe but onely to move your Lordships to whom I submit After Mr. Serjeant his speech ended my Lord President said thus to the Gentlemen of the House of Commons That though at this free conference Liberty was given by the Lords to the Kings Councel to speak what they thought fit for his Majesty Yet Mr. Serjeant Ashley had no Authority or direction from them to speak in that manner he hath done M r. NOYE his Argument the 16. of April 1628. HE offered an answer to the inconveniences presented by M r. Attorney which were 4. in Number First where it was objected that it was inconvenient to express the cause for fear of divulging Arcana Imperii for hereby all may be discovered and abundance of Traitors never brought to Justice To this that Learned Man answered That the Judges by the intention of the Law are the Kings Councel and the secrets may safely be committed to all or some of them who might advise whether they will bayl him and here is no danger to King or subjects for their Oath will not permit them to reveal the secrets of the King nor yet to detain the Subjects long if by Law he be to be bayled Secondly for that Objection of the Children of Odonell he laid this for a ground that the King can do no wrong but in Cases of extream necessity we must yield sometimes for preservation of the whole State ubi unius damnum utilitate publica rependitur he said there was no trust in the Children of Traitours no wrong done if they did tabe facere or marcesere in Carcere It is the same Case of necessity as when to avoid the burning of a Town we are forced to pull down an honnest mans House or to compell a man to dwell by the Sea-side for defence or fortitude Yet the King cannot do wrong for potentia juris est non injura Ergo the Act of the King though to the wrong of another is by the Law made no wrong as if he commanded to be kept in Prison yet he is responsal for his wrong he quoted a book 42.6 Ass. Port. Thirdly the instance made of Westminster First he said there was a great difference between those 3. Mainprize Bail and Replevin The Statute saith a man cannot be repleiued Ergo not bayled non sequitur Maniprize under pain Bayl body for body no pain ever in Court to be declared Replevin neither by surety nor bayl of Replevin never in Court the Statute saith a man cannot be Repleiued Ergo not bayled non sequitur Fourthly where it
is said that bayl is ex gratia he answers that if the Prisoner comes to Habeas Corpus then it is not ex gratia Yet the Court may advise but mark the words ad subjiciendum recipiendum prout Curia consideraverit now it is impossible the Judges should do so if no cause be expressed for it they know no cause he may bring the 1.2.3 and fourth Habeas Corpus and so infinite till he finde himself a perpetual Prisoner so that no cause expressed is worse for a man then the greatest cause or Villany that can be imagined and thus far proceeded that learned Gentlemen M r. GLANVILES Argument HE said that by favour of the House of Commons he had liberty to speak if opportunity were offered he applies his answer to one particuler of M r. Attorney who assigned to the King 4. great trusts 1. of War 2. Coins 3. Denizens 4. Pardons Is assented unto that the King is trusted with all these 4. legal Prerogatives but the Argument followeth not the King is trusted with many Prerogatives Ergo in this non sequitur non est sufficiens enumeratio partium he said he could answer these particulars with 2. rules whereof the first should wipe of the first and the second and the other the third and fourth The first rule is this there is no fear of trusting the King with any thing but the fear of ill Councel the King may easily there be trusted where ill Councel doth not ingage both the King and Subjects as it doth in matter of War and Coin If he miscarry in the Wars it is not alwayes pecuum Achiro but he smarts equally with the people If he abase his Coin he looseth more then any of his people Ergo he may safely be trusted with the flowers of the Crown War and Coin The second rule he began was this when the King is trusted to confer grace it is one thing but when he is trusted to infer an injury it is another matter The former power cannot by miscouncelling be brought to prejudice another The latter may if the King pardoneth a guilty Man he punisheth not a good subject if he denizen never so many strangers it is but damnum sine injuria we allow him a liberty to confer grace but not without cause to infer punishment and indeed he cannot do injury for if he command to do a Man wrong the command is void alter fit Author and the Actor becomes the wrong doer Therefore the King may be safely trusted with War Coin Denizens and Pardons but not with a power to imprison without expression of Cause or limmitation of time because as the Poet tells us Libertas potius auro The Answer of the Judges for matter of Fact upon the HABEAS CORPUS 21. April THe Chief Justice saith they are prepared to obey our Command but they desire to be advised by us whether they being sworn upon penalty of forfeiting Body Lands and Goods into the Kings hands to give an account to him may without Warrant do this The Duke said he had acquainted the King with the business and for ought he knoweth he is well content therewith But for better assurance he hath sent his brother of Anglesey to know his pleasure Devonshire saith if a complaint be made by a mean Man against the greatest Officer in this place he is to give an account of his doings to this House Bishop of Lincoln saith this motion proceeded from him and so took it for clear that there was an appeal from the Chancery to a higher Court then the Kings-bench and in that Court hath ever given an account of their doings The Lord Say saith he wondred there should be any question made of this business because in his opinion this being the highest Court did admit of no appeal The President said the Judges did not do this by way of appeal but as the most common way for them this being a matter concerning the Kings prerogative Lord Say saith if they will not declare themselves we must take into consideration the point of our priviledge The Duke saith this was not done by the Judges as fearing to answer but of respect to the King And now his brother was come with answer from the King that they might proceed Order was taken that this passage should not be entered into the Journal Book and so Judge WHITLOCK spake MY Lords we are by your appointment here ready to clear any aspersion of the House of Commons in their late presentment upon the Kings-bench that the Subject was wounded in this Judgement there lately given If such a thing were my Lords your Lordships not they have the power to question and Judge the same But my Lords I say there was no Judgement given whereby either the prerogative might be inlarged or the eight of the subject trenched upon It is true my Lords in Michaelmas Term last fower Gentlemen petitioned for a Habeas Corpus which they obtained and Councel was assigned unto them the return was per spialem mandatum Domini Regis which likewise was made known unto us under the hands of eighteen privy Councellours Now my Lords if we had delivered them presently upon this it must have been because the King did not shew cause wherein we should have judged the King had done wrong and this is beyond our knowledge for he might have committed them for other matters then we could have imagined But they might say thus they might have been kept in Prison all their dayes I answer no but we did remit them that we might better advise of the matter and they the next day might have had a new Writ if they had pleased but they say we ought not to have denied bayl I answer if we had done so it must needs have reflected upon the King that he had unjustly imprisoned them and it appears in Dyer 2. Eliz. that divers Gentlemen being committed and requireing Habeas Corpus some were bayled others remitted whereby it appears much is left to the discretion of the Judges For that which troubleth so much remittitur quousque this my Lords was onely as I said before to take time what to do and whereas they will have a difference betwixt remittitur and remittitur quousque my Lords I confess I can finde none but these are new inventions to trouble old Records And herein my Lords we have dealt with knowledge and understanding for had we given a Judgement the party must thereupon have rested every Judgement must come to an issue in matter in fact or demur in point of Law here is neither therefore no Judgement For endeavouring to have a Judgement entered it is true Mr. Attorney pressed the same for his Masters service but we being sworn to do right betwixt the King and his subjects commanded the Clark to make no entry but according to the old form and the rule was given by the Chief Justice alone I have spent my time in this Court and I
till his pleasure be first known Thus did the Lord Chief Justice Coke in Raynards Case They say this would have been done if the King had not written but why then was the Letter read and published and kept and why was the Town Clark sent carefully to enquire because the Letter so directed whether these men offered for bayl were subsedy men the Letter sheweth also that Beckwith was committed for suspition of being acquainted with the Gun-Pouder-Treason but no proof being produced the King left him to be bayled The Earle of WARVVICKS speech 21. April 1628. MY Lords I will observe something out of the Law wherein this liberty of the Subjects Person is founded and some things out of Presidents which have been alleadged For the Law of Magna Charta and the rest concerning these points they are acknowledged by all to be of force and that they were to secure the Subjects from wrongfnll imprisonment as well or rather more concerning the King then the Subject why then besides the grand Charter and those 6. other Acts of Parliament in the very point we know that Magna Charta hath been at least 30. times confirmed so that upon the matter we have 6. or 7. and thereby Acts of Parliament to confirm this liberty although it was made a matter of derision the other day in this House One is that of 36. E. 3. No. 9. and another in the same year No. 20. not printed but yet as good as those that are and that of 42. E. 3. cap. 3. so express in the point especially the Petition of the Commons that year which was read by M r. Littleton with the Kings answer so full and free from all exception to which I refer your Lordships that I know not have any thing in the World can be more plain and therefore if in Parliament ye should make any doubt of that which is so fully confirmed in Parliament and in case so clear go about by new glosses to alter the old and good Law we shall not onely forsake the steps of our Ancestors who in Cases of small importance would answer nolumus mutare leges Angliae but we shall yield up and betray our right in the greatest inheritance the Subjects of England hath and that is the Laws of England and truely I wonder how any man can admit of such a gloss upon the plain Text as should overthrow the force of the Law for whereas the Law of Magna Charta is that no Free-man shall be imprisoned but by lawfull judgement of his Peers or the Law of the Land the King hath power to commit without Cause which is a sence not onely expresly contrary to other Acts of Parliament and those especially formerly cited but against Common sence For Mr. Attorney confesseth this Law concerns the King why then where the Law saith the King shall not commit but by the Law of the Land the meaning must be as M r. Attorney would have it that the King must not commit but at his own pleasure and shall we think that our Ancestors were so foolish to hazard their Persons Estates and labour so much to get a Law and to have it 30. times confirmed that the King might not commit his Subjects but at his own pleasure and if he did commit any of his Subjects without a Cause shewen then he must lie during pleasure then which nothing can be imagined more ridiculous and contrary to true reason For the Presidents I observe that there hath been many shewen by which it appears to me evidently that such as have been committed by the Kings Councel they have been delivered upon Habeas Corpus and that constantly It is true that some Presidents were brought on the Kings part that when some of these persons desired to be delivered by Habeas Corpus the King or his Councel signified his Majesties pleasure that they should be delivered or the Kings Attorney hath come into the Court and related the Kings Command but this seems to make for the Subject For that being in his Majesties power to deliver them who by his special Command were imprisoned May not we well think that his Majesty would rather at that time have stayed their deliverance by Law then furthered it with his Letters and made the Prisoners rather beholding to him for his grace and mercy then to the Judges for Justice had not his Majesty known that at that time they ought to have been delivered by Law I think no man would imagine a wise King would have suffered his Grace and Prerogative if any such Prerogative were to be so continually questioned and his Majesty and his Councel so far from commanding the Judges not to proceed to deliver the Prisoner by them committed without Cause shewn as that on the other side which is all the force of these Presidents the King and the Councel signified to the Judges that they should proceed to deliver the parties certainly if the King had challenged any such Prerogative that a Person committed without any cause shewn ought not to be delivered by the Judges without his consent it would have appeared by one President or other amonst all that have been produced that his Majesty would have made some claim to such a Prerogative But it appears to the contrary that in many of these cases the King or his Councel did never interpose and where they did it was alwayes in affirmation and incouragement to that Court to proceed And besides the writing of Letters from his Majesty to the Judges to do Justice to his Majesties Subjects may with as good reason be interpreted that without those Letters they might not do Justice also the King signified his willingness that such such Persons which were committed by him should be delivered therefore they could not be delivered without it which is a strange reason So that findeing the Laws so full so many and so plain in the point and findeing that when ever any were committed without cause shewn brought their Habeas Corpus they were delivered and no Command ever given to the contrary or claim made on the Kings part to any such Prerogative I may safely conclude as the House of Commons have done and if any one President or two of late can be shewn that the Judges have not delivered the Prisoners so committed I think it is their fault and to be enquired of but contrary it seems to me to be an undoubted Liberty of the Subject that if he be committed without cause or without cause shewn yet he may have some speedy course to bring himself to Trial either to justifie his own innocencie or to receive punishment according to his fault for God forbid that an innocent man by the Laws of England should be put in worse case then the most grievous Malefactors are which must needs be if this should be that if a cause be shewed he may have his Trial but if none he must lie and pine in Prison during pleasure
Mr. Serjeant Ashley the other day told your Lordships of the Embleme of a King but by his leave made wrong use of it For a King bears in one hand the Globe and in the other the golden Scepter the tipes of Soveraignty and mercie but the Sword of Justice is ever carried before him by a Minister of Justice which shews Subjects may have their remedies for unjustice done and appeals done to higher powers for the Laws of England are so favourable to their Princes as they can do no unjustice Therefore I will conclude as all disputes I hold do Magna est veritas praevalebit so I make no doubt we living under so good a Prince as we do when this is represented unto him he will answer us Magna est Carta praevalebit The ARCH-BISHOPS of CANTERBURIES Speech at the Conference of both Houses 25. April 1628. GEntlemen of the House of Commons the service of the King and safety of the Kingdom do call on us my Lords to give all convenient expedition to dispatch some of those great and weighty businesses for the better effecting whereof my Lords have thought fit to let you know that they do in general agree with you and doubt not but you will agree with us to the best of your power to maintain and support the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and the fundamental Liberties of the Subject for the particulers which may hereafter fall in debate they have given me in charge to let you know that what hath been presented by you to their Lordships they have laid nothing of it by they are not out of love with any thing you have tendered to them they have voted nothing neither are they in love with any thing proceeding from themselves for that which we shall say and propose unto you is out of an intendment to invite you to a mutual and free conference that you with confidence may come to us and we with confidence may speak to you so that we may come to a conclusion of those things which we both unanimously desire we have resolved of nothing defined or determined nothing but desire to take you with us praying help of you as you have done of us My Lords have thought upon some Propositions which they have ordered to be read here and then left with you in writing that if it seem good to you we may uniformly concur for the substance and if you differ that you may be pleased to put out or add or alter or diminish as you shall think fit that so we the better come to the end that we do both so desireously embrace Then the 5. Propositions were read by the Lord BISHOP of NORVVHICH The 5. Propositions 25. April 1628. 1. THat his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare that the good old Law called Magna Charta and the 6. Statutes conceived to be Declarations or Explanations of that Law do stand still in Force to all intents and purposes 2. That his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare that according to Magna Charta and the Statutes aforesaid as also according to the most ancient Customes and Laws of this Land every free Subject of this Realm hath a fundamental propriety in his goods and a fundamental Liberty of his Person 3. That his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare that it is his Royal pleasure to ratifie and confirm unto all and every his faithfull and Loyal Subjects all their antient several just Liberties Priviledges and Rights in as ample and beneficial manner to all intents and purposes as their Ancestors did enjoy the same under the Government of the best of his most Noble Progenitors 4. That his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare for the good contentment of his Loyal Subjects and for the secureing them from future fears that in all causes within the Cognizance of the Common-Law and concerning the Liberty of his Subjects his Majesty would proceed according to the Laws established in the Kingdom and in no other manner or wise 5. And as touching his Majesties Royal Prerogative intrincical to his Soveraignty and intrusted him from God ad communem totius populi salutem non ad destructionem his Majesty would resolve not to use or divert the same to the prejudice of any his loyal People in the propriety of their goods and liberty of their Persons And in case for the security of his Majesties Royal Person the Common safety of his People or the peaceable Government of his Kingdom his Majesty shall finde just cause of State to imprison or restrain any mans Person his Majesty would gratiously declare that within a convenient time he shall and will express the cause of his commitment or restraint either general or special and upon a cause so expressed will leave him immediatly to be tried according to the Common Justice of the Kingdom Then S r. DUDLEY DIGGS in the behalf of the Commons saith MY Lords it hath pleased Almighty God many wayes to bless the Knights Cittizens and Burgesses now assembled in Parliamen with great comforts and strong hopes that this will prove as happy a Parliament as ever was in England and in their Consultations for the service of his Majesty and the safety of this Kingdom one especial comfort and strong hope hath risen from the continued good respects which your Lordships so nobly from time to time have been pleased to shew unto them particulerly at this present in your so Honourable profession to agree with them in general in desire to maintain and support the fundamental Laws and Liberties of England The Commons have commanded me in like fort they have been are and will be as ready to propugne the just Prerogatives of his Majesty of which in all their Arguments searches of Records and resolutions they have been most carefull according to that which formerly was and now again is protested by them Another Noble Argument of your Honourable disposition towards them is exprest in this that you are pleased to expect no present answer from them who are as your Lordships in your general wisdoms they doubt not have considered a great body that must advise upon all new Propositions and resolve upon them before they can give answer according to the ancient usage of our House but is manifest in general God be thanked for it there is a great concurrence of affection to the same end in both Houses and such a good Harmony that I intreat your Lordships leave to borrow a comparison from nature or natural Philosophy as two Lutes well strung and tun'd brought together if one be plaid on little straws or sticks will stir upon the other though it lye still so though we have no power to reply yet these things said and proposed cannot but work in our hearts and we will faithfully report these passages to our House from whence in due time we hope your Lordships shall receive a contentfull Answer S r. BENJAMIN RUDDIERDS Speech 28.
then by giving a confirmation upon this occasion we have bettered our Case very much Thirdly have not the Judges in the Kings-bench in open Parliament upon our complaint disclaimed to have given any Judgement in the point which generally before by the Parliament was otherwise conceived for now they say it was but an Award and no Judgement Will such a Notorious Act upon so important an occasion in so publick a place be quickly forgotten Nay will not the memorie of it for ever remain upon Records is not our Case then much better then when we came hither Fourthly will not the resolution of this House and all our Arguments and reasons against imprisonment without a Cause expressed which no doubt by the course we have taken will be transferred to posterity be a great means to stay any Judge hereafter for declaring any Judgement to the contrary especially if there be likelyhood of a Parliament is not our Case in this very much amended Lastly have we not received Propositions from the Lords wherein amongst other things they declared that they are not out of love with our proceedings is not this a great strenghtning to it but after so long debate amongst them about it they cannot take any just exception to it and doth not this also much amend our Case From all these reasons I conclude that the second Objection that by a confirmation we are in no better case then when we came together is also a weak Objection Now for reasons to move us to proceed in this course of accepting a confirmation First we have his Majesties gracious promise to yield to a confirmation of the old Laws from which we may rest most assured he will not depart If we tender him with all our Proposition to be enacted we have cause to doubt that we shall loose both the one and the other Secondly we are no less assured of the Lords joyning with us for in their Propositions sent to us they have delivered themselves to that purpose This is then a secure way of getting somewhat of great advantage to us as we have great hopes and in a manner assurance on this side So on the other side we have great doubts and fears that by offering our resolution to be enacted we shall loose all For first we have had already experience of the Lords that they are not very foreward to joyn with us in a Declaration of our Proposition to be Law If they stumble at a Declaration much more will they in yielding to make Law in the same point And have we not much more cause to doubt that his Majesty will not yield unto it seeing it toucheth him so near Is it not the notice of his pleasure that hath wrought thus with the Lords If we should clog our Bill with our Proposition and it should be rejected by the Lords or by the King is not our resolution much weakned by it And are we not then in far worse case then before we made it Our resolution for the rejecting of our Proposition will tend to a Justification of all that hath been done against us in this great point of our Liberty Let us then like wise-men conform our desire to our hopes and guide our hopes by probabilities other desires and other hopes are but vain This is my poor opinion in this weighty business Secretary COKES Message 1. May 1628. Mr. Speaker I Have a very short message to deliver from his Majesty that shews both his Royal care to be rightly understood of this House and no less care to understand us in the best part and to shew clearly it shall not be his fault if this be not a happy Parliament His Majesty hath commanded me to desire this House clearly to let him know whether they will rest upon his Royal word and promise made at several times and especially by my Lord Keepers Speech made in his own presence which if they do he doth assure you that it shall be royally and really performed After speaking of himself and the nature of his place under his Majesty he proceeded in these words GIve me leave freely to tell you that I know by experience that by the place I hold under his Majesty if I will discharge the duty of my place and the Oath I have taken to his Majesty I must commit and neither express the cause to the Jaylor nor to the Judges nor to any Councellour in England but to the King himself yet do not think I go without ground of reason or take this power committed to me to be unlimmitted Yea rather it is to me a charge burthen and danger for if I by this power shall commit the poorest porter if I do it not upon a just cause if it may appear the burthen will fall upon me heavier then the Law can inflict for I shall loose my credit with his Majesty and my place And I beseech you consider whether those that have been in the same place have not committed freely and not any doubt made of it nor any complaint made by the Subject Veneris 2. May 1628. A Report was this day made from the grand Committee for grievances concerning the cause of Nicholas Clegat Cittizen and Vintner of London imprisoned by the Lord Major and Aldermen of the said Citie for refusing to lend a certain summe of money assessed upon him by the Company of Vintners of London whereof he is free towards the proportion of money imposed upon the Company by an Act of Common-Councel of the said Citie in pursuance of a contract of Land with his Majesty By which report it appeared that the said grand Committee had unanimously agreed that the said Citie might make Acts of Councel so as they were consonant to Law and reason and for regulating and deciphering of trade agreeable to reason and the Law of the Realm and might leavy money of the Cittizens by Act of Common-Councel for building or repairing of their Walls Gates or making or cleansing of Sewers or other like causes tending to the general and publick good and welfare of the Citie or towards Triumphs or other like occasions tending to the Honour of the Citie in general but could not by such Act of Common-Councel tax or leavy money towards the purchasing of Lands or other like occasions forreign to the government of the Citie Whereupon it is resolved by the House of Commons super totam materiam that the said Commitment of the said Nicholas Clegat was unlawfull and that a Petition should go from the House to his Majesty for the inlargement of the said Nicholas Clegat his commitment by the Lord Major and Aldermen being since strengthned by special command Henry TOMPSON one of the Shrieffs and Robert HENISVVORTH Alderman of the Citie of YORK their submission for their indirect chusing of S r. Thomas SAVIL Knight I Henry Tompson one of the Shrieffs of the Citie of York do hereby acknowledge to have offended the Lord Major and all the Cominalty
that the Prisoner must sustain all without satisfaction or knowing the cause The onely reason given by those of the other opinion That it is requisite the King and Councel should have power to command the detainer of a man in Prison for sometime without expressing the cause is because it is supposed that the manifestation of the cause at first may prevent the discovery of a Treason The reason is answered by the remedy proposed by this Act it being proposed that it shall be provided by this Bill that upon our commitment we may have instantly recourse to the Chancery for an Habeas Corpus retornable in that Court which is alwayes open that partly upon the receipt thereof the Writ must be returned and the cause thereupon expressed If then this remedy be really the cause of commitment must partly appear which contradicts the former reason of State And in my own opinion we ought not onely to take care that the Subject should be delivered out of Prison but to prevent his imprisonment The Statute of Magna Charta and the rest of the Acts providing that no man should be imprisoned but by the Law of the Land And although the King or Councel as it hath been objected by might may commit us without cause notwithstanding any Laws we can make Yet I am sure without such an Act of Parliament such commitment can have no Legal colour and I would be loath we should make a Law to endanger our selves for which reasons I conceive that there being so many wayes to evade from this Act we shall be in worse case by it then without it providing no remedy to prevent our imprisonment without expressing the cause to be Lawfull and administers excuses for continuing us in Prison as I have before declared and thus for providing for one particuler out of reason of State which possibly may fall out in an age or two we shall spring a leak which may sinck all our Liberties and open a gap through which Magna Charta and the rest of the Statutes may issue out and vanish I therefore conclude that in my poor understanding which I submit to better Judgements I had rather depend upon our former resolutions and the Kings gracious Declarations then to pass an Act in such manner as hath been proposed The Speakers speech to his MAJESTY in the Bancketting-House 5. May 1628. Most gracious and dread Soveraign YOur Loyal and dutifull Subjects the Commons assembled in Parliament by several Messages from your Majesty especially by that your must Royal Declaration delivered by the Lord Keeper before both Houses have to their exceeding joy and comfort received many ample expressions of your Princely care and tender affection towards them with a gracious promise and assurance that your Majesty will govern according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm and so maintain all your Subjects in the just freedom of their Persons and safety of their Estates that all their Rights and Liberties may be by them enjoyed with as much freedom and security in your time as in any age heretofore by their Ancestors under the best of your Royal Progenitors For this so great and gracious a favour enlarged by a continual intimation of your Majesties confidence in the proceeding of this House they do by me their Speaker make a full return of most humble thanks to your Majesty withall dutifull acknowledgement of your grace and goodness herein extended to them And whereas in one of these Messages delivered from your Majesty there was an expression of your desire to know whether this House would rest upon your Royal word and promise assuring them if they would it should be Royally and really performed As they again present their humble thanks for this seconding and strengthning of your former Royal expressions so in all humbleness they assure your Majesty that their greatest confidence is and ever must be in your gracious favour and goodness without which they well know nothing they can frame or desire will be of safety and value to them and therefore are all humble Suitors to your Majesty that your Royal heart would graciously accept and believe the truth of theirs which they humbly present and full of truth and confidence in your Royal word and promise as ever House of Commons reposed in any of their best Kings True it is they cannot but remember the publick trust for which they are accomptable to present and future times and their desires are that your Majesties goodness in fruit and memory be the blessing and joy of posterity They finde also that of late there hath been publick violation of your Laws and the Subjects Liberties by some of your Majesties Ministers and thence conceive that no less then a publick remedy will raise the dejected hearts of your loving Subjects to a cheerfull supply of your Majesty or make them receive content in the proceeding of this House From these considerations they must humbly beg your Majesties leave to lay hold of that gracious offer of yours which gave them assurance that if they thought fit to secure themselves in their Rights and Liberties by way of Bill or otherwise so it might be provided for with due respect to his Honour and publick good he would graciously be pleased to give way unto it Far from their intentions it is to incroach upon your Soveraignty or Prerogative nor have they the least thought of straining or inlarging the former Laws in any sort by any new interpretations or additions The bounds of their desire extend no further then to some necessary explanation of what is truely comprehended within the just sence and meaning of those Laws with some moderate provision for execution and performance as in times past upon like occasions have been used The way how to accomplish these their humble desires is now in serious consideration with them wherein they humbly assure your Majesty they will neither loose time nor seek any thing of you Majesty but what they hope may be fit for dutifull and Loyal Subjects to ask and for a gracious and a good King to grant The KINGS Answer to the House of Commons delivered by the Lord Keeper 5. May 1628. MR. Speaker and the Gentlemen of the House of Commons his Majesty hath commanded me to tell you that he expected an answer by your actions and not delay by discourse You acknowledge his trust and confidence in your proceedings but his Majesty sees not how ye requite him by your confidence of his word and actions for what need explanations if you doubt not performance of the true meaning for the explanation will hazard an incroachment upon his Prerogative and it may well be said what needs a new Law upon any old if you repose confidence in the Declaration his Majesty lately made by me to both Houses and your selves acknowledge that the greatest trust and confidence must be in his Majesties grace and goodness without which nothing that you can frame will be of
shall or will at any time hereafter commit or command to Prison or otherwise restrain the Person of any for not lending money unto us or for any other cause which in our conscience doth not concern the State the publick good and safety of us and of our people we will not be drawn to pretend any cause which in our Judgements is not or is not expressed which base thought we hope no man will imagine can fall into our royal breast that in all cases of this nature which shall hereafter happen we shall upon the humble Petition of the party or access of our Judges to us readily and really express the cause of their commitment or restraint so soon as with conveniency and safety the same is fit to be disclosed and expressed That in all causes Criminal of ordinary Jurisdiction our Judges shall proceed to the deliverance and baylment of the Prisoner according to the known and ordinary rules of the Laws of this Land and according to the Statutes of Magna Charta and those other six Statutes insisted upon which we do take knowledge stand in force and which we intend not to abrogate against the true intention thereof Thus we have thought fit to signifie unto you the rather for shortning any long delayes of this question the season of the year so far advance and our great occasions of State not lending us many dayes for long continuance of this Session of Parliament Given under our Signet at our Pallace of Westminster the 12. of May in the fourth year of our Raign The KINGS Message by the Lord Keeper 21. May 1628. HIs Majestie commanded me to signifie to your Lordships that the business concerning your part presented by the Commons to the Lords concerning the Liberty of the Subject wholly depends upon your Lordships and because his affairs are pressing and that he is very suddenly to take a Journey to Portsmouth As also because his Majesty would have the business put in a good forwardness before his going thither his Majestie desires your Lordships this day to proceed to a resolution whether you will joyn with the House of Commons in the Petition or not M r. MASONS speech concerning the Addition propounded by the Lords to be added to the Petition of Right IN our Petition of Right to the Kings Majestie we mentioned the Laws and Statutes by which it appeared that no Tax Loan or the like ought to be levied by the King but by common assent in Parliament That no Freeman ought to be imprisoned but by the Law of the Land That no Freeman ought to be compelled to suffer Souldiers in his house In the Petition we have expressed the breach of these Laws and desire that we may not suffer the like all which we pray as our Rights and Liberties The Lords have proposed an addition to this Petition in these words We humbly present this Petition to your Majestie not onely with a care of our own Liberties but with a due regard to leave intyre that Soveraign power wherewith your Majesty is intrusted for the protection safety and happiness of your people and whether we shall consent unto this addition is the Subject of this dayes discourse And because my Lord Keeper at the last conference declared their Lordships had taken the words of the Petition apart The word leave in a Petition is of the same nature as saving in a grant or Act of Parliament when a Man grants but part of a thing he saves the rest when he Petitions to be restored but to part he leaveth the rest then in the end of our Petition the word leave will imply that something is to be left of that or at least with a Reverence to what we desire The word entyre is very considerable a Conquerour is bound by no Law but hath power dare leges his will is a Law and although William the Conquerour at first to make his way to the Crown of England the more easie and the possession of it the more sure claiming it by little but afterwards when there were no powerfull pretenders to the Crown The little of Conquest to introduce that absolute power of a Conquerour was claimed and that Statute of Magna Charta and other Statutes mentioned in our Petition do principally limmit that power I hope it is as Lawfull for me to cite a Jesuite as it is for Dr. Manwaring to falsifie him Suares in his first book de legibus cap. 17. delivered his opinion in these words amplitudo restrictio potestatis Regum circa ea quae per se mala vel injusta non sunt pendet ex arbitrio hominum ex ambigua convencione vel pacto inter Reges Regnum And the further expresseth his opinion that the King of Spain was so absolute a Monarch that he might Lawfully impose tribute without consent of his people untill about 200. years since when it was concluded between him and his people that without consent of his people by proxies he should not impose any Tribute And Suares opinion is that by that agreement the Kings of Spain are bound to impose no Tribute without consent And this agreement that Author calls a restraining of that Soveraign power the Statutes then mentioned in our Petition restraining that absolute power of a Conquerour if we recite those Statutes and say we have the Soveraign power intire we do not take away that restraint which is the virtue and strength of those Statutes and set at Liberty the claim of the Soveraign power of a Conquerour which is to be limitted and restrained by no Laws this may be the danger of the word entyre The next words delivered by the Lords as observable is the particle that because it was said that all Soveraign power is not mentioned to be left but onely that with which the King is trusted for our protection safety and happiness But I conceive this to be an exception of all Soveraign power for all Soveraign power in a King is for the protection safety and happiness of his people If all Soveraign power be excepted you may easily Judge the consequence all Loans and Taxes being imposed by colour of that Soveraign power The next word is trusted which is very ambiguous whether it be meant trusted by God onely as a Conquerour or by the people also as King which are to Govern also according to Laws ex pacto In this point I will not presume to adventure further onely I like it not by reason of the doubtfull exposition it admits I have likewise considered the proposition it self and therein I have fallen upon the dilemma that this addition shall be construed either to refer unto the Petition or not If it doth refer unto the Petition it is meerly useless and unnecessary and unbefitting the Judgement of this grave and great Assembly to add to a Petition of this weight If it hath reference unto it then it destroys not onely the virtue and strength of our
conteined but particuler Rights of the Subject and nothing at all concerning his Majesties Prerogative Secondly that answer was to give his Majectie satisfaction of all our proceedings in general and no man can assign any particuler in which we have broken it and this Petition justifies it self that in it we have not offended against the protestation and I know no reason but that this declaration should be added to all our Laws we shall agree on this Parliament as well as to this Petition The last reason given was that we have varied in our Petition from the words of Magna Charta and therefore it was well necessary that a saving should be added to the Petition I answer that in the Statute 5. E. 3. 25. E. 3. 28. E. 3. and other Statutes with which Magna Charta is confirmed the words of the Statute of explanation differ from the words of Magna Charta it self the words of some of the Statutes of explanation being that no man ought to be apprehended unless by indictment or due process of Law the other statutes differing from the words of Magna Charta in many other particulars and yet there is no saving in those Statutes much less should there be any in a Petition of Right these are the answers I have conceived to the reasons of their Lordships and the exposition I apprehend must be made of the proposed words being added to our Petition And therefore I conclude that in my opinion we may not consent to this addition which I submit to better Judgements The Reasons of the Commons House delivered by M r. GLANUILE why they cannot admit of the Propositions tendered unto them by the Lords May it please your Lordships I Am commanded by the House of Commons to deliver unto your Lordships their reasons why they cannot admit of the Proposition tendered unto them by you but for an introduction into the busines please you to remember that a Petition of Right was shewed to your Lordships wherein we desired you would joyn with us a Petition my Lords fitting for these times grounded upon Law and seeking no more then the Subjects just Liberty The Petition consisted of 4. parts The first touching Loan Aids and Taxes The second touching imprisonment of mens Persons The third touching Billeting of Souldiers The fourth touching Commissions issued for Martial Law and put in execution upon several Persons Groaning under the burthen of these we desired remedy and wish your Lordships would joyn with us which you having taken into consideration we must confess have dealt nobly and freely with us not to conclude any thing till you hear our just reasons for which we thank your Lordships and hope your Lordships will value those reasons which we shall now offer unto your Lordships The work of this day will make a happy issue if your Lordships please to relinquish this as we formerly upon conference with your Lordships have done some other things For the Proposition my Lords we have debated it throughly in our House and I am commanded to deliver unto you the reasons why we cannot insert this clause Neither your Lordships nor we desire to debate Liberty beyond the due bounds or to incroach upon the Kings Prerogative and lessen the bounds thereof The first reason I am to lay down is touching Soveraign power which I beseech you not to accept as my own being but a weak Member of that strong body but as the reasons of the whole House upon great and grave considerations First my Lords the words Soveraign power hath either reference or no reference to the Petition if no reference then superfluous if a reference then dangerous and operative upon the Petition and we think your Lordships purposes is not to offer unto us any thing that may be vain or to the hinderance of any thing wherein you have already joyned with us The Petition declareth the Right of the Subject which yet may be broken by the word Soveraign power and so the virtue of the Petition taken away The end of the Petition is not to enlarge the bounds of Law but their Liberties being infringed to reduce them to their ancient bounds and shall we by admitting of these words Soveraign power instead of cureing the wound launch it and cut it deeper The next point is the word trust a word of large latitude and deep sence we know that there is a trust in the Crown and King but regulated by Law we acknowledge in penal Statutes the King may grant another power to dispense with the Law but Magna Charta inflicting no penalty leaveth no trust but claimeth his own right therefore the word trust would confound this distinction Our next reason is we think it absolutely repugnant to any course of Parliament to put saving to the Petition In former times the course of petitioning the King was this The Lords and the Speaker either by words or writing preferred their Petition to the King this then was called the Bill of the Commons which being received by the King part he received and part he put out part he retified for as it came from him it was drawn into a Law But this course in 2. H. 5. was found prejudicial to the Subject and since in no such cases they have petitioned by Petition of Right as we now do who come to declare what we demaund of the King For if we should tell him what we should not demaund we should then proceed not in a Parliamentary course Now for that which is alleadged by your Lordships de articulis sup Chartas that my Lords is not like this that is saving upon particulars But this Petition consisting consisting on particulers would be destroyed by a general saving The saving de articulis sup Chartas are of three aids for Ransomming the Kings Person for Knighting the Kings eldest Son and once for Marrying the Kings eldest Daughter These by the form of the Petition shew that they came not in upon the Kings answer but upon the Petition First then followed the savings which under favour we think are no reasons to make us accept of this saving being not pertinent to the Petition These 23. Statutes 34. E. 1. were made to confirm Magna Charta so that there are in all 30. Acts to set Magna Charta in its purity and if some subsequent Statute have laid some blemish upon it shall we now then make the subject in worse case by laying more weight upon it God forbid In the next place your Lordships reason thus that this which you wish we would admit of is no more then what we formerly did profess when we sent the King word we had no purpose at all to trench upon his prerogatives It is true my Lords we did so but this was not annexed to any Petition for in that manner we should never have done it And here I am commanded with your favours to deliver unto you what a Learned Member of the House delivered unto our House
touching this point The King saith he and the Subject hath two liberties Two Mannors joyning one upon another the King is informed the Subject hath intruded upon him but upon triall it appeareth not to be so were it fitting think you that the Subject should give security that he should not incroach or intrude on that Mannor of his because the King had been informed he did so I think you will be of another minde wherefore I am commanded seeing we cannot admit of this addition to desire your Lordships to joyn with us in the Petition which being granted and the hearts of the King and people knit togeather I doubt not but his Majestie will be safe at home and feared abroad Sir HENRY MARTINS Speech MY Lords the work of this day wherein the House of Commons hath implyed the Gentleman that spake last and my self was to reply to the answer which it hath pleased the Lord Keeper to make to those reasons which we had offered to your Lordships consideration in justification of our refusall not to admit into our Petition the addition commended by your Lordships which reasons of ours since they have not given such satisfaction as we desired and well hoped as by the Lord Keepers answer appeared It was thought fit for our better order and method in replying to divide the Lord Keepers answer into two parts a Leagall and a Rationall The reply to the leagall your Lordships have heard my self comes intrusted to reply to the rational which also consisted of two branches the first deduced from the whole context of the additional clause the second inforced out of some part In the first were these reasons that the same deserved our acceptance First as satisfactory to the King Secondly to your Lordships Thirdly agreeable to what our selves had often protested and professed expresly by the mouth of our Speaker I must confess these motives were weighty and of great force and therefore to avoid misunderstanding and misconceit which otherwise might be taken against the House of Commons upon refusall of the propounded addition It is necessary to State the question rightly and to set down the true difference between your Lordships and us Now indeed there is no difference or question between your Lordships and us concerning this additional clause in the nature and quality of a proposition For so considered we say it is most true and to be received and imbraced by us In toto qualibet parte qualibet syllaba yea and were that the question we should add to this addition and instead of due regard say we have had have and ever will have a special and singular regard where to leave entire Sovereign power were to intimate as if we had first cropt it and then left it but our regard was to acknowledge and confess it sincerely and to maintain it constantly even to the hazard of our goods and lives if need be To which purpose your Lordships may be pleased to remember that strict oath every Member of our House hath taken this very session in these words I A. B. do utterly testifie and declare in my Conscience that the Kings highness is the Supreme or Sovereign Governour of this Realm in all Causes c. and to my utmost power will assist and defend all Iurisdictions Priviledges Preheminencies and Authorities granted or belonging to the Kings Highness or united or annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm c. So that your Lordships need not to borrow from our protestations any exhortations to us to entertain a writing in assistance of the Kings Sovereign power since we stand obliged by the most Sacred bond of a solemn Oath to assist and defend the same if cause or occasion so required So that the onely question between your Lordships and us is whether this clause should be added to our Petition and received into it as part thereof which to do your Lordships reasons have not perswaded us because so to admit it were to overthrow the fabrick and substance of our Petition of Right and to annihilate the Right pretended by us and the Petition it felf in effect For these words being added to our Petition viz we humbly present this Petition c. with due regard to leave intire your Sovereign power c. do include manifestly an exception to our Petition and an exception being of the nature of the thing whereunto it is an exception Exceptio est de regula must of necessity destroy the rule or Petition so far as to the Case excepted Exceptio firmat regulam in Casibus non exceptis in Casibus exceptis distruit Regulam Then this construction followeth upon our Petition thus inlarged that after we have Petitioned That no Freeman should be compelled by imprisonment to lend or contribute money to his Majestie without his assent in Parliament nor receive against his will Souldiers into his house or undergo a commission of Martiall Law for life or Member in time of peace We should add except his Majestie be pleased to require our monies and imprison us for not lending and send Souldiers into our houses and execute us by Martiall Law in time of peace by virtue of his Soveraign power Which construction as it followeth necessarily upon this inlargment so it concludeth against our Right in the premisses and utterly frustrateth all our Petition neither may it seem strange if this clause additionall which of it self in quallity of a proposition we confess being added to our Petition which also is true should overthrow the very frame and fabrick of it seeing the Logicians take knowledge of such a Fallacy called by them Fallacia à bene divisis ad male conjuncta Horace the Poet giveth an instance to this purpose in a painter who when he had painted the head of a Man according to Art would then joyn to it the neck of a horse and so marr the one and the other whereas each by it self might have been a peice of right good workmanship The second branch of my Lordkeepers rationall parte was enforced out of the last words of this addition by which his Lordship said that they did not leave intire all Soveraign power but that wherewith his Majestie is trusted for the protection safety and happiness of the people as if his Lordship would infer that Soveraign power wherewith c. in this place to be terminum diminuentem â— term of diminution or quallification and in that consideration might induce us to accept it but under his Lordships correction we cannot so interpret it For first we are assured that there is no Sovereign power wherewith his Majestie is trusted either by God or Man but onely that which is for the protection safety and happiness of his people and therefore that limitation can make no impression upon us but we conceive it rather in this place to have the force termini adaâ—gentis to be a term of important advantage against our Petition a term of restriction and that
wheresoever his Majesties Soveraign power should be exercised upon us in all or any the particulars mentioned in the Petition we should without further inquiry submit thereunto as assuming and taking it pro concesso it induced to our safety and happiness c. Since therefore as the Petition is now conceived it carrieth the form and face of a picture which representeth to the life the pressures and grievances of the peoples with the easie remedies And therefore we hope that his Majesties casting upon it a gratious eye will compassionate his poor loyall Subjects and afford a comfortable answer I do humbly pray your Lordships not to marr or blemish the grace and face of this picture with this unnecessary addition and unnecessary I prove it to be according to that Rule expressio ejus quod tacitè inest nihil operatur And Soveraign power in Cases where it hath place and ought to be used is alwayes necessarily understood and though not expressed yet supplied by reasonable intendment or by the opinion of all Learned men And therefore as it neither is nor can be by us expresly included especially in this Petition where the addition thereof would make such a confusion of the whole sence and substance The Kings Soveraign power and Prerogative is alwayes able to save it self and if it were not we must without this addition save it to our utmost powers if we will save our Oath and save our selves The true state of the cause thus standing between your Lordships and us the House of Commons doth not a little marvel upon what grounds your Lordships are so earnest to urge upon them this addition to be inserted into their Petition they nothing doubt but that the same proceeded out of a sollicitude and fear which your Lordships have least otherwise the simple and absolute passage of this Petition might be construed hereafter in prejudice of his Majesties Soveraign power And this your Lordships sollicitude and fear proceedeth from your love as the Poet saith Res est solliciti plena Timoris Amor But I humbly pray your Lordships to examine with us the grounds of this your sollicitude and fear which grounds needs must be laid either upon the words of the Petition or the intention of the Petitioners Upon the words there is no possibility to lay them for therein is no mention of the Soveraign power And were the words doubtfull as thus we pray the like things be not done hereafter under pretext of your Majesties Soveraign power yet in respect of the Protestations preceeding concommitant and subsequent to the Petition such doubtfull words ought reasonably to be interpreted onely of such Soveraign power as was not applyable to the cases wherein it was exercised and of such Soveraign power as should be justly practised But there are no such doubtfull words and therefore it followeth that your Lordships fear and sollicitude must be grounded upon the intention of the Petitioners Now your Lordships well know that the House of Commons is not ignorant that in a Session of Parliament though it continue as many weeks as this hath done dayes yet there is nothing prius posterius but all things are held and taken as done at one time If so what a strange collection was this that at the same time the House of Commons should oblige themselves by a fearfull adjuration to assist and defend all Priviledges and Prerogatives belonging to the King and at the same time by a Petition cautiously conveyed indeavour or intend to divest and deprive the King of some Prerogatives belonging to his Crown If therefore such fear and sollicitude can neither be grounded upon the words of the Petition nor intention of the Petitioners I humbly pray your Lordships to lay them aside as we do believe that the proposition of this addition from your Lordships was not onely excuseable but commendable as proceeding from your love so now having heard our reasons your Lordships would rest satisfied that our refusal to admit them into our Petition proceedeth from the conscience of the integrity and uprightness of our own hearts That we in all this Petition have no such end to abate or diminish the Kings just Prerogative And so much in reply to that rational part whereby my Lord Keeper laboured to perswade the entertainment of this addition This being done it pleased the House of Commons to instruct and furnish me with certain reasons which I should use to your Lordships to procure your absolute conjunction with us in presenting this Petition which albeit I cannot set forth according to their worth and the instructions given me by the House yet I hope their own weight will so press down into your Lordships consciences and judgements that without further scruple you will cheerfully vouchsafe to accompany this Petition with your right noble presence A Personis The first argument wherewith I was commanded to move your Lordships was drawn from the consideration of the Persons which are Petitioners The House of Common a House whose temper mildness and moderation in this Parliament hath been such as we should be unthankfull and injurious to Almighty God if we should not acknowledge his good hand upon us upon our tongues upon our hearts procured no doubt by our late solemne and publick humiliation and prayers This moderation will the better appear if in the first place we may be remembred in what passion and distemper many Members of this House arrived thither what bosomes what pockets full of complaints and lamentable grievances the most part brought thither and those every day renewed by Letters and Packets from all parts and quarters You know the old proverb ubi dolor ibi digitus ubi amor ibi oculus It is hard to keep our fingers from often handling the parts ill affected but yet our moderation overcame our passion our discretion overcame our affection This moderation also will the better appear if in the second place it be not forgotten how our Ancestors and Predecessors carried themselves in Parliaments when upon lighter provocations less could not serve their turns but new severe Commissions to hear and determine offences against their Liberties publick Ecclesiastical curses or excommunications against the Authors or Actors of such violations accusations condemnations executions banishments But what have we said all this Parliament we onely look forward not backward we desire amendment hereafter no mans punishment for ought done heretofore Nothing written by us in bloud nay not one word spoken against any mans Person in displeasure The conclusion of our Petition is That we may be better intreated in time to come And doth not this moderate Petition deserve your Lordships cheerfull conjunction ex congruo condigno If a Worm being troden upon could speak a Worm would say tread upon me no more I pray you higher we rise not lower we cannot discend And thus much we think in modesty may well be spoken in our own commendation thence to move your Lordships to
the House of Commons commanded him to go on it thus followeth Mr. Speaker I Am sorry for this interruption but much more sorry if there hath been occasion wherein as I shall submit my self wholly to your judgement to receive what censure you should give me if I have offended So in the integrity of my intentions and clearness of my thoughts I must still retain this confidence that no greatness may deter me from the duties which I owe to the service of my King and Countrey but with a true English heart that I shall discharge my self as faithfully and as really to the extent of my poor power as any mans whose honours or whose Offices most strictly have obliged him you know the dangers Denmark is in how much they concerned us what in respect of our Alliance and the Countrey what in the importance of the Sound what an advantage to our Enemies the gain thereof would be what loss what prejudice to us by this division we breaking upon France France being inraged by us the Netherlands at amazement between both neither could we intend to aid that luckless King whose loss is our disaster Can those now that express their troubles at the hearing of these things and have been so often told us in this place of their knowledge in the conjunctures and disjunctures of affairs say they advised in this Was this an Act of Councel Mr. Speaker I have more charity then to think it and unless they make a confession of themselves I cannot believe it For the next the insufficiency and unfaithfulness of our Generals that great disorders abroad what shall I say I wish there were not cause to mention it and but out of the apprehension of the dangers that 's to come if the like chance hereafter be not prevented I could willingly be silent But my duty to my Soveraign and the service of this House the safety and Honour of my Countrey are above all respects and what so nearly tendeth to the prejudice of this may not be forborn At Calis then in that first expedition we made when we arrived and found a Conquest ready the Spanish ships I mean fit for the satisfaction of a Voyage and of which some of the chiefest then there themselves have since assured me the satisfaction would have been sufficient either in point of Honour or in point of profit why was it neglected why was it not atchieved it being of all hands granted how sensible it was after when with the destruction of some men and with the exposition of some others who though their fortune since have not been such by chance came off When I say with the loss of our serviceable men that unserviceable men were gained and the whole Army landed why was there nothing done why was there nothing attempted if nothing were intended wherefore did they Land if there were a service why were they shipt again Mr. Speaker it satisfies me too much in this when I think of their dry and hungry march unto that druncken quarter for so the Souldiers term'd it where was the period of their Journey that divers of our men being left as a sacrifice to the Enemy that labour was at an end For the next undertaking at Reez I will not trouble you much onely this in short was not that whole action carried against the Judgement and opinion of the Officers those that were of Councel was not the first was not the last was not all in the landing in the intrenching in the continuance there in the assault in the retreat did any advice take place of such as were of Councel If there should be made a particuler inquisition thereof these things will be manifest and more I will not instance Now the manifestation that was made for the reason of these Arms nor by them nor in what manner nor on what grounds it was published nor what effects it hath wrought drawing as you know almost the whole World in league against us nor will I mention of the leaving of the Wines the leaving of the Salt which were in our possession of a value as they said to answer much of our expence nor that wonder which no Alexander or Caesar ever did the inriching of the Enemy by courtesies when the Souldiers wanted help nor the private intercourses and Parlies with the Fort which continually were held what they intended may be read in the success and upon due examination thereof they would not want their proofs For the last Voyage to Rochell there needs no observations it is so fresh in memory Nor will I make an inference or Corolory and all your own knowledge shall judge what truth or what sufficiency they expressed For the next the ignorance and corruption of our Ministers where can you miss of instances if you survey the Court if you survey the Countrey if the Church if the Cittie be examined if you observe the Bar if the Bench if the Courts if the shipping if the Land if the Seas All these will render you variety of proofs and in such measure and proportion as shews the greatness of our sickness that if it have not some speedy remedy our case is most desperate M r. Speaker I fear I have been too long in these particulers that are past and am unwilling to offend you therefore in the rest I shall be shorter and in that which concerns the impoverishing of the King no other arguments will I use then such as all men grant The Exchequer you know is empty the Reputation thereof gone the ancient Lands are sold the Jewels pawned the Plate ingaged the Debt still great almost all charges both ordinary and extraordinary born by Projects What poverty can be greater what necessity so great what perfect English heart is not almost dissolved into sorrow for the truth for the oppression of the Subject which as I remember is the next particuler I proposed It needs no demonstration the whole Kingdom is a proof and for the exhausting of our treasures that oppression speaks it what waste of our provisions what consumption of our ships what destruction of our men have been witness that Journey to Argiers Withness that with Mansfield Witness that to Cales Witness the next Witness that to Rees Witness the last I pray God we may never have more such witnessess Witness likewise the Pallatinate Witness Denmark Witness the Turks Witness the Dunkerkers Witness all what losses we have sustained how we are impaired in Munition in Ships in Men. It hath no contradiction we were never so much weakned nor had less hope how to be restored These Mr. Speaker are our dangers these are they do threaten us and those are like that Troiane horse brought in cunningly to surprize us in these do lurk the strongest of our Enemies ready to issue on us and if we do not now the more speedily expell them these are the sign the invitation to others These will prepare their entrance that we shall have no
I conceive it is plain the King and the Law have power to deprive him of his Bishopprick if he deserves the same I think therefore it were good to decline this dispute for the present and to proceed to remove him which we are allowed Tuseday 10. A Bill for Ordering the Government and Plantation of the Summer Islands A Bill to restrain some abuses in Ministers and Magistrates Mr. Rowles complaineth that since his last complaint of the breach of the liberties of this House his Ware-house hath been locked up by one Massey a Pursevant and that yesterday he was called forth from the Committee in the Exchequer-chamber and served with a Subpena to appear in Star-chamber but that since he received a Letter from Mr. Attorney that it was a mistake The Subpena was read but the Letter not suffered to be read Sir Robert Phillips YOu see we are made the Subject of scorn and contempt I conceive this to be a bone thrown by those that have drawn a cloud over our sun our Religion to divert or interrupt us in the prosecution of them I desire the Messenger may be sent for and examined by what procurement this Subpena was taken forth for if we find not out those that throw these scorns upon us it is in vain to sit here Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchie THis proceeds from some great error for I will assure you this never proceeded from King nor Councel I therefore desire it may be searched to the bottom for be confident neither King nor Councel have cast in this as a bone Mr. Selden THis is not to be reckoned an Error for questionless this is to affront us and our own Liberties is the cause of this It is Ordered that Shemington the Messenger that served the Subpena be presently sent for to the House A Committee of six are appointed to see the information in Star-chamber and to examin the same and by whom the same was put in and they have power to send for persons or records that may inform them A general Order agreed on That all the Committees that have power to send for parties shall have power to command any of them as they shall think fit to attend the House at such times as they shall think fit The priviledge of the Merchants that are Planters here may be taken into consideration by this Committee concerning the information in Star-chamber Sheriff Acton called into the Barre as a Delinquent upon his knees saith if he have erred it is through want of memorie and ignorance for he intended not the least dislike or distaste to any Member of the House Mr. Long moved he might be sent to the Tower Sir Francis Seymour THat he may now be referred back to the Committee to be re-examined if then he deal not clearly this House may proceed to further punishment Mr. Selden I Cannot remember when we did commit a Sheriff of London but I remember when the House did commit both the Sheriffs of London to the Tower for an abuse of less nature onely for countenancing of a Serjeant in an Arrest on a Member of Parliament though they did acknowledge their faults at the Barre which this man hath not yet done the Serjeant was sent to Little-ease the person at whose suit he was Arrested was committed to the Fleet and both the Sheriffs to the Tower Mr. Kirton I Came into this House with as good an heart to this man as any man for I was spoken to to stand for him as I came in and I promised to do what favour I could but if he were my brother he should to the Tower Mr. Littleton YOu see the affronts by books by preaching by rumors by being dayly sued with Proces that are put upon us that we are become but a meer Scare-crow the neglect of our dutie is the cause of this it is high time to remedie this or it is in vain to sit here The Sheriff is again called in to the Barre on his knees and is sentenced to the Tower Sir Ben. Ruddiard THere be diverse Recantations Submissions and Sentences remaining on Record in both Universities against Arminianisme that concerning any thing that may conduce to our end the Speakers Letter may be sent to the Vicechancellor for those Records which is Ordered It is Ordered that Worsnam Daws and Garmarthen are to be at the Barre upon Fryday Wednesday 11. MAster Selden reported concerning the Process of the Merchants the Coppie of the Bill brought in and read that the Merchants did Plot Practice and Combine together against the peace of the Kingdom This being conceived to be a business incident to Tonnage and Poundage is Ordered to be referred till to Morrow morning Mr. Selden THat a Report shall be made to morrow of the Examination of the Complaints of the Merchants and the information in the Exchequer may also be brought which was also Ordered Ordered That in respect the Term ends to Morrow and the Assizes is to follow and diverse Members Lawyers may be gone down it is Ordered that none shall be gone without leave of the House It is alsu Ordered That the Speakers Letter be sent for Sir Edward Cook At the Committee for Religion MAster Walter delivered a Petition of the Book-sellers and Printers in complaint of the restraint of books written against Poperie and Arminianisme and the contrarie allowed of by the onely means of the Bishop of London that diverse of them have been so Pursevanted for printing of Orthodox books that the licensing of books is now onely restrained to the Bishop of London and his Chaplains One of the Printers said he tendred diverse books one called The golden Spur to the heavenly Race That Turner one of the Bishop of Londons Chaplains said That if he would put out the point That a man may be certain of his Salvation he would license the same notwithstanding he put out that point yet he could not get the same licensed Mr. Selden The refusing the Licensing of books is no crime but the Licensing of bad books is a crime or the refusing to license books because then writ against Poperie or Arminianisme is a crime There is no Law to prevent the printing of any book in England onely a Decree in Star-chamber therefore that a man should be sued and imprisoned and his goods taken from him is a great Invasion on the Libertie of the Subject moveth a Law to be made upon this This is referred to a select Committee to examin Mr. Shervile REported concerning the Pardons that they have examined Doctor Sibthorp and Cosens Pardons Sibthorp solicited his own Pardon and said he would get the Bishop of Winchester to get the Kings hand to it It is evident that the Bishop of Winchester got the Kings hand to Sibthorp and Cosens Pardons and also Mountagues Pardon was promised by him That Doctor Manwering solicited his own Pardon and the Bishop of Winchester got the Kings hand to it It is likewise said
doth Dissolve this Parliament wherefore you have all free leave to depart to your Residences c. His MAIESTIES Letter with Queres concerning Ship-money and the Answer thereunto To Our trustie and welbeloved Sir Iohn Bramston Knight Chief Justices of our Bench Sir Iohn Finch Knight Chief Justice of our Court of Common-pleas Sir Humphrey Davenport Knight Chief Baron of Our Court of Exchequer and to the rest of the Judges of Our Courts of Kings Bench Common-pleas and the Barons of our Court of Exchequer CHARLES R. TRustie and welbeloved We greet you well Taking into Our Princely consideration that the Honor and Safetie of this our Realm of England the preservation whereof is onely intrusted to Our care was and is now more dearly concerned than in late former times as well by diverse Counsels and attempts to take from Us the Dominion of the Seas of which We are sole Lord and rightfull Owner or Propriator and the loss whereof would be of greatest danger and peril to this Kingdom and other our Dominions and many other wayes We for the avoiding of these and the like dangers well weighing with Our self that where the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned and the whole Kingdom in danger there the charge and defence ought to be born by all the Realm in general did for preventing so publick a mischief resolve with Our self to have a Royal Navie provided that might be of force and power with Almightie Gods blessing and assistance to protect and defend this our Realm and our Subjects therein from all such perils and dangers and for that purpose We issued forth Writs under Our Great Seal of England directed to all Our Sheriffs of Our several Counties of England and Wales Commanding thereby all Our said Subjects in every Citie Town and Village to provide such a number of Ships well furnished as might serve for this Royal purpose and which might be done with the greatest equallitie that could be In performance whereof though generally throughout all the Counties of this Our Realm We have found in Our Subjects great chearfulness and alacritie which We graciously interpret as a testimonie as well of their dutifull affections to Us and Our service as of the respest they have to the publick which well becometh every good Subject nevertheless finding that some few happily out of ignorance what the Laws and Customs of this Realm are or out of a desire to be eased and freed in their particulars how general soever the charge be or ought to be have not yet paid and contributed the several Rates and Assesments that were set upon them foreseeing in our Princely wisdom that from hence diverse Suits and Actions are not unlikely to be commenced and prosecuted in Our several Courts at Westminster We desireous to avoid such inconveniences and out of Our Princely love and affection to all our people being willing to prevent such errors as any of Our loving Subjects may happen to run into have thought fit in a Case of this nature to advise with you Our Iudges who we doubt not are all well studied and informed in the rights of Our Sovereigntie And because the Trials in Our several Courts by the formalities in pleading will require a long protraction We have thought fit by this Letter directed to you all to require your Iudgements in the Case as it is set down in the inclosed Paper which will not onely gain time but also be of more Authoritie to over-rule any prejudicate opinions of others in the point Given under Our Signet at Our Court of White-hall the Second day of Febr. in the Twelfth Year of our Reign 1636. CHARLES R. WHen the good and safetie of the Kingdom in general is concerned and the whole Kingdom in danger Whether may not the KING by Writ under the Great Seal of England Command all the Subjects of this Kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such number of Ships with Men Victuals and Munition and for such time as he shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom from such danger and peril and by Law compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or refractoriness And whether in such case is not the KING the sole Judge both of the danger and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided CHARLES REX Answer MAy it please Your most excellent Majestie We have according to Your Majesties Command severally every man by himself and all of us together taken into serious consideration the Case and Questions signed by your Majestie and inclosed in your Royal Letter and we are of opinion that when the good and safetie of the Kingdom in general is concerned and the whole Kingdom in danger Your Majestie may by Writ under the Great Seal of England Command all the Subjects of this Your Kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such number of Ships with Men Victual and Munition and for such time as Your Majestie shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom from such danger and peril and that by Law Your Majestie may compel the doing thereof in Case of refusal or refractoriness And we are also of opinion That in such Case Your Majestie is the sole Iudge both of the danger and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided John Bramston John Finch Humfrey Davenport John Denham Richard Hutton William Jones George Crook Thomas Trevor George Vernon Robert Barkley Francis Crawley Richard Weston FINIS
speciali Nos volentes eisdem C. D. E. graciam in hac parte facere specialem tibi praecipimus quod si praedict C. D. E. occasione praedict non alia in Prisona praedict detineantur pro transgressionibus illis secundum legem consuetudinem Regni nostri Angliae replegiabiles existunt c. tunc impos C. D. E. Ã Prisona praedict si ea occasione non alia detineantur in eadem interim deliberari facias per manucapt supradict habeas ibi tunc coram praefat Iusticiar nomina manncapt illorum hoc breve And the exposition of this speciale mandatum domini Regis mentioned in the writ is expounded to be breue domini Regis and thereupon is this writ directed unto the Sheriffe for the delivery of them And so for the branch of the first part I conclude that the speciall command of the King without shewing the nature of the commandment of the Kings is too generall and therefore insufficient for he ought to have returned the nature of the commandment of the King whereby the Court might have adjudged upon it whether it were such a commandment that the imprisonment of Sir Iohn Corbet be lawfull or not and whether it were such a commandment of the King that although the imprisonment were lawfull at the first yet he might be bailed by Law And as for the generall return of speciale mandatum domini Regis without shewing the cause of the imprisonment either speciall or generall I hold that for that cause also the return is insufficient First in regard of the Habeas corpus which is the commandment of the King onely made the 15 of November According to the Teste of the writ commanding the keeper of the Gatehouse to have the body of Sir Iohn Corbet una cum causa detensionis ad subjiciendum recipiendum ea quae curia nostra de eo ad tunc ibid. ordinar contingat So as the commandment of the writ being to shew the cause of his detaining in prison the keeper of the gatehouse doth not give a full answer unto the writ unlesse the cause of the detainment in prison be returned and the Court doth not know how to giue their judgement upon him either for his imprisonment or for his discharge according to the purport of the writ when there is not a cause returned and forasmuch as upon an excommengement certified it hath been adjudged oftentimes that Certificates were insufficient where the cause of the commitment hath not been certified that the Court might adjudge whether the Ecclesiasticall Judges who pronounced the excommunication had power over the original cause according to the book of 14 Hen. 4.14.8 Rep. 68. Trollops case 20 Ed. 3. Excommengement 9. So upon an Habeas corpus in this Court where a man hath been committed by the Chancellour of England by the Councell of England Marches of Wales Warden of the Stanneries High Commission Admiralty Dutchy Court of request Commission of Sewers or Bankrupts it hath severall times been adjudged that the return was insufficient where the particular cause of imprisonment hath not been shewen to the intent that it might appear that those that committed him had jurisdiction over the cause otherwise he ought to be discharged by the Law and I spare to recite particular causes in every kind of these because there are so many presidents of them in severall ages of every King of this Realm and it is an infallible maxime of the Law That as the Court of the Kings Bench and Judges ought not to deny an Habeas corpus unto any prisoner that shall demand the same by whomsoever he be committed so ought the cause of his imprisonment to be shewn upon the return so that the Court may adjudge of the cause whether the cause of the imprisonment be lawfull or not and because I will not trouble the Court with so many presidents but such as shall suit with the cause in question I will onely produce and vouch such presidents whereas the party was committed either by the commandment of the King or otherwise by the commandment of the Privy Councell which Stampford fol. 72. tearmeth the mouth of the King such acts as are done by the Privy Councell being as Acts done by the King himself And in all these causes you shall find that there is a cause returned as well as a speciale mandatum domini Regis c. or mandatum Privati Concilii domini Regis whereby the Court may adjudge of the cause and bail them if they shall see cause In the eighth of Henry the seventh upon return of an Habeas corpus awarded for the body of one Roger Sherry it appeareth that he was committed by the Mayor of Windsor for suspicion of felony and ad sectam ipsius Regis pro quibusdam feloniis transgressionibus ac per mandatum domini Regis 21 Hen. the seventh upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of Hugh Pain it appeared that he was committed to prison per mandatum dominorum Privati Concilii domini Regis pro suspicione feloniae Primo Henrici Octavi Rot. 9. upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Thomas Harrison and others it appears that they were committed to the Earl of Shrewsbury being Marshall of the houshould Per mandatum Domini Regis pro suspicione feloniae pro homicidio facto super Mare 3 4 Philip. Mariae upon a return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Peter Man it appeareth that he was committed pro suspicione feloniae ac per mandatum Domini Regis Reginae 4 5 Philippi Mariae upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Thomas Newport it appeared that he was committed to the Tower pro suspicione contrafact monetae per privatum Concilium domini Regis Reginae 33 Elizabethae upon the return of an Habeas corpus for the body of one Lawrence Brown it appeareth that he was committed per mandatum Privati Concilii dominae Reginae pro diversis causis ipsam Reginam tangen ac etiam pro suspicione proditionis So as by all these presidents it appeareth where the return is either Per mandatum domini Regis or Per mandatum dominorum Privati Concilii domini Regis there is also a cause over and besides the mandatum returned as unto that which may be objected that per mandatum domini Regis or Privati Concilii domini Regis is a good return of his imprisonment I answer First that there is a cause for it is not to be presumed that the King or Councell would commit one to prison without some offence and therefore this mandatum being occasioned by the offence or fault the offence or fault must be the cause and not the command of the King or Councell which is occasioned by the cause Secondly it apeares that the jurisdiction of
the Privy Councell is a limited jurisdiction for they have no power in all causes their power being restrained in certain causes by severall Acts of Parliament as it appeareth by the statute of 20 Edward the third c. 11. 25 Ed. the third c. 1. stat 4. the private petition in Parliament permitted in the 1 of R. 2. where the Commons petition that the Privie Councell might not make any Ordinance against the Common Law Customes or Statutes of the Realm the fourth of Henry the fourth ca. 3. 13 Hen. the fourth 7. 31 Henry the sixth and their jurisdictions being a limited jurisdiction the cause and grounds of their commmitment ought to appear whereby it may appear if the Lords of the Councell did commit him for such a cause as was within their jurisdiction for if they did command me to be committed to prison for a cause whereof they had not jurisdiction the Court ought to discharge me of this imprisonment and howsoever the King is Vicarius Dei in terra yet Bracton cap. 8. fol. 107. saith quod nihil aliud potest Rex in terris cum sit Minister Dei Vicarius quam solum quod de jure potest nec obstat quod dicitur quod Principi placet legis habet vigorem quia sequitur in fine legis cum lege Regia quae de ejus imperio lata est id est non quicquid de voluntate Regis temere praesumptum est sed animo condendi Iura sed quod consilio Magistratuum suorum Rege author praestant habita super hoc deliberatione tract rect fuer definit Potestat itaque sua juris est non injuriae The which being so then also it ought to appear upon what cause the King committeth one to prison whereby the Judges which are indifferent between the King and his Subjects may judge whether his commitment be against the Laws and Statutes of this Realm or not Thirdly it is to be observed that the Kings command by his Writ of Habeas corpus is since the commandment of the King for his commitment and this being the latter commandment ought to be obeyed wherefore that commanding a return of the body cum causa detentionis there must be a return of some other cause then Per mandatum domini Regis the same commandment being before the return of the Writ Pasch. 9. E. 3. pl. 30. fol. 56. upon a Writ of Cessavit brought in the County of Northumberland the Defendants plead That by reason the Country being destroyed by Warres with the Scots King Edward the second gave command that no Writ of Cessavit should be brought during the Warres with Scotland and that the King had sent his Writ to surcease the Plea and he averreth that the Warres with Scotland did continue Hearle that giveth the Rule saith That we have command by the King that now is to hold this Plea wherefore we will not surcease for any writ of the King that is dead and so upon all these reasons and presidents formerly alledged I conclude that the return that Sir Iohn Corbet was committed and detained in prison Per speciale mandatum domini Regis without shewing the nature of the commandment by which the Court may judge whether the commandment be of such a nature as he ought to be detained in prison and that without shewing the cause upon which the commandment of the King is grounded is not good As unto the second part which is Whether the time of the commitment by the return of the Writ not appearing unto the Court the Court ought to detain him in prison or no I conceive that he ought not to be continued in prison admitting that the first commitment by the command of the King were lawfull yet when he hath continued in prison by such reasonable time as may be thought fit for that offence for which he is committed he ought to be brought to answer and not to continue still in prison without being brought to answer For it appears by the Books of our Laws that liberty is a thing so favoured by the Law that the Law will not suffer the continuance of a man in prison for any longer time then of necessity it must and therefore the Law will neither suffer the party Sheriffs or judges to continue a man in prison by their power and their pleasure but doth speed the delivery of a man out of prison with as reasonable expedition as may be And upon this reason it is resolved in 1 2 El. Dyer 175. 8 Ed. 4.13 That howsoever the Law alloweth that there may be no term between the rest of an originall Writ and the return of the same where there is onely a summons and no imprisonment of the body yet it will not allow that there shall be a term between the rest of a Writ of Capias and the return of the same where the body of a man is to be imprisoned insomuch that it will give no way that the party shall have no power to continue the body of a man imprisoned any longer time then needs must 39 E. 3.7 10 H. 7.11 6 E. 4.69 11 E. 4.9 48 E. 3.1 17 E. 3.1 2 Hen. 7. Kellawaies Reports do all agree that if a Capias shall be awarded against a man for the apprehending of his body and the Sheriffe will return the Capias that is awarded against the party a non est inventus or that languidus est in prisona yet the Law will allow the party against whom it is awarded for the avoiding of his corporall pennance and dures of imprisonment to appear gratis and for to answer For the Law will not allow the Sheriffe by his false return to keep one in prison longer then needs must 38 Ass. pl. 22. Brooks imprisonment 100. saith That it was determined in Parliament that a man is not to be detained in prison after he hath made tender of his fine for his imprisonment therefore I desire your Lordship that Sir Iohn Corbet may not be kept longer in durance but be discharged according to the Law The substance of the Objections made by Mr. Attorney General before a Committee of both Houses to the Argument that was made by the House of Commons at the first conference with the Lords out of Presidents of Record and Resolutions of Iudges in former times touching the Liberty of the person of every Freeman and the Answers and Replies then presently made by the House of Commons to these Objections AFter the first conference which was desired by the Lords and had by a Committee of both houses in the painted Chamber touching the Reasons Laws Acts of Parliament and Presidents concerning the Liberty of the person of every Freeman M r Attorney General being heard before the Committee of both houses as it was assented by the house of Commons that he might be before they went up to the conference after some preamble made wherein he declined the answering all Reasons of Law