of the arduous and â—rgent affaires of the Realme and Church of England as the first clause of the writ Carolus c. quia c. pro quibusdam arduis 〈◊〉 negotiis Nos Statum defensionem Regni nostri Angliae â—â—â—lâ—siae Anglicanae concernent quiddam Parliamentum nostrum teneri â—â—â—â—â—avimus ibidem cum Praelatis MAGNATIBUS PROCERIBUS dicti Regni nostri COLLOQUIUM HABERIET TRACTARE Tibi praecipimus And the Commons are summoned to performe and consent to those things which shall there happen to be ordained by this Com. Coun. of the Kingdom c. And if they are thus summoned not to treat amongst themselves as an independent and intire Parliament but to confirme and consent to what the King Prelates Great men and Peers the Common Councell of the Realm shall ordaine about such affaires as they must of necessity admit the King Lords and Peers to be altogether as essentiall yea more principall eminent Members of Parliament though not elective as the Knights Burgesses who are but summoned to consent to performe what shall happen there by common advise to ordaine or at least to consult and advise with them as their inferiors not to over-rule them as their superiors and the only Supream power in the Kingdom and if they will totally exclude either King or Lords from Parliament who are distinct essentiall Members of it as well as the Commons and have always been so reputed untill now the Commons may sit alone as Cyphers but not as a Parliament to vote or act any thing that is binding to the people since though in extraordinary cases for the saving of the Kingdome they may securely use extraordinary meanes proceedings yet regularly they are no more a Parliament without the King Lords theÌ„ the King or Lords alone are a Parliament without the Commons or the trunke of a man a perfect man without a head or shoulders If * Dyer 61. 62. Cooke 5 Report f. 90. 91. 94. 120. 121. v. 1. Rep. 111. 173 19. R. 8. 9. Br. executors 3. 15 11. 7. 12. 3. be joyntly impowred or commissioned to doe any act by Commission Deed or Warrant any one or two of them can do nothing without the 3d. If many be in Commission of the Peace Sewers or the like and three of the Quorum joyntly act there joyntly if any one of the three be absent all the rest can do nothing In Parliament it selfe If either House appoint a Committee of 3. 5. or 7. to examine act or execute any thing if but one of this number be absent or put out the rest can doe nothing that is legall or valid even by course of Parliament neither can either House sit and vote as a House unlesse there be so many Members present as by the Law and custome of Parliament will make up an House as every mans experience can informe him If these Levellers then will absolutely cut off or exclude the King or Lords from the Parliament they absolutely null and dissolve it and the Act â—or câ—ntinuing this Parliament cannot make nor continue the Commons alone together as a Parliament no more then the Lords or King alone without the Commons the King or either House alone being no Parliament but both conjoyned and enlivened with the Kings personall or representative presence The cutting of the head alone or of the head and shoulders altogether destroyes and kills the body Politicke and Parliament as well as the body naturall If the King dies or resignes his Crowne or be deposed the Parliament thereby is actually dissolved as it was resolved in the Parliament of 1. H. 4. n. 1. 2. 3. and 4. F. 4. 44. And so if the Lords or Commons dissolve and leave their House without any adjournment the Parliament is thereby dissolved as the forecited presidents and the latter clause of the writ for the election of Knights and Burgesses manifests And a new kind of Parliament consisting onely of Commoners when the old one onely within the Act for continuing this Parliament made up both of King Lords and Commons is dissolved neither will or can be supported or warranted by the letter or intention of this Law Ninthly All the Petitions of the Commons in all Parliaments since the Conquest to the King or Peeres for their redresse of grivances recorded in many ancient Parliament Roules All Acts of Parliament extant usually runne in this forme * Cooke 4. Instit c. 1. The King with the assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall in Parliament hath ordained and be it enacted by the Kings most Excellent Majesty the Lords Spirituall and temporall in this present Parliament assembled The famous Petition of Right 3. Car. so much insisted on beginning thus Humbly shew unto our Soveraigne Lord the King the Lords spirituall and Temporall and Commons in Parliament assembled thus answered by the King Let right be done as is desired The Act of continuing this Parliament made by the King and Lords as well as by the Commons who never intended to exclude themselves out of this Parliament by that Act or that it should continue if either of them were quite dismembred from it with all Acts and Ordinances since Yea the Protestation Solemne League and Covenant taken by the Commons and Lords prescribed by them to all others throughout the three Kingdomes which couple the Lords and Commons alwaies together neither of them alone being able to make any binding Ordinance to the subjects unlesse they both concurre no more than one Member alone of either House can make a House and ranck the Lords alwaies before the Commons and the King before them both so firmely hold forth establish the Lords and Kings undoubted Right to sit and Vote in Parliament and decry this new mounted Monopoly of a sole Parliament of Commons without King or Lords that absolute Soveraigne Power these new Lights have spied out and set up for them in Vtopia that impudency it selfe would blush to vent such mad absurd irrationall Frenzies and Paradoxes as these crackbrain'd persons dare to publish and they may with as much truth reason argue that one man is three that the Leggs and trunke of a man are a perfect man without head necke armes and shoulders or that the Leggs and Body are and ought to be placed above the head neck and shoulders as that the House of Commons are or ought to be an entire Parliament the sole Legislative Power the onely Supreame Authority paramount both King Lords who must not have now so much as a Negative voyce to deny or contradict any of the Commons Votes or Ordinances though never so rash unjust dishonorable prejudiciall or dangerous to the whole Kingdome Tenthly These very Sectaries and Levellers themselves have acknowledged and asserted this Right of Power of the Lords all along this Parliament till of late c See innocency and truth justified p. 74. 75. Mr. Edwards Gangraena part
2. 13 R. 2. n. 6 7. 17 R. 2. n. 17 18. 8 H. 4. n. 31. to 92. 11 H. 4. n. 14. 28. 39. 44. 13 H. 4. n. 11. Commons too when ever they recommended Councellors of State to the King in Parliament made choice of f See the Soveraigne Power of Parliaments part 1. and 2. Lords and other Peers for their Privy Councellors and therefore it was thought fit just and equall the King should ever summon them to the Parliament by his Writ without any election of the people Mr. Pryns Truth Triumphing over falshood p. 56. to 70. Stat. de 4 E. 1. c. 2. Lambert Archaion for their own inherent wisdome excellency and worth the Originall cause of advancing and ennobling them at first as is expressed in their Patents and evident by these Scripture texts Esth 1. 13 14. Isay 59. 11 12 13. Jer. 5. 5. c. 10. 7. c. 51. 57. Dan. 2. 48. c. 6. 1 2 3. Gen. 41. 39 40. Psal 101. 21 22. compared together This ground of calling the Nobles to the Parliament is intimated in the very words of the summons Et ibidem VOBIS CUM Coloquium habere tractare de arduis urgentibus Regni Ecclesiae Anglicanae negociis VESTRUM QUE CONSILIUM IMPENSUR c. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis which implies them to be men of wisdome and experience able to counsell and advise the King in all his weighty and arduous affaires both of the Kingdome and Church I could give many instances wherein the Commons in Parliament have extraordinarily applauded the Lords and Peers for their great wisdome and especially desired their wholesome Counsell as persons of greater wisdome and experience then themselves but for brevity sake I shall cite onely two Records one of them most sutable to the present deplorable condition of our State and worthy imitation In the Parliament of 21 Edw. 3. no. 45. William de Thorpe in the presence of the King Prelates Earles Barons and Commons declared that the Parliament was called for two causes The first concerning the Wars which the King had undertaken by the consent of the Lords and Commons against His Enemies of France The second how the Peace of England may be kept Whereupon the King would the Commons should consult together and that within four daies they should give answer to the King and His Counsell what they think therein On the fourth day the Commons declare THAT THEY ARE NOT ABLE TO COUNSEL ANY THING TOUCHING THE POINT OF WAR wherefore they desire in that behalf to be excused And that the King will thereof ADVISE WITH HIS NOBLES AND COUNCEL and what shall be so amongst them determined they the Commons will thereto assent confirme and establish By which it is evident the Commons then reputed the Nobles more wise and able to advise the King in matters of War then themselves who confessed their inability herein and therefore submitted to assent to whatever the Nobles and Councel should therein advise Him 28 Edw. 3. n. 55. The Commons submit the whole businesse of the Treaty of Peace with France TO THE ORDER OF THE KING AND OF HIS NOBLES And â—6 Edw. 3. n. 6. The LORDS only advise the King touching Truce or War with Scotland In the first Parliament of 15 Edw. 3. n. 11. the Commons having delivered in divers Articles concerning the redresse of grievances and publick affaires to the King prayed that unto the Wednesday ensuing their Articles may be committed to certain BISHOPS BARONS AND OTHER WISE MEN there named BY THEM TO BE AMENDED which the King granted whereas the Lords exhibited their Articles 〈◊〉 to the King and the Bishops their Articles apart in this Parliament and protested that they ought not to answer but in open Parliament BY AND WITH THEIR PEERES without joyning with the Commons num 6 7 18 c. 26 27 35 37. which course they held in most following Parliaments I shall conclude with one President more most suitable to the present deplorable condition of our State and worthy imitation In the Parliament of 5 Hen. 4. Rot. Parl. num 9. 10. The Commons having presented to the King in Parliament divers grievances in the ill managing of His Revenues the decay of His Castles Houses and Parks the great poverty and pressures of His Subjects and danger of the Enemies thereupon they most intirely and cordially prayed the King to consider the eminent perils of all parts of the Realm by reason of the Enemies and Rebels of which they had news from day to day and that as the case then stood if such mischiefs were not speedily and graciously remedied and reformed in this Parliament it might fall out upon sodain arivall of Enemies or by some other means this Parliament must of necessity be departed from by all and dissolved so as the Lords and Commons should never re-assemble again to redresse the said Mischiefs and others which God defend And therefore that it would please the King considering the HIGH WISDOMES AND DISCRETIONS OF THE LORDS and that THEY HAD KNOWLEDGE OF MANY PERILS AND MATTERS which could not be so clearly known to the King that he would now in this present Parliament charge ALL HIS LORDS Spirituall and Temporall upon the faith they principally owe to God and the faith Homage and Allegiance which they owe to our Lord the King himself for the aid and salvation of themselves and of all the Realm that the said Lords WOULD COUNSEL and shew Him their advice and WHOLSOME COUNSEL IN THIS BEHALF SEVERALLY INTIRELY without dissimulation or adulation having regard to the great mischiefs and necessity aforesaid And thereupon our Lord the King most graciously with His own mouth in full Parliament charged and commanded as well the Lords as the said Commons that they should do their diligence and shew unto Him their good and wholsome Counsels in this behalf for the aid of Him and all His Realm And after the said Commons in the same Parliament made request to the said Lords that seeing the King had given them such a charge and command and that in so high a manner of Record that they would do their diligence well and loyally to persever the same without any courtesie made between them in any manner as they would answer before the most High and before our Lord the King and to all the Realm in time to come and that the Commons themselves thereupon would do the like on their party Which if both Lords and Commons would now cordially and sincerely promise and ingage to do without self-ends or interests we might see our Church and Kingdome speedily setled in a peaceable and happy condition In brief the Lords in the very Writ touching Knights and Burgesses are stiled The Common Councell of the Kingdome and the Knights Citizens and Burgesses are called to inform and assent to that which they and their King shall Ordain and 5 Ric. 2. Parl. 2. n. 3. 6 R. 2. n. 8 9 11 26.
Arraignement of Persecution The Ordinance against Tythes unmounted See Mr. Edwards Gangrana part 3. p. 209. to 204. Pamphlets and by some late e See the severall Remonstrances from his Excellency and the Army from June till December last The agreement of the people the grand Designe Putâ—ey Projects Remonstrances and Engagements from their Confederates and Agitators in the Army a speedy period and dissolution of this Parliament and a new modelling and more equall distribution of Members in the very House of Commons for the future All which Petitions Papers Remonstrances and Pamphlets of theirs tending to the utter subversion of Parliaments the fundamentall Lawes and Government of the Kingdome and introduction of all arbitrary popular Polarchy and Tyranny are rather to be ranked among and more agreeable to the Earle of Straffords and Canterburies Treasons which they exceed by many degrees then to be sleighted or countenanced as they are the keeping up of the honour of Peers and rights and Priviledges of both Houses within their just bounds without interfeiring or incroachment upon one another or invading the peoples just Liberties and Rights being the onely meanes of their and our preservation settlement security upon which consideration I shall endeavour as briefly and fully as I may to vindicate the undoubted Right of the Lords and Peers of this Realme to sit and vote in Parliament notwithstanding they are not elected by the people and make good the right and power of Judicature as well of Commoners as Peers against all cavills of the Anabaptisticall Levellers Lilburnians Sectariâ—s Agitators and I hope so farre to silence and stop their mouthes if not convince their judgements that they shall never be able to reply again hereto The sum of all they object against the Lords right of sitting voting and judging in Parliament is this f Overtons Defiance against all arbitrary usurpation of the House of Lords p. 5. 6 15. 17. 18. his Arrow against all Tyrants p. 6 10. 11. 12. and others forecited That they sit there only by Patent the Kings will Tenure or descent not onely by the Peoples free Election as the Knights Citizens and Burgesses doe That the people never intrusted nor invested them with any power but the King they represent themselves onely not the Commons and the Sonnes onely of Conquest brought in by the Conquerour of Usurpation not of Choice and Election 1. To this I answer first That our Earls Barons Nobles and Archbishops Bishops and Abbots too who held by Barony sate anciently in all our Parliaments and Generall Counsells and Assemblies many hundred yeares before the Conquest by right of Peerage and Tenure as now they doe as Modus tenendi Parliamentum g Epist to his 9. Report Institutes on Litleton p. 110 4. Institutes c. 1. Sir Edward Cook Vowell h M. Seldens Titles of Honour part 2. ch 5. where this is abundantly manifested Spelmaâ—ni Concil tâ—m 1. Truth triumpâ—ing over Falshood antiquity over Novelty p. 36 c. The Freeholders Grand inquest p. 4. to 20. and others write and our Historians record therefore this is a grosse mistake That they are the Sonnes of Conquest introduced by the Conquerour the rather because in all Empires and Kingdomes in the world though free and never conquered their Princes Nobles Lords and great Officers of State have ever sate in all their Parliaments Senates and Generall Counsells of State by reason of their Honors and places only without any popular Elections as is cleare by these Texts of Scripture 1 Chron. 13. 1 2. c. 28. 1 2. c. c. 29. 1. 6. 24. 2 Chron. 1 2 3. c. 5. 3. 4. c. c. 23. 2. 3. 20. 21. c. 30. 2. 3. 6. 12. c. 34. 29. 30. c. 35. 7. 8. Neh. 9. 38. c. 10. Esther 1. 13. to 22. Dan. 3. 2. 3. 2 Chro. 29. 30. c. 32. 3. Ezra 9. 1. c. 10. 8. 1 Sam. 5. 8. c. 29. 3. to 10. Psa 68. 27. Prov. 8. 15 16. Isa 19. 11. 12. 13. Jer. 17. 25. c. 26. 11. 16. c. 36. 12. 14. c. 37. 14. 15. c. 38. 4. 25. 27. Dan. 6. 1. 6 7. Jonah 3. 7. Psa 2. 2. Isa 1. 23. 26. compared together and by all Historians and Polititians testimonies 2. Secondly that they sit there onely by the Kings Patent is false for first many Peeres and Nobles have been created in and by i See M. Seldens Titles of Honour p. 2. ch 5. 14. â— 3. c. 35. 9. R. 2. n. 16. 20. R. 2. n. 80 1. H. 4. â— 81. with many more Parliament at the Commons and Peoples earnest Petitions and by Patents confirmed in Parliament of which there are many Presidents Secondly though the Kings Writ or Patent create others of them Peers and Baroâ—'s without the peoples consent yet the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme made by the Commons consents and approved by the people allow the King this power and authorize and k 5. R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 4 31. H. 8. c. 10. enjoyne Lords and Barons to sit in Parliament when thus created if there be no just exceptions taken to them by the Houses therefore though they are created Lords and Peers and sit in Parliament by the Kings Patent and Writ onely by way of instrument and conveyance yet originally and really they are made and sit there by the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme to which all the people have consented of which more hereafter Thirdly all ancient and new Cities and Burroughs who send Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament and the Divisions of Counties were originally created and invested with this power to elect Citizens Burgesses and Knights for the Parliament l Lâ—e Lit. c. 10. Sect. 162 164. Cook Ibidem 49. Ass 8. only by the Kings Letters Patents and Charters not by the peoples election and choice and none of them do or can choose or send Knights Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament m Cook 4. Instit c. 1. Crâ—mptons Jurisdiction of Couâ—ts c. 1. 1. R. 1. c 4. 8. H. 4 c. 14 8. H. 5. c. 7. 32. H. 6. c. 15 14 H. 5. c 3 l. 1. H. 7 12 2 H. 7. 13. a. 5. H 7. 9. H. 7. 12. 14 H. 6. 12. 7. â— 4. 14 15. â— 4 15. Cooâ— 1. 〈◊〉 250. a. without the Kings Writ directed to them but onely by power and vertue of it therefore if the Lords sitting in Parliament be illegall and unwarrantable because they sit onely by Patent and Writs from the King the sitting of Knights Citizens and Burgesses must be so too because they are elected only by the Kings Writ and enabled to elect and choose them only by his Patents the power of * creating Cities Burroughs and Knights being originally in the King as well as the power of creating Lords and Barons 3. Thirdly that the generall election of the people is not absolutely necessarie nor essentiall to the making of a King Magistrate Counseller of State Peer or member of Parliament
said Sommons be he Archbishop Bishop Abbot Prior DUKE LORD BARON Baronet Knight of the Shire Citizen of City Burgesse of Burgh or other singular person or Commonalty do absent himselfe or come not at the said Summons except he may reasonably or honestly excuse himself to our Soveraigne Lord THE KING HE SHALL BE AMERCED and OTHERWAYES PVNISHED ACCORDING AS OF OLD TIME HATH BEEN USED TO BE DONE within the said Realme in the SAID CASE Which relates unto and agrees expresly with that forecited out of Modus tenendi Parliamentum If then all the Judges and Peares in Parliament are bound to attend the Parliament not to depart without the Kings and Houses leave under paine of Amercement and other punishment as this Statute resolves and 3. Ed. 3. 19. Fit 2. Câ—ron 161. Stamford l 3. c. 1. f. 153. Cooke Instit p. 15. 16. 17. 43 18. E. 3. Mo. 1. 2 8. and 31. H. 6. n. 46. What fine were imposed on absent Lords manifest then questionlesse they ought of right to sit in Parliament else it were the height of Injustice thus to fine them In the tenth yeare of King â— * Grafâ—oâ—â— Cron. p. ◠〈◊〉 350. 2. this King absented himselfe from his Parliament then sitting at Westminster residing at Eltham about forty dayes and refusing to come to the Parliament and yet demanding from them foure fifteenes for maintenance of his Estate and outward Wars Whereupon the whole body of the Parliament made this answer THAT VNLESSE THE KING WERE PRESENT THEY WOULD MAKE THEREIN NO ALLOWANCE Soone after they sent the Duke of Gloucester and Bishop of Ely Commissioners to the King to Eltham who declared to him among other things in the Lords and Commons behalfe how that by AN OLD ORDINANCE THEY HAVE AN ACT if the King absent himselfe 40. dayes not being sicke but of his owne minde not heeding the charge of his people nor their great paines and will not resort to the Parliament they may then lawfully returne to their Houses And now sir said they you have beene absent a longer time and yet refuse to come amongst us which is greatly to our discontent To which the King answered Well we doe consider that our owne people and Commons goe about to rise against vs wherefore we thinke wee can doe no better then to aske ayd of our Cosen the French King and rather to submit us to him then unto our owne subjects The Lords answered Sir that Counsell is not best but a way rather to bring you into danger c. By whose good perswasions the King was appeased and Promised to come to the Parliament and condiscend to their Petitions and according to his appointment he came and so the Parliament proceeded which else had dissolved by the Lords departure thence in discontent and the Kings wilfull absence Andrew Horne in his Mirrour of Justices in the raigne of King Edward the first writes That our Saxon Kings divided the Realme into 38 Counties over which they set so many Counts or Earles and though the King ought to have no Peers in his land but PARLIAMENTS all Writs and Plaints of the Moneys of the King Queene and their Children and of those especially who otherwise could not have common right of their wrongs These Companions are now called Counts after the latine word Comites For to the Estates of the Realme King Alfred assembled the COVNTS or Earles and ordained by a Perpetuall Law that twice a yeare or oftner they should assemble at London in Parliament to consult of the Government of the people of God Fleta l. 2. c. 2. p. 66. writes thus in the same Kings raigne Habet enim Rex curiam suam in concilio suo in Parliamentis suis PRAESENTIBUS Praelatis COMITIBUS BARONIBUS PROCERIBUS alijs viris peritis vbi terminatae sunt dubitationes judiciorum moris injuriis eversis nova constituuntur remedia And l. 17. c. 17. he writes thus Rex in populo regendo superiores habet Vidilicet legem perfactus est Rex Curiam suam to wit of Parliament videlicet COMITES BARONES Comites enim a Comitia dicuntur qui cum viderint Regem sine froeno Froenum sibi apponere TENENTVR ne clament sabditi Domine Jesu Christe in Chamo froeno maxillas eorum constringe Sir Thomas Smith in his Common-wealth of England * Bracton l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 l. 3. c 9. 〈◊〉 the like in the same words in Henry the 3. his reigne l. 2. c. 1. John Vowel and Ralph Hollinshed vol. 1. c. 6. p. 173. Mr. Cambden in his Britania p. 177. John Minshew in his Dictionary vuell in his Interpreter Title Parliament Powell in his Attornyes Academy and others unanimously conclude That the Parliament consisteth of the KING the LORDS SPIRITVALL and TEMPORALL and the Commons which STATES represent the body of all England which make but one assembly or Court called the Parliament and is of all other the Highest and greatest Authority and hath the most high and absolute power of the Realme And that no Parliament is or can be holden without the King and Lords Mr. Crompton in his Jurisdiction of Courts affirmes particularly of the High Court of Parliament f. 1. c. This Court is the highest Court of England in which the King himself fits in person and comes there at the beginning and end of the Parliament and AT ANY OTHER TIME WHEN HE PLEASETH ORDERING THE PARLIAMENT To this Court come ALL THE LORDS OF PARLIAMENT as well spirituall aâ— temporall and are severally summoned by the Kings writ at a certaine day and place assigned The Chancellour of England and other great officers or Judges are there likewise present together with the Knights Citizens and Burgesses who all ought to be personally present or else to be amerced and otherwise punished if they come not being summoned unlesse good cause be shewed or in case they depart without the Houses or Kings speciall license after their appearance before the Sessions ended And he resolves that the King Lords and Commons doe all joyntly make up the Parliament and that no Law nor Act of Parliament can be made to binde the subject without all their concurrent assents Sir Edward Cooke not onely in his Epistle before his ninth Report and Institutes on Littleton p. 109. 110. But likewise in his 4. Institutes published by Order of this present Parliament c. 1. p. 1. 2 c writes thus of the high Honorable Court of Parliament This Court consisteth OF THE KINGS MAJESTIE sitting there as in his royall politick capacity and of the three Estates of the Realme viz. Of the Lords Spirituall Archbishops and Bishops being in number 24. who sit there in respect of their Counties or Barronies parcell of their Bishopricks which they hold also in their politick capacity and every one of these when the Parliament is to be holden ought exdebito Justitiae to have a writ of summons The LORDS TEMPORALL Dukes Marquesses Earles
3. p. 156 157. where his words contradictions in this kinde are receited at larg as appeares by their severall Petitions and Complaints to them upon sundry occasions heretofore by their resorting to them for Justice against Strafford Canterbury and others Yea John Liburne himselfe till his late quarrell with them not onely acknowledged their very power of Judicature but highly applauded their Justice in his owne cause Petitioning and suing to them not onely for reversall of the sentence against him in Starchamber but likewise for dammages and reparations against his Prosecutors â—leading his cause by his Counsell before them as his proper Judges who thereupon by Judgement of the House vacated the Decree against him as illegall voted him Dammages and passed him an Ordinance for the recovery and levying thereof all which he himselfe both published in sundry of his printed Pamphlets wherein he acknowledgeth and extolleth their Justice Take but one passage for all in his Innocency and Truth justified p. 74. 75. If I be transmitted up to the Lords and confidently beleeve I shall get forward out of the former experiences of that Justice that I have found there and I will instance two particulars First when I was a Prisoner in the Fleet and secondly May the fourth one thousand sixe hundred forty one The King accused mee of High Treason and before the Lords barre was I brought for my life where although one Littleton servant to the Prince swore point blanke against mee yet had I free liberty to * He did not then demurr to their Jurisdiction speake for my selfe in the open House And upon my desire that Master Andrewes also might declare upon his Oath what hee knew about my businesse it was done And his Oath being absolutely contradictory to Master Littletons I was both freed from Littletons malice and the Kings accusation at the Barre of the whole House And for my part * Nota. I AM RESOLVED TO SPEAKE WELL OF THOSE THAT HAVE DONE ME JUSTICE and not to doubt THEY WILL DENY IT MEE till such time as by experience I finde they doe it And at that time he was so much for the Lords that he writes most disgracefully derogatorily of the Commons and other his Confederates by his example and of their want of power injustice and proceedings d His â—etter to a friend-Innocency and truth justified His â—etters to the Generall Hen. Martin L. G. Cromwell Englands Birthright See Mr. Edw. Gangraena part 3. p. 146. to 228. quarrells onely with them and their Committees for their delayes and injustice towards him telling them to their faces in many of his former and late printed Libels That they have no power at all to commit or examine him or any other Commoner of England without the Lords nor yet to give or take an Oath That they are but a peece and lowest part of the Parliament not a Parliament alone That they can make no binding Votes Ordinances or Lawes nor commit nor command any Commoner without the Lords and in one or two Pamphlets he endeavours to prove them to be now no lawfull House of Commons at all nor would hee ever acknowledge them to be so and that he would make no more conscience of cutting theirs and the Lords throates the Tyrants and Oppressors at Westminster then of killing so many Weasels and Polcats with many other like scurrilous and mutinous expressions His owne printed Papers Petitions and Actions therefore are an unanswerable confutation of his malicious contradictions of their Authority and judicature since for their exemplary justice on him and he must either now re-acknowledge their right of sitting voting and judging in Parliament to be lawfull or else renounce his owne former Petitions and addresses to them for justice retract all his former printed Papers asserting their Power and judicature and extolling their justice yea disclaime their judgment for vacating his owne Sentence in the Starchamber their awarding him Dammages and passing an Ordinance to recover them as meerly null and voyd being made before no lawfull or competent Judges as now he writes since not elected by the peoples Votes And let those his followers who admire him for his Law observe these his palpable and invincible contradictions and be ashamed and afraid to follow such an ignorant and erronious guide who writes onely out of malice and faction not of judgement as his contradictions evidence 11ly The Acts for preventing the inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments And to prevent the inconveniences which may happen by the untimely adjourning proroging or dissolving the Parliament made this Parliament and assented to by the King at the Commons importunity confirme the Lords interrest and right to sit and Vote in Parliament beyond all dispute and give them anâ—w power to summone a Parliament themselves in some cases â—â— ly The ancient forme still continued till this day of dismissing Parliaments and dissolving them by the Kings licensive THE LORDS and COMMONS TO DEPART HOME and TAKE THEIR EASE 37. E. 3. n. 34. 38. E. 3. n. 18. 40. E. 3. n. 16. 43. E. 3. n. 34. 45. E. 3. n. 8. 13. 47. E. 3. n. 7. and all Parliaments since proves their right of sitting in and attending the service of the Parliament in person without speciall licence of the King during its continuance in dispite of all ignorant cavils to the contrary Having thus impregnably evinced the Lords undoubted right to sit and vote in Parliament though they be not elective by the peoples voyces as Knights and Burgesses are I shall next discover unto our illiterate Ignoramusses who oppose this their right the justice and good grounds and reasons of our Ancestors why they instituted the Lords and Peers to sit and vote in Parliament by right of their Nobility and Peerage which will abundantly satisfie rationall men and much confirme their right First the Nobles and Great Officers in all Kingdomes and in our Kingdome too in respect of their education birth experience and imployment in State-affaires have alwayes been generally reputed the wisest and best experienced Common-wealths men best able to advise and Councell the King and Kingdome in all matters of Government Peace or War as our Historians Antiquaries Polititians and Records acknowledge and attest whence they were antiently stiled e Mr. Seldenâ— Titles of honour part 3. ch 5. Sir Edward Cookes Epistle to the 9. Report and â— Instit p. 120. 4. Instit p. 2. Cambdens Brit. p. 177. Spelmanni Concil Tom. 1. Aeldermen Wisemen Magnates Optimates Sapientes Sapientissimi Clarissimi viri Conspicui Clarique viri Primates Nobiles c. in our Historians and Records and our Parliaments in that respect are frequently stiled in ancient times Consilium SAPIENTVM upon which Grounds our Kings and * 1. E. 3. n. 36. 55 56. 45 E. 3. n. 15 16. 50 E. 3. n. 10. to 14. 1 R. 2. n. 10. to 27 47 50 51. 112 113. 17 R. 2. c. 1
and Parl. 2. R. 2. n. 7 9. they are called the GREAT COUNCEL OF LORDS by waging of their extraordinary wisdome and abilities And therefore most fit to sit vote and judge in Parliament Secondly The Lords and great Officers of the Realme as such were ever reputed persons of greatest Valour Courage Power in regard of their great interests Estates allies and retainers and so best able to withstand and redresse all publike grievances and enchroachments of the King upon their owne and the peoples Liberties in defence whereof they have in ancient times been alwayes most ready and active to spend not only their estates but blood and lives for wherewith they have redeemed and preserved those Liberties and Freedomes we now enjoy and contend for And in this regard our ancesters in point of wisdome policy and right thought meet that they should alwayes be sommoned to and bear chief sway in our Parliaments in respect of their Peerage Power and Nobility only without the peoples election This reason of their sitting in Parliament we find expresly recorded in Bracton l. 2. c. 16. fol. 34. and in Fleta l. 1. c. 17. The King say they hath a Superiour namely God also the Law by which He is made a King likewise His Count to wit THE EARLS BARONS because they are called Counts as being the KINGS FELLOWS and he who hath a Fellow hath A MASTER And therefore if the King shal be without a bridle that is without a Law debent ei fraenum imponere THEY OUGHT TO IMPOSE A BRIDLE ON HIM c. which the Commons being persons of lesse power and interest were unable to do Andrew Horn in his Mirrour of Justice ch 1. § 2 3. renders the like reason In all the contest and Wars between K. John Hen. 3. Edw. 2. Rich. 2. concerning Magna Charta and the Liberties of the Subjects the Lords Barons were the Ring-leaders and chief Opposers of these Kings Usurpations and Encroachments on the people as all our g See Mat. Paris Matthew Westminster Walsingham Huntingdon Holings head Polythronicon Coxton Grimsâ—on Stow Speed Trussell Baker Martin Daniel How and the Soveraign Power of Parliaments Kingdomes part 1 2. 3. 10 R. 2. c. 1 2. 11 R. 2. c. 1. to 7. 21 R. 4. c. 7. to 13. â— H. 4. c. 2. for proof hereof Histories and Records relate whence they stile the Wars in their times THE BARONS WARS and before this the Nobles were the principall Actors in resisting the Tyranny of K. Sigebert and K. Bernard and disthroning them for their misdemeanors as is clear by Mat. Westminster in his Flores Historiarum an 756. 758. To give some brief hints to clear this truth An. Dom. 1214. In the 16. year of h Mat. Paris Hist Angl. p. 233. to 282. Daniel p. 140. to 144. Speed p. 558. to 567. K. John a Parliament held at Pauls July 16. the Charter of Liberties granted to the people by K. Hen. 1. being read and confirmed THE BARONS swore in the Arch-bishops presence that if need were they would spend thier blood And afterwards at St. Edmonds Bury the BARONS swore upon the High Altar That if K. John refused to confirm and restore to them those Liberties the Rights of the Kingdom they would make War upon Him and withdraw themselves from His allegiance till he had ratified them all by His Charter under Seal Which they accordingly performed Tota Angliae Nobilitas in unum collecta all the NOBILITY OF ENGLAND COLLECTED INTO ONE appeared in this defence of their own and the peoples Rights and Liberties against the King whereupon it was afterwards enacted That there should be 25 BARONS chosen by the LORDS not Commons who should to their utmost power cause the Great Charter confirmed by K. John to be duly observed That if either the King or His Justicier should transgresse the same or offend in any one Article 4. of the said BARONS should immediately repaire to Him and require redresse of the same without delay which if not done within forty daies after that then the said 4. BARONS and the rest should distrain and seize upon the Kings Castles Lands and Goods till amends was made according to their arbitration Such confidence and power was then reposed in the BARONS alone i Hist Angl. p. 233. Mat. Paris speaking of the death of Geoffry Fitz-Peeter one of the greatest Peers of that age writes thus of him This year an 1214. Geoffry Fitz-Peeter Justiciary of all England a man of great power and authority TO THE GREATEST DETRIMENT OF THE KINGDOM ended his daies the 2 day of Octob. ERAT autem FIRMISSIMA REGNI COLVMNA for he was the most firm pillar of the Kingdom as being a Nobleman expert in the Laws furnished with treasures rents and all sort of goods and confederated to all the great men of England by blood or friendship whence the King without love did fear him above all men for he governed the raynes of the Kingdom Whereupon after his death England was become like a ship in a storm without an helm The beginning of which tempest was the death of Herbert Arch-bishop of Canterbury a magnificent and faithfull man neither could England breath again after the death of these two When K. John heard of Fitz-Peeters death turning to those who sate about him He said By Gods feet now am I first King and Lord of England He had therefore from thenceforth more free power to break His Oaths and Covenants which He had made with the said Geoffry for the peoples Liberty and Kingdoms peace Such Pillars and Staies are great and stout Peers to a Kingdom Curb to tyrannicall Kings and therefore of meeâ— Right ought to have a place and voice in Parliaments for the very Kingdoms safety and welfare without the peoples election In the 43 year of K. Hen. 3. his reign k Mat. Paris p. 952. 953. Speed p. 636. Daniel p. 178. The Barons of England entred into a solemn Oath of Association upon the Evangelist to be faithful and diligent to reform the Kingdom of England hitherto by the counsel of wicked persons overmuch disordered and eff ectually to expel the Rebels and disturbers of the same which Oath they made Richard Earl of Cornwall to take as wel as others In these Barons wars for the Subjects Liberties many hundred Lords and Barons spent both their blood lives and estates and among others Simon Mulford Earl of Leicester the greatest Pillar of the Barons slain in the batail of Eusham of whoâ— l In his Continuation of Mat. Paris p. 968. Daniel p. 178. Râ—shing â—r thus writes Thus this magnificent Earl Simon ended his daies who not only bestowed his estate but his person and life also for relief of oppression of the poor for the asserting of Justice and the Right of the Realm In the 3 4 14 15. of K. Edw. 2. his raign the Barons were the chief Sticklers against Gaveston and the
safety The rather for that the very Act made this Parliament for the preventing of inconveniences happening through the long intermission of Parliaments not onely enacts but requires all the Lords and Barons of this Realme to meet and sit in every Parliament under a penalty but likewise prescribes an Oath to the Lord Keeper and Commissioners of the Great Seale under severe penalties to send forth Writs of Summons to Parliament to them all and in his default enabled and enjoyned the Peeres of the Realme or any twelve or more of them to issue forth Writs of Summons to Parliament under the Great Seale of England for the electing of Knights Citizens and Burgesses which Act will be meerly void and nugatory if their Votes and Right of sit in Parliament be denyed or the House of Peeres reduced to the House of Commons which this very Statute doth distinguish The Kings and Lords sole right of Judicature in Parliament without Commons cleerly evidenced The Lords Jurisdiction and undoubted Right to sit and Vote in Parlâ—ament being cleerly evicted and undâ—â—â—ably manifested by the Premises I shall next proceed to make good their Jurisdiction and lawfull Right of Judicature never questioned nor disputed till of late without the Commons concurrence To avoid mistakes and clear all scruples you must take notice that there is a two-fold proceeding in Parliament by way of Judicature and Censure First by Bill of Attainder and therein the King Lords and Commons must all concurre because such Judgement is given extrajudicially only by the Legislative power wherein the Commons have of Right a Vote and consent as well as the King and Lords and in this course of proceedings the King and Lords alone can doe nothing judicially without the Commons no more then make an Act of Parliament without them Of this kindâ— of Judgement and Attainder by Bill wherein the King Lords and Commons joyntly concurre there are sundry presidents both in cases Trespas Felony Treason and the like in our printed Statutes 1 H. 4. c. 6. compared with 9 H. 4. Exilium Hugonis de Spencer 15 E. 2. 1 E. 3. prologue and c. 2. 11 R. 2. c. 1 2 3. 5 6 7. 21 R. 2. c. 10 11 12. 9 H. 6. c. 3. 19 H. 6. c. 1. 3â— H. 6. c. 1. 25 H. 8. c. 12. 28 H. â— c. â—8 33. H. â— c. 21. 32 H. 8. c. 25. 2 and 3 E. â— c. 17 18. 1 Mar. c. 1. 16. â—â— Eliz. c. 1. 3. 3 Jac. c. 2. to which the Attaindors of the Earl of Strafford by Bill and Arch-bishop of Canterbury this very Parliament may be added Besides other presidents in the q See Plac. Coronae in Parl. 33 E. 1. Rot. 17. 22 John de Segraves case Plac. Corenae in Parl. 21 R. 2. n. 1. to 27 31 H. 6. n. 45. 64. 38 H 6. n. 9. to 26. Parliament Rolls many of which are cited by Sir Edward Cooke in his 3 Institutes c. 1. â— and M. S. John in his Argument as Law concerning the Bill of Attainder of High Treason of Thomas Earl of Strafford printed by Order of the Commons House Anno 1641. The like Presidents are extant in the Statutes of Ireland 28 H. 8. c. 1. for the Attainder of the Earl of Kildare and others 11 Eliz. c. 1. For the Attainder of Shan◠〈◊〉 and others â—3 Eliz. c. 6 and 7. For the Attainders of John 〈◊〉 Gerald and others An. 27 Eliz c. 1. For the attainder of James Eustuce and others 28 Eliz. c. 8 9. For the Attainders of the E. of Resmond John Brown and others 11 Jac. c. 4. For the Attainder of the Earl of Tyroâ—â— and others Secondly there is a formall Judgement given in Parliament in Causes civill and criminall upon Writs Petitionsâ— Indictments informations or Impeachments and that either against or between Peers themselves or against or between Commons who are â—â— Peers in both which the Lords have a proper Judiciary power without the Commons That they have such a legall and sole Judicatory in the case of Peers is * Cookes Instit on Magna Charta c. 14. 29. 3 Instit c. 1 2. 1 H. 4. 1. Stamf. l. 3. c. 1. 10. E. 4. 6. Bro. Triall 142. Treason 33. 29. 13 H. 8. 11. acknowledged by all who neither may nor ought by Law to be cryed or judge for any Treason or criminall cause unlesse in cases of †10 E. 4. 6. Coronae 34. Cooke 2. Instit p. 49. Triall Bro. 142. Appeale at the suit of the subject but only by the lawfull judgement of their Peers by the expresse provision of r Ch. 14. 29. 20 H. 6. c. 9. 26 H. 8. c. 12. 1 El. c. 1. 5. 5 El. c. 11. and diverse other Statutes See Ashes Tables Coâ—onae 84. Challenge 65. and 8. Magna Charta with sundry other Statutes and by the very Common Law This right of theirs in case of Peers is cleerly evident by the Judgement given in against Earl Goodwin in a Parliament under K. Edward the Confessor before the Conquest An. 1052. recited at large in M. Seldens Titles of Honour Part 2. c. 5. p. 634 635. in the Tryall of Roger Earle of Hereford in the 8. yeare of William the Conqueror who was sued and found guilty of Treason by his Peers Cooke 2. Institut p. 50. by the Judgement given in the Parliament of Northampton against Becket Arch-bishop of Canterbury which you may read at large in Stephanides * M. Selden by the answer of Will. du Breose to K. Johns Ministers Paratus sum ero Domino meo sine obsedibus satisfacere secundum Judicium Curiae suae BARONVM Parium meorum Which right of theirs is asserted by Sir E. Cook himself and proved at large in his 2 Institutes on Magna Charta c. 14. 29. in his 3 Institutes c. 2. where p. 31. he writes thus A Peer of the Parl being indicted of Treason or Felony or of misprision and duly transmitted to the Lords may be arraigned thereof in the upper House of Parl. As FREQUENTLY IN PARL †Titles of Honouâ— Part 2. c. 5. p. 705. 706 707. ROLLS IT DOTH APPEAR As Rot. Parl. 21 R. 2 Plac. Cor. nu 2 to 7. the Earl of Arundels case Rot. Parl. 5 H. 4. nu 11 12. 13. H. 6. nu 49. Earl of Dovers case 28 H. 6. nu 19. 50 51 52. Duke of Suffolks case To which might be added 7 R. 2. nu 22 c. The Bishop of Norwich case for delivering Gravelin to the Enemy Placita Corona in Parl. 21 R. 2. num 1 to 26. Rot. Parl. 50 E. 3. nu 27. The Lord Latymers case 2 H. 6. Rot. Parl. nu 18. The Impeachments of the Commons this Parliament against the E. of Strafford and Arch-bishop of Canterbury who were prosecuted by the Commons not tryed only by and before the Lords as their proper Judges and Peers See 4 E. 3. nu 14. 15 E. 3. nu 6. 8. 44 45. 51. 17
hill unto the Gallows at Tiburn there kenelled his bowels laid before him and after he should be hanged beheaded and quartered and his head sent to Calayes where the murther was committed and his quarters sent to other places where the King should please and thereupon command was given to the Marshall of England to make execution accordingly and it was so done the same day Lo here the Lords in Parliament gâ—ve judgement against a Commoner in case of a murther done at Calayes and so not triable at the Kings Bench but in Parliament and passe a judgement of High treason on him for murthering of a great Peere only And which is most remarkable all the Commons In this very Parliaments of 1 H. 4. nu 70. Nov 3. made their Protestation and further remonstrated to the King Nota. Com LES JVGGEMENTS DV PARLEMENT APEIRTEIGNENT SOVLEMENT AV ROY ET AS SEIGNEIVRS ET NIENT AS COMMVNES how the judgement of the Parl. appertained ONLY TO THE KING and TO THE LORDS and NOT VNTO THE COMMONS except in case it should please the King OF HIS SPECIALL GRACE to shew unto them the said JVDGEMENTS purcase de eux que null record soit fait in Parlement encoutreles ditz Communes quill soit ou serront parties ascunes juggements donez ouadoues en Apres in Parlement Whereunto it was answered by the Archbish of Canterbury by the Kings command how the said Commoners are petitioners and demanders and that THE KING THE LORDS de tont temps ont eves et aueront DE DROIT LES JVGGEMENT EN PARLEMENT en manere come me me les communes ount monstres HAVE ALVVAYES HAD AND SHALL HAVE OF RIGHT THE JVDGEMENTS IN PARLIAMENT in manner as the Commons themselves have declared except in making Statutes or in making Grants and Subsidies or such things for the common profit of the Realm wherein the King will have especially their advice and assent and that this order of proceeding shall be held and kept IN ALL TIMES TO COME By which record in Parliament it is apparent by the House of Commons own confession First that the Judgements in Parliament even in cases of Commoners appertain ONLY TO THE KING and LORDS in the affirmative Secondly that they appertain NOT TO THE COMMONS in the negative Thirdly that the King and LORDS HAVE ALWAYES HAD and ENJOYED THE RIGHT of Judgements in Parliament Fourthly that they should alwayes hold and enjoy this Right IN ALL TIMES TO COME Fifthly that the Commons speciall advise and assent was and is required by the King in Parliament only in making of Statutes Grants and Subsidies and such like things for the common profit of the Realm So full and punctuall a Parliamentary decision of the present controversie as is uncapable of any answer or evasion In the Parliament Roll of 17. y See Cook 3. Instit c. 2. p. 22. R. 2. num 20. 21. John Duke of Gayen and of Lancaster Steward of England and Thomas Duke of Glocester Constable of England the Kings Uncles complained to the King that Thomas Talbot Knight a Commoner and no Peere with other his adherents conspired the death of the said Duke in divers parts of Cheshire as the same was confessed and well known and prayed that the Parliament might judge of the faulâ— to wit whether it were treason according to the clause of the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 2. It is accorded that if any other case supposed Treason which is not above specified doth happen before any Justices the Justices shall tarry without any going to judgement of the Treason till the cause be shewed and declared before the King and His Parliament whether it ought to be judged Treason or Felony whereupon the KING and THE LORDS IN THE PARLIAMENâ— without the Commons though in case of a Commoner ADJVDGED THE SAME FACT TO BE OPEN and HIGH TREASON and thereupon they award two writs the one to the Sheriffes of Darby to take the body of the said Sir Thomas retornable in the Kings Bench in the moneth of Easter then next following and open Proclamation was made in Westminster Hall upon the Sheriffes return and the next coming in of the said Sir Thomas that the same Thomas SHOVLD BE CONVICTED OF TREASON and incurre the losse and pain of the same and that all such as should receive him after the same Proclamation should incurre the same losse and paine Sir z 3. Instit p. 22. Edward Cooke relating this Judgement addes his own opinion at the end That this judgement wanting the assent of the Commons was no Declaration of Treason within the Act of 25. E. â— because it was not by the King and his Parliament according to this Act but by the King and Lords ONLY But the record of Parliament and the Judges and Commons then admitted it to be good and processe issued out and judgement was given accordingly the parties concerned taking no such exceptions to it See 21. R. 2. n. 15. 16. So that this Record is a pregnant evidence That the King and Lords are the sole Judges in Parliament in the case of Commoners even in declaring and judging what is or what is not treason within the Statute of 25. E. 3. because the Commons are no Iudges in Parliament and so cannot Iudge or declare unles in a legislative way by Act of Parliament what is Treason or Pelony but the King and Lords alone To put this out of question I shall cite one notable record more to this purpose a Cooke 3. Instit p. 22. c. 1. p. 10. In the Parliament of 5. H. 4. 11. 12. on the 8. of February the Earle of Northumberland came before the King Lords and Commons in Parliament and by his Petition to the King acknowledged that he had done against his Lawes and alegiance and especially for gather of power and giving of Liveries for which he put himselfe upon the Kings grace and prayed pardon the rather for that upon the Kings Letters he yielded himselfe and came to the King at Yorke whereas he might have kept himselfe away Which Petition by the Kings command was delivered to the Justices to be examined and to have their counsell and advice therein Whereupon the LORDS made a Protestation que le Juggement appertient aeux tout soulement THAT THE JUDGEMENT APPERTAINED ONLY TO THEM And after the said Petition being read and considered before the King and the said Lords as Peers of Parliament a queux tells â—uggementz apperteignent DE DROIT TO WHOM SUCH JUDGEMENT APPERTAINED OF RIGHT having had by the Kings command competent deliberation thereupon and having also heard and considered as well the Statute made in the 25. yeare of King Edward the Kings Grand-father that now is concerning the Declaration of treason as the Statutes of Liveries made in this Kings raigne ADJUDGED that that which was done by the said Earle contained within his Petition was neither Treason nor Felony but Trespas for which
Commons An attendent on Sir Tho. Brooke chosen one of the Knights to serve in Parliament for the County of Somerset being grievously beaten by one Iohn Savage was upon a petition of the Commons relieved against this breach of Priviledge by * Ordinance or Act of Parliament 8. H. 4. 23. 14. made by consent of the King and Lords which is printed in 5. H. 4. c. 6. And in like maner Richard Strode Burgesse of Plimton was relieved against breaches of his priviledges as a Parliament man by a speciall act of Parliament assented unto by the King and Lords upon the Commons petition An. 4. H. 8. c. 6. the Commons alone being then unable to relieve them or punish these breaches by their owne authority as of late they presume to doe without King or Lords Quo Jure having not the power of Judicature vested in them I am yet to learne being contrary to the practice and presidents of all ancient Parliaments before our present age and the Statute of 11. H. 6. c. 11. provided for this very purpose which presents another remedy out of Parliament and not in only the Commons house In the Parliament of 16. R. 2. n. 6. The Wednesday after the Parliament began Sir Philip Courtenay returned by the Sheriffe of Devon for one of the Knights for that County came before the King in full Parliament and sayd that he understood how certaine people had accused and slandered him to the King and Lords as well by Bill as by mouth of heinous matters and therefore prayed TO BE DISCHARGED OF THE SAID IMPLOYMENT untill the said accusations and complaints were tried and found true or not true and because his said prayer seemed honest TO THE KING and THE LORDS THE KING GRANTED HIM HIS REQUEST and DISCHARGED HIM IN FULL PARLIAMENT AND the Monday following at the instance and prayer of the COMMONS the KING GRANTED THAT HE SHOULD BE RESTORED and REMITTED TO HIS PLACE according to the returne of the said Sheriffe for to counsell and doe that which belonged unto his office and after because he had been good and treatable with those who had complained upon him and condescended to a good treaty he was restored in full Parliament to his good same The charge against him is expressed in the same Parliament rol num 13. 14. where two Petitions preferred against him to THE KING and LORDS IN PARLIAMENT for putting Thomas Peutyngdon forcibly out of possession of the Manor of Bygelogâ— without just cause Richard Somestre out of other lands detaining them from them he being so powerfull in the County that no poore man durst to sue him Which Petitions were referred by consent in Parliament to certaine Arbitrators to determine From which record it is evident First that Members of the Commons house may be complained and petitioned against for misdeameanours and put to answer before the King and Lords in Parliament and there fined and judged not before the Commons house and that this was the antient way of proceeding Secondly that the Commons cannot suspend or discharge any of their fellow-Commoners or Knights from sitting in Parliament but only the King and Lords in full Parliament in whom the power of Judicature rests much lesse then can they expell or eject any of their members by their owne authority without the Kings and Lords concurrence and consents Thirdly that the power of restoring and readmitting a suspended Member of the Commons house belongs not to the Commons themselves but to the King and Lords to whom the Commons themselves in this case addressed themselves by petitinn for Courtneys readmission unto his office after his submission of the complaints against him to the arbitriment of those Members to whom the King and Lords referred the same In the Parliament of 17. R. 2. n. 23. It was accorded by the King and Lords at the request of the Commons that Roger Swinerton who was endited of the death of one of their companions John de Ipstones Knight of the said Parliament for the County of Stafford slain in coming towards the said Parliament by the said Roger should not be delivered out of prison wherein he was detained for this cause by bail mainprise or any other manner untill he had made answer thereunto and should be delivered by the Law the Commons alone by their own power having no authority to make such an order even for the murther of one of their own Members without the King and Lords who made this order at their request In the Parliament of 35. Eliz. when Sir Edward Cook was Speaker of the Commons House there fell out some questions in the Commons House about the Amendment of a mistake in the return of the Burgesse of Southwark * 5. R. 2. c. 4 8. H. 4. c. 14. 11. H. 4. c. 16. H. 6 c. 4. 8. H. 6. c. 7. 32. H. 6. c. 15 Ploud tol 11. 8 c. and after long debate it was resolved that the House could not amend it but the Lord Keeper in Chancery where the return was of Record if he thought it amendable by Law and that Masten Speaker should wait upon the Lord Keeper about it which he did who advised with the Iudges concerning it as appeares by the Journall And the Statutes made for redresse of abuse of Elections of Knights and Burgesses were made by the King and Lords upon the Commons petitions as appeares by 8. H. 4. n 83 1 9. 11. H. 4. n. 54. Neither of all which statutes gives the House of Commons alone any power of Iudicature to judge the right of Elections or punish abuses committed in them but leaves them to the Lords judicature as at first and gives the party injured an action at Law against the Sheriffe and â—others for false returns Secondly Sir Edmund Cooks words extend only matters of misdemeanor of any Members of the House of Commons committed in or against the House it self of which theâ— now though not anciently are the sole judges without the Lords which he proves by Arthur Halls case Thirdly to breaches of Priviledges of the Commons House alone in striking or arresting any of the Members or their priviledged servants which he proves by Munctons case and 11. H. 6. c. 11. 5. H. 4. c. 6. the two latter proving the contrary Yet in this case of breach of priviledge even in arresting the Commons Members and servants the Commons house were noâ— anciently the sole Judges as now In the Parliament of H. 6. n. 25. 26. 27. 28. Thomas Thorp chief Baron was chosen Speaker of the Parliament and after his election and before the Parliament which was proroged he was arrested and taken in execution at the suit of the Duke of York whereupon some of the Commons were sent up by the House to the King and Lords spirituall and temporall sitting in Parliament desiring that they might enjoy all their ancient and accustomed Priviledges in being free from arrests and propounded the case of Thomas Thorp
thâ—â—r Speaker to them desiring his inlargement whereupon the said Lords spirituall and temporall not intending to hurt or impeach the priviledge of the Commons but equally after the Courts of law to administer Justice and to have knowledge what the Law will weigh in that behalf declared to the Justices the premises and asked of them whether the said Thomas ought to be delivered from prison by force and vertue of the said priviledge of Parliament or not To the which question the chief Justices in the name of all the Justices aforesaid communication and mature deliberation had among them answered and said that they ought not to answer to that question for it hath not been used aforetime that the Iustices should in any wise determine the priviledge of this high Court of Parliam for it is so high and mighty in his nature that it may make that law which is not and that that is law it may make no law and the determination and knowledge of that priviledge belongeth to the Lords of the Parliament and not to the Iustices but as for declaration of proceedings in the lower Courts in such cases as writs of Supersedeas of Priviledge of Parliament be brought and delivered the said chief Iustice said that there be many and divers Supersedeas of priviledges of Parliament brought into the Courts but there is no generall Supersedeas â—rought to surâ—eâ—se all Processes for if there should be it should seem that this High Court of Parliament that ministreth all Justice and equitity should let the processe of the common Lawes and so it should put the party plainant without remedy for so much as * Vpon this ground 1. R. 2. n. 20. 87. 114. 2. R. 2. n. 8. 49. 5. R. 2. n. 44. 13 R. 2. n. 10. 30. 33. 15. R. 2. n. 9. 17. R. 2. n. 10 We find the Commons and Parliament very zealous to maintain the Common Law and referring causes and petitions to it when proper for it and unproper for the Parliament actions at Common Law be not determined in this High Court of Parliament And if any Person that is a Member of this High Court of Parliament be arrested in such cases as be not for Treason or Felony or surety of the Peace or for condemnation before the Parliament it is used that all such persons should be released of all such arrests and make an Attorney so that they may have the freedome and Liberty freely to attend upon the Parliament After which answer and Declaration it was throughly agreed assentted and concluded by the Lords spirituall and temporall that the said Thomas according to the law should remain still in Prison for the causes abovesaid the priviledge of the Parliament or that the same Sir Thomas was Speaker of the Parliament notwithstanding And that the premises should be opened and declared to them that were comâ—â— for the Commons of this land and they should be charged and commanded in the Kings name that they with all goodly hast and speed proceed to the election of another Speaker The which premises for as much as they were matters of Law by the commandements of the Lords were opened and declared to the Commons by the mouth of Walter Mâ—yle one of the Kings Sergeants at Law in the presence of the Bishop of Ely accompanied with other Lords in notable number and there it was commanded and charged to the said Commons by the said Bishop of Ely in the Kings name that they should proceed to the election of another Speaker with all goodly hast and speed so that the matters for which the King called this his Parliament might be proceeded in and this Parliament took good and effectuall conclusion and end VVhereupon thâ— Commons accordingly elected Thomas Charlton Knight for their Speaker the next day and acquainted the Lords therewith and desired the Kings approbation of their choice which was accorded unto by the King In the Parliament of 39. H. 6. n. 9. Walter Clerke one of the Burgesses of Parliament for Chippenham was arrested and imprisoned in the Fleet for divers debts to the King and others upon a Capias Uâ—lagatâ—m whereupon the Commons complained thereof to the King and Lords and desired his release and tendred them an Act of Parliament ready drawn for that purpose to which Petition and Biâ—â— of theirs the King by the ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL and TEMPORALL assented And thereupon hee was freed In like maner Richard Chedder In the Parliament of 35. Eliz. Thomas Fitz-Herbert of Staffordshire was elected a Burgesse of Parliament and two houres after before the Indenture returned the Sheriffe tooke him in upon a Capiâ—â— Utlagatum Whereupon he petitioned the House that he might have a Writ of Priviledge and be enlarged After many dayes debate and Argument of this case in the House by sundry Lawyers and Sir Edward Cooke then Speaker it was agreed That no Writ of Priviledge could in this case be returned into the House of Commons being but a Member of Parliament and no Court of Record but only into the Chancery or House of Peers And that this being a point of Law it was meet the Iudges should be advised with and determine it not the House And at last he was outed of his Priviledge by the Houses resolution In 28. H. 8. Dyer 60. The case of Trewinnerd a Commoner in point of Priviledge of Parliament concerning an arrest was argued and debated before the Judges in the Kings Bench And so was Chedders case in 8. H. 4. 12. 13. So as the Commons only are not the sole Judges of such Priviledge as many now concerve but the House of Peers and Kings Councell and Judges as well as they In these three cases only and no other that I find Sir Edward Cooke admits the Commons to be sole Iudges now though not anciently without the Lords Therefore to extend it generally to all or any other cases of Commoners but these is to pervert his words and extend them farre beyond his meaning Now Lilburnes Overtons Cases are none of these but directly under the Lords sole Iudicature because infringements of their Priviledges of which the Lords only are the Iudges as the Commons pretend they are of their Priviledges as his following passages manifest Thirdly hee addes that both Houses together have power of Indicature but determines not in what cases nor in what way of Judicature which hath caused the Objectâ—rs mistake But the Judgements Records and Iournals of Parliament to which he refers and the cases he cites in the Margin will affoyle this doubt and cleare his meaning which is this First That in attainders and judgements of High Treason Felony or other Misdemeaners in Parliament where the proceedings are not by way of tryall and ordinary Judicature but by * See 31. H 6. n. 45. 64. 38. H. 6. n. 9. to 36. Bill or Act of Parliament there both Houses together and the King too joyntly with them have the power of
E. 3. nu 22. 23 E. 3. nu 7. to 17. The sole question men will be Whether the House of Peers have any lawfull power of Judicature in or â—ver the causes and Persons of the Commoners of England in matter civill or criminall so farre as to judge their Causes or censure fine imprison or condemne their persons in any case without the Commons This the ignorant sottish sectaries Levellers seduced by their blinde guides Lilburne and Overton peremptorily deny without the least shadow of truth or reason the contrary whereof I shall infallibly make good to their perpetuall shame and refutation First our Histories Law-books and Records agree that in ancient times our Earls who were called Comites or Counts from the word County had the chief Government and Rule of most of the Counties of this Realmne under the King and that they and the Barons were the proper Judges of the common peoples Causes in the Tournes County-Courts County Barons even by vertue of their Dignities and Offices as our Sheriffes have now in which Courts they did instruct the people in the Lawes of the Land and administer Justice to them in all ordinary and criminall causes For proof whereof you may peruse at leasure M. Seldens Titles of Honour Part 2. c. 5. Sect. 5. Sir Edw. Cookes Institutes on Magna Charta c. 35. His 4. Institutes c. 53 Spelmanni Glossarium Tit. Comites M. Lamberts Archaion Hornes Mirrour of Justices c. 1. Sect. 2 3. If then they were Judges of the Commons and People in the Country by reason of their Honours Dignities even in ancientest times in ordinary Causes there was great right and reason too they should be so their Judges also in all their extraordinary causes as well criminall as civill Secondly The Lords Peers and great Officers of State in respect of their education learning and experience in all proceedings of Justice and State affaires are better able and more fit to be Judges of Parl then ordinary Citizens and Burgesses for the most part especially if chosen out of the Cities and Burroughes themselves for which they serve as anciently they were and still ought to be by the Statutes of 1 H. †7 R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 19 20. 17 R. 2. n. 17. 5. c. 1. 32 H. 6. c. 15. and the very purport of the writs for their election at the very day de qualibet Civitare Com. predict DVOS CIVES de quolibet Burgâ— DVOS BVRGENSES imports who have better knowledge and skill in Marchandice their severall Trades then in matters of Judicature Law or State Therefore the Right of Judicature was thought meet even by the Commons themselves to be lodged vested in the House of Peeres who are the 〈◊〉 and fittest of the two rather then in the Commons House as I shall prove anon Thirdly since the division of the Houses one from another which is very ancient and not certainly known when first made the House of Peers hath been ever furnished with the ablest Temporall and Spirituall persons for their Assistants in judgment and advice to wit all the Judges Å¿ See Modus tenendi Parliamentum Vowell Cowell Crompton Sir Thomas Smith Coke and others 17 E. 3. n. 23. 21 E. 3. n. 7. 7. R. 2. n. 30 31. 9 R. 2 n. 13. 2 R. 2. part 2. n. 27. 31 H. 6. n. 26 27 28. 28 H. 6. n. 6. of the Realm Barons of the Exâ—hequer of the Coyse the Kings learned Councell the Masters of the Chancery that are Courtiers or Lawyers the Master of the Rolls the Principall Secretaries of State and other eminent persons for parts and learning and the Procuratores Cleri all which are called by Writ to assist and give their attendance in the upper House of Parliament where they have no voices and are to give their counsel and advice only to the Lords when they require their assistance For proof whereof you may consult the Statutes of 31 H. 8. c. 10 Register 261. Fitz. Nat Bre 229. a. b. M. Seldens Titles of Honor p. 2. c. 5. Sir Edw. Cokes 4. Instit p. 4 5 6 44 45 46. and the Parl Rolls and Authorities there cited by them seconded by our present experience Now the House of Peers being thus assisted with the advice of all the Iudges of England the Kings learned Councell and other ablest to advise them in all Civill or Ecclesiasticall matters were and are in this regard thought fittest by our Ancestors and the Commons themselves in Parl 1 H. 4. n. 79 who have no such assistants to have the principall and sole power of Judicature in all or most civill or criminall causes between Commoner and Commoner that proper for the Parliaments Iudicature by way of relief redresse or censure Fourthly there can be no judgement given in any of the Kings Courts Sâ—e The Preeholders Grand Inquest p. 2 5. but when the King is personally or representatively present sitting upon the Tribunall and where the proceedings are CORAM REGE But the King sits personally and representatively present in the House of Peers not in the House of CoÌ„mons where nothing is said to be done Coram Rege And therefore in the end of most ancient Parl Rolls we find the Title Placita Corona CORAM DOMINO REGE IN PARLIAMENTO SVO c. Therefore the House of Peers only not the Commons are the true and proper judicatory whence the King the supream Judge sits usually in Person Fiftly there can be no legall triall or Judgement given in Parl without examination of witnesses upon oath as in all other Courts of justice But the House of Peers alone have power to give and examine witnesses upon * 7 R. 2. par 2â— n. 16. Oath and the whole House of Commons no such power but to take Informations without Oath which they nor their Committees cannot administer unlesse by Order and Commission from the Lords Therefore the power of judicature in Parl is inherent only in the House of Poers and not in the Commons House Sixtly it is a rule both of Law and common Justice * Littleton sect 212. Coke ibid. 4 E. 3 7. 2 H. 6. 10. 14 H. 4. 8. 2 R. 2. 29. 5 H. 7. 8. Bur. Challeng 23 42 71 that no man be an informer prosecutor and judge too of the persons prosecuted and informed against it being against all grounds of justice But the CoÌ„mons in all ancient and in this present Parl have been informers and prosecutors in nature of a t Cokes 4. Instit p. 24. Grand Inquest to which some compare them summoned from all parts of the Kingdom to present publick grievances and Delinquents to the King and Peers for their redresse witness their many impeachments accusations and complaints sent up and prosecuted by them in * 50 E. 3. n. 5. to 37. 21 R. 2. n. 14 15 16. 28 H. 6. n. 14 to 52 31 H. 6. n. 45 64. 38 H. 6. n. 38. former parl
right to award Judgement in these cases without the King or them then which a fuller and clearer proofe cannot be desired In the self-same Parliament 1. R. â— num 41 42 43. Dame Alice Piers was brought before THE LORDS and charged by Sir Richard le Scrope with sundry misdemeanors which she denied hereupon divers Witnesses were examined against her Whereupon JVDGEMENT WAS GIVEN BY THE LORDS AGAINST HER that she should be banished and forfeit all her lands goods and tenements whatsoevèr To this Judgement neither King nor Commons were parties but the Lords only To these I might adde the cases of c See the doom of 〈◊〉 and treachery 〈◊〉 14 15. where the record is transcribed Sir William de Eleuham Sir Thomas Trivet Sir Henry de Ferriers and Sir William Farnden Knights and Robert Fitz Ralph Esquire Rot. Parl. 7. R. 2. num 24. sentenced and condemned by judgement of the Lords in Parliament pronounced by the Chancellour for selling the Castle of Burbugh with the armes and ammâ—nition in it to the Kings enemies without the Kings license 21. R. 2. Parl. Rot. Plac. Coronae num 27. where Sir Robert Pleasington is adjudged a Traytor after his death by the King by â—SSENT OF THE LORDS and num 15. 16. Sir Thomas Mortimers case num 17. Sir John Cobhams case * 31. H. 6. n. 45. 64. 65. â— 3. n. 16. to â—8 and num 28. Henry Bonoits case condemned in like manner of treason by the Lords with hundreds of Presidents more I shall only cite three more at large which are punctuall In the Parliament of 8. R. 2. n. 12. Walter Sybell of London was arrested and brought into the Parliament before the Lords at the suit of Robert de Veer Earl of Oxford for slandering him to the Duke of Lancaster and other Nobles for maintenance Walter denied not but that he said that certain there named recovered against him the said Walter and that by maintenance of the said Earl as he thought The Earl there present protested himself to be innocent and put himself upon the triall Walter thereupon was committed to Prison by the Lords and the next day he submitted himself and desired the Lords to be a mean for him saying he could not accuse him whereupon THE LORDS CONVICTED and FINED HIM FIVE HVNDRED MARKS TO THE SAID EARL for the which and for his fine and ransome he was committed to prison BY THE LORDS A direct case in point In the second Parliament in 7. R. 2. num 13. to 19. Iohn Cavendish a Fishmonger of London accused Michael de la Pool Knight Lord Chaâ—cellour of England first before the Commons and afterward before the Lords for bribery and injustice and that he entereâ—â—â—nto a Bond of x. l. to Iohn Ottard a Clerk to the said Chancellour which he was to give for his good successe in the businesse in part of payment wâ—â—â—eof he brâ—ught Herring and Sturgeon to Ottard and ye was delayed aâ—d could have no justice at the Chancellours hâ—nds and upon hearing he cause and examining wiâ—â— oâ—fes upon Oath before THE LORDS the Chancellour was cleared The Chancellour thereupon required reparation for so great a slander the Lords being then troubled with other weighty matters let the Fish-monger to Bail and referred the matter to be ordered by the Judges who upon hearing the whole matter condemned Cavendish in three thousand marks for his slanderous complaint against the said Chancellour and adjudged him to prison till he had paid the same to the Chancellour and made fine and ransome to the King also which the Lords confirmed In the Parliament of 15. R. 2. nu 21. Iohn Stradwell of Begsteed in the County of Sussex was committed to the fleet by JVDGEMENT OF THE LORDS there to remain during the Kings pleasure for that he informed the Parliament that the Archbishop of Canterbury had excommunicated him and his neighbours wrongfully for a temporall cause appertaining to the Crown and Common Law whâ—ch was ADIVDGED BY THE LORDS upon examination and hearing to BE VNTRVE These three eminent Presidents to which many more might be added of the Lords fining and imprisoning meere Commons only for slandering Peeres of Parliament even by false accusations against them in Parliament by way of complaint will â—â—stify the Lords proceedings against Lilburn and Ovâ—rton for their professed Libells both against their Persons and Jurisdictions too To proceed to latter times in Parliaments of 18. and 21. Jacobi and 3. Car. not only the Lord * Cook 4. Instit p. 23. Chancellour Bacon and the Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer upon complaint of the Commons were censured and judged by the Lords alone but likewise Sir Giles Mompesson Sir Iohn Michell and Dr Manwering all Commoners JUDICIALLY SENTENCED Doctor Pocklinton and Doctor Bray even for erroneous Books and Sermons were sentenced this Parliament by the Lords alone since these Master Clement Walker Esquire was imprisoned in the Tower and fined by the Lords for some words pretended to be spoken against the Lord Say and within these few moneths onâ— Morrice and foure or five more of his confederates were censured fined and imprâ—soned by the Lords alone for forging an Act of Parliament upon Sir Adam Littletons complaint with all the Commons privity or consents and above one hundred Commoner more have been imprisoned by them or fined this very Session of Parliament for breach of Priviledge contempts or misdemeanours by the Lords alone without the Commons yet no demurrer nor exceptions were taken by them or the Commons to their Iurisdiction who applauded this their Justice in some of these cases From all these cleare confessions of the Commons themselves in Parliament and punctuall presidents in print in former late Parliaments and in this now sitting it is undeniable That the King and Lords joyntly and the Lords severally without the King have an indubitable right of Judicature without the Commonâ— vested in them not only of Peers themselves but likewise of Câ—mmoners in all extraordinary cases of Treason Felony Trespasse and other Misdemeanors triable only in Parliament which hath been constantly acknowledged practised and submitted to without dispute much more then have they such a just and rightfull power in case of breach of their owne priviledges of d Cooke 4 Instit p. 15. which none are or can be Judges but themselves alone And to deny them such a power is to make the Highest Court of Iudicature in the Realme inferiour to the Kings Bench and all other Courts of Justice who have power to judge and try the persons and causes of Commoners and to commit and fine them for contempts and breaches of Priviledges as our e See Brooke and Ashes Tables Tit. Contempts Fines pur Contempt Imprisonment Law bookes resolve and every mans experience can testifie The Lords right of Judicature being thus fully evicted against the false and ignorant pretences of illiterate Sectaries altogether unacquainted with our Histories and Records of Parliament
Iudicature and this is all which is proved by 15. E. 2. Hugh Spencers case who was judged and banished by an Act of Parliament intituled Exilium Hugonis le Spencer printed in old Magna Chartaes as Sir Edward Cooke himselfe reports in Calvins case 7. Report f. 11. b. and the Lord Audlyes case 12. E. 2. is the same the Commons having no right to judge them being Peers by the very * See Cooke 2. Instit f. 49. 50. 51. Statute of Magna Charta c. 29. but only the Peer except in a Legislative way by Act or Bill Secondly That in all cases of difficultie where the King shall please to demand the advise and opinions of both Houses of Parliament joyntly there both of them may and ought to joyne in delivering their opinions and Judgements of the case or thing propounded and this is all that * Cooke 3. Iâ—qâ— p 7. where is Case of â—â—grave is cited at large Sir Nicholas de Seagraves case proves 31. E. 1. rot 33. Who being charged in Parliament in presence of the King Earles Barons and OTHERS OF THE KINGS COUNCEL not the Commons or Burgesses but the Iudges and Kings learned Councell at Law * See the Free-holders Grand Inquest 2. 39. 40. 41. 42. and Privy Councell who were assistants to the Lords as I conceive and others of his Privy Councell which Sir Edward Cooke would have to expresse the Commons in Parliament then and there present that the King in the wars of Scotland being among his enemies Nicholas Seagrave his leigman who held of the King by Homage and fealty and served him for his ayd in that warre did maliciously move discord and contention without cause with John de Crombewell charging him with many enormous crimes and offered to prove it upon his body To whom the said John answered that hee would answer him in the Kings Court c. and thereupon gave him his faith After which Nicholas withdrew himselfe from the Kings host and ayd leaving the King in danger of his enemies and adjourned the said John to defend himselfe in the Court of the King of France and prefixed him a certaine day and so as much as in him was subjected and submitted the Dominion of the King and Kingdome to the subjection of the King of France and to effect this hee tooke his journey towards Dover to passe over into France All which he confessed and submitted himselfe therein de alto et basso to the Kings pleasure And hereupon the King willing HABERE AVISAMENIUM to have the advise of the EARLES BARONS LORDS magnatum and OTHERS OF HIS COUNCELL enjoyned them upon the Homage fealty and allegiance wherewith they were obliged to him quod ipsi fideliter CONSVLERENT they should faithfully ADVISE HIM what punishment should be inflicted for such a fact thus confessed Qui omnes habito super hoc diligenti tractatu avisamento c. Who all having had thereupon diligent debate and advise having considered and understood all things contained in the said fact DICVNT not by way of Iudgement judicially pronounced but of answer to the Kings question propounded and as their opinion of the cause Said that this fact DESERVES losse of life and members c. So as this offence notes Sir Edward Cooke was then adjudged in Parliament to be High Treason But under his favour First here was no Judgement at all given against the party himselfe but only an opinion and advise touching his case not pending judicially in Parliament by way of Inditement or Impeachment but voluntarily proposed by the King in answer to the Kings question and so it can be no proofe of any actuall proper Judicature vested in both Houses Secondly For ought appeares this question was only propounded to the Earles Lords Barons and the Kings Councell that assisted them and so only to the House of Peers not to the commons and answered resolved only by them * See the Freeholders grand Inquest p. 39. 40. 41. 42. aliorum de Concilio suo not expressing nor including the Commons as I apprehend being never so intitled in any Parliament Records for ought I can find And then it followes that the LORDS ONLY IN THAT AGE were the Judges even of Commoners cases Thirdly Admit the Commons were included yet it proves only a right of advising and delivering their opinions with the Lords when required by the King not of judging or pronouncing sentence Fourthly Sir Edward Cooke citing this president to prove That both Houses together have power of Iudicature must grant that even in 33. E. 1. there were two distinct Houses of Parliament who upon speciall occasions as now at conferences c. met and advised together and therefore the division of the Houses was before Edward the third his raigne and very probable as ancient as this summoning of Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Parliament which some make no ancienter then King Henry the first or King Henry the third In the 40. yeare of his reigne Father to King Edward the first So as this president makes quite against the Levellers and Lilburnians designes The Freeholders Garnd Inquest p. 13. 14. 15. and opinions Fourthly Sir Iohn at Lees case 42. E. 3. num 20. said to be adjudged by the Lords and Commons is somewhat mistaken For the record only mentions That the 21 day of May the King gave thanks to the Lords and Commons for their coming and ayd granted on which day ALL THE LORDS SVNDRY OF THE COMMONS dined with the â—ing After which dinner Sir Iohn at Lee was brought before the King LORDS COMMONS next aforesaid who dined with the King to answer certaine objections made against him by William Latymer about the wardship of Robert Latymer that Sir John being of power had sent for him to London where by duresse of imprisonment he inforced the said William to surrender his estate unto him which done some other Articles were obâ—ected against the said Sir Iohn Of which for that he could not sufficiently purge himselfe HE was committed to the Tower of London there to remaine till he had made fine and ransome at the Kings pleasure and command given to the Constable of the Tower to keep him accordingly And then the said Lords and Commons departed After which he was brought before the Kings Councell at Westminster which COVNSELL ORDERED the said ward to be released into the Kings hands So as this record proves not this judgement was given in the Parliament house nor that the Lords and Commons adjudged Sir Iohn but rather the King and his Councell in the presence of the Lords and Commons Fifthly The judgement given against the Lord Latymer 15. E. 3. Parl. rot num 27. which was for his default in government against the profit of the King and Realm procuring of grants to the destruction of the Staple and Towne of Calayes and levying Impositions upon woolls was given in full Parliament BY THE BISHOPS and LORDS who