I could perceive trodden by any but Your Lordships most Humble Servant Fabian Philipps THE TABLE OR Contents of the Chapters THat there is a greater Honour due unto the Palace and House of the King Then unto any of the houses of his Subjects Chap. I. 4 That the Business and Affairs of the King about which any of his Servants or Subjects are imployed are more considerable and to be regarded then the Business and Affairs of any of the People Chap. II. 29 That the Kings Servants in ordinary are not to be denied a more than ordinary Priviledge or respect nor are to be compelled to appear by Arrest or otherwise in any Courts of Justice out of the Kings House without leave or Licence of the Lord Chamberlain or other the Officers of the Kings Houshold to whom it appertaineth first had and obteyned Chap. III. 38 That the Priviledges and Protections of the Kings Servants in ordinary by reason of his Service is and ought to be extended unto the Priviledged Parties Estate both real and Personal as well as unto their Persons Chap. IV. 244 That the Kings Servants whilst they are in his Service ought not to be Utlawed or Prosecuted in Order thereunto without leave or Licence first obteyned of the King or the great Officers of his most Honourable Houshold under whose several Jurisdictions they do Officiate Chap. V. 250 That the Kings established and delegated Courts of Justice to Administer Justice to his People are not to be any Bar or hindrance to his Servants in ordinary in their aforesaid Antient Just and Legal Rights and Priviledges Chap. VI. 289 That the King or the great Officers of his Houshold may punish those who do infringe his Servants Priviledges and that any of the Kings Servants in ordinary being Arrested without leave are not so in the Custody of the Law as they ought not to be released untill they do appear or give Bayl to appear and Answer the Action Chap. VII 310 That the aforesaid Priviledge of the Kings Servants in ordinary hath been legally imparted to such as were not the Kings Servants in ordinary but were imployed upon some Temporary and Casual Affairs abroad and out of the Kings House Chap. VIII 318 That the Kings granting Protections under the Great Seal of England to such as are his Servants in ordinary for their Persons Lands and Estates when especially imployed by him into the parts beyond the Seas or in England or any other of his Dominions out of his Palace or Virge thereof or unto such as are not his Domesticks or Servants in ordinary or extraordinary when they are sent or imployed upon some of his Negotiations Business or Affairs neither is or can be any Evidence or good Argument that such only and not the Kings Servants in ordinary who have no Protections under the Great Seal of England are to be Protected or Priviledged whilst they are busied in his Palace or about his Person Chap. IX 343 That our Kings some of which had more than his nâ—w Majesty hath have or had no greater number of Servants in Ordinary than is or hath been necessary for their Occasions Safety well being State Honour Magnificence and Majesty And that their Servants waiting in their Turns or Courses are not without leave or Licence as aforesaid to be Arrested in the Intervals of their waiting or Attendance Cap. X. 355 That the King being not to be limited to a number of his Servants in Ordinary is not in so great a variety of Affairs and contingencies wherein the publick may be concerned to be restrained to any certain number of such as he shall admit to be his Servants extraordinary Chap. XI 365 That the Subjects of England had heretofore such a regard of the King and his Servants as not to bring or commence their Actions where the Law allowed them against such of his Servants which had grieved or Injured them with ut a remedie first Petitioned for in Parliament Chap. XII 375 That the Clergy of England in the height of their Priviledges Encouragement and Protection by the Papall overgrown Authority did in many cases lay aside their Thunderbolts and Power of Excommunications appeals to the Pope and obtaining his Interdictions of Kingdoms Churches and Parishes and take the milder modest and more reverential way of Petitioning our Kings in Parliaments rather than turn the rigors of their Canon or Ecclesiastical Laws or of the Laws of England against any of the Kings Officers or Servants Chap. XIII 389 That the Judges in former times did in their Courts and Proceedings of Law and Justice manifest their unwillingness to give or permit any obstruction to the Service of the King and Weal Publick Chap. XIV 392 That the Dukes Marquesses Count Palatines Earls Viscounts and Barons of England and the Bishops as Barons have and do enjoy their Priviledges and freedom from Arrests or Imprisonment of their Bodies in Civil and Personal Actions As Servants extraordinary and attendants upon the Person State and Majesty of the King in Order to his Government Weal Publick and safety of him and his People And not only as Peers abstracted from other of the Kings Ministers or Servants in Ordinary Chap. XV. 413 That many the like Priviledges and Praeheminences are and have been antiently by the Civil and Caesarean Laws and the Municipal Laws and Customs of many other Nations granted and allowed to the Nobility thereof Chap. XVI 445 That the Immunities and Priviledges granted and permitted by our Kings of England unto many of their People and Subjects who were not their Servants in Ordinary do amount unto as much and in some more than what our Kings Servants in Ordinary did or do now desire to enjoy Chap. XVII 466 That many of the People of England by the Grace and Favour of our Kings and Princes or along permission usâ—ge or prescription do enjoy and make use of very many Immunities Exemptions and Priviledges which have not had so great a Cause or Foundation as those which are now claimed by the Kings Servanes Chap. XVIII 489 That those many other Immunities and Priviledges have neither been abolished or so much as murmured at by those that have yeilded an Assent and Obedience thereunto although they have at some times and upon some Occasions received some Loss Damage or Inconveniences thereby Chap. XIX 494 That the Power and care of Justice and the distribution thereof is and hath been so Essential and Radical to Monarchy and the constitution of this Kingdom as our Kings of England have as well before as since the Conquest taken into their Cognisance divers Causes which their established Courts of Justice either could not remedie or wanted Power to determine have removed them from other Courts to their own Tribunals and propria authoritate caused Offenders for Treason or Felony to be Arrested and may upon Just and Legal Occasions respite or delay Justice Chap. XX. 503 That a care of the Honour and Reverence due unto the
now and for many ages past allowed and gave the reason of it multis sane respectus esse debet ac multa diligentia ne quis pacem Regis infringat maxime in ejus vicinia for that there ought to be a more than ordinary respect had thereunto and much diligence used that none should break the Kings peace more especially so near his House which must of necessity and by all the rules of Reason and Interpretation of Laws and the meaning of the Law-giver be only understood to referre unto the peace and quiet of his own House and Servants and not unto the Kings care of the publique and universal peace of the Kingdome which was not be streightned or pend up in so narrow a room or compass when as many of his other Laws did at the same time provide for the universal peace and this only aimed at the particular peace and tranquillity of himself and his Family Nor can it appear to have been any intention of that foresighted and considerate Prince that any Sheriffes or Bayliffs should upon all occasions false or malitious or trivial suggestions presume to Arrest and hale from his Palace or Service any of the necessary Attendants upon his Person Majesty and Honour or be the sawcy and irreverent Infringers of their peace which by that Law Intituled De pace Curiae Regis the peace of the Kings Court or Palace he took so great a care to preserve At the Parliament of Clarindon holden by King Henry the Second in Anno Dom. 1164. When that Prince's troublesome Raign was afflicted with the Rebellion of his Sons and Domineering of a Powerful Clergy backt by the Papal power and Insolency it was not thought to be either unreasonable or illegal when Excommunications which the lofty Clergy of those times were not willing to have clipped or limited and the Thunderbolts fear or fury thereof did farre exceed any effect or consequence of an utlary to ordain That Nec aliquis Dominicorum Ministrorum Regis excommunicetur nec terrae alicujus eorum sub Interdicto ponantur nisi prius Dominus Rex si in terra fuerit Conveniatur That none of the Kings Servants or Officers be excommunicated or their Lands interdicted untill the King if he be in the Kingdome be first Attended And the reason of this Law was saith Sir Edward Cook for that the Tenures by grand Serjeanty and Knights service in Capite were for the Honour and defence of the Realm and concerning those that served the King in his Houshold their continual Service and attendance of the King was necessary And Glanvil who was Lord Chief Justice of England and wrote in the Raign of King Henry the second or of King Richard the first of the antient Laws and Customs of England if that Book as some have thought were not written rather in his name then by him howsoever it is ancient and allowed both here and in Scotland to be very Authentick saith that Per servitium Domini Regis rationâ—biliter essoniare potest et cum in Curia probatur hoc essonium et admittitur remanebit loquela sine die donec constiterit â—um ab illo servitio domini Regis rediisse Vnde hi qui assidue sunt in servitio Domini Regis Cui necessitates omnes forenses cedunt to which all other businesses or occasions saith the Learned Spelman in his gloss upon Essoines are to give place ut Servientes ipsius hoc Essonio non gaudebunt Ergo circa eorum personas observabitur solitus cursus Curiae et Juris ordo That a Defendant or Tenant being in the service of the King may rationally be essoyned or for that time be excused and when the Essoyne or excuse is proved in Court and admitted the Action or plea shall be without day and suspended untill it shall happen that he be retorned out of the Kings Service but those that be in the Kings daily Service as his ordinary Servants are not to be allowed such an Essoyne or excuse therefore as to their persons the accustomed course of the Court and order of Law is to be observed but doth not declare what that solitus Curfus Curiae et juris ordo that accustomed course and order of Law in case of the Kings Servants in ordinary then was Or whether their priviledge was not so great and notorious as not to need any Essoine Yet as the Law then was saith that where sometimes both the Plaintiffe and the Defendant did not appear but made default tunc in Domini Regis voluntate vel ejus Justitiariorum erit si voluerint versus utrumque contemptum Curiae vel falsum clamorem prosequi then it shall be in the good pleasure of the King or his Judges if they will prosecute either against the Defendant for his Contempt or against the Plantiffe for his not Prosecution By which again the King was at his liberty to protect or priviledge his Servant in ordinary if the Law had not allowed them any such priviledge as well as to grant his Writ directed to the Judges ad warrantizandum to allow or receive an Essoine for one that was in servitio Regis in his Service recited by Glanvil with an Ideo vobis mando quod pro absentia sua illius diei non ponatis in defaltam nec in aliquo sit perdens therefore I command our Kings not then in their mandates writs or Patents speaking in the plural number as we and us c. You that you enter not a default against the Defendant or Tenant for his absence or not appearing at the day appointed and that he be not damnified thereby And in that Kings Raign and the beginning of the Raign of King Richard the first whilst Chief Justice Glanvil attending his Court and Justice his Warrs in the Holy Land died at Acon and in all those foregoing times and ages it was not probable that any Inroads should be made upon that antient just and rational priviledge of the Kings Domestiques or other Servants in ordinary for that some of the Stewards and great Officers of the Kings most honourable Houshold who had under their several Kings the protection as well as Government of the Servants in ordinary of the Royal Family as Prince Henry the eldest Son of King Henry the second and William Longchampe in the first year of the Raign of King Richard the first Lord Chancellour of England were whilst they held their several other places in the Kings Courts successively Lord Chief Justices of England and attended in the Kings Court. And it appeareth by Glanvil that Actions or Summons or Attachments of Debt and other process were then not infrequently directed to the Sheriffe of the County where the Defendant dwelt made retornable coram me i.e. Domino Rege vel Justitiis meis i.e. Justitiis suis before the King or his Justices in the abstract apud Westmonasterium at Westminster i.e. The Kings House or
no Vagabonds Masterless men Boyes or Idle persons be suffered to harbour in her Court Wherfore the Servants attending therein should not now be so much in the ill opinion causeless contempt of the Mechanick and vulgar part of the people for those which are ex meliore luto better born and more civilly educated cannot certainly so lose their way to a gratefull acknowledgement of their Princes daily protection and needed favours as to villifie or slight his Servants by imitating the sordid examples of a less understanding part of the people or want their due respects if it shall be rightly considered that our Ancestors and a long succession of former ages were not so niggard or sparing of their well-deserved respects When our Kings and Princes and the wiser part of their people supposed to be in Parliament did attribute so much unto them and so very much trust and confide in them as they did from time to time put no small power into their hands and leave no small concernments of themselves and the Kingdom to their prudence fidelity and discretion When the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England who administreth the Oathes usually taken by the Lord Privy Seal Lord Treasurer of England Lords of the Kings most Honourable Privy Councel Chancellor of the Exchequer Master of the Rolls Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancaster Justices of the Courts of Kings Bench and Common Pleas Barons of the Exchequer Kings Attorney and Sollicitor General Serjeants at Law Masters of Requests and Chancery upon and before their admission into their several Places and Offices nominates and appoints the Custos Rotulorum and Justices of the Peace in every County of England Wales some few Franchises and Liberties excepted and by his largely extended Jurisdiction committed unto his trust doth by the Writs remedial of his Soveraign guide and superintend the Cisterns and Streams of our Laws those living waters which do chear and refresh our Vallies and make them to be as a watered Garden And with the two Lord Chief Justices Master of the Rolls the other Reverend Judges and the Masters of Chancery appointed to distribute the Kings Justice according to the laws and reasonable customs of the Kingdome have their Robes and Salaries allowed and are as Justice Croke acknowledged in his argument against the Ship-money as the Kings Councel at Law the chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas being as is mentioned in a Manuscrip of Henry Earl of Arundel copyed out of a book of George Earl of Shrowsbury Lord Steward of the houshold unto King Henry the seventh and King Henry the eighth communicated unto me by my worthy friend Mr. Ralph Jackson one of his Majesties Servants in ordinary a great Member of the Kings house for whose favour counsel and assistance in the Law to be shewed to the houshold matters and servants he taketh an yearly Fee by the Bâ—tler of England of two Tuns of Wine at two Terms of the year which is allowed in the Court of houshold When the Justices of Peace in every City and County are or should be the under Wheels in that excellently curiously framed Watch of the English Government as the late blessed Martyr King Charles the first when he so sadly forwarned the pulling of it in pieces by a mistaken Parliament and the Rebellious consequences of it not unfitly called it are at their quarter Sessions under his pay and allowance when the Assize of the bread to be sold in England was in the fourth year of the Reign of King John being thirteen years before his granting of Magna Charta ordained by the King by his Edict or Proclamation to be strictly observed under the pain of standing upon the Pillory and the rates set and an Assise approved by the Baker of Jeoffry Fitz-Peter chief Justice of England the nas one of the Kings more especial Servants as to matters of justice resident and attendant in the Kings House or Palace and by the Baker of R. of Thurnam that Constitution and Assise being not at all contradicted by his Magna Charta or that of his Sons King Henry the 3 d. Which Assise of bread contained in a writing of the Marshalsea of the Kings house being by the consent of the whole Realm exemplified by the Letters Patents of King Henry the 3 d. in the 51 th year of his Raign was confirmed and said to be proved by the Kings Baker By an Act of Parliament made in the 9 th year of the Reign of that King if the King be out of the Realm the chief Justices one of which if not both were then residing and attending in the Kings Court were once in the year through every County with the Knights of the Shires to take Assises of Novel Disseisin and Mortdancester in which if there be any difficulty it was to be referred unto his Justices of the Bench there to be ended By an Act of Parliament made in the 6th year of the Reign of K. Edward the first Wine sold against the Assise was to be by the Mayor and Bayliffs of London presented before the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer who then resided in the Court or Palace of the King The Statute of Westminster the 2. made in the 13th year of the said Kings Reign mentioneth That the Kings Marshal is to appoint the Marshal of the Kings Bench and Exchequer the Criers and Virgers of that and the Court of Common Pleas which at this day is done by and under the Authority of the Earl Marshal of England who by his Certificate made by his Roll of a personal service in a Voyage Royal performed by those that held Lands or Offices in Capite and by Knight Service he discharged an Assessement of Esonage by Parliament superintendeth the cognisance and bearing of Armes of the Nobility and Gentry and the duty of the Heralds and Officers attending thereupon And with the Lord Great Chamberlain before the unhappy change of the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service into Free and Common Socage introduce and bring unto the King such as were to do Homage unto him for their Baronies or Lands By an Act of Parliament made in the 14th year of the Reign of King Edward the third and by the Kings Authority the Sheriffs of every County in England and Wales who are for the most part under the King the only Executioners of Justice in the Kingdom are three out of six for every County presented by the Judges of every Circuit the morrow after the Feast of All-Souls in every year to the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Lord Privy Seal Lord Treasurer Lord Steward the later of which at the beginning and opening of Parliaments is by his Office to administer the Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy to every Member of the House of Commons in Parliament the Master of the Horse Lord
out of his place for Bribery and Extortion it was in the Sentence or Judgment given against him said that Sacramentum Domini Regis quod erga Populum habuit custodiendum â—regit maliciose false Rebelliter quantum in ipso fuit he had falsly malitiously and traiterously as much as in him lay broke or violated the Kings Coronation Oath which demonstrates that although he had at the same time violated his own Oath made unto the King when he was admitted into his Office or Place yet his fault was the greater in breaking the Kings Oath and that part of his Justice with which he was trusted For the Grants of the Judges Places by the King durante bene placito or quamdiu se bene gesserint during the Kings pleasure or as long as they do wel behave themselves the Kings Commissions of Oyer Terminer Et Gaola deliberanda of Gaol Delivery and to hear and determine Causes in their Circuits their Oathes besides their Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy taken at their admittance into their Places prescribed and directed in the 18th year of the reign of King Edward the third and administred by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keepers of the Great Seal of England for the time being That they the King and his People in the Office of Justice shall not counsel or assent to any thing that may turn unto his damage shall take no Fee or Robes of any but the King himself nor execute any Letters from him contrary to the Law but certifie him and his Councel thereof and shal procure the profit of the King and his Crown in all things that they may reasonably do the same in an Act of Parliament made in the 20th year of the Reign of that King they are expresly mentioned to be Deputed by the King to do Law and Right according to the usage of the Realm the Kings Writs directed unto them stiling them no otherwise then Justitiariis suis and those Courts the Kings Courts the acknowledgment of the Judges themselves in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and their readiness to obey all her lawful commands in the Case of Cavendish and that of Sir Edward Coke that the Judges are of the Kings Councel for proceedings in course of Justice their assisting the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England upon request or sending for some of them out of their own Courts into the Chancery their attending upon the King in his House of Peers in Parliament to assist and advise in matters of Law there debated when required but not with any power of Vote or decisive Judgment their often meetings out of their Courts altogether upon any of the Kings commands or references in causes difficult by Petition or Appeal to the King and their Opinions humbly certified thereupon and attending upon the King and his Councel upon matters doubtful wherein the ayde and advice of the Regal Authority was required and whether their Patents or Commissions be durante bene placito or quam diu se bene gesserint during the Kings pleasure or as long as they shall well behave themselves are void per demise le Roy by the death of the King that granted their Patents or Commissions and to be renewed at the pleasure of his Successor may abundantly evidence that they may not claim or justly be beleived to be independant Soveraign absolute or without an Appeal to their King and Soveraign who granteth amongst many other Offices in the said Courts the Office and Place of Warden of the Fleet by the Name of the Keeper of the Kings Pallace at Westminster aad the Office thereby to attend by him or his Deputy the Courts of Chancery Common-Pleas and Exchequer and keep in safe Custody the Prisoners committed by them when all the Writs and Process of those Courts are issued under his Name and Seal and all but the Chancery which are honoured by his own Teste are under the several Testes or Subscriptions as the Law intendeth of the Chief Justices or Judges thereof together with the Exemplifications of Fines Recoveries Verdicts and other Records in the Court of Common-Pleas and the Court of Kings-Bench and in their several and distinct Jurisdictions are subjected unto and dependant upon the Regal Authority Crown and Dignity And cannot be otherwise understood to be when our Kings have sometimes fined Judges for Extortion or Bribery as King Edward the first did Sir Ralph de Hengham and diverse other Judges in the 16th year of his Reign when the Judges in the â—aid Courts cannot ex officio pardon or discharge a fine or punishment imposed or inflicted by them upon Offenders nor without his Writ of Error amend or correct Errors committed by themselves after the Term ended wherein they were committed are if they exceed their bounds subject by his Writ punishment of Praemunire to a forfeiture of all their Lands Goods Estate of their Lands in Fee-Simple or for Life to have their Bodies imprisoned at the will of the King to be out of his Protection and when he as he pleaseth commandeth the Rolls and Records of the Courts of Chancery Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas to be brought into his Treasury or the Tower of London for safety adjourneth those Courts upon occasion of Pestilence or other reason of State or Warre as King Edward the first did to York where they continued for some years after that the Judges are by Office of Court to stay surcease in many things where they do perceive the King to be concerned either in point of profit or other concernment untill they have advised with the Kings Serjeants or Councel learned in the Law when the Writs of Prohibition frequently granted by the Court of Common-Pleas or Kings-Bench in his name do signifie that he hath haute Justice power and authority over those and the inferior Courts of Justice and by his Supreme Authority doth by his Legal Rescripts and Mandates issuing out of his High Court of Chancery upon any defects in his Subordinate Courts for want of power and authority consonant or agreeable to the rules of right reason and equity moderate the rigors of his Laws correct Errors and provide fitting remedies for all manner of Contingencies or Disorders happening in the course execution or manage of his Laws or Justice testified by his Injunctions out of the Chancery to stay the rigors and proceedings in the Courts of Common-Law Commissions of Trail Baston more rightly ottroy le Baston granted by King Edward the first to inquire of and punish misdemeanours riots extortions c. which the Courts of Justice then in being had cognisance of might have upon complaint punished redressed many other Commissions of that kind made out by that other of our Kings with Commissions of Assise Association cum multis aliis or the like the Writs of Rege in consulto
unto the Court and submit himself unto the Law which he did and was put to his fine gave sureties to pay it Which proofs and arguments touching the subordination of the Judges or their Courts of Justice are not nor ever were intended for the reverend Judges and Sages of the Law or the Students Professors and Practisers thereof whose learning and Judgments neither scrupled or needed it but unto those vulgar and mechanick busie headed and unquiet part of the People qui nesciunt se ignorare will not own any ignorance when they are most ignorant but will be sure to dislike every thing which they do not understand because they take their measures by the shortlines of their vulgar take and incomprehensive capacities which makes them to be so restless and unsatisfied in their mistakings and so lincked and wedded unto them I had not been so large in clearing that particular which unto some may seem more then requisite but that it may justly be feared that those opinions or impressions if not disâ—odged and fully convinced may as those long agoe condemned Heresies and Errors in the Church did in our late distractions and distempers rise up again under the pretence of new notions and gain a kind of Succession too like a perpetuity And therefore every man may without any the Incumbrances of doubts or controversies be assured CHAP. VII That the King or the great Officers of his Houshold may punish those that doe infringe his servants priviledges and that any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary being arrested without leave are not so in the custody of the Law as they ought not to be released untill they do appear or give Bayl to Appear and Answer the Action WHen it must or should be acknowledged that notwithstanding that by the Statutes made in the 37th and 38th years of the Reign of King Edward the third untrue Suggestions made to the King and his Councell were prohibited and to be punished and that by a Statute made in the 42 d. year of the Reign of that King no man was to be brought to answer any accusation to the King without praesentment before Justices or matter of Record yet matters extraordinary or suggestions which had truth or evidence to accompany them were not by any of those Acts of Parliament forbidden and howsoever that by a Statute or Act of Parliament made in the 17 th year of the Reign of King Charls the Martyr the Kings Privy Councel were restrained from intermedling in matters concerning Freeholds and the Properties of the Subject which comprehends many of the matters which may concern any man brought before them or accused yet there is no restraint of Arrests or sending for Delinquents by the Kings Messengers or prohibition against the right use of them or the high and super eminent authority of the King and the Lords of his Honourable Privy Councel in cases to prevent Duells and make abortive dangers and inconvenient to the publique punish Riots unlawfull Assemblies and misdemeanors beyond the reach and Authority of Justices of the Peace many other emergencies who may certainly as legally make use of Messengers or Serjeants at Arms to compell disobedient and refractory persons to appear before them as the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England by or under the Kings authority doth now and hath long agoe used to do in cases of contempt of the Processe of that Court after an Attachment with Proclamation and Commission of Rebellion or as the Lord Privy Seal did usually in the Court of Requests after the like Processe could not apprehend or take the person contemning his authority or not appearing before him for unto what purpose shall that honourable and venerable Assembly who Sir Edward Coke saith are Profitable instruments of the State and do bear part of the Soveraignâ— cares and imploy their time and endeavors in the Execution of the Duty of their Oathes and Places and that great trust incumbent upon them if they may not enjoy a coercive Power which the Judices paedanei petty Judicatures and even the Pye-Powder Courts of the Kingdome do enjoy or should make it their business to baffle their own authority and only send for People to come unto them when they please or when they are come before them do what they please but should within their Conusance and Jurisdiction according to a Maxime and Rule of the Civil Law well allowed and entertained by our Common-Law Cum aliquid conceditur id quoque concedi videtur sine quo id efficere non potest when any Jurisdiction or authority is granted that also which should support and attend it seemeth to be granted with it have as great a power of coercion to attend their authority as the Parliament the greater and more extraordinary Councel under the King and Head thereof is allowed and all other Councels in all the Kingdomes and Republiques of Christendome and are not therefore to be denied a just and competent Power to attend them in the administration of the affairs or business of the King intrusted unto them or to be debarred their inspection into all the affairs of the Kingdom concerning the good welfare of the King his People upon casualties accidents and cases extraordinary reformations of abuses by the Kings Edicts or Proclamations and in the deficiency of Laws in matters or things not foreseen or provided for by Laws which cannot be either so prophetick or comprehensive as to supply or give a Remedy to all things but must leave many things to ragione di Stato reason of State and the cares of our Pater Patriae Father of his Countrey and Kingdome to provide against necessities otherwise irresistable which can neither at all times tarry for the calling of a Parliament or the suffrages of it or be communicated unto the vulgar especially in unquiet or cloudy times when our Peace the blessing of our Nation cannot either enjoy her self or impart her comforts to the People without the more then ordinary vigilance of the King and his Privy Councell where the King himself is very often present especially in the absence of that as ancient as the Raign of King Edward the third then and many ages after well regulated Court of Star-Chamber many of whose Judges were the Kings Privy Councell the King himself being there rarely or seldome present and of that necessary Court of the High Commission preventing and watching over such abuses or misdemeanors as might either scandalize or disturbe the peace and good order of holy Church and such as served at the Altar And certainly that formerly great power and authority which resided in the Steward or Major-domo of the Kings Houshold who as Fleta hath recorded it enjoyed in the Reign of King Edward the first such an extraordinary power as he did vicem gerere exercise as it were the Office of Deputy to the Lord Chief Justice of England whose Office and place
untill it was by that prudent Prince restrained and limited to the Authority and Jurisdiction which it now enjoys was much more large and extensive than now it is and that of the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House whose power and priviledge over that part of the Kings Servants which are under his Authority being exempt from that of the Lord Steward having been not by any Act of Parliament prohibited may not be thought to exceed the power and auâ—hority inherent in their Offices and places when they shall punish or commit to prison any who shall attempt to violate or infringe the honour and priviledges of the Kings House or Servants derived unto them from his Supreme Authority who having Ordinariam Jurisdictionem in regno suo pares non habet neque superiores an Ordinary and Supreme Jurisdiction and hath neither Peer nor Superior may as well protect his Servants in his affairs and business in his House or about his Person and punish any that shall hinder them therein as the Judges in his Courts of Justice who neither have or can claim any other power or authority than what he delegates or entrusteth them withall do upon all occasions in the Case of their Officers Clerks or menial Servants They therefore who shall so much suffer their reason and understanding to wander and be mislead as to deny the Kings most Honourable Privy Councell or any other Court within their Cognisance Power and Authority tueri Jurisdictionem such a coercive power as may support their Jurisdiction may think but never find they have any ground or cause for it and if they please to tarry for a conviction untill the never failing unhappy consequences shall bring them too late to acknowledge that which in viridi observantia by late abundant sad experiments is more then a little visible in the disorders of the present Church Government occasioned by the reverend Governors want of power who having their hands as it were tyed behind them are made to be as good old Ely admonishing and reproving to no purpose and how little the directive or commanding Power of Laws will signifie where the coercive shall be absent may bitterly repent it And will meet with as little reason to second or assist their opinion that a priviledged person imprisoned contrary to his priviledge is so in the custody of the Law as not to be able to claim or make use of his priviledge to release or discharge him when the frequent use of discharging men out of prison by Habeas Corpus Supersedeas or Writs of Priviledge and their Bayles or Sureties given for their appearances discharged And in matters of Parliament Priviledge can teach and prove the contrary for in the Case of Trewynniard a Burgess of Parliament in the Court of Kings-Bench in Easter and Trinity Term in the 38th year of the Raign of K. Henry the 8th the said Trewynniard was discharged by his Priviledge although he was arrested upon an Utlary after Judgement and the Judges of the Court of Kings Bench did adjudge and declare That every Priviledge is by prescription and every praescription which soundeth for the Common-weal is good although it be a prejudice to any private person And that such a priviledge hath been alwayes granted by the King to his Commoners at the request of their Speaker the first day of the sitting of Parliament And it is common reason that forasmuch as the King and all the Realm hath an interest in the Body of every of its Members it seemeth that the private commodity of any particular man ought not to be regarded for it is a maxime That magis dignum trahit ad se minus dignum the more worthy is to be preferred before the lesse and concluded That the Parliament is the most High Court and hath more Priviledges then any Court of the Realm and that in such a Case every Burgess is to be priviledged where the Action is but at the Suit of a Subject and that by such a temporary discharge the Execution is not discharged but remaineth When as men protected that were not the Kings Houshold Servants had their Protections allowed aâ—ter the commencement of the Action sometimes after Issue joyned at other times of the nisi prius or Triall at other times after the Verdict given and sometimes at the dayes in Banck and where any Defendant neither protected or priviledged was imprisoned he was not so believed to be in the Custody of the Law but that the Judges or any one Judge of the Court out of which the Process or Writ issued might not as well out of the Term as in the Term grant in their Subordinate Jurisdiction a Supersedeas quia improvià e or erronice emanavit because there was some Error or mistaking in the awarding or granting of the Writ by which he was taken And those Authentique Books of the Register of Writs old and new Book of Entries and the presidents therein contained will sufficiently testifie that arrests of priviledged persons and the goods or persons of priviledged persons have been and ought to be discharged from Attachments Arrests and Imprisonments and that which they would call the Custody of the Law by Habeas Corpus Supersedeas or Writs of priviledge and their Bayles or Sureties given for their Appearances discharged But however the pride and disrespectfull and disobedient humors of too many of our Nation be now so much in fashion as to quarrell with every thing of Authority and the Regalities of their Soveraign the dayes of old and Ages past will evidence that the before mentioned Priviledges of the Kings Servants in Ordinary were for ought appears to the contrary believed to be so legall and reasonable CHAP. VIII That the aforesaid Priviledge of the Kings Servants in Ordinary hath been legally imparted to such as were not the Kings Servants in Ordinary but imployed upon some temporary and casuall affairs abroad and out of the Kings House AS it was desired and thought fit and necessary to be communicated to such as were not the Kings Servants in Ordinary or his Domesticks but only imployed as extraordinaries upon some of his special affairs or occasions which were but Temporary and to that end it was requisite that some signification or notice should be given that they were so imployed and that they should not be arrested imprisoned or disturbed in it but be protected from it the like being also done when any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary where imployed out of the Kings House or Pallace by their Writs of Protection under the great Seal of England for otherwise probably it would not have been known that they were his Servants either ordinary or extraordinary or what was their business And therefore in the Register of Writs a Book in the Statute of Westminster the second made in the 13th year of the Reign of K. Edward the first in the year of our Lord 1285 called the Register of the Chancery
granted that no Purveyance be but where payment is made at the taking that it would please him that that Ordinance be holden as it was granted The King doth not in express terms answer that the party should take his course at Law but only That it pleaseth the King that he that findeth himself grieved shall pursue it and right shall be done unto him In the 47th year of the Reign of King Edward the third the Commons did in Parliament although the Statute made not long before in the 36th year of his Reign cap. 2. gave them sufficient remedy and power to resist petition the King That the Statute made whereby buyers for the Kings Houshold should pay readily should stand and that no man be impeached for râ—sisting them therein To which the King answered The Statute therefore provided shall be kept and who will complain shall be heard In the 50th year of the Reign of the said King Edward the third the Commons in Parliament did petition the King That the Clarks of the Market for the Kings Houshold when as the Common Law and the Statutes of 9 H. 3. cap. 26 and 14 E. 3. cap. 12. had before given them sufficient remedy against Clarks of the Market should not by extortion take Fines in gross or certain of any Towns but that there might be appointed a certainâ—y of weights and measures according to the Standard and Statutes thereof made The King answered That he would be thereof advised In the same Parliament the Commons although the Common Law and the Statutes made in the 28th year of the Reign of King Edward the first and the 5th and 10th years of the Reign of King Edward the third had provided sufficient remedies did complain against the Court of thâ— Marshalsea to which the King answered â—he would charge the Steward and Officers to make redress And in the Parliament aforesaid petitioning the King That by Protections cum â—lausa Volumuâ— many men were undone and praying that one made to Jacob Jacomino a Lombard might be repealed and no such hereafter granted The King answered That upon examination of such had by the Councell it should if need be repealed And in the year next following petitioning the King in Parment That the Protections of such as did lye at Calais or about Picardy only to delay such as did sue them might be repealed and no such from thence granted The King answered That if his Councell should be informed of such covin it should be redressed And the Commons in Parliament in the same year of the Reign of that King though by a Statute made in the third year of the Reign of King Edward the first cap. 28. a Statute made in the 28th year of the said King cap. 11. a Statute made in the first year of the Reign of King Edward the third cap. 14. another in the 4th year of the Reign of the aforesaid King cap. 11. a Statute made in the 20th year of the said King cap. 4. remedies were for the same provided and there were divers Writs framed in the Register and to be thereupon had of course petitioning the King That none of his Officers be maintainers of any quarrels which the said Statutes did severely prohibit in the Countries on pain to lose their Offices and to answer double to the party grieved The King answered That he had forbidden his Officers so to do and if any be grieved he should be heard And in the same year when they had remedy given them by the Law against any the unjust dealing of Purveyors did petition the King That the Statutes made be not repealed but by assent of Parliament and that the Statute of Purveyance might be executed To which the King answered they cannot and that for the Purveyors the Law made should stand In the first year of the Reign of King Richard the second the Commons when there were Laws in force which might have saved them that trouble did petition the King in Parliament That no Officers of the Exchequer or of the Kings Houshold do maintain any quarrels in their Countries and that the priviledge of the Exchequer might be declared To which the King answered touching maintenance order is before taken and for further declaration it hath been used that all Officers of the Exchequer and Servants with them abiding should in all personal Actions be sued and sue in the Exchequer and not elsewhere In the same Parliament the Commons petitioning the King That the Jurisdiction of the Marshalsea which is a Court greatly concerning the Kings Houshold might be limited and that all men might have their Liberties allowed as well within the Virge as without and that no Court of Antient Demesne be thereby disturbed The King answered The Marshalsea shall have such Jurisdiction as heretofore and who will complain shall be heard And petitioning also the King in Parliament That every man might upon the Kings Protections averre that the party was not in the Kings service according to the 〈◊〉 of his Protection The King answered Tha◠〈◊〉 Averment lay not in such cases In the same Parliament the Citizens of London thinking to 〈◊〉 unto their heaâ—s of Liberties more then 〈◊〉 fitting or right reason could grant them did with much partiality petition the King That no Protection Royal might be allowed in Debt Accompt or Trespass wherein a Freeman of London should be Plaintiff Unto which as to Victuals bought after the voyage or service whereof the Protection mentioneth or for Debt or Contract after the date of such Protection purchased the King granted and it was enacted accordingly In the third year of the Reign of that King when but the year before the hindring and delaying of men in the pursuit and recovery of their just Debts was in the Parliament of the second year of that King in the case of Robert de Hawley pursued upon an arrest in an Action of Debt and slain at the High Altar in Westminster Abbey being then a Sanctuary to which he fled declared before the King in Parliament to be a grievous sin the Judges and Lawyers of the Land and the Doctors of Divinity Canon and Civil Law assenting thereunto And the Doctors of Divinity Canon and Civil Law upon grave and well advised deliberation delivering upon Oath their opinions That in case of Debt Accompt or Trespass where life or member was not in question no Sanctuary or Immunity of Holy Church ought to be allowed and in high expressions further said que Dieu salvez sa perfection ne le Pape salvez sa sanctitee ne nul Roy ou Prince purroit granter tiel privilege that God saving his perfection nor the Pope saving his holiness nor any King or Prince could grant such a priviledge Et si aucun Prince vorroit tiel privilege granter and if any Prince should grant any such priviledge the Church whose actions should be according to vertue was not
Officiate under them as their Deputies believed their Heirs and Lands to be blessed in the continuance and enjoyments of such Offices as might but sometimes bring them into the notice and affairs of the Prince and Emperours as the Baron of Papenheim in Germany and his Heirs to be Sub-Marshall to the Duke and Elector of Saxony the Baron of Limpurgh Vice-Butler to the King of Bohemia and the Baron of Falkenstem Vice-Chamberlain to the Elector of Brandenburgh who hath also an hereditary Marshall and the Electors of Mentz Colen and Triers the like and Christophorus Leisserus a Baron was Culinae Magister at the Coronation of the Emperour Mathias in Anno Domini 1612. The Viscounts a Title no longer ago than the Reign of King Henry the sixth as our great Selden saith turned into a Dignity Titular or Peerage being formerly and long after the Conquest but the Deputies of the Earls in their several Counties for the Administration of Justice with which the Earls were entrusted since câ—ntra distincts to the Title or Honour of Viscount and but a Sheriff or Officer of the Kings for the execution of Justice and so well liked of before that new Title of Viscounts was brought in betwixt the Earls and Barons of England as Hubert de Burgo afterwards Earl of Kent was in the Reign of King John not only Chamberlain to the King but at one and the same time Sheriff of Norfolk and Suffolk and the noble and antient Family of Cliffords accompted it as a favour of the Crown to be hereditary Sheriffs or Ministers of Justice in the County of Westmerland where they had Lands Baronies and honourable Possessions and having afterwards a greater honour by the Earldome of Cumberland conferred upon them disdained not to let the one accompany the other in the service of their Prince The Barons whether as the Judicious and Learned Sir Henry Spelman informs us they be feudall as gaining their honours by their Lands and Baronies given them to that purpose which in our Records and antient Charters are not seldome mentioned by the name of Honours as the Honours of Abergavenny Dudley c. or by Writs summoned to Parliament or by Patents created only into that Titular Honour either of which made a Tenure in Capite for otherwise they could not sit and enjoy their Peerage in Parliament the Kings greatest Councel are and antiently were accompted to be in their several Orbes Robur Belli the strength and power of Warr and as Barones or Vassalli Capitales men of greater estate or note than ordinary and were as the old Barones 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Barangi wbo did with their Battel-Axes attend the Emperours of the East in their Courts or Palaces as their Guard sometimes on Foot and at othertimes on Horse-back and were as Codinus saith reckoned inter Honoratiores Officiales the most honourable Offices of the Court attending near the Emperours either at their Meat or Chappel or publick Addresses and in the Kingdome of Bohemia which is now no more than elective and where there are neither Dukes nor Marquesses and but few Earls the Title of Baron is of so high an esteem and the Barons of that Kingdome so jealous of any thing which might diminish it as when a Duke who is a Stranger comes to be there naturalized they do first oblige him to quit or renounce the using of his Title of Duke there and to content himself only with the Title of a Baron of Bohemia and saith Sir Henry Spelman sub Baronis appellatione recte veniunt our Dukes Marquesses Earls and Viscounts are comprehended under the name of Baron Cum vel maximus as the experience and practice of our Laws and Kingdome will evidence principis sit Vassallus when the greatest of them is but a Liege-man and Vassâ—l of the King eique tenentur homagii vinculo seu potius Baronagii hoc est de agendo vel essendo Barone suo quod hominem seu Clientem praestantiorem significat and is by the Bond of his homage or Baronage to do all things as his Baron which signifieth to be his Liege-man and more extraordinary Subject holding his Lands of him upon those beneficiary gainful honourable conditions and depending upon him and his Patronage it being to be remembred that those honorary possessions and the owners thereof did by that dependency well deserve that encomium and observation which John Gower made of them about the Reign of King Richard the second that The Privilege of â—egalie was safe and all the Barony worshipt was in his Estate And it is well known that our antient Kings in all their Rescripts Grants or Charters unto Abbyes or any other of their people directed them Archiepiscopis Episcopis Comitibus Justiciariis Baronibus Vicecomitibus Ministris suis to their Arch-bishops Bishops Earls Barons Justices and Sheriffs and other their Ministers the word Ministris being in the language of the times not only since but before the Conquest not infrequently appropriate to the Kings houshold Servants as the Charters and Subscriptions of witnesses of many of our elder Kings will abundantly evidence and the Barones Majores stiled by our Kings not unfrequently in many of their Charters Barones suos Barones nostros Barones Regios their Barons and the Kings Barons as William de Percy and many other have been called though by such Charters they could be no more concerned in it than to be Assistant in the performance and obedience of the Royal Mandates and in many Acts of Parliament have been stiled the Kings Nobles or Nobility the Deâ—neâ— Thanes or Nobility saith the eminently and universally learned Selden denoting a Servant or Minister was as well before as sometimes since the Norman Conquest Officiary Personal and Honorary and the Possessions of the Thanes from whence our Barons and Baronies were derived were held by the Service of Personal Attendance Et certissimum est saith that great and eminent Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman that Barones Majores the greater Barons which hold of the King in Capiti Judiciis praefuere Aulae Regiae did usually sit and determine causes or controversies in the Kings Court or Palace as the Barons of the Coife in the Exchequer who were heretofore Earls and Barons of England do at this day in Westminster Hall judge and determine of matters concerning the Kings Revenues And as the Lords of Mannors in their Court Barons do admit none to be Judges in those little Courts but their Tenants who are Freeholders and which do immediately hold of them are stiled and said to be of the Homage and do subserviently manage and order their Affairs therein as very antiently they did consilio prudentum hominum militum suorum by their presentments and judgements so not much differing from the Laws and Customs of the Germans where by the Court of Peers are understood causarum Feudalium Judices
a Caesare constituti qui sine provocatione cognoscebant the Judges appointed by the Emperour to hear and determine without appeal matters concerning their Lands and Territories in the House of Peers in Parliament being the highest Court of the Kingdome of England none were there admitted or did administer Justice nisi qui proximi essent a Rege ipsique arctioris fidei homagii vinculo conjuncti but such as were near unto the King held of him in Capite and were therefore called Capitanei Regni as Sir Henry Spelman saith Captains of the Kingdome and Peers being obliged and bound unto him by Homage and Fealty that highest and most honourable Court of the Kingdome wherein the Judicative Power of Parliament under the King their Head and Chief resides for the lower house or Representative of the Commons are but as a Court of grand Enquest to exhibit the grievances of the Nation and the People who did choose them to represent them as their Procurators give their consent to the raising of moneys for publick occasions and benefit and the making of good Laws intended to be obeyed by them being constituted by the King their Head and Soveraign the Prince or Heir apparent Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts Barons Arch-bishops Bishops and some of the greater Abbots and Pryors holding their Lands and Possessions of the King in Capite until they were dissolved the Lord Chancellor or Keeper of the great Seal of England Lord President of the Kings Councel Lord Treasurer Lord Privy Seal Lord Admiral Lord Chamberlain of England and of the Houshold Grand Master or Steward of the Kings house and the Kings Chief Secretary though no Barons assisted by the Learned and Reverend Judges of the Law and Courts of Justice at Westminster Hall who have no vote Masters of Chancery Clark of the Crown and Clark of that more Eminent part of the Parliament sitting in their several and distinct places according to their qualities and degrees upon benches or woolsacks covered with red cloth before the Kings Throne or Chair of Estate attended by the Kings Senior Gentleman Usher of the Presence Chamber called the black Rod to whom for or by reason of his attendance upon that honourable Assembly is and hath been antiently allowed annexed for his better support the little Park of Windsor with an house or lodge thereunto belonging of a good yearly value Serjeants at Arms Clarks of that higher house of Parliament as the members reverencing taking care for their Head and Soveraign the Only under God Protector of themselves and all their worldly concernments laws and liberties in which high and honourable Assembly the Archbishops and Bishops do enjoy the priviledge and honour of being present by reason of their Baronies which howsoever given in Frank Almoigne and as Elemosinary are holden in capite debent interesse judiciis curiae regis cum Baronibus are not to be absent saith the constitution or Act of Parliament made at Clarendon by K. Henry the second and that honourable Tenure being Servitium Militare a tye of duty and service to them as well as to the other Baronage any neglect therein was so penal unto them as the Lords in Parliament saith William Fitz Stephen cited by the learned Selden did in the Reign of King Henry the Second notwithstanding that Arch-bishops plea and defence wherefore he did not come to that great Councel or Parliament when he was commanded condemn the Ruffling and domineering Arch-bishop Tho. Becket in a great sum of money the forfeiture of all his moveable goods and to be at the Kings mercy guilty of high Treason for not coming to that high Court when he was cited and the reason given of that judgement for that ex reverentia Regiae Majestatis ex astrictione ligii homagii quod Domino Regi fecerat ex fidelitate observantia terreni honoris quemei Juraverat for that in the reverence and respect which he ought to have shewed to the Majesty of the King and by his homage made unto him and his Oath of Fealty sworn to observe and defend his Honour he ought to have come but did not and a Fine was afterwards likewise obout the Reign of King Edward the second imposed upon the Lord Bello-monte or Beaumont for not attending when he was summoned ad Consulendum Regi to give the King his Advice or Councel And certainly those great and many singular privileges and immunities given by our Kings the Fountains and Establishers of honours and the Offices and Imployments about their Sacred Persons appurtenant unto that noble and very Antient Degree and Titles of Episcopacy may easily invite the order of Bishops not to think it to be a disparagement to their Hierarchy when the dignity Royal of our Kings do as the Roman Emperours since the time of Constantine the Great necessarily require by turns or sometimes in every year the attendance of the Bishops in their Courts or Palaces and they are to be a la Suite du Roy pour honorer sa Majeste to be near the King for the honour of his Majesty when the King is the Guardian and Head of the Church and the Arch-bishop of Canterbury his Apocrisiarius which was an antient Office and Title of the Bishops afterwards appropriate to the Arch-bishop or Metropolitan who was in Palatio pro Ecclesiasticis negotiis excubare to oversee and take care of the Affairs of the Church in the Kings Court or Palace Capellanus Regis dictus omnibus praefuit negotiis ministris ecclesiae was stiled the Kings Chaplain presided and was under the King superintendent as to Ecclesiastical Affairs over all the business and Ministers of the Church and Chappel and in those things quae ad divinum Cultum in principiâ— aula pertinent precipua semper fuit cura atque sollicitudo Archiepiscopi which appertained to Gods worship in the Kings Palace the chief care and business thereof in the duties of Religion and holy Rites belongeth unto him and is in that particular but as the Kings special Chaplain not as Mathew Parker a learned and worthy Archbishop of that See in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when the Papal inflations were out of fashion would make the reason of those privileges to be because the Kings and Queens of Enggland were ejus speciales atque domesticos Parochianos his more especial Parishioners and the whole Kingdome howsoever divided into distinct Diocesses was but as one Parish though he could not be ignorant that the Arch-bishop of York and his Suffragan Bishops in one and the same Kingdome were none of his Parish nor was as Doctor Peter Heylin a right learned and dutiful Son of the Church of England by antient privilege of the See of Canterbury supposeth him to be Ordinary of the Court of his Majesties houshold being reckoned to be his Parishioners or of his Peculiar wheresoever the same shall be the Chancellor
the Coasts of Guinee in Africa a Country not at all acquainted with learning or the more civilized Customes of Africa Europe or Asia those that they take for their Nobility have a liberty which the vulgar have not to trade in every place as they please sell and buy slaves have their Drums and Trumpets play as they think good before them and those who are advanced for any Noble Atcheivement have always the principal charges in the Army Nor should our Nobility or the Kings servants be debarred of any of their just rights or privileges when as per reductionem ad principia by a view and reflection upon the Original and causes of all those many priviledges and immunities granted or permitted by our Kings of England unto others of his Subjects and people it will appear that his own servants in Ordinary should not be grudged that which by so many grounds of law and right reason and the antient and reasonable Customes of England may be believed to belong unto them CHAP. XVII That the Immunities and Priviledges granted and permitted by our Kings of England unto many of their People and Subjects who were not their Servants in Ordinary do amount unto asmuch and in some more then what our Kings Servants in Ornary did or do now desire to enjoy FOr ab hac solis luoe from those or the like rays and beams of Majesty and emanations of right reason and necessity of the Kings affairs which notwithstanding the late groundless mad and fond rebellious principle of seperating the Kings person from his Authority and a pretended supremacy in the Parliament or at the least a co-ordination should not be disturbed came and was derived that grand priviledg of the Nobility and Baronage of England many of whom are not his Domesticks not to be molested in time of Parliament or forty days before the beginning of it in their coming unto it upon the Kings Summons and as many days after the end of a Parliament in their retorn to their Habitations though there is no direct way or Journey from their habitations to any place in England where the Parliament is to be kept or holden which can require so much expence of time as twenty days in travelling unto it or twenty days in retorning home by any Process Writs or Summons out of any the ordinary or extraordinary Courts of Justice law or equity the Baronage of England enjoying those priviledges in the 18 th year of the Raign of King Edward the first which were then not newly granted or permitted but were antient and justly and legally to be insisted upon as the punishment of the Prior of the holy Trinity in London not meanly fortified with his own priviledges and the power and protection of the Church and that also of Bogo de Clare who was imprisoned and fined two thousand Marks to the King at that time a very great sum of mony pro transgressione sibi facta for the trespass committed against the King for citing Edmond Earl of Cornwal in Westminster Hall in the time of Parliament to appear before the Arch-bishop of Canterbury whose spiritual Court and Power was then very predominant as hath been before mentioned and it appeareth in the Records of that Kings Raign that he refused to give leave to the Master of the Temple to distrein the Bishop of St. Davids in Parliament time for the Rent of an house held of him in London and answered quod non videtur honestum quod Rex concedat tempore Parliamenti sed alio tempore distringat that it would not be just or fitting for the King to grant such a Licence in time of Parliament but at another time he might distrein and by a very antient right are to be exempted from arrest and the Ordinary Course of Process when there were no Parliaments The Writ of Summons directed to the Sheriffs for the Election of two Knights the wisest and most discreet of every Shire and County of England the County Palatine of Chester then only excepted and for two Burgesses to be sent unto Parliament out of the Cities and certain Boroughs of England the King in the Parliament being without suspition of any unwarrantable conjecture to be rationally believed to have been first framed and sent out in K. Henry the thirds name in the 49 th year of his Raigne by the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester after the Battle of Lewis in Sussex wherein he and his Son Prince Edward afterwards King Edward the first were taken Prisoners by them and other the Rebellious Barons who had taken armes against him as my learned and worthy friend Mr. William Dugdale Norroy King at Armes by comparing the date of those Writs the one bearing date the 14 th day of December at Worcester in the 49 th year of the Raign of that King and the other at Woodstock the 24 th of December in the same year to meet at London on the Octaves of St. Hiâ—lary then next ensuing with the day or time of that Battle and that Kings imprisonment hath after it had for so many Ages past escaped the Industry Inquiries Observations and Pens of all other our English Writers Annalists Chronicles Antiquaries very judiciously and ingeniously observed which Summons of the Commons to Parliament doth not saith Mr. William Prynn appear to have been put in Execution untill about the 23th year of the Raign of King Edward the first whence by Regal Indulgencies and no Innate or Inherent right of their own but ab hoc fonte from the same spring and fountain of the attendance and affairs of the King proceeded the priviledges of Parliament for the Members of the house of Commons in Parliament to be free from actions at Law or Pleas in time of Parliament as Early as the raign of King Edward the second when he sent his Writ or Proclamation to the Justices of Assize in all the Counties of England to supersede all actions against the Barons and others summoned to Parliament In the 11 th year of the raign of King Richard the second upon a riot and trespass committed upon the Lands Goods Servants and Tenants of Sir John Derwintwater chosen to be a Member of Parliament for the County of Cumberland a Commission was granted by that King under the great Seal of England to Henry de Percy Earl of Northumberland to inquire by a Jury of the County of Westmerland concerning the same and to cause to be arrested and taken all that should be found guilty thereof and to appear before the King and his Councell wheresoever he should be 15 days after the Michaelmass then next ensuing In the fifth year of the Raign of King Henry the fourth the Commons in Parliament alledging that whereas according to to the Custome of the Realm the Lords Knights Citizens and Burgesses coming to Parliament at his Command and there staying and in retorning to their Countrys ought With their men and
libertatis privilegij praedictorum laesionem manifestam to the prejudice of the rights of the Crown and violation of the liberty and priviledge aforesaid hujusmodi vijs modis quibus poterint praecanere libertatem privilegia sua praedicta manu tenere cupientes And that they were desirous by all the ways and means they could to hinder such doings so prejudicial unto them and were resolved to maintain the Liberties and Priviledges of the Crown And not be able to protect his Houshold and domestick Servants in whose daily service and continual attendance both our Kings and their Subjects were more concerned than they could be by any the service or attendance of the Officers or Clerks in the Court of Chancery Which the Lords in Parliament did so well understand to be a Right inherent and due unto Royal Majesty as in the three and fortieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth they did in the Case of William Huggen one of the Queens Servants arrested upon an Execution send the Gentleman-Usher attending upon their House to the Prison of the Fleet to bring him before them and upon view of Precedents of some of their own Servants delivered though none of any the Kings or Queens did in conformity to the reason thereof cause the Plaintiff upon the Defendants promise to pay him to release him and the Under-Sheriff being committed to the Fleet was three days after upon his Petition discharged And in the first year of the Reign of King James The Earl of Suffolk Lord Chamberlain of the Kings House did procure Nicholas Reading one of his Majesties Servants arrested by an Execution at the Suit of Sir Edward Hales to be brought before the Lords in Parliament by a Writ of Habeas Corpus and so by the Plaintiffs consent released the Order mentioning that such an Arrest was contrary to the honor and priviledge of that Court. Or that not only the Judges of the superior Courts the Justices of Peace can as they have done it antiently and commonly imprison men for Contempts of them or their written Orders or verbal Commands without which they power could not Tueri Jurisdictionem uphold that Authority which the King had given them but the Constables of every Parish in London whose Offices and Authority at the first were saith the judicious and learned Lambard but as the fingers to the hands or body of the Constable of England a great Officer of the King and his Crown can in their Night-watches command better men than themselves to the Compters or London Prisons there to lodge the remainder of the night among the debauched or unruly sort of people calld Rats or Night-walkers but for angring his worship or not believing that he is a Prince of the Night the Kings Image and none of the smaller parcels of mortality and shall have so much connivence at his no seldom committed Follies as no other Habeas Corpus shall be granted to the injured person thn a submissive paying of his Fees of imprisonment and procuring himself as well as he can to be discharged by the greater discretion of the Lord Mayor or an Alderman before whom he is the next morning to be brought with his not to be discerned Fault or offences and if he should seek afterwards to be recompenced for such an affront is to expect as little favour as may be for himself and as much as may be for his adversary And that the King under whose Power and Authority they acted should not be able by his own immediate command or the Warrant of some of the great Officers of his Crown or Houshold to punish by imprisonment any contempts committed against himself and his soveraign power by the arresting of his domestick and houshold Servants without Licence who are neare unto his person and imployed in his hourly or daily service or attendance or that his power and Authority should not be efficacious or valid in his own case or immediate concernment and should be valid and sufficient to punish such as either contemned or abused his Justices and Servants extraordinary who are more remote from his person in the administration of his Justice As when Eustace de Parles and his brother were by King Edward the first in the one and twentieth year of his Reign committed to the Tower of London for abusing and striking in Westminster Hall William de Bereford one of his Justices of his Court of Common-Pleas And King Edward the third by his Justices and Authority punished the Bayliffs of Ipswich by the Forfeiture and Loss of their places seised the Liberties of the Town and delivered the Custody thereof to another during the Kings pleasure and made the Bayliffs of the Town to deliver in Court their Staves of Office for that they had suffered an unruly multitude to feast and revel with certain Malefactors condemned by the Justices of Assize and after their departure made a Mock game of them in sitting upon the Tribunal and Fining them and their Clerks Or that any should think it reasonable or no disservice of the King or his not to be incumbred Affairs to arrest any of his Houshold Servants without a Licence first obtained And shall at the same time decry or declaim against the Arresting of a Judge sitting in his delegated Court of Justice or travelling in the Circuit by and under the Kings Commission at the Suit of any private person or the Arresting and Imprisonment of an Admiral or Vice-Admiral going to Sea or a Commander or Governor of a Castle Fort or Garison upon the like occasion and think it reasonable that the King in reference to the Weal-publique in those his affairs and concernments should by priviledge protect and shelter them A right understanding whereof and of that which hath been before alleaged and the reasons supporting those Judgments of the not ignorant or unworthy but very learned grave and upright Judges in those former Ages and Times and of the Duties Honor and Respects which were and ought to be paid to the Soveraignty just and necessary means of Government assented unto by our Lawes and reasonable Customs of England and in praxi observantia junioris Aevi in the practise and course of Law in the succeeding Ages not denied by any positive or well interpreted Law may grant a Proeibition and give a Checque or Restraint to those opinions so of late hatch'd and hug'd against too many of the Actions of Authority in order to Government and the Weal-publique the necessity of preventing Evils before they happen or diverting abating or lessening them after they are happened and invite them to forsake their overmuch adoration of Sir Edware Cokes aforesaid Errors and believe Sir Thomas Ridley a Doctor of the civil Lawes and no stranger to our Common-Lawes who no longer ago than the beginning of the Reign of King James in his Book intituled A view of the Civil Ecclâ—siastical and Temporal
Lands in antient Demesn to the prejudice of the Lord and for those that are Summoned to the Sheriffs turn out of their own Hundred a Writ de libertate allocanda for a Citizen or Burgesse to have his Priviledge allowed when he is impleaded contrary thereunto and a Writ de Consuâ—tudinibus servitiis a Writ of right close against a Tenant which deforceth his Lord of the Services due unto him and a Writ to exempt a man from the view of Frank pledge when he is not there resident although all men are obliged thereunto by reason of their Lands not their habitation and as Bracton saith a view of Frank pledg is res quasi Sacra quia solam personam Regis respicit introducta sit pro pace utilitate Regis as it were a Sacred matter or thing in regard it taketh care of the Kings person and was introduced for his Peace and Profit should by the rule of gratitude if there were nothing of right or duty to perswade it not tell how to obstruct that so antient Claim of Priviledge of the Kings Servants when it will ever be as Consonant to Law and right Reason for the Kings Servants not to be disturbed or prejudiced in their duties and attendance upon the King as it is for any others Of his people and Subjects being not his Servants when by a Statute made at Gloucester in the 30th year of the Reign of King Edward the first the King himself as that Act of Parliament mentioneth providing for the Wealth of the Realm and the more full Administration of Justice as to the Office of a King belongeth the discreet men of the Realm as well of high as low degree being called thither it was provided and ordained that when men were to claim or shew their Liberties within a time of 40 days prefixed and were before the King that is to say in his Court of Kings-Bench where himself is by Law supposed to sit they should not be in default before any Justices in the Circuits for the King of his especial grace hath granted that he will save that party harmless and if the same party be impleaded upon such manner of Liberties before one or two of the aforesaid Justices the same Justices before whom the Party is impleaded shall save him harmless before the other Justices and so shall the King also before him when it shall appear by the Justices that so it was in Plea before them and if the aforesaid Party be afore the King so that he cannot the same day be before the said Justices in their Circuits the King shall save that party harmless before the aforesaid Justices in their Circuits for the day whereas he was before the King And not at all agreeable to reason that the Franchises and Liberties granted by our Kings to the Counties Palatine of Chester Lancaster Durham the Cinque ports the City of Gloucester with the Barton or little Territory so called annexed unto it the large extent of the Liberty of the Bishop of Ely that of ten Hundreds to the Bishop of Winchester in or near Somersetshire Seven Hundreds in or near Gloucestershire Claimed by Sir Robert Atkins Knight of the Bath the large extents and compass of the Liberties and Soke of Dâ—ncaster in the County of York and of Sheffeild Rotherham and Hallomshire in the same County Grantham and its large Soke and Liberties in the County of Lincoln Tindall in Hexamshire in the County of Northumberland and many an hundred more of Liberties and Franchises not here specified exclusive to all others intermedling therein should by the power of the Kings Grants or Allowance and a just reverence and respect of their Neighbours and Tenants have and enjoy a Priviledge and Civility not to have their Servants Arrested or Imprisoned without complaint first made to their Lords or Masters or leave asked upon any of the Writs Process or Warrants of their own Liberties or Courts before they suffer their Bailiffs or Officers to Arrest any of their Servants or upon the Warrants or Process of any other the Kings Courts untill a Writ of non omittas propter aliquam libertatem claimed by them shall be after a not Execution of the first be awarded either or both of which may give a sufficient or large respite for the parties Prosecuted to satisfie pacifie or prolong the patience of an eager or furious Creditor and that the King who gave and indulged those Liberties should not be able to deserve or command a like Licence in the Case of any of his own Servants to be demanded of him either upon a Process made out by the owner or his Substitutes of the same Liberties or any other Warrant or Process directed to the Owner or his Subordinates of that Liberty Or should not have as much Priviledge for his Servants as the Miners in the Peak-hills in Derbyshire or those of the Stanneries in Devonshire and Cornwall not to be Sued or Prosecuted out of their Berghmote or Court of Stanneries or disturbed in their Works or business Or that his Servants should not as well deserve their Priviledges to be continued unto them as the Kings Tenants in antient Demesn who upon the only reason and accompt that they were once the Kings Tenants and did Plow and Sow his Lands for the maintenance and Provision of his Houshold and Family are not yet by the Tenure of those Lands of which there are very many Mannors and great quantities in England Ousted of those their Immunities or denyed them but the very Tenants at Will who are as they say here to day and gone to morrow do claim them and are not in any of the Kings Courts of Justice debarred of those exemptions although those Mannors and Lands are very well known to have been long ago Granted away and Aliened by the King or his Royal Progenitors since passed from one Owner to another for many Generations the effect by an Indulgence Permission or Custom contrary to the general and every where approved Rule or Maxime that cessante causa tollitur effcâ—tus the cause or reason of the thing ceasing the effect should cease continuing after the Cause ceased in so much as many do now enjoy those Priviledges who are no Tenants of the King neither have any thing to do with his most Honourable Houshold or have any Relation thereunto For if all the depths of Reason and Humane Understanding were Sounded Searched and dived into by the Sons of men all the Ingenuity of Mankind will never be able to find or assign a Cause or Reason why the House of Commons in Parliament have heretofore Petitioned our Kings for a Freedom from Arrests or Imprisonment or to Punish any the Offenders therein if they had any doubt of his want of a legal Power and Authority therein to grant it or why the business or Service of the King concerning himself or the Weal Publick should so
coming to Rome to see the Emperor Nero was Commanded to lay by his Sword which he refusing as supposing it to be dishonourable to himself was rather contented to have it as it was nailed in the Scabbard it being a Custome at Rome Nè quis in domo seâ— Palatio principis arma deferret sine ejusdem permissione that no man in the Palace of the Prince was without his Licence to Wear a Sword although in other Places it was dishonourable for a Souldier not to Wear a Sword By a Constitution or Law of the Emperors Theodosius and Valentinianus the one of the West and the other of the East made about the year of Christ 385. Consecratae sibi aedes id est Inclita palatia ab omnium privatorum usu communi habitatione exceptae fuerunt The consecrated Houses set apart for the Emperors that is to say their Illustrious Palaces were not to be made use of by any private person or to be inhabited by them And many Ages after Theodoricus King of the Gothes and Romans though descended from a Rude and Barbarous Nation who were more used to Cottages then Courts Stiles his Palace Potentiae Imperii decora facies the Representation or Beauty of the Power of his Empire Cum Legatis sub admiratione the wonder of Forraign Embassadors Et prima fronte talis Dominus esse Creditur quale ejus habitaculum comprobatur and the Master of the House and his Honour and Reputation is measured by his House By the old Almaine Laws made in the Raign of Clotharius King of France In the year of our Lord 560. Si quis in Curte Ducis hominem occiderit â—ut illic ambulantem aut inde revertentem triplici were gildo eum solvat If any should slay a man in the Dukes Court in his going or coming thither or his return from thence he was to forfeit as much as the were gild or mulct for the amends should amount unto By the Laws of the old Baivarians or Bavarians confirmed by Dagobert King of France In the year of our Lord 633. Si quis in Curte Ducis scandalum commiserit ut ibi pugna fiat per superbiam suam vel ebrietatem quidquid ibi factum fuerit omnia secundum legem component propter stultitiam suam in publico componat quadraginta solidos si servus est alicujus qui haec commisit manus perdat nullus unquam in Curte Ducis presumat scandalum committere If any shall do or Commit in the Dukes Court any thing which is scandalous and shall make any quarrel by his Pride or Drunkenness he shall according to the Law compound for it and pay forty shillings for his folly and if he be a Servant which did it shall loose his hand For no man is to presume to do any thing scandalous in the Dukes Court. By the Laws of the Longobards Written or compiled about the year of our Redeemer 637. Si quis in Consilio vel in quolibet conventu scandalum commiserit noningentis solidis sit culpabilis Regi si quis intra palatium ubi Rex praeest scandalum perpetrare praesumpserit animae suae incurrat periculum aut animam suam redimat si obtinere potuerit à Rege If any shall do any Scandalous Act in the Council or Assembly he shall be fined nine hundred shillings to the King If in the Kings Court or Palace his life shall be in danger to be lost Unless he can obtain the Kings pardon a less fine if it be in the City where the King is not Resident and more in a City where he is And so much honour was not only in the Civil Law and Rescripts of the Emperors but of the Gothish and other Northern Nations attributed to the house of the Emperors or Kings as it was frequently stiled Divina Domus which wiâ—hout any suspicion of Idolatry might well be afforded unto the House or Residence of God's Vicegerents when holy Writ sticks not to say they are tanquam Dii as Gods Which occasioned Witlafe or Witlase King of the Mercians being some of the Provinces in England now known by the name of Gloucestershire Worcestershire Oxfordshire Staffordshire and many other of the Neighbour Counties when about the year of our Lord 825. he made a Confirmation to the Abby of Croyland in Lincolneshire where he had hid and saved himself when he fled from his Enemies of all their Landâ— and granted them many Priviledges ratified by a Concilium Pan Anglicum or Parliament holden at London the 26 day of May Anno Dom. 833. By Egbert King of the West Saxons and Witlase King of the Mercians to give them a Priviledge that Quicunque in Regno suo pro quocunque delicto reus vel legibus obnoxius Whosoever in his Kingdom guilty of any oâ—fence or obnoxious to the Laws should fly to the Abby or Island of Croyland he should be there free from any Arrest or pursuit sicut in Asylo vel in Camera Regis propria as in a Sanctuary or in the Kings own Chamber then understood not to be likely to be molested with any Arrest or Imprisonment of any that were attending in it And put our wise and prudent King Alfred who sate in the Royal Throne of our Brittaine about the year of our Lord 877. In the more incult and fierce behaviour of our English and Saxon Ancestors who thought his House deserved a Priviledge not allowed to Ordinary or Subjects houses in minde to make a Law as Mr. Lambard in his Latine Version of our Saxon Laws reciteth it Sapientum adhibito Consilio by the advice of his wise men much like a Parliament qui in Regia Aula dimicarit ferrumvè distrinxerit Capitor Regem penes arbitrium vitae necisque ejus esto That he that should fight or draw his Sword in the Kings Palace or Court should be taken or punished with death or otherwise as the King pleased Which if the Annals of Winchester may as they ought to be credited were but the Laws of the Brittons translated into â—he Saxon Language by the assistance probably of Asser Menevensis or of S. David's a Britton who was invited to his Court by that worthy Prince and made as it were one of his Domesticks or Maenials The Courts and Palaces of our Ancient Kings being likewise such Asylums or Priviledged places as by a Law made by King Edmond who Raigned in the year of our blessed Lord 940. Si quiâ— ad Templum Oppidumvè Regium confugerit eumque alius oppugnarit damnovè affecerit he which should hurt or molest any that fled to the Temple or the Kings House should be punished but withal enacted that non fore ei qui sanguinem humanum effuderit suffugio domum meam ni prius Deo ac Caesi cognatis cumulatè satiffecerit praeterea impleverit quodcunque ei ab Episcopo in cujus Dioecesi acciderit imperatum the Kings House
David's mighty men Captain of his Guard and others frequently found to be Attendants or Resident in the Houses or Palaces of Kings thorough the Current of Holy Writ And the Requisites belonging unto those which Nebuchadnezzar King of Babylon required in the captive Children whom he intended to breed up in his Court that they should be well favoured skilful in all wisdom and cunning in knowledge and understanding and such as had ability in them to stand in the Kings Palace may give us to understand how much Kings and Princes were concerned in the Honour or dishonour done unto their Servants and how greatly they were esteemed in former ages and that the Jews were not in an Errour when they and some of their Rabbins did ascribe so much Honour to the Servants and Service of the King or Soveraign as they conceived it to be de honore Regum ut tales ministri qui Aulae semel initiati sunt aliis vilioribus officiis extraneis postea nunquam contaminentur ut nemo utitur servis Ancillis vel ministris ejus nisi alius Rex ejus successor for the Kings Honour that those that had once served him should never be imployed in meaner business or afterwards serve any other then his Successor which may be the reason that their names were so punctually entered into the Register of the Kings Servants as Nehemiah could long after the many Captivities Tosses and Troubles of that Nation by the Divine Judgement and Indignation find in an old Register the Names and Genealogies of Solomon's Servants That mighty King Ahasuerus did but exercise his just Power of giving Honours and Rewards to his Servants when he advanced Haman and set his Seat above all the Princes which were with him and Commanded all His Servants which were in the Gate to Bow and do him Reverence And Haman being afterwards demanded by the King what should be done to the man whom the King delighteth to Honour little thinking that Mordecai whom he hated and was one of the meaner sort of the Kings Servants or any other then himself should be the better for it readily and without any doubt or scruple answered and said for the man whom the King delighteth to Honour Let the Royal Apparel be brought which the King useth to wear and the horse that the King rideth upon and the Crown Royal which is set upon his head And let the Apparel and Horse be delivered to the hand of one of the Kings most Noble Princes that they may Array the man withal whom the King delighteth to Honour and bring him on Horseback through the Street of the City and Proclaim before him Thus shall be done to the man whom the King delighteth to Honour with which the City of Shushan were so well contented as it is said that they rejoyced and were glad The next unto the King was Carshena Shethar Admatha Tarshish Meres Marsena and Memucan the seven Princes of Persia and Media being his seven Counsellors which saw the Kings face and which sate the first of his Kingdom Those that served Kings and Princes were allowed Ornaments and Apparel which the Common and Ordinary sort of People could neither claim nor merit and therefore that greatest Lord of the Earth and Master of Humility made an honourable mention of them when he concluded that they who were molliter vestiti and did wear soft Cloathing were in Kings Houses and the Emperour Theodosius above 300 and 30 years after our Saviour Chirst had left the earth and in an Edict or Proclamation forbidding the use of Silk Raiments to all people of what kind or profession whatsoever excepts himself and his Servants and saith solo Principi ejusque Domui dedicatur that the wearing of such apparel belonged only unto the Prince and those which attends him in his House By the Lex Julia a Law made by Julius Caesar tenetur tanquam reus laesae Majestatis qui Legatos Oratores Comitesque eorum all of them being but the several degrees of the Servants of Majesty pulsaverit which in the Language of those Laws and times and some after-ages signified an Arrest or Compulsion as well as an Assault or beating vel Injuria affecerit he should be guilty of high Treason which should Arrest Beat or wrong any Embassadors or Agents or any of the Soveraigns Attendants or Assistants The divers great and Honorable Offices and Imployments in the Houses of the Western and Eastern Emperors as the Comites sacri Palatii Comites sacrorum largitionum Magister Officiorum cum multis aliis c. Earls of the Sacred Palace Earls or great Officers of the Privy Purse Lord Steward of the Houshold Lord Chamberlain c. May perswade us to more then an opinion of the necessary Respects and Honours due unto them in the Exercise of their Offices and Places about their Soveraign The Guards of the Royal Palace of the Emperours of the West and East Privilegium retinebant had a Priviledge not to be Cited or Convened before any but their own Captains and Commanders The Fabricences or such as furnished the Magazines with armour nulli oneri Civitatis erant obnoxii were freed from publike Offices The Comes Domesticorum Equitum Peditum Earl or Commander of the Horse and Foot-Guard was the Protector Domesticorum Defender of the houshold Servants defunctorum quoque Parentum Domesticorum filii locum subibant etsi ob teneram aetatem armis apti non erant nihilominus Protectorum matriculis inscripti quaternas Annonas id est victum quatuor hominum accipiebant and the Sons of those Domestick Guards were to enjoy their places after their Fathers decease And if they were so young as not to be fit for it were notwithstanding to be entered into the Protectors Books or Registers and to have a proportion of diet or allowance fit for to feed them Claudius Augustus Caesar punished a Tribune of the people then though not so much as formerly a mighty Officer Darling and Favourite of them for beating of one of his Servants The Primicerius or Chief of the Emperours Bed-chamber and all other of the Bed-chamber were Exempted from the Tax of finding Horse or Souldiers or of giving Bail in any Action or Suite before the Magister Officiorum or Principal Officer in the Court so styled not unlike saith the Learned Cujacius to the Prevost de l' Hostell in France Et qui absunt Reipublicae causâ vacationem habent such as are Imployed about the Publike are to be Priviledged To the Praefecto Praetorii Orientis who was as it were the Captain of the Emperours Guard there were saith Pancirollus in His Court or Tribunal one hundred Advocates allowed qui Clarissimi spectabilis titulo gaudebant who enjoyed the Title of Noble and Illustrious and had great Immunities as from Publike works c. The Emperours Gratian Valentinian and Theodosius about the year of Christ
Servants and Followers so much follow the King and his Court and were kept in the Kings House or palace as in old time King Solomon in his Stately Porch of Judgment built in his House did judge and hear Causes and as the Kings of France did long ago in their Palaces and as long before the Romans had their Senate or Parliament House their Forum or place for their Courts of Justice near adjoyning to their Kings Palaces As our Bracton in the latter end of the Raign of King Henry the third called the Court of King's Bench as Sir Edward Coke saith Aulam Regiam the Kings Hall because the Judges of that Court did sit in the Kings Hall and the Placita Aulae Actions or Pleas of the Kings House or Hall were determined before the Steward of the Kings House And that King who began his Raign in the year 1216 labouring under great difficulties the power of many of his unruly Barons and very great necessities as well of mony as friends had notwithstanding the many Diminutions endeavoured of his Prerogative and regality no assault or incursions upon the Rights and Legal Priviledges of his Domestiques or House-hold Servants but had allowed him that Reverence and respect which by the Civil Law that universal Guide or Director of Reason and Justice and next to the Laws Eternal and its Deputy or Law of nature written in the heart of Mankind the Mother Nurse or Parent of a great part of that which is called our Common Law is and ought to be due and payable to the persons and Courts of Princes but enjoyed so much of it as Bracton who was a Learned Lawyer and afterwards a Judge and as some have believed a Chief Justice in the latter end of that Kings Raign or the beginning of the Raign of King Edward the first his Son in his Book De legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae of the Laws and Customs of England whilst he disputes where a Defendant excuseth his not appearing to an Action when he is in Servitio Regis in the Kings Service and whether being summoned before he was in the Kings Service and might send or make his Attorney should be excused is willing to conclude in the negative yet forbeares to do it with a sed ita esset but so it would be si quis posset factum Domini Regis Judicare et in omnibus istis casibus magis erit spectanda voluntas Domini Regis quam jus strictum cum servitium Domini Regis nulli debeat esse damnosum et sicut non debet esse tenenti when it seems the Action spoken of concerned plea of Land Damnosum ita non debet esse Petenti injuriosum if any were to be Judg of the Kings Actions and that in all those Cases the will of the King was more to be regarded than the strictness of the Law when as the service of the King ought not to be grievous unto any And as it ought not to be a grievance unto the Tenant so ought not the Plaintiffe to take it to be a wrong done unto him And was of opinion that the solemnity and course of process may be sometimes shortned propter reverentiam personae vel privilegium contra quem illata fuit injuria vel contra nobiles personas ut si Injuriatum sit Domino regi vel reginae vel eorum liberis fratribus sororibus c. For reverence or respect to the person or in regard of the priviledge due unto him unto whom the wrong is done as if it were done to noble Persons or some wrong done unto the King the Queen or their Children Brothers Sisters c. And when he would not allow the priviledge or Essoine of being in the Kings Service unto a Sheriffe or Constable who were the Kings Officers during the time of their imployments was content to do it ubi aligua causa emergat necessaria ex inopinato ubi praesentia talis debet esse necessaria sicut iter Justitiariorum vel incursus hostium vel hujusmodi quae guidem Causae sufficientes sunt ad excusationem de servitio domini regis where there was any emergent and expected Cause where their presence was necessary as to attend in the Iter or Circuit of the Judges or upon an Invasion of Enemies or the like which were causes sufficient of excuse by reason of the Kings Service dum tamen ad quemlibet diem datum per Essoniatorem de servitio Domini regis habeat Essoniatus warrantum suum per breve Domini Regis so as at the day of Essoin that he or they were in the Kings Service the Kings writ or protection be produced to prove it Item excusatur quis si implacitatus fuerit in Curia Domini Regis vel vocatus ad Curiam Regis ob aliquam Causam in aliquibus Curiis inferioribus likewise any one impleaded in the Kings Court or called or summoned to the Kings Court upon any Cause or occasion shall be excused in inferior Courts Sed quid but what saith that Learned Judge dicendum erit de Curia Christianitatis cum magis obediendum sit Deo quam hominibus Hoc dico quod ad hunc differendum erit et quod dominus Rex warrantizare poterit ob reverentiam quae principi debetur shall be said if the Cause be depending in the Court Christian when God is more to be obeyed than men I say that in such a Case it is to be left unto God and the King may warrant his so doing in respect of the Reverence which is due to the Prince Being not much different from the Cares which some Forraign Princes did about that time hold fit to be taken of their Domestique Honors and Servants For by the Laws of the Sicilians and Neapolitans made or confirmed by Frederick the Emperor about the year 1221 the Magister Justiciarius magnae Curiae Chief Justice of the King's House or Court had the Cognizance or hearing of Causes de questionibus nostrorum Curialium qui immediatè nobis assistunt de speciali conscientia nostra in curia commorantium qui de Curia nostra sine speciali mandato nostro non possunt recedere or questions concerning any of the Kings Courts who do immediately attend us and by our privity are residing in Court and cannot depart without our special Licence Et observent diligentissime Judices ut in occasione injuriarum Curialium personarum dignitatem considerent et juxta personarum qualitatem eorum quibus fuerit facta injuria ipsis autem facta injuria non ipsis duntaxat sed etiam ad Regiae dignitatis spectat offensam The Judges are to take an especial care that in all accusations concerning any of the Kings Servants or Courtiers they take into consideration their worth dignity and quality seeing that a wrong done unto them is an injury or wrong done unto the Dignity of the Prince And when our
extensive power of the chief Justice of England then so stiled to the placita only coram Domino Rege tenenda assignata as the Letters Patents or Commissions of the other Judges of the Court of Kings Bench are to this day to such matters as properly concerned Criminal matters the Crown and Dignity thereof and the peace of the Kingdome the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster being the only true and proper Jurisdiction Commissionated to hear the Common-Pleas and Actions for Lands and reall and personal Estate or Civill matters concerning and between Subjects one with another where the contracts or matters complained were not made or done in the Kings House or Palace or Virge thereof by the Kings Servants within the same House to be heard and determined coram Rege ubicunque fuerit in Angliâ before the King wheresoever he should be in England And there was so much care taken by King Edward the second and his Councill of such as were in his Service or imployed in his Affairs as when in the ninth year of his Raign It was enquired or debated in Parliament in what case the Kings Letters should be sent to discharge an Excommunicate person the King decreed as the words of that Law or Act of Parliament do witnesse that hereafter no such Letters should be suffered to go forth but in case where it is found that the Kings Liberty is prejudiced by the Excommunications which in those times were the fulmina or most terrilbe Thunderbolts and Terrors of the English Clergy And it being in the same Parliament complained of that the Barons of the Exchequer claiming by their priviledge that they ought to make answer unto no Complaynant out of the same place did extend their priviledge unto Clerks abiding there called unto orders or unto residence and inhibit ordinaries that by no means or for any cause so long as they be in the Exchequer or in the Kings Service they should not call them to accompt the answer was made by the King it pleaseth our Lord the King that such Clerks as attend in his Service if they offend shall be correct by their Ordinaries which was a protection and priviledge as greatly contenting them as the Kings protection or any priviledge of that nature Like as other but so long as they are occupied about the Exchequer they shall not be bound to keep residence in their Churches With this Addition saith the transcriber of that Act of Parliament of new by the Kings Councill which if understood of the Kings Privy Councill was without doubt ratified and approved by the Parliament that greater Council viz. The King and his Ancestors time out of mind have used that Clerks imployed in his service during such time as they are in service shall not be compelled to keep residence in their Benefices And such things as be thought necessary for the King and the Common-wealth ought not to be prejudicial to the liberty of the Church where we have in and by a Parliament which was alwaies intended as it ought to be a collected wisdome and care of the Nation a clear exposition of those words of Bracton quòd servitium domini Regis nulli debet esse damnosum nec debet esse tenenti and of Fleta nulli debet esse damnosum nec injuriosum the service of the King or any thing done in consequence thereof ought not to be esteemed a wrong or Injury to the Subjects The like priviledge for many Nations doe in their Laws and Constitutions not seldome follow the light of reason in the observation of Neighbours good Examples having not above six years before been allowed by Philip surnamed the fair King of France to the Chaplains and Clerks of the Kings and Queens of France Fleta who as our great and excellently learned Selden saith was an Anonymus or Author without a name but a Lawyer and as is by some supposed to have been at the time of the writing of his book a Prisoner in the Fleet and therefore gave it the name of Fleta by the mention of certain Statutes made in the 13th year of the Raign of King Edward the first as also of the Statutes made at Winchester and Westminster and a record in the 17th year of the Raign of that King is beleeved to have written his book in the latter end of the Raign of King Edward the second or the beginning of the Raign of King Edward the third saith that by a Statute made at Glocester in the sixth year of the Raign of King Edward the first if a Defendant were essoyned of the Kings service and do not bring his warrant at the day given him by his Essoyne he shall recompence the Plaintiffe for his Journy 20 s. or more after the discretion of the Justices and shall be grievously amerced to the King which alloweth that if the Kings warrant be brought that the Defendant is in the Kings Service that Statute not mentioning whether in ordinary or Domestique Service or extraordinary such a Warrant should be received and held good the rule of Law being that exceptio firmat regulam in casibus non exceptis Cases not excepted are alwaies within the protection and meaning of that Law which doth not except them and declares it to be then the Law that a man may be excused in a Court of Justice quod Clameum non apposuerit per servitium Regis quod nulli debet esse damnosum dum tamen docuerit quod venire non potuit ut si occupatus fuit per Custodiam Castri vel alio modo in servitio suo detentus et impeditus that he did not enter his Claim to land within a year and a day by reason of the Kings service which ought not to be prejudicial to any body so as he doe make it appear that he could not come as if he were imployed in the Custody of a Castle or any other way hindered by the Kings Service In the Chapter or discourse de Exceptionibus coram senescallo Marescallo Regis of the Exceptions of a Defendant to be used or taken in an Action brought or commenced before the Steward or Marshall of the King hath these words Item dicere poterit quod non est obligatus ad districtionem senescalli likewise he may say that he is not obliged or bound to obey the process or command of the Steward in the Bond taken for the payment of the money by a Clause inserted which was then not unusual as it appears by his next precedent Chapter that the Debtor should be obliged upon non-payment to appear or have the Action or matter determined before the Kings Steward or Marshall and etsi non obligetur ad districtionem senescalli hoc sibi prodesse non debet though he be not obliged specially in the Bond or obligation to the process or power of the Steward that will not availe the Defendant eò quod est de hospitio Regis et in
the Law and Domineer over it's proceedings one of them Threatning to Hang up the Lawyers Gowns in Westminster-Hall as the Colours and Ensigns of their once dearly beloved Covenanting but afterwards ill requited and beaten Scots brethren had been used For to Ask or Petition for a Licence or Leave of the Lord Steward Lord Chamberlain or other Great Officers of our Kings Houses or Palaces to whose Jurisdiction it doth belong before any Arrest or Prosecution at Law can be had against any of the Kings Servants is no more then our Laws well Interpreted do order and enjoyn to be done in all Actions Civil Real or Personal against Private and Common Persons or such as are not the Kings Servants for if the Action be laid or entred in the Court of Kings Bench it is to be made Returnable Coram Domino Rege before the King himself who by the Justices of that Court Assigned to hold such Pleas as the King in the Constitution and fixing of the Court of Common Pleas reserved to be heard by himself or those assistant Judges is supposed to Hear and Determine such causes as are proper for that Cour◠or if the Action be desired to be Tryed in the Court of Common Pleas upon the Kings Original Writ which may as it was by the Franks not unfitly be called Indiculus commonitorius A Monitory Letter or Writ of the Kings Issuing out of the High Court of Chancery under the Teste me ipso or witness of the King himself and is to be sued out giving the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas which is the Legal and Proper Court Ordained for such matters a Warrant Power or Commission to hold Plea therein for otherwise saith Fleta nec Warrantum nec Jurisdictionem nequè cohertionem habent supposeth a Petition of the Plaintiff to the King as the Supreme Magistrate for a Debt or Summe of Mony unjustly deteined from him or some Trespass or Damage done unto him for which he cannot Sue or Prosecute without a Writ Remedial or Original granted by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Commanding the Sheriff of the County or Place where the Plaintiff layeth or desireth to try his Action if it be in Debt to take security of the Complainant for the proof or making good of his Action and to Command the Defendant or Party Complained of to pay the mony demanded and that if the Defendant do not pay the Mony upon the Sheriffs or his Officers or Bailiffs coming to him then they are to Summon him to appear before the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster at a Return or Certain time prefixed which at the least is to be fifteen days after the Teste or Date of the Original and many Times with a Longer Return and as many more days given if the Original be sued out but fifteen days before the Terms of S. Michael and Hillary Easter or Trinity Terms but of it be procured or sued out in the later end of a Michaelmas Term and returnable Octabis Hillarii will have more then fifty days betwixt the Teste and Return and if sued out in the end of an Hillary Term returnable the first Return of an Easter Term following will have no less then 60 days betwixt the Teste or Date and the Return or if it Issue out in the end of a Trinity Term returnable the first return of a Michaelmas Term following will have no less then one hundred days betwixt the Teste or date thereof and the Return and more if it be in any of the later Returns of any of the said Terms in all which if the summons had but fifteen days betwixt the date of the Original Writ and the time prefixt the Defendant hath by intendment of Law so much Time or Respite for the payment of the mony in the shortest prefixion but a great deal more in those which are longer which by the reason and equity of our Laws is not to be understood to be easie or probably upon the Instant of the Sheriff or his Officers Commanding the Debtor to pay it but upon a reasonable and possible Time betwixt the Teste and return allowed for the payment thereof very Rich and sufficient able men not having always so much mony at hand to pay at an instant and the monyes demanded do many times in the end of the suit although it be not upon a bond or bill with a penalty or doubling of the summe appear not at all to be due or for some or a great part thereof to be unjustly required and if upon a Bond or Bill with a forfeiture doubling the principal Money or in an Action of Covenant Detinue Annuity or Accompt cannot think it just or reasonable presently to pay as much Mony as an unjust Complainant will not seldom if he may be his own Carver exact of him and in all Actions Personal whether it be for Debt or Damage some part of the time between the obteining the Kings Licence or leave to Sue in the Case of those which are not his Houshold Servants is between the Teste and Return of the Original necessary to be imployed for the Plaintiffs giving to make good his Action for more but never less our Ancient Records do often mention until some of our later ages and the Judges thereof since the Raign of King Edward the fourth in favour of the Disabilities and Inconveniencies which might happen in the Cases of many of the Common or Impoverished sort of people who otherwise would be debarred from the Justice which our Laws intended them were content to dispense with it by reteining only the reason of the Law and allow of the Sheriffs Indorsing and Returning upon the Writ the feigned names of John Doe and Richard Roe for the Sureties put in by the Complainants to make good their Complaints or Actions who being before hand not a little furnished with their weapons of offense may without any difficulty not seldom suddenly surprise the altogether unprepared Defendants our Laws not without cause believing it to be possible that Rich men might oppress the poor and that it is many times easier to offend then to defend and therefore that way of Inforcing the Plaintiffs to give Sureties or Pledges to prosecute their Actions was heretofore so strictly observed as if no Sureties or Pledges to Prosecute were put in by the Plaintiff he could not prosecute the Defendant at Law and if he made not his Action or Complaint appear to be just had in those more Legally Thrifty Times for the Kings Rights and benefit a fine set or Imposed upon him by the Judges pro falso clamore for his causeless accusation which doth frequently occur in the fine or Iter Rolls of the Judges of Assise in the Raign of King Edward the first and was Estreated and Returned into the Exchequer to be leavied upon his Lands Goods or Estate And all that or some of that
voluntatem illius qui debet domum vel curiam or by doing any thing saith an old Manuscript of Coxford Abby or Monastery which is against the will of the owner of the House or Court which King Henry the first in his Laws de Jure Regis concerning some particulars of his Prerogative and Regality did number amongst the rest and accompt to belong unto him and his Successors and in the perclose of that Law which in some Copies is mentioned to be made assensu Baronum Regni Angliae by the consent of the Barons of England it is said haec sunt Dominica placita Regis nec pertinent vicecomitibus apparitoribus vel ministris ejus sine diffinitis praelocutionibus in forma sua these are the Rights and Jurisdictions belonging to the King in his Demesne and do not belong to any Sheriffs Apparitors or their Bayliffs unless especially granted unto them By which and the HVSFASTENE an old course and custom amongst the Saxons which ordained that every house with their FOLGHERES Followers or Servants should be in Franco Plegio in some Franke pleg or Liberty where by the Courts held in those places or Justice there to be had any controversies betwixt them and others or wrongs done by or unto them might be determined the rule of the Civil Law which in many of the Customs or Municipal Laws of this and other Nations was the guide or Pole star which conducted them being that actio sequitur forum rei the Action to which our Common Laws have ever since in their Real and other actions much agreed is to be tryed in the Court where the person or lands of the party defendant are that before recited law of K. Edw. the Confessor which amongst other his highly valued Laws Enacted that Arch-bishops Bishops Earls Barons and all that had Soc a liberty of distributive Justice in their Lands or Territories and Sac a power to fine or punish such as were found guilty either by complaining without a cause or proved to have done wrong to another which gave or confirmed many a liberty or set the example of the succeeding Kings gratifying many of their Subjects with the like in making them tanquam Reguli little Princes within their own Estates or Dominions should have suas Curias Consuetudines their Courts and liberties in their view of Frank Pleg Court Leets and Court Barons and should have under their Jurisdiction etiam milites suos proprios servientes such as served them in wars or held of them by the service thereof or were their domestick or houshold servants Item isti suos Armigeros alios sibi servientes and the Esquires and servants likewise of their servants saith Bracton expounding that Law of King Edward the Confessor the King certainly should not be denied his own Franchise view of Frank-Pleg or jurisdiction to do Justice where either his service or servants were concerned or at least to be complained unto before any violent course of Law should be taken in other Courts against them for otherwise if the King should not have always had such a franchise view of his Frank Pleg or Laws or Customs Hospitii sui as Fleta terms them of his Royal House or Palace there would have been some vestigia foot steps or track to be found either in the Antient Monuments and Memorials of our Laws or of those of later ages or of some other time That the King had been an immediate or single Complainant by way of Action for any abuses only offered to his servants or contempts to his person or Royal Authority which by a long most just and necessary prescription as far as time with his Iron teeth hath left us any remembrances was always left and reserved to the authority and Jurisdiction of the Lord Chamberberlain of the Kings House and the Kings other great Officers who by the Messengers of the Kings Chamber who in such particulars have been as the Lictores Sergeants or Bayliffs pro ista vice upon such occasions to arrest and bring them to the Justice of the King in his Royal Court or Palace and must needs be as lawful or a great deal more in his own particular immediate concernment as it is for the Lord Keeper of the great seal of England or Lord Chancellor to direct the Kings Serjeant at Arms allowed to attend that great and illustrious Officer and Superintendent of the Chancery by himself or his Deputy to arrest and take into his chargeable custody the person of any that shall have committed any grand or reiterated contempt against the process orders or decrees of that honourable Court or for that or the Court of Common-pleas to make the Warden of the Fleets men or the Virgers or Tipstaves attending upon the said Courts or for the Courts of Kings Bench or Exchequer to make the Marshals or Tipstaves thereof to be the Lictores or Messengers of their punishments and displeasure or as the house of Peers in Parliament do make use of the Kings Usher of the black rod and the house of Commons in Parliament of the Kings Serjeant at Arms nor could it have been likely that the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings house who in the Reigns of our Kings Edward the first second or third and probably by foregoing and elder constitutions did in the absence of the Lord Chief Justice of England vicem gerere execute in the Kings Court as Fleta tells us the Office or place of the said Lord Chief Justice should not retain in the Government of the Kings Servants and Houshold so much power as might protect them from injuries or their Royal Master from contempts or neglects of Duties or respects to his person Palace or servants for who that hath not bid defiance to his own Intellect as well as the wisdom of former ages can pretend any shew or colour of Reason that the King should want the power or authority to do as the late blessed Martyr King Charles the first did in the apprehension of certain Watermen in the year 1632. and committing them to Bridewell for refusing to carry the French Ambassador by Water upon the complaint of the Kings Master of the Barge in the year 1634. for the apprehension of William Hockley a Hackney-Coachman for refusing to wait upon the French Embassador or of John Philpots Post-master of Rochester for dis-respects to Monsieur St. German the French Embassador or in the year 1636. for the arrest of John Clifford of Chelsey upon the Complaint of the Spanish Embassador or to cause one Robert Armstrong to be taken into custody by one of his Messengers in the year 1639. for arresting the Post-Master of St. Albans who it may be for ought the offender then knew was bringing some Packet or Letters to the King or his Lords of the Councel for the discovery of some impending dangers which would need as sudden a prevention as the Gunpowder once intended and near atchieved Treason or to
cause in the same year Richard Horne of Watton in the County of Oxford to be arrested and taken into custody upon the complaint of Mr. Hiorne Deputy Steward of VVoodstock for not only refusing to furnish horses to carry the Kings Venison to Court he being Constable and required and of duty ought to do it but for reproachful and ill language or as was done not long before or after in his Reign by a Warrant under the hand of the L. Chamberlain for the apprehension of one that had spoiled or killed a Mastiff of the Kings when as our Laws have not yet had any prescript form or writs remedial for any of those or the like accidents at the Kings suit only for it would be no small disparagement to the Majesty of a King and supreme of such an antient Empire not to have power enough to redress complaints of that nature or to be enforced to put Embassadors to be Petitioners to his inferiour and delegated Courts of Justice which no Monarchy Kingdom or Republique in Christendom was ever observed to suffer to be done for that which their Superiors according to the Law of Nations ever had and should have power to grant without them for when our Laws which do not permit the King as a Defendant to be commanded in his own name under his own Seal and by his own writs or as a Plaintiff to supplicate those whom he commissionated to do Justice in his name and by his authority to all the meanest of his Subjects to do a parcel of Justice to himself when he wanted no remedies by his own Messengers or Servants to imprison any that should offend against his dignity and authority and in matters of his Revenue or for contempt of his Royal authority can by seisures or distress office or inquisitions process of his Courts of Exchequer Chancery Kings Bench Common-Pleas and Dutchy of Lancaster c. give himself a remedy is not to prosecute in any Actions at Law as common persons are enforced to do for our Kings should not certainly be denied their so just and legal rights when by their Office and dignity Royal they are the principal Conservators of the Peace within their own Dominions and by their Subordinate authority the Judges of their Courts of Record at Westminster and the Justices of Assize can and do legally punish and command men by word of mouth to be Imprisoned or taken into Custody by their Tipstaves Virgers Marshals or by the Warden of the Fleet or his men attending them when the Lord Steward of the Kings Houshold Earl Marshal and Constables of England are by their Offices Conservators and Justices of the Peace in all places of the Realm and the Steward of the Marshalsea within the virge by that derived authority can do the like and all the Justices of Peace in England were and are authorised by him who hath or should have certainly a greater power than any Justice of Peace who may by Law award a man to prison w ch breaketh the peace in his presence or appoint his servant to serve or execute his Warrant or cause by word of mouth to be arrested or imprisoned the person offending for contempts or an offender being in his presence to find security for the Peace and by the Common Law cause Offenders against the Peace to be punished by corporal punishments not capital as whipping c. when a Sheriff of a County and the Majors and head Officers of Cities and Towns Corporate do the like under and by the power given them by grants of the King and his Progenitors when the Steward of the Sheriffs Turn or a Leet or of a Court of Piepowder may commit any to ward which shall make any affray in the presence of any of them when the Lord Mayor of London whose Chamberlain of that City hath a power appropriate to his Office of Chamberlain to send or commit any Apprentices of London upon complaint of their Masters or otherwise to the Prison of the Compters or to punish and reform such disobedient Servants though the younger Sons of Baronets Knights Esquires of Gentlemen and sometimes the elder Sons of decayed or impoverished Esquires or Gentlemen who should have a greater respect given unto them then those of Trades men Yeomandry or lower Extractions by cutting and clipping their hair if too long and proudly worn or cause them to be put into a place well known in Guildhall London Called Little Ease where to a great Torment of their bodies they cannot with any ease sit lie or stand or by sometimes committing them to Bridewell or some other place there to be scourged and whipt by a Bedel or some persons disguised for no man can tell where to find or discern any reason that the King should not upon extraordinary occasions have so much power and coertion in his high and weighty affairs of government protection of his people and procuring and conserving their peace welfare and happiness as a Stâ—ward of a Court Leet or the Lord thereof in their far less affairs of Jurisdictions by punishing of Bakers and Brewers by that very ignominioâ—s and now much wanted use of the Pillâ—ry and Tumbrel in the later whereof the Offender was to be put in a Cathedra or ducking stool placed over some stinking and muddy pool or pond and several times immerged in it or that by any law or reasonable custom our Kings of England are to have a more limited power in matters of punishment government or a less power than the Masters Wardens of that petty and lower most the late erected Company or Corporation of the Midlers only excepted Company or Corporatioâ— of the Watermen who acting under the Kings authority can fine the Master Watermen for offences committed against by-laws of their own making and imprison them without Bail or Mainprize for not paying of it and cause their Servants for offences against their Masters to be whipt and punished at their Hall by some vizarded and invisible Tormentors or less than the power and authority of a Parish and most commonly illiterate and little to be trusted Constable who may upon any affray or breach of the Peace in his presence or but threatning to break the peace put the party offending in the stocks or keep him at his own house until he find sureties of the peace or less than those necessary military powers and authorities exercised in Armies Garrisons or Guards by inflicting upon offenders that deserve it the punishment of running the Gantlet riding the wooden horse c. or in maritime affairs by beating with a Ropes end ducking under the main yard c. when as the Powers given by God Almighty to his Vicegerent the King and Supreme Magistrate and the subordinate and derivative power concredited by him to his delegated and commissionated inferiour Magistrates are not debarred that universal and well-grounded maxim of Law and Right Reason Quando Lex aliquid
concedit concedere videtur id sine quo res esse non potest when the Law granteth any thing it granteth the means without which the matter or thing could not be which the now Lord Mayor or London or some of the Sheriffs or Aldermen of that City thought to be Warrant sufficient for imprisoning if report be not mistaken a poor Cobler living in or near Fleet street for stumbling upon a piece of a Jest or Drollery and saying he thanked God he had dined as well as the Lord Mayor when his Lordships coming or being invited to dinner with the Reader and Society of the Inner Temple in or about the latter end of the Moneth of March 1668. had upon his claiming a liberty to have the Sword of the City born before him within the Liberties of the Temple caused some Tumult or Ryot begun as the Gentlemen of that Society alleaged by his own party the harmless Coblers curiosity had only perswaded him to leave his small subterranean Tenement shaded with his usual frontelet of a few old shooes to be amongst many other of the Neighbourhood a Spectator of that contention betwixt the Lord Mayor and that Inne of Court concerning its Privileges the one endeavouring to infringe and the other to defend the Temples very antient clearly to be evidenced privileges And many Justices of the Peace would be unwilling that their punishments by committing of men to prison for ill words mis-behaviours or sometimes by a but supposed affront given or used unto some of them for a Tobaccoe-pipe casually thrown out of the window of an Alehouse into a neighbor Justice of the Peace his Garden when unperceived by the Thrower he was walking therein should be adjudged to be without the bounds or limits of their Commissionated Authority nor should they or any other of the Kings Subjects refuse to subscribe to that well-known Axiom conseâ—ted unto by our Laws as well as the Law of Nations that derivativa potestas non potest esse major primitiva that a derivative power or authority cannot be greater than the power and authority which gave it And therfore it should neither be taken to be any over bold assertion vain imagination or inference weakly built conjecture or conclusion without premises that the servants of the Kings of England in ordinary ought not to be bereaved of their aforesaid Privileges and that all the Subjects of England are more then a little obliged to take a care that they should enjoy them when as every Male of England and Wales above the age of 12 years are to take and swear the Oath of Allegiance which was a law so long agoe instituted and ordained saith Sir Edw. Coke before the Conquest as King Arthur is by good Warrant believed to be the Author of it and all the People of England who since his Majesties happy restoration have sworn it and by that great tie and obligation did undertake to bear truth and faith unto him and his Successors of life and member and terrene honour and that they should neither hear or know of any damage intended unto him which they should not defend all which do take degrees of learning faculties in our Universities all Judges Serjeants at Law Justices of Peace Baristers at Law Mayors Sheriffs and Magistrates whatsoever under Sheriffs and their Deputies and all Bayliffs Officers and Clerks entrusted in any Court of Justice do not only take and swear the Oath of Allegiance but the Oath of Supremacy which is to defend the jurisdictions and privileges preheminencies and authorities of the King his Heirs and Successors annexed to their imperial Crown and dignity and by all those very binding and soul as well as body engaging obligations should in no case endeavour to impugne or obstruct which the arresting of his Servants in ordinary or his necessary attendants without leave or license first obtained doth assuredly do his so antient so legal and so long accustomed just Rights Jurisdictions Privileges and authorities inseparably incident and appurtenant to his Royal government it having been in the Reign of King Henry the 8 th one of the Articles against Cardinal Wolsey subscribed by the Lord Chancellor the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk diverse Earls Barons and some of the Kings Privy Councel that where it had been accustomed within the Realm that when Noblemen do swear their Houshold Servants the first part of their Oath hath been that they should be true Leigemen to the King and his Heirs Kings of England the same Lord Cardinal had omitted to do it Nor have those rational legal necessary and well grounded privileges of Kings or Princes Servants decursu Temporis by any change or long course of time been so discontinued antiquated or altered upon any pretence of grievance or inconveniencies whatsoever as not now to be extant and found in our Neighbour Nations and most other of the civilized parts of the world not only where the fear of God or honour of Princes have any thing to do but even amongst those which having not had light enough to know the true God have in their ignorance fancied and made to themselves Deities of their own imaginations When our Neighbours of France who were heretofore better acquainted with their Liberties than since they are or are likely to be did not think it to be a thing unreasonable that the King of France his servants in ordinary should enjoy those or the like immunities and privileges when non nisi venia prius impetrata without leave first obtained ab Architriclino sive Oeconomo hospitii regis from the Master of the Kings houshold as with us the Lord Steward or Lord Chamberlain neminem licet per Francorum leges in jus vocare in Palatio It was not lawful by the Laws of France to sue or arrest any in the Palace or belonging to the Kings houshold Pares Franciae praetoribus Regiis non subjiciantur The Peers of France are not to be tryed by the Kings ordinary Courts of Justice Et non ferebat nobilitas de feudis ab ignobili ullo judicari the Nobility of France will not endure that any thing concerning their Fieffs or Lands should be tryed and adjudged by any which were not of the Nobility In the year 1288. which was about the 24 th year of the Reign of our King Edward the first in the case of John Pompline it was in the Parliament of Paris adjudged that he being the Kings servant in ordinary ought not to pay any Assessment And the like in the year 1311. in the Raign of King Philip the fair of France which was about the 4 th year of the Raign of our King Edward the second in the case of Baldwin and Proger Et Philippi pulchri constitutione ad Architriclinum sive Oeconomum actionalium personalium jurisdictio pertinebat quae a ministris Regiis omniumque criminum cognitionem sibi vendicabat quae in Comitatu
an alias and pluries Capias also to arrest returned with a non est inventus that such of the Kings Servants being sought to be arrested is not to be found and until there can be a contempt where there is none a consequent without an antecedent and an effect without a cause Howsoever if any of the Kings Servants should at any time be so indirectly and unduly outlawed he may by the favour of their Royal Master be inlawed and restored to the benefit and protection of Him and his Laws as was some hundred of years ago held to be Law and right reason by Bracton who left it as a Rule to posterity that Rex poterit utlagatum de gratia â—ua per literas suas Patentes inlegare recipere eum ad pacem suam reponere eum in legem extra quam prius positus fuit The King may of his Grace by His Letters Patents pardon the Utlary and restore him to the benefit of his Laws but if he were outlawed contra legem terrae debet eam pronunciare esse nullam utlagati secundum legem terrae facilius recipiuntur ad pacem secundum quod ibi fuerit causa vera vel nulla vel minus sufficiens contrary to the Law of the Land the Utlary ought to be annulled and the Defendant more easily received into the protection of the King and his Laws where there was a just cause for to reverse it or where the cause of the Outlawry appeared to be none or insufficient with whom concurred Fleta who likewise said quod utlagati extra legem positi ad legem gratia Principis concomitante restitui possunt inlagari dum tamen causa utlagariae nulla fuerit vel nimis mature That men outlawed or bereaved of the benefit of the Laws may by the favour of the Prince be restored when the cause of the Vtlary was none or it was sooner promulged or adjudged then it ought and may well be understood to be no otherwise When our very learned Bracton did long agoe rightly define an outlawed person to be qui principi non obediat nec Legi which obeyed not the King nor the Law and the cause of an Outlawry to be contumacia inobedientia contempt of the King and disobedience unto him and his Laws such Servant of the King which obeyeth the King his Soveraign and Royal Master in the duty of his place necessary attendance and service cannot be adjudged to disobey the King at the same time when he doth more especially obey him And if not guilty of any disobedience contumacy or contempt to the King cannot be understood to be so unto his Laws or established Courts of Justice which do act and do justice and punish in his name only and by his authority for where there cannot be a contumacy or cause of it according to the priviledge of the Kings Servants in the first Process or Summons in Order to the intended Vtlary nulla sequi deberet captio cum captio nulla saith Bracton nec ea quae sequntur locum habere debeant no Capias or Writ to arrest ought to issue and when there is no Capias or Writ to arrest the Vtlary which shall be endeavoured to be the consequence of it is not to be at all quia ubi primum principale quod est summonitio non subsistit for that the principal which was the Summons was not duly awarded But if any shall think it to be a contempt of the Kings Process or Courts of Justice although it be none against the K. himself such a contra-distinction will prove to be as invalid illegal and irreligious as that abominable one in the late Times of Confusion of distinguishing betwixt the person of the King his Authority and his natural and politique capacity which our Laws do declare to be so united as though most of the Regal Priviledges are adjudged to appertain to the Sacred Persons of our Kings for the Kings Prerogative as Justice Brown alledged in the argument of VVillon and Berkleys Case en respect de son person vaont a son person is in respect of his Person and do attend it and howsoever there are some that do only and properly belong to his Politique capacity yet his natural and politique capacities are neither to be confounded or so separated as one to be against or contrary to the other And they which are so willing to entertain or harbour any such opinions may do themselves more right to believe that which a more serious consideration may inform them That the Civil Law defining representation doth make it to be no more then locum alterius obtinere vel tantundem valere to be in the place of another or to avail as much as if he were present and preses Provinciae dicitur in provinciis representare qui in eadem judicis juris vicem tenet the President of a Province is said to represent is as a substitute of the Judge the Law and Acts there in the place of them which to all that are but smally acquainted with those excellent Laws cannot seem to be absâ—lute when they may every where find the Praetors or Proconsuls of Provinces advising as the younger Pliny sometimes did with Trajan the Emperor in their Letters to the Emperors upon all emergencies and cases in Law and directing and steering their Judgments and sentences according to their rescripts and answers retorned unto them and our common-Laws of England where they do sometimes seem to say that the King is virtually present in his Courts of Justice do it but as authorative with a quoad quatenus and quodam modo as unto such or such things and particulars in a certain manner as far as the reach and compass of the Delegated power committed unto their care and trust will extend for the King is not in such a manner represented by or in his Courts of Justice by his authority granted unto them as to be no where else in his natural or personal Capacity or Commands for then he must be Apotheosed or more then mortality or mankind will permit and so omnipresent and every where as to be at one and the same morning hour and instant of Time in the Terms or Law dayes in the Court of Common-Pleas Exchequer Kings-Bench and Chancery out of the later whereof he could not issue out in the same day and moment of Time his Writs Original and remedial under his Teste meipso witness our self in the Chancery authorizing the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas to hold Plea in most of the Actions which they have cognisance of and are impowred to hear or determine and be at the same time truly and properly believed to be in the Court of Common-Pleas nor could cause any of their Records to be transmitted coram nobis unto himself in his Court of Kings-Bench to correct the Errors committed in some Action by the Judges of
the Court of Common-Pleas nor by a Writ of Pone upon a Certiâ—rari out of the Chancery under his Teste meipso as â—f he were there present to direct it to be tryed in the Court of Kings-Bench coram nobis by a supposition that it should be there determined before himself neither did some of our Kings need to have holden Parliaments by their Substitutes or Commission as King Edward the third did in his absence to his Son Edward Duke of Cornwal and at another time unto Lionell Duke of Clarence another of his Sons if he could by any just or legal intendment have been supposed to have been there alwayes absolutely and to all purposes virtually present But if there should be a refusal by any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary to appear upon any Writs or Process issuing out of any of his Courts of Justice whilst they are in the Service of the King their Master yet when the King shall have discharged that refusal or contempt if it should be so called by a greater and more necessary command in the case of any of his Servants attending upon Him that contempt is no more to be insisted upon for if in such a case of his moeniall Servants his command in the necessary attendance upon his person or affairs in one place shall not amount to a Supersedeas or discharge of any supposed contempt of his Writs and Process and delegated Mandates in another And his commissionated Courts of Justice should adjudge his Servants to be guilty of a contumacy or contempt against his Courts of Justice in not obeying of his Process whilst they do attend upon his person in the safety and well being of Him and all his Subjects and of the Courts of Justice themselves they must separate themselves from themselves and themselves from the King which intrusted them with that authority by too much supposing his authority to be in themselves mistake fancy that authority in them to be Superiour to him that gave it erect to themselves a kind of Superiority over him which gave them that authority by and under which they do act and are impowred the bounds and limits whereof they should not go beyond or exceed For although there may be a contempt charged upon some one or more of the Kings many Servants attending in his Court or Pallace for disobeying or not performing some of his personal commands and upon the same party much about the same Time for a contempt for not obeying or performing the Precept or Process of his subordinate Judges by not appearing to some Action prosecuted before them and so a double contempt or contumacy against the King yet the contempt to the Kings personal command is and must needs be greater then that which is to his Justices or Courts of Justice and is more immediate then that which is but mediate concerns but some one particular Plaintiff not seldom in a malicious or unjust cause of Action or if just for some trivial hot headed uncharitable and unneighborly cause of Action as for Trespass of a Horse or Cow broken into his Pasture by the default or occasion of his own ill Fence or Hedges when the Beast knew as little of reason or property as the Plaintiff did of Religion or the rules of Christianity when that which is more immediately to the King may not a little but greatly concern the well or ill being of the whole Nation or of multitudes and in that general and universal concernment of the angry prosecutor himself when that which is but mediate and a lesser contempt to some one of the Kings Courts of Justice in not appearing to some of their Writs or Process made out in the Kings name and by his authority concerneth only a few particular persons And theâ—efore we should too much thwart those common principles of reason and understanding to deny the greater command its power and efficacy before the lesser and that of the King before that of his Justices or to punish and arrest any of the Kings Servants if they were not so justly entituled to the Priviledges aforesaid for all or the most part of Arrests by order or course of any Courts of Justice in civil Actions before appearance are grounded either upon contempts or propter suspitionem sugae to prevent running away for disobeying the lesser authority and a private and particular concernment to obey the greater or the commands of the King in just and lawful things as a Servant in matters relating to his service and in that to the weal publique or greatest concernment and may well be excused for failing in the lesser or private when he is by his Oath usually administred unto the Kings Servants truly and diligently to attend and wait and not to depart out of the Kings Court without licence had or obtained of the Lord Chamberlain or other the Officers of the Kings most honourable Houshold unto whom it appertaineth and to obey all and singular commandments given in charge on the behalf of the King and is not by his Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to lessen or abridâ—e any of the Kings Royal Jurisdictions Preheminences and Priviledges from and under which are legally derived the aforesaid Rights and Priviledges of his Servants who if they were not priviledged are not in the contrariety and conflict of superior and inferior commands to neglect those of the Superior where he is so bound and ingaged by the duty of a Subject and Servant and so many obligeing Oaths to obey the Writs or Precepts of an Inferior to whom they are under no Obligation of Oaths nor are to be compelled to break those Oaths and Obligations or to do impossible things when as id possumus quod de Jure possimus things unlawful should be ranked amongst the impossibles our Laws do assure us that Lex non cogit impossibilia that the Law doth neither ordain nor compel impossible things to be done or doth punish for the not doing of them But if a restless Spirit of opposition to the Kings Rights or Regalities shall not permit an acquiescence unto that which hath been already said in defence of that part of it which concerns the Priviledges of his Servants but that an objection must be picked up to support their factious incivilities that the King ought not to punish or imprison any for the breach of his Servants Priviledges in the causing of any of them to be Arrested or Outlawed without leave or licence first procured when the Writs and Process tending thereunto are made in his own Name and under his smal or lesser Seals as to Writs and Process issuing out of the Courts of Kings-Bench and Common-Pleas delegated and entrusted by him unto the two Lord Chief Justices thereof the answer will have no difficulty if it shal be as it ought to be acknowledged that those Writs Process seldome expressing that the Defend is the K. Servant are of course made
as the Court of Chancery did in the 8th year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth by her Writ supersede stay 2 Writs of Exigent in the Court of Common-Pleas at the Suit of two several persons against Robert Webb one of the Cursitors of the Court of Chancery by reason of his Office Attendance in that Court which Writ of Priviledge and Supersedeas was allowed by the Judges of that Court and an entry made upon the Roll where the Plea of his Priviledge was entred in these words Ideo consideratum est quod praedictus Robertus libertatibus privilegis praedictis gaudeat Ac separalia brevia praedicta ei conceduntur therefore it is ordered that the said Robert VVebbe shall enjoy his Liberties and Priviledges and that several Writs as a foresaid be granted unto him probably Writs of Supersedeas to the Sheriffs of London unto whom the Writs of Exigent had been before sent and directed or as the Court of Chancery hath done in the ninth year of the Reign of King James in the Case of Valentine Saunders Esquire one of the Six Clarkes of that Court require by the Kings Writs the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas to surcease the prosecution of the said Valentine Saunders to the Utlary or might aswell defend their Regal Rights in the case of their Servants in Ordinary by a Writ de Rege inconsulto commanding as in some other cases of their concernments not to proceed against them until their pleasure be further signified or assert and command the Liberties Priviledges of their Servants by Writs de libertate allocanda aswell as for Liberties to be allowed unto Citizens or Burgers which contrary to their Liberties were impleaded But too many of the Kings Servants Creditors for all are not so uncivil who would be glad to find a way or some colour or pretence of Law rudely to treat the Rights of the King and his Servants would willingly underprop that their humour and design with an objection that our Kings have conveyed their Justice unto their established Courts of Justice at Westminster and are not to contradict alter or suspend any thing which they do in his name therein And that if any of the Kings Servants in Ordinary be arrested without leave the King or the great Officers of his Houshold may not punish those that do offend therein and that being so Arrested they are so in the Custody of the Law as they ought not to be released until they do appear or give Bayl to appear and answer the Action CAP. VI. That the Kings established and delegated Courts of Justice to administer Justice to his People are not to be any bar or hinderance to his Servants in Ordinary in their aforesaid antient just and legal Priviledges and Rights or that the Messengers of his Majesties Chamber may not be sent to summon or detein in custody the Offenders therein or that any of his servants being arrested without licence are so in the custody of the Law as they cannot before apparance or bayl to the Action be delivered WHich will not at all advantage their hopes or purposes if they shall besides what hath been already proved aswell as alledged give Admittance unto a more weighed consideration that delegatio ad causas non intelligitur ad futuras a Commission or Authority entrusted for some special or determinate matters is not to be understood to extend unto all that in the administration of Justice may afterwards happen that in the Court of Exchequer the Barons are and should be the special Ministers and Supervisors of the Kings Revenue subject to his Legal Mandates and disposing power that the Court of Common-Pleas being a Court erected and continued by our Kings for the dispatch of Justice and ease of their Subjects and People in Common-Pleas or Actions wherein the King his Crown and Dignity are not immediately concerned do only hold Pleas and have Jurisdiction and Cognisance ratione Mandati by reason of the Kings Original Writs Command or Commission issuing almost in every Action from himself out of his High Court of Chancery that the Justices of the Kings-Bench are ad placita coram Rege tenenda assignati assigned as coadjutors to the King to hear determine Pleas supposed by Law to be heard before himself in that Court and by the ancient stile title of their Records said to be de consilio Regis of the Kings Councel that in the High Court of Chancery the King by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England as his Substitute or Deputy as some of our Judges in the 9th year of the Reign of King James have believed them to be in that supereminent and superintendant Court of and over all his other Courts of Justice commands his Sheriffs who are sworn to execute his Writs and not to prejudice his Rights to execute their Writs directed unto them in his Name and under his Seal doth provide and give remedies in all emergencies of Law and Justice where the Supreme and Legal Authority is implored or prayed in ayd or assistance And that where a Delegated Power or Jurisdiction is granted by the King as not only the Lawes of many other Nations but our Bracton and Fleta men not meanly learned in the antient Laws and Customes of England as well as in the civil Laws have adjudged he doth not exuere sede potestate so grant away that Jurisdiction as to exclude himself from all power and not be able upon just and legal Occasions to resume it or intermeddle in some part thereof when a Lord of a Mannor though he hath by a Patent or Commission granted to his Steward for life the power or jurisdictions of keeping his Courts assessing of Fines and the like matters appurtenant thereunto is not debarr'd when a just occasion shal either necessitate or invite him thereunto from his personal assessing of Fines or other Acts belonging unto the Court or that power authority which he should have over his Tenants that where the Liberty of a Court Baron appurtenant to the Grant of a Mannor with the jurisdiction of Sake or Soke holding of Pleas and punishment of Offenders is granted by the King or allowed to any man and his heirs by Custome or Prescription the King is not debarred upon any grievance or complaint of any Tenant of the Manor to command Justice to be done unto him by his Writs of Right Close or Patent and where a Leet being a more large or greater Jurisdiction hath been granted to a man and his heirs to seize and grant it to another for not rightly observing the order of Law therein as for not erecting a Pillory making of a Clerk of the Market and the like or altogether disusing of it and where liberties of retorna Brevum executing returning Writs in a certain Precinct or Liberty have been granted to a man his Heirs common practice and
course of Law its Process may inform us that the King hath notwithstanding such a power superintendency of Justice inherent in him over all the Courts of Justice high or low in the Kingdome as upon the Sheriffs retorn quod mandavit Ballivo libertatis that he made his Warrant to the Bayliff of such a Liberty to arrest such a Defendant and that the Bayliff nullam sibi dedit responsionem had made him no retorn nor answer he may thereupon by his Justices cause a Writ to be made to the Sheriff commanding him quod non omittat propter aliquam libertatem Ballivi libertatis c. quin capiat that he do not omit to enter into the said Bayliffs liberty and arrest the Defendant and may also when a Defendant is outlawed cause at the instance of the Plaintiff a Capias Vtlegat Writ to be made to take arrest the utlawed person with a non omittas propter aliquam libertatem power and authority to enter into any Liberty under the name of his Attorney General as an Officer intrusted with the making of the said Writs of Capias Vtlegatum and that Offices either granted by the King for term of Life or in Fee or Fee-Tayle are forfeitable by a Misuser or non user by not executing that part of the Kings Justice committed to the care and trust of the Officers thereof And so necessary was the Kings Supreme Authority heretofore esteemed to be in the execution and administration of Justice as in the Case between the Prior of Durham and the Bishop of Durham in the 34th year of the Reign of King Edward the first where amongst other things an information was brought in the Kings-Bench against the Bishop for that he had imprisoned the Kings Officers or Messengers for bringing Writs into his Liberty to the prejudice as he thought thereof and that the Bishop had said that nullam deliberationem de eisdem faceret sed dixit quod ceteros per ipsos castigaret ne de cetero literas Domini Regis infra Episcopatum suum portarent in Lesionem Episcâ—patus ejusdem he would not release them but would chastise them or any other which hereafter should bring any of the Kings Letters or Writs within his Bishoprick to the prejudice of the Liberties thereof And in the entring up and giving the Judgment upon that Information and Plea saith the Record Quia idem Episcopus cum libertatem praedictam a Corona exeuntem Dependentem habeat per factum Regis in hoc minister Domini Regis est ad ea quae ad Regale pertinent infra eandem libertatem loco ipsius Regis modo debito conservanda exequenda Ita quod omnibus singulis ibidem justitiam exhibere ipsi Regi ut Domino suo mandatis parere debeat prout tenetur licet proficua expletia inde provenientia ad usum proprium per factum praedictum percipiatur in regard that when the Bishop had the liberty aforesaid by the Kings Grant or Charter from the Crown and depending thereupon he is in that as a Servant or Minister of the Kings concerning those things which do belong unto the Kings Regality within the Liberty aforesaid to execute and preserve it in a due manner for and on the behalf of the King so as there he is bound to do Justice to all men and to obey the King and his Commands as his Lord and Soveraign although he do by the Kings Grant or Charter take and receive the profit arising and coming thereby Wherein the Judges and Sages of the Law as in those Ancient Times they did not unfrequently in matters of great concernment have given us the reason of their Judgment in these words Cum potestas Regia per totum Regnum tam infra libertates praedictas quam extra se extendant videtur Curiae toti Consilio Domini Regis quod hujusmodi imprisonamenta facta de hiis qui capti fuerunt occasione quod brevia Domini Regis infra libertatem praedictam tulerint simul cum advocatione acceptatione facti Et etiam dictis quae idem Episcopus dixit de Castigatione illorum qui brevia Regis extunc infra libertatem suam portâ—rent manifeste perpetrata fuerunt when as the power and authority of the King doth extend it self through all the Kingdome as well within Liberties as without it seemed to the Court and all the Kings Counsel that such imprisonments made of those which brought the Kings Writs within the Liberty aforesaid the Bishops justifying and avowing of the Fact and the Words which the Bishop said That he would punish all such as should bring any Writs to be executed in his Liberty were plainly proved Et propterea ad inobedientiam exhaereditationem Coronae ad diminutionem Dominii potestatis Regalis Ideo consideratum est quod idem Episcopus libertatem praedictam cujus occasione temerariam sibi assumpsit audacim praedicta gravamina injurias excessus praedictos perpetrandi dicendi toto tempore suo amittat Cum in eo quo quis deliquit sit de Jure puniendus Et eadem libertas Capiatur in manus Domini Regis Et Nihâ—lominus corpus praedicti Episcopi capiatur Wherefore because it tended to disobedience and a disherison of the Crown and diminution of the Kings Power and Authority It was adjudged that the Bishop for his rash presumption and boldness and for committing the aforesaid wrongs and injuries should forfeit his Liberty aforesaid for that every man is to be punished according to the nature of his offence And it was ordered That the Liberty should be seized and taken into the Kings hands and that the Body of the Bishop notwithstanding should be taken into Custody For the Kings Justice to which his Coronation Oath is annexed is inseparable from his Person so fixed to his Diadem and Regal Authority as it is not to be absolutely or any more then conditionally deputed and intrusted to any other or otherwise then with a reserve of the last Appeal and his Superiority and therefore King Edward the first in some of his Writs Commissions or Precepts saith that he but not his Judges was Deâ—itor Justitiae so a Debtor to Justice as not to deny it to any of his People complaining of the want of it and ad nos pertinet the care thereof belongeth to the King and to that end appointed his high Court of Chancery and his Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England and required all the Officers Clerks of that Court to take care that pro defectu Justitiae nullus recedat a Cancellaria sine Remedio no man for want of Justice do go away from the Chancery destitute of remedy from whence also lyes an Appeal to the King himself in Parliament and in the Case of Sir William Thorpe Chief Justice of England in the 24th year of the Reign of King Edwardâ— the third being put
not to proceed in matters concerning his own particular without his being first consulted de Attornato languidi recipiendo to admit an Attorney for one that is sick Writs of Aâ—â—aint against Jurors falsly swearing in their Verdicts Writs de Aâ—sisa continuanda to continue the prâ—â—â—â—dings upon an Assise Audita querela to relieve one that is oppressed by some Judgment Statute or Recognisance Writs de Certioraâ—i de tenâ—re Indictamenti to be certified of the Tenor of an Indictment de Vtlagaria of an Utlary de tenore pedis Finis of the Tenor of the Foot of a Fine mittendo tenorem Assise in Evâ—â—entiam to send the Tenor of a Writ of Assise into the Chancery to be from thence transmitted by a Copy for Evidence into the Court of Exchequer Writs quod Justitiarii procedant ad captionem Assise impowring the Justices of Assise to procede in the taking of an Assise and his Commissions frequently granted in some special cases as Dedimus potestatem impowring the Judges or others to take the acknowledgements of Fines with many other kinds of Commissions a posse Comitatus ad vim Laicam amovendam to remove a force where a Parson or Minister is to be inducted into a Church or Benefice Commissions granted ob lites dirimendas to compose contentious suites of Law where the poverty of one of the parties is not able to endure them and the granting of a priviledge by some of our antient Kings to the Bishop and Citizens of new Sarum or Salisbury that the Iudges of Assize or Itinerants should in their circuits hold the Pleas of the Crown at that Town or City which King Edward the first did by his Writ or Mandates allow or cause to be observed and many more which might be here instanced which with the Laws and practice thereof and the reasonable customes of England do every where and abundantly evidence that the King doth not intrust his Courts of Justice or the Judges thereof with all his Regal power and all that with which he is himself invested in his politique capacity or hath so totally conveyed it unto them as to make them thereby the only dispensers of his justice but that the appeal or dernier ressort from all his Courts of Iustice is and resides in the King being the ultimate supreme Magistrate as from the inferiour Courts of Iustice in the Counties or Cities to the Superiour Courts of Iustice at Westminster-hall from the Court of Common-Pleas by Writ of Error to the Court called the Kings-Bench from that Court to the Parliament And as to some matters of Law fit to be tryed by action at Law from the Chancery unto the Kings-Bench or Courts of Common-Pleas or Exchequer reserving the equity when what was done there shall be returned and certified and even from the Parliament it self when Petitions there nepending could not in regard of their important affairs be dispatched to the high Court of Chancery and that appeals are made to the King in his high Court of Chancery from the Admiralty Court when as the process and proceedings are in the Name and under the Seal of the Lord Admiral and from the Prerogative Court of the Archbishop of Canterbury for proving of Wills and granting of Administration when the Process and proceedings are not in the Kings name but in the name and under the Seal of that Arch-bishop So as the Gentlemen of the long Robe who in the Reign of King Charles the Martyr argued against the Kings Prerogative for the just liberties of the people of England in the case of the Habeas Corpora's when they affirmed the meaning of the Statute made in the third year of the Reign of King Edward the first where there was an Exception of such not to be Baylable as were committed by the command of the King or of his Justices to be that the Kings command was to be understood of his commands by his Writs or Courts of justice might have remembred that in former times his Authority by word of mouth or in things done in his presence in matters just and legal not contradicting the established rules customes and courses of his Courts of Justice and the power and authority wherewith our Kings have intrusted them was accompted to be as valid if not more than any thing done in his Courts of Justice witness that notable record and pleading aforesaid betwixt the Prior and Bishop of Durham in the 34 th year of the Reign of that by his own and his Fathers troubles largely experienced King Edward the first which was not long after the making of that Statute concerning such as were to be bayled or not to be bayled where it was said and not denyed to be Law quod Ordinatio meaning an award or something acknowledged in the presence of the King in praesentia Regis facta per ipsum Regem affirmata majorem vini habere debet quam finis in Curia sua coram justitiariis suis levatus that any Ordinance or acknowledgment made in the Kings presence and by him affirmed was to be more credited and to have a greater force then a Fine levied before his Justices in his Courts of Justice which may be a good Foundation and Warrant for several agreements and Covenants made betwixt private persons and ratified by the King under his Great Seal of England by inspeximus and confirmations by his allowance and being witness thereunto as that of Rorger Mortimer Lord of Wigmore with Robert de Vere Earl of Oxford for the Honor and Earldome of Oxfâ—rd and the great Estate and Revenueâ—belonging thereunto forfeited by the said Earl in taking part with the Barons against King Henry the third and many others which might be instanced and are plentifully to be found in many Agreements and Covenants made betwixt Abbots and Priors and their Covents and divers of the English Nobility and great men mentioned in Master Dugdales first and second Tomes or Parts of his Monasticon Anglicanum For it was resolved in Easter Term in the fourth year of the raign of Queen Elizabeth by the then Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas the Lord Chief Baron and Whiddon Browne and Corbet Justices Carus the Queens Serjeant and Gerrard her Attorney General upon a question put unto them by the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England that in case of Piracy or other the like crimes the Queen might in the intervals or vacancy of a Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England by a necessity of doing Justice without a Commission granted unto others to do it punish such offenders although the Statute made in the 28th year of the raign of King Henry the 8th Ca. 15th doth direct Piracy to be tryed by Commission And it was allowed to be Law in a Case put by King James that where an Affray or Assault was made by any in the Kings presence the King
then next following and King Edward the 4th by vertue of his Kingly Prerogative as the Writ and the Record declared granted his Protection unto John Namby Gentleman Executor of William White alias Namby for himself and his Servants and their Lands and Estates to endure for three years very many of the Subjects of England in those dayes and the Reigns of our former Kings travelling on Pilgrimage for devotion or penance to Jerusalem or St. James of Compostella or which were Cruzadoed or voluntarily went unto the Holy Land so called for recovery of it in such numbers as about the year of our Lord 1204. being in the latter end of the Reign of King John sixty thousand English took the Cross for the Holy Land whose Protections saith Fleta were not in those dayes disallowed in the Courts of Justice because it was then understood to be in causa Dei the cause of God or for some which were sent on the Kings messages or affairs to Rome Normandy or Gascoigny in France or other parts beyond the Seas or in those many our English Warlike Expeditions and Armies sent to Jerusalem France Spain and Scotland or the Borders thereof in the Reigns of many or most of our Kings and Princes from William the Conquerors entring into England and the subduing of it untill the Reign of King James and into Wales or the Borders thereof untill the Reign of King Edward the third when the Nobility and principal part of the Gentry were even in those times more likely then the Commonalty or vulgar to be in debt and wanted not upon occasions the credit and good will of the Common people to trust them and freedom from Actions at Law and troubles in the mean time and the many thousands of our Tenants in Capite who by the Tenure of their Lands as well as by the bond and obligation of their Loyalty to their Kings and Princes were to attend them in the service of War not only upon their Summons and Commands in their Foreign Expeditions but at home in their defence against Rebellions and sudden Insurrections and had in the mean time no doubt Protections and freedom from Suits and Arrests whose Court Barons and Leets more then now orderly kept permitted not their Tenants disobedience unto them or their Jurisdictions or an enhance of the price of their Commodities and their Lands so entayled as they could not if they would either borrow or owe much money When the Nobility and Gentry like the Stars in our Hemisphere kept their courses and great Hospitalities addicted themselves to actions of greatness goodness charity and munificence and their numerous Tenants depending upon them returned them submissive and humble obedience a reverential awe and gratitude and held much of their Lands upon trust of performance of their Services and many Husbandry works instead of Rents and in that were more endebted to their Landlords and entrusted by them then their Landlords were unto them who did not as now they do with their Wives and Daughters resort to London to learn vice and vanities and run into Debt more than they should do nor make themselves at costly rates so great and oâ—ten purchasers of Transmarine Wares and Commodities which the small Income of the Customs in the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when our Clothing and Exportation far exceeded our Importation will witness when the profit of her Customs in both was at first let to Farm but at 13000 l. per annum and afterwards at no more then 50000 l. per annum when there was not so great and consuming expences in Coaches Wine and other Foreign Toyes and Trifles when by reason of 600 Monasteries and Religious Houses and the great Retinues and number of Servants kept by them and the Nobility Bishops and Gentry and depending upon them the younger Children of the Nation were so largely provided for as there were not so many Trades or Apprentices in London as there have been of latter times so many Taverns Cooks or Trades of pride and luxury to entice the Nobility and Gentry into debts and expences when the rates and prices of their Wares and Commodities honester made and of Victuals and Houshold provisions were limited and bounded by our then better than now executed Laws and Trade was not let loose to all manner of fraud and unlawfull gains and the Companies or Corporations of Trades were not so many Combinations to adulterate and abuse the Trade of the Kingdom as now they do when there was not so frequent trusting by Trades-men as now of late only to encrease their gain double and raise their prices and make a more then ordinary usury upon the kindness they pretend to do their Customers by trusting of them when Trade and the furnishing of vice and excess had not made the Gentry so endebted to the City who are not in their Countreys or Neighbourhood so much under the lash of their complaints or prosecution when the Church-men by reason that some contracts were upon distrust of performance sworn and bound up by Oath would ratione sâ—andali sometimes take occasion to draw into their Courts the cognisance of Debts and Excommunicate them untill they were about the Reign of King Edward the first prohibited by the King and his Courts of Justice And Usury was as well before as long after accounted such a mortal sin as Christian Burial and the power of making last Wills and Testaments was denyed unto them the personal Estates of the Usurers confiscated the dying in debt reckoned a sin punishable in the next World all or some of which might give us the reason why there was in former times but very little complaint against Protections for most of that little which appears of the use or pleading of Protections in our Law-books or Records through so many past ages were in Pleas or Actions concerning Lands or Replevins c. but few in personal Actions or Actions of Debt and those which do in every Kings Reign appear in our Records to have been granted in respect of the many occasions and importunities which might otherwise have induced the granting of them to have been but a few in respect of many more which might have been granted if the prudence and care of our Kings had not restrained or limited their own power and authority therein for that there were then either few or out-lying over-grown or long-forborn Debts or the reason of the parties protected being imployed in the Kings Service which was and ever is to be accounted the interest of every man and a concernment of the Publique was enough to pacifie them and the care and reverence of the King and his business taught the people to obey rather then dispute that necessary part of his Prerogative which deserves our imitation when conform to the Laws of Nations Queen Elizabeth by the advice of as wise and carefull a Councel as any Prince of the World was ever blessed with did in
waiting or attendance ANd submit themselves and those their innovated formerly unheard of cavils and pretences to the power of truth and a conviction of those their great mistakings if they shall but examine the necessity as well as the reason of it for to a Soveraign Prince whose cares are to reach as far as his Monarchy there cannot be in respect of the multitude and various sorts of his daily and ever importuning affairs in the behalf of himself and the Weal-publick a few or small number to be imployed therein if there were neither Honour nor Majesty to be heeded or supported both which by an universal consent Law Custom and usage of Nations approved and subscribed unto by a general consent of the intellect and rational faculties of Mankind should be not only the desire and joy of the people which are to be ruled and governed by them but is a ready means help and stay unto their welfare peace and happiness of which the examples are as many as the ages past and the people and Kingdoms of it When Abraham although sometimes stiled a Prince but was no Soveraign Prince but a Sojourner in the Plain of Mamre had 318. Servants to go to Battel with him against his five Neighbour Kings who had taken and spoiled his Brother Lot David had together with the Princes and Rulers of the Tribes great numbers of Officers and Men of War Officers of his Houshold and Servants therein and over his Estate besides the twelve Captains which as his Guards did in every month of the year by turns and courses attend him and the safety of his person with four and twenty thousand fighting men Solomon his Son had twelve great Officers in their severally appointed Provinces to provide Victuals for the King and his Houshold by courses each man for his month and made the Children of Israel to be his men of War and his Servants and his Princes and his Captains and Rulers of his Chariots and his Horsemen had a thousand and four hundred Chariots and twelve thousand Horsemen which declared the number of his Servants not to be small petit or inconsiderable and were so well ordered as the Queen of Sheba with a great train coming from far to see his Glory and his Court when she did behold the meat of his Table the standing of his Servants as the Margin notes it the attendance of his Ministers and their Apparel and his Cup-bearers suffered under a Deliquium and failing of her spirit when he had such a state and magnificence to accompany his Regal power and so great a number of Servants to furnish out the glory and honour of his house and person Ahasuerus had seven Chamberlains as Solomon had more then one Cup-bearer and Esther had seven Maidens allowed to her The Western and Eastern divided Empires of Romes vastly extended Conquests glorying in their magnificence had to adorn the honour and state of their Emperors in their Houses and Palaces busied with multitudes of Civil affairs their Scholaes and Offices daily and hourly conversant in the attendance of their Persons Houshold or Civil imployments in every one of which although Alexander Severus the Emperor did lessen and contract them and ordained ut essent tâ—t homines in singulis Officiis quot necessitas postularet that there might be in every Office or imployment so many Servants as necessity required there wree of one and the same sort several ranks and orders amounting to as great a number as the Imperial port state and imployments might require and could not be small when they kept as we say open houses to â—eed or refresh those great numbers which came either to honour or petition their Princes had so many several Governours Procurators and Servants and so many several Houses and Palaces in their many Kingdoms and Provinces and sometimes made and set out so many Epulae and publick Feasts and many thousand Tables of them at one time to entertain comfort or please the people and to any that shall read the elaborate and learned Comment of Cuiacius upon the 10th 11th and 12th Codes or Books of Justinian Pancirollus notitia utriusque Imperii and the laborious and learned Book of Jacobus Gutherius of the various Offices and kinds of Services as well private as publick in the Houses and Palaces of the antient Emperors will not appear to be much if at all supernumerary Charlemaigne the Great King of France and Emperor of Rome as Hinckmarus Archbishop of Remes writeth who in the latter end of his Reign lived and was bred up in his Court had his several Servants and took a more then ordinary care pro honestate Palatii Regaâ—i Ornamento for the honour of his House or Palace and his Royal Ornaments singulis quibusque quotidianis necessitatibus occurrentibus every one in their station performing their several Offices and the Constitution of his house so laudable as multitudo congrua sine quâ— rationabiliter honeste esse non possit such a competent number or multitude was necessary in regard that otherwise the business of the Houshold or Palace could not be rationally or honourably done and care was to be taken ut semper esset ornatum Palatium Consiliariis condignis nunquam destitutum esset that the honour of the Kings house might be preserved and never want the advice and help of worthy Assistants and where he speaks of the number of Huntsmen and Falconers and their constant attendance within or without the Court saith Sensus in his omnibus talis erat ut nunquam Palatio tales vel tanti deessent ministri that the meaning was that there should never want such or the like Servants And imparts to us a further reason of such a number of Servants attending the Courts of Princes in those heroick times ut ex quacunque parte totius regni quicunque desolatus orbatus alieno aere oppressus injusta calumnia cujusque suffocatus seu caetera his similia maxime tamen de Viduis Orphanis unuscujusque secundum suam indigentiam vel qualitatem Dominorum vero misericordiam pietatem semper ad manum haberet per quem singuli ad pias aures Principis perferre potuissent that from all parts of the Kingdom whoever was distressed afflicted endebted or unjustly accused or the like especially Widdows and Orphans might according to their several necessities and qualities have some at hand to procure the mercy and piety of their Lords or Masters whereby every ones Petition or Complaint might come unto the gracious ears of the Prince King Aelfred or Alured who reigned here in the year of Christ 856. had in his Court a great and Princely attendance of Bishops Earls and Nobility Knights and Esquires and three Troops of Souldiers for the Guards of his Palace as if he had an intention somewhat to imitate David the King of Israel and Juda tanquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
seu exemplar as a great and antient example worthy to be imitated whereof one waiting by the space of a month menseque finito adveniente alia prima domum redibat which being ended that returning home another succeeded the other two propriis quivis necessitatibus studentes commorabantur being busied about their own affairs tarried in the mean·time at home secunda itaque cohors mense peracto adveniente tertia domum redibat and the second Troop having served their month the third came into their places and the thirds course or time alotted being ended the first returned to his former attendance Et hoc ordine omnibus vitae praesentis temporibus talium vicissitudinum in Regali Curto rotatur administratio and in this manner all the life time of the said King and by such changes or courses was the service in his Royal Court administred And certainly no small number of Officers and Servants were heretofore thought to be sufficient in England to attend on our Kings and Princes when Hardi-Canutus King of England furnished Tables of meat for his Servants and all comers four times a day when Thomas Earl of Lancaster who was an Attendant himself upon the King had in the Reign of King Edward the second a Bishop and Barons officiating in his house 100 Knights and as many Esquires besides Officers and common Servants Bishops Earls and Lords in after ages rode and travelled with great Trains and Retinues Nicholas West Bishop of Ely in the Reign of King Henry the 8th had continually in his house 200 Servants Edward Earl of Darby 200 men in Checque-Roll in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and John Earl of Oxford although a well-deserving Ancestor of his that led the Vantguard of King Henry the 7th at the Battel of Bosworth-field was in that Kings after Halcyon dayes fined in a then great sum of money for attending him at his house with a very great Retinue did usually ride from his house in Essex to his house at London-Stone in London with 80 Gentlemen in Livery of Red or Tawny with Chains of Gold about their necks and 100 tall Yeomen in the like Livery to follow him without Chains but all wearing his Crest of the blew Boar embroydered on their left armes or shoulders so as in the difference betwixt the Majesty of a great and Soveraign Prince being as the Sun in our Firmament and the grandeur which his Nobility as the Stars in their lesser lights derived from it either did or should endeavour to support the measure or rule of proportion may evidence how necessary it is for a King to have an honourable and competent number of Servants when those that were so much inferior to the Majesty Power and Soveraignty of a free Prince could in their lesser Orbs not want a fitting number to attend upon the Honours which he or some of his Ancestors gave them when as by an Order of his late Majesty in the year of our Lord 1626. 40 Messengers of his Chambers were at all times to be ready to do his Majesty service and at all entertainments and receptions of Ambassadors many of the Gentlemen of the Kings Privy Chamber are commanded to attend such of the Nobility as are appointed by the King to receive and conduct the Ambassadors unto him in so much as in the year 1636. eight Gentlemen of the Kings Privy Chamber were appointed to attend the Earl of Lindsey to bring the King of Polands Ambassador to Hampton-Court and such multitudes and variety of cares and business which do attend a King and the consequences and grand concernments thereof so hugely different from any of their Nobility or Subjects may perswade us to allow our Saul to be as well in the number of their Houshold Servants as in all other things higher from the shoulders upwards than all or any of thâ—m and will better become him than those many which our murmurers were so well content to afford their Oliver the Protector of their intended slâ—very when by his Instrument so called of his Usurped Government he was to have two hundred thousand pounds per annum for defraying the necessary charges of the administration of Justice and other expences of the Government besides all the Kings Revenue which was left unfold being a considerable part thereof with the Fines Amerciaments and casual profits of the basely misused and despoiled Crown of England and a pay and constant yearly maintenance of Ten Thousand Horse and Dragoons and Twenty Thousand Foot in England Scotland and Ireland with a setled yearly Revenue for the maintenance of a convenient number of Ships for guarding of the Seas allowed unto him had his Chamberlain Treasurer and Comptroller of a better house than the Brew-house which he could not thrive in at Huntington his misâ—called Lords of his Privy Counsel Commissioners of his Great Seal Secretary of State his Turn-coat Heralds Serjeants at Armes Messengers of his Chamber Ushers and many other Servants and Officers belonging to his Counterfeit Highness and his Envoys and Ambassadors one of which could not be dressed out or sent with a lesser state and magnificence than 200 Attendants And the Lord Mayor of London being but a temporary and yearly Governour of that City and one of the lesser rayes of the Majesty of our Kings communicated to that annual Magistracy under them can be allowed for his state a Recorder Common Serjeant Chamberlain Townâ—Clerk Coroner Sword-Bearer Marshall Common Hunt Common Cryer Water-Bayliff and Under-Chamberlain four Clerks of his Mayors Court three Serjeant Carvers as many Serjeants of the Chamber a Serjeant and Yeoman of the Channel four Yeomen of the Water-side an Under Water-Bayliff two Yeomen of the Chamber three Meal-Weighers two Yeomen of the Wood-Wharfs the Sword-Bearers man the Common Hunts two men the Common Cryers man the Water-Bayliffs two men and the Carvers man some of which several Officers or Attendants do wait by turns or courses and hath one of the Kings Maces or Serjeant at Armes at some certain times of Solempnity attending upon him a resemblance of a House of Peers in his Court of Aldermen where the Recorder is the Prolocutor and a House of Commons in his Common Counsel both which upon occasions he calls and adjourns at his pleasure hath his Court of Conscience like a Chancery for equity and several Courts of Justice and when he goeth with above 60 Companies of all Trades in a kind of triumph of their Trade and Mysteries to take his Oath before the Barons of the Exchequer hath all the worship and attendance which his Towns-men or Citizens can help him unto every one of which Companies of Trade having some 20 some 45 some 120 Livery men some in their Gowns of Budge and others with Foines who at 20 or 28 l. a piece are willing to purchase a share of preheminence in the rule and ill ordering instead of better of their several Fraternities of Deceipts together with their Whiflers Marshals-men
of record under his Seal In Easter Term in the fourth year of that King in an Action of Trespass after a distress awarded against the Jurors and the Array challenged a Protoction was after a grand debate allowed Martin one of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas going to the Justices of the Kings Bench to ask their advice and from thence into the Exchequer Chamber to Juni Chief Baron In Michaelmas Term in the 19th year of the Reign of that King a man being taken by a Capias had a Protection allowed quia moraturus for the victualling of a Fort in Scotland upon a probability that he came to London to buy victuals and that issue might be taken thereupon and a repeal obtained In Hillary Term in the same year Newton Justice said that if the Demandant cast a protection it lyeth not yet an Essoin of the Service of the King doth And where the King commandeth an Attorney to do him service whereby he appeared not and the Client loseth in the mean time his land and he brings a Writ of disceit against him then it would be against reason that the King should compell him to do him service and that he should not be Essoined for that service but in such a case it seems to be usual to record the Kings service and in that case the Essoiner shall be sworn that he was in the Kings service And that a woman may be in the Kings service for that she is Nurse or Landress and a man as his Carver In Michaelmas Term in the 22th year of the Reign of that King in an Action inter Brookesby and Everard Digby al jour de nisi prius a Protection was brought and although Paston was of opinion it was not allowable because it did not agree with the Record yet Ascue was of opinion that if the Protection said suscepimus in Protectionem it was to be allowed In Michaelmas Term in the 27th year of the aforesaid King an Essoin cast for one who was gone into the Holy-land was refused because six months were passed and the Defendant should be allowed a year and a day and it was said by the Judges that it was the like where the party was in service del Roy yet it was allowed to be good in a common Essoin and a common Essoin was cast accordingly And in an Action brought in the Exchequer by a Denizen against two Aliens and the Jury adjourned a Protection was brought by the one bearing date the first day of the Nisi prius and by the second bearing date the second day and both allowed as it was in a like case and as it was held by the Judges of the one Bench and the other in the case of the Lord Hungerford In Michaelmas Term in the 8th year of that Kings Reign Danby Justice said in the case of Sir Robert Hungerford that in one and the same day the Defendant may cast many Protections and it was said that no Protection quia profecturus purchased pending the plea is allowable if it be not in a Voyage Royal or with the King himself or for great business of the Realm as appeareth by the Statute made in the 13th year of the Reign of King Richard the 2d cap. 16. and Prisot chief Justice did bid the Defendant sue to the Privy Seal and bring a Certificate that his Captain by Indenture was to serve the King in his warrs which being shewed and it appearing that he was to go into Norusandie to serve under such as the King should appoint but because it appeared not by the Indenture nor the Protection that it was in the case of the Statute the Protection was not allowed In the same Term Richard Vere bringing a Protection quia moraturus super vitulationem ville Calesie and the Plaintiff averring that he was within the four Seas and not in the Kings service the Plaintiff was ordered upon a resummons to prove his averment In Easter Term in the 30th year of that Kings Reign after an Imparlance the Defendant bringing his Protection quia moraturu super salva custodia Castri Domini Regis de B. in partibus transmarinis that he was imployed in the safe custody of the Castle of B in the parts beyond the Seas and was afterwards seen in Court it was said that if a man protected be afterwards seen in England the Plaintiff may sue forth the Kings Innotescimus to repeal the Kings Letters Patents for the Protection And that if a man bringing his Protection at the Nisi prius if betwixt that and the day in bank the Protection be repealed there shall be a resummons sued and Danby said that the Protection until the repeal was alwayes allowable In Easter Term in the 35th year of the Reign of that King it was agreed to be law that where Justices of Nisi prius have no power to allow or disallow a Protection they ought to surcease In Hillary Term in the 38th year of the Reign of the said King a Protection being cast for one that was committed to the Fleet and had a Cepi corpus retorned against him Moyle Justice alledged that he might notwithstanding be in the Service of the King whereupon the next day after he was mainprised and the Protection was allowed until the Court should further consider of it In Hillary Term in the 39th year of the Reign of the said King a Protection being disputed because it wanted the usual form it was alledged that there needed no special Protection to go to Rome for that the Embassadors or Procurators of the King who go and remain there for the profit of the King and his Realm have never used to have such Protections and if they had it would have been seen before that time and that the King by his Prerogative may take a man into his protection where another is not to be disherited and Moyle one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas then said that the King might grant a Protection for a year and that being elapsed might grant another for the like Term c. but not at the first and that a Protection quia profecturus doth not lye pendente placito depending the Plea if it be not in a Voyage Royal or business of the Realm In Michaelmas Term in the second year of King Edward the fourth at the return of a Petit cape against the Husband and Wife which is a Judgement by defalt the Husband did cast an Essoin of the Service of the King which was allowed and it was in that case said by Moyle that a Protection of the King differed from an Essoin of his Service for that the intent and effect of the Protection is that the King is the parties Protector and hath taken him into his protection and defence In Hillary Term in the 7th year of the Reign of that King the Judges were of opinion that
a Protection cast quia moraturus that he remained with the Earl of Worcester who was Deputy to the Duke of Clarence was to be allowed for if the Duke by his Commission had power to make a Deputy it is reason that he which was with the Deputy in Service should be excused by the Protection In Trinity Term in the 11th year of that King where one of the Vouchees made a defalt the other had a Petit Capias awarded against him at the day of the retorn of the Petit Capias he that made the defalt brought a Protection which was adjudged to enure to them both In Hillary Term in the 21th year of the Reign of that King a Protection being granted to T. Rokes a Certiorari was directed to the Sheriffs of London to enquire if he attended in the Service of the King according to the tenor of the Protection or followed his own business and the Sheriffs of London certified that he did not attend the Service of the King but remained at London attending his own business whereupon the Plaintiff had an Innotescimus directed to the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas to repeal the said Protection and he shewed the Writ to the Court and prayed a resummons against the Defendant and had it In Hillary Term in the 21th year of the said Kings Reign after issue joyned upon a Writ of Entry and the Jury had appeared the Counsel for the Defendant prayed the Court to grant an Habeas Corpus for him and rhe Justices demanded of the Plaintiff and the Jury if they would agree unto it who consenting thereunto the Habeas Corpus was granted and the morrow after when the Jury appeared a Protection quia moraturus that the Defendant was in the Kings Service at Calais was brought to which being excepted that he was under age and that it appeared by his own sheweing that he was in prison it was answered that the Protection was of Record and to be believed before any such allegation and afterwards the Justices demanded several times of the Defendants Counsel if they would agree that thâ— Demandant and the Jury should be adjourned until the next day to the intent as was believed that the Demandant might in the mean time procure a repeal of the Protection which they supposed to be false and the Counsel for the Plaintiff praying time till the morrow to be advised touching the Protection which the Justices granted the Justices perusing again the Protection found that there was no default therein and said they ought to allow it which was done accordingly and the Jury was discharged And in the same year it was adjudged and declared to be Law that where a Tenant in a Precipe quod reddat had unduly purchased a Protection of the King whereby the Plaintiff was put without day and prejudiced that in that case he might have a Writ of disceit In Michaelmas Term in the fourth and fifth year of the Reign of King Philip and Queen Mary in a Writ of Entry in Le per brought by one Huggard against Knevet an Essoin was cast by one Anthony Knevet for Tho. Knevet that he was in the service of the King in the parts beyond the Seas and day thereupon given and some doubt arising amongst the Judges about the warranty of the Essoin and the form thereof and amongst the precedents which could be found that in the 35th year of the Reign of King Henry the sixth wherein the Abbot of Westminster was Plaintiff against VV. Yeoman of the Kings Buttery under the Kings Privy Seal not pleasing them but being adjudged insufficient the Judges were so unwilling to disappoint the purpose and expectation of the Supreme Authority as they themselves framed and devised a Writ to excuse the absence of the said T. Knivet And although in Trinity Term in the same year the Queen who began her Reign the 26th day of July 1553. did by her Attorney General by advice of the Lords of her Privy Councel demand the opinion of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas if a prisoner in the Fleet upon an Execution who might be very useful in her wars might be licenced by the Queen with his Keeper to go unto Barwick for the defence thereof it was resolved by all the Judges of both the Benches that he could not be dismissed by her Protection for that he was there to be kept in safe custody Yet in the fourth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth she did by her Letter under her Signe Manual and Signet directed unto Tirrel Warden of the Fleet cause Thurland who was in Execution for debt to go with his Keeper as hath been before mentioned about some affairs of hers and the publique So tender were the Judges in the antient and past ages of the Supreme Authority they sate under and the honor of their Princes which imparted unto them so much of the honor and dignity they enjoyed and so careful of the safety and concernment of the publique which was or should be the greatest care and interest of every man and had such an awe and veneration of Majesty in which the Supreme Authority and governing power resides as where they perceived any Essoin of the service of the King unduly cast or Protection not legally granted as by mis-information or necessity of preserving the publique peace and tranquility or upon reason of State they might sometimes happen they did not presently reject the Writs of Protections of our Kings but remit those that excepted against them to petition for their repeal by Innotescimus and where Essoins of some imployed in their service were cast did admit them put the cause without day and order the Essoiners in the mean time to bring their Warrants which if they failed a resummons of them was awarded and the fine of twenty shillings penalty imposed by an Act of Parliament sometimes paid and at other times pardoned and as careful of the high Authority of his Soveraign was Sir Orlando Bridgeman late Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas when he refused to bayl upon a Habeas Corpus one that was committed by the Lord Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold for Arresting one of the Kings Servants in ordinary without licence and advised him to submit himself to the Lord Chamberlain that humour and fashion of kicking against the Supreme Authority and wrastling with the Lords Anointed in seeking to be bayled upon Writs of Habeas Corpus granted by the inferiour and delegated powers for commitments upon contempts by the Superiour being so novel and unusual as the Books and Records of the Law or our Courts of Justice have afforded us no mention at all or very little of them until the Reign of King James or the beginning of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr when by the unhappy arguments upon the case of the Habeas Corpora in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles
the Martyr the drawing aside of the curtain of State and the dispute of the Kings power of committing any one for contempts against him or his Authority which every Justice of Peace and Master of a Company of Trade in London can be allowed to do by the peoples misunderstanding of the Arcana Imperii secrets of State and necessary rules of government an unhappy fancy and spirit of opposition so intoxicated many of them as they have believed it to be law and right reason that if the King will not so soon as they would have him give leave to Arrest any of his Servants the Law and his Courts of Justice are to do it that if the King should by such a way of prosecution be inconvenienced by the want of their service it is by his own default in making so ill a choice of men indebted to attend him or if they being so Arrested cannot perform their duty he is to provide such as may better do it and if the King should cause any to be committed that had Arrested any of his Servants without licence they were upon his Habâ—as Corpus to be bayled by the Judges of some of the Courts of Law at Westminster and left at liberty to go to Law with him if they could tell how or to incourage as many as would follow that evil example to misuse his Royal Prerogative which without any stretching or dilating of it to the very confines or uâ—most bounds of its regal Jurisdiction is legally warranted by the design and reason of publique good the preservation of every mans estate and property and the good at one time or in something or other of him that thinks himself the most delayed or injured in his humour or expectation for it ought to be every where reason and so acknowledged that as long as there is a King and Supreme Governour who is to take care of the universality of the people subjected born or protected under his government he is not to want the means wherewith to do it and that in order thereunto his service must needs be acknowledged to be for publique good and the exemptions and privileges belonging thereunto no less than a Salus populi the great concernment of the peoples peace protection welfare and happiness and should be the Suprema Lex that great Law in and by which the means of goveâ—nment and the Royal Prerogative was and is founded and established and that such a cause built and sustained by the rules of right reason and justice ought to be every where reason and justly entituled to that Axiom manente causa non tollitur effectus the cause alwayes remaining constant and unalterable the effects and operation naturally from thence arising are necessarily to follow and be allowed and that the cause of priviledge claimed by our Kings the cause and fountain of all exemptions and priviledges so largely given to many of their people should not in the case of their own Servants have its course or passage stopt or diverted When from that Spring and those causes which have fertilized and gladded the Vallies of our Israel have sprung and arisen those necessary priviledges which the Nobility Peers and Baronage of England have antiently enjoyed in their personal freedome from Arrests or Imprisonment of their bodies in Civil Actions Pleas or Controversies and from Common Process or any Utlaryes which might trouble them or their high Estates not only for the reason given in the 11th year of the Reign of King Henry the fourth by Hull or Hulls that in Actions of Debt or Trespass a Capias will not lye against an Earl or any of like Estate because it is to be intended that they have Assets and a great Estate in Lands whereby they may be summoned and brought to answer or as many misled by that opinion do and would yet understand it But principally CHAP. XV. That the Dukes Marquesses Count Palatines Earls Viscounts and Barons of England and the Bishops as Barons have and do enjoy their privileges and freedome from Arrests or imprisonment of their bodies in Civil and Personal Actions as Servants extraordinary and Attendants upon the Person State and Majesty of the King in order to his Government Weal Publick and Safety of him and his people and not only as Peers abstracted from other of the Kings Ministers or Servants in Ordinary IN regard of their service to their Prince and a not seldome personal attendance upon him and the honour and dignities thereunto allowed and appertaining to those Illustrious and high born Dukes Marquesses Earls Peers and Nobility who are accounted to be as extraordinary Servants not as the word Extraordinary hath been of late times misused by applying it unto those who were but quasi Servi scarcely Servants or but listed and put into the Rolls of the Kings Servants when they are neither known to him or ever were or intended to be in his actual Service and honourable Attendants of their Prince as well in times of Peace as emergencies of War and as Generals or Commanders of their Armies in times of War and therefore the Emperour Justinian in his Letter or Epistle to Narses a great General or Commander of his Army mentions Aulus Anduatius C. Tubero to be sub Narsetis Ducatu as Souldiers under the conduct of Narses making the word Ducatus which in after ages only signifyed and was applyed to a Dukedom then to denotate no more than an Army or Command only of it And the Latine word Dux since used for Duke was as Sir Henry Spelman well observeth antiently nomen officiale a name of Office or Dux delegatus vel praefectus exercitus postea feudale by reason of the Lands which were annexed to its honour by reason of that service afterwards honorarium meerly Titular or honoured with that Title in being heretofore his Chieftaine or Leader of an Army And so were the Marquesses in those antient times who were as Capitanei Generals or great Commanders in the Empire or kingdome and were as to that by reason of their honorary possessions partakers in some sort of the Royal Dignity Whereby to defend the Frontiers the Title and Military Office thereof being about the year 1008. after the Incarnation of our blessed Saviour by the Emperour Henry sirnamed Auceps of the house of Saxony instituted to defend some of the Frontiers of Germany against the Incursions of the Hungarians was so little known or respected in England about the Reign of King Richard the second as he having created Robert de Vere Earl of Oxford Marquess of Dublin in Ireland and afterwards in the 21th year of his Reign John Beaufort Earl of Somerset Marquess of Dorset which dignity being afterwards taken from him by the tempest and change of those times in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the fourth and the Commons in Parliament in the fourth year of that Kings Reign petitioning that he might be
signified by the Emblems or Figures of the Lyons guarding or supporting of Solomons Throne and astonishing Royalty Which most laudable custom was not only observed in the time of the Western and Eastern Emperors but of the Franks Goths Longobards and other Northern Nations who imitated them And from such honourable services and employments about Emperors Kings and Princes likewise were derived Count Palatines whom they found a kind of necessity to institute when they understood their other Subjects to be troubled that none but Romans had those honours and dignities conferred upon them and their Courts and Palaces appeared to be solitary and unfrequented and therefore opened the doors of honour to their Subjects of other Nations and Provinces as appears by the after usage of the Roman and Grecian Emperors and made and ordained Comites sacri Falatii Count Palatines which the Title of Count Palatine given by Charlemaine to Antholinus will further evidence and the Count Palatines of the Empire of Germany as Pasquier that learned Advocate of France hath remarked had their names from their Offices Superintendencies and Places which they antiently held au tour des Empereurs de Rome de la Suitte des Empereurs and in their service and attendance as Crmites Palatii were in Comitativa Principis in the Retinue of the Emperors which in the elder times were so reverenced and respected as it was not unfrequently in many Laws and good Authors stiled Sacra as meriting a veneration due unto Gods Vicegerents Et ipsa Principis Aula residentia and the Court and Palace of the Prince was saith Marquardus Freherus sometimes known by the name of Comitatus sacer comitatus a place of reverence more especially appropriate to honor and men deserving it and the French Kings Court is by the modern French at this day tearmed Comitatus and in the time of Charlemaine and his Son Hludowick Kings of France the Earls were tanquam Judices Judges in their several Earldomes or Provinces qui post Regem populum regere debent who next under the King as the Dukes did in their several Dukedoms were to govern the people necesse est ut tales instituantur qui sine periculo ejus qui â—os constituit quos sub se babent cum justitia aequitate gubernare officium adimplere procurent there being a necessity that such should be appointed who without danger of those who constituted or deputed them may have under them such as may govern them with Justice and Equity and do what belongeth to them And our Earls and English Nobility were of the like Character Esteem and Subserviency to our Kings and Princes when in the time of Bertulphus King of the Mercians who Reigned in England in the year of our Lord 851. such of them as had not as Sir Henry Spelman saith constant Offices or places in the Kings Court tenebantur ex more obsequii vinculo antiquissimo as also were the other Baronage in tribus maximis festivitatibuus Christi scilicet natalitiis Sancti Paschatis Pentecostes Regi Annuatim adesse cum ad curiam personam ipsius exornandum tum ad consulendum de negotiis regni statuendum que prout fuerat necessarium were by most antient custome and tye of obedience at three of the greatest Feasts in every year that is to say at Christmass Easter and Whitsontide to attend at the Kings Court as well for the honour of his Person and Court as to advise and councel him as there should be occasion in the weighty affairs of the Kingdom which saith that great light and restorer of our English Antiquities gave at the first an original and beginning to our great Councels afterwards and now called Parliaments and Johannes Saresburiensis stiled all the great Officers of the English Court Comites Palatini Earls or Lords of the Palace Royal at least such as being Earls were also honoured with the greater Court Dignities and had relation to the Dignities and Privileges of our English Nobility Such service and attendance of the Nobility upon the person and affairs of their Soveraign being not unusual in the dayes of Jehoiakim King of Judah when Michaiah the son of Gemariah found all the Princes sitting in the Kings house in the Scribes chamber and standing besides the King when the Roll of Baruch was read When the great King Ahasuerus made a Feast unto all his Princes and his servants the power of Persia and Media the Nobles and Princes of the Provinces being before him and he shewed the honour of his Excellent Majesty he advised concerning the misbehaviour of his Queen Vaschi with the wise men which knew the times for so was the Kings manner towards all that knew law and judgement and with the seven Princes of Persia and Media which saw the Kings face and sate the first in the Kingdome And those Officiary Dignities Honors and Privileges of the English Nobility were so consonant to the Law of Nations and the usage and customs of the Empire as in Anglia tam ante quam post Conquestore Wilhelmum Normannum Comites seu Graviones Justitiarii hisque cum ad privata quam publica judicia suis fuere in comitatibus and not only before but for sometimes after the Norman Invasion did under their Kings preside and govern the Justice of that County or Territory of which they were Earls and had allowed unto them the Tertium denarium Third penny or part of the fines and amerciaments and the customs and some other casual profits belonging to the Crown in their several Counties as our Selden a most universally learned and judious Lawyer hath in the Earldoms of Chester and Oxford observed and for some of the Ages succeeding the Norman atchievment have been Chief Justices of Englund as in the Reign of King Stephen Awbrey de Vere Earl of Guisnes Father of Awbrey de Vere the first Earl of Oxford Robert de Bellomont or Beaumont Earl of Leicester in the Reign of King Henry the 2d and Geoffrey Fitz-Peter Earl of Essex in the Reigns of King Richard the first and King John our Bracton acknowledging that our Earls and Nobility were upon occasions to attend upon the person of their Sovereign Prince calleth our Earls Comites a Comitando sive a Socieâ—ate from or by reason of their accompanying or attendance upon the person of the Prince saith dici possunt Consules Reges enim tales sibi associant ad consulendum and our Nation was not without its Local Count Palatines who had greater authorities and profits in their Counties and Jurisdictions than other Earls as those of Chester Lancaster Pembroke and the Palatineships belonging to the Bishopicks of Durham and Ely And Hoveden our old Annals and Selden that Monarch of Letters do tell us that King John die Coronationis suae accinxit Willielmuw Marescallum gladio Comitatus de Striguil
or the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England being by special privilege Visitor of all the Kings Chappels For the Kings Chappel and the Prelate of the Honourable Order of the Garter Dean and Sub-dean of the Chappel and all other Officers of that religious and excellently ordered Oratory being as a part of the Kings most Honorable Household when the extravagant and superaboundant power of the English Clergy by the Papal influency which had almost overspread and covered the Kingdome assisted many times by the Popes Italian or English Legates a latere such as were Ottobon and some Arch-bishops of Canterbury was in its Zenith or at the highest and sate as Jupiter the false God of the Heathens with his Triâ—â—lce or Thunder-bolts were not nor are at this day although the Doctrine and Rights therein are of no small importance to the Religion and Exercises thereof in the Kingdome subjected to the Visitation of any Bishops or Arch-bishops but of the King who as Sir Edward Coke also acknowledgeth is their only Ordinary And were heretofore so exempt from either the Popes or any Ecclesiastick Jurisdiction as King Johâ— did in the first year of his Raigne grant to Walter Biâ—starr for his service done Serjeantiam in Capella sua scilicet illâ—m quam Martinus de Capella tenuit tempere Henrici Regis patris sui praeterea medietatem Caparum Episcopalium Habendum tenendum de se Heredibus suis cum omnibus ad predictam Serjeantiam pertin the Serjeanty in his Chappel which Martin de Capella held in the time of his Father King Henry And also the Moiety of the Bishops Capes or Copes used therein to have and to hold together with the said Serjeanty of him and his Heirs And when all the Bishops of England which have been Chancellors or Keepers of the great Seal Chief Justices of England or Treasurer as some of them have been might understand that their more immediate service of the King brought them an accession of honour and were then in a threefold capacity First as the Servants and Ministers of the King Secondly as Bishops and Barons the duty whereof King Henry the 3 d. did so well understand as in the 48 th year of his Raigne travelling by Herefordshire into Wales and finding the Bishop of Hereford absent and many of that Clergy not resident he sent his Writ unto him commanding him to take more care of his Clergies residence and threatned otherwise to seize and take into his hands his Temporalties Et omnia quae ad Baroniam ipsius Ecclesiae pertinent and all other things which to the Barony of his Church or Bishoprick belonged And Thirdly as great Officers of Trust and State under him the later being so esteemed to be the worthiest as the Act of Parliament made in the 31 th year of the Raign of King Henry the 8 th how Lords in the Parliament should be placed did especially ordain that if a Bishop hapned to be the Kings Cheif Secretary he should sit and be placed above all other Bishops not having any the great Offices of State and Trust under the King in the said Act of Parliament mentioned and if the chief Secretary of the King were above the degree of a Baron he should sit and be placed above all other Barons being then and there present The Puisney Bishop attending in that high and honourable Court being by antient usage of that Court to pray every morning before the rest of that assembly during the Session of Parliament before they do proceed to any Consultations or business the other Bishops and the Arch-bishop of York who once contended with the Arch-bishop of Canterbury for the primacy taking it to be an honour to Officiate before the King or to be near him so as Edward Arch-bishop of York and Cuthbert Tunstall Bishop of Duresme being sent by King Henry the eight to signifie unto Queen Catherine the sentence of his divorce and they shortly after giving an accompt of her answer did in a joint Letter subscribe themselves Your Highnesses Obedient Subjects Servants and Chaplains and the Arch-bishop of Canterbury for the time being was by the Statutes or Orders of King Henry the eighth made at Eltham in the 17 th year of his Raigne ordered to be always or very often at Court and all the other Bishops aswell as the Arch-bishop believing themselves to be by sundry Obligations bound unto it are not seldome employed by our Kings in their several Diocesses and Jurisdictions as the Bishop of Durham and the Bishop of Ely and their Successors in their County Palatines and with the Arch-bishops and other Bishops are by the Kings appointment and Election to preach in his Chappel at Court in times of Solemn Festivals and Lent and in the Lord Chamberlaines Letter or Summons thereunto are required to be ready at the several times appointed to perform their service therein one of that antient and necessery order or Hirarchy being the Kings Almoner another the Deâ—n of his Chappel to govern and see good orders obsâ—rved therein the later whereof hath his lodgings in the Kings Courts or Pallace and untill the unhappy remitting of the Royal Pourveyance had his Beâ—che at Court or diet the Bishop of â—â—â—chester and his Successors to be Prelates of the 〈◊〉 another Clark of his Closset as the Bishop 〈◊〉 Oxford lately was to attend upon the King in the place where he sits in his Chappel or Oratory the presence of the Prince and an opportunity aâ—â—rare ejus purpuram to be often in their sight not by any Idolatreus worship but as the civil Law and usage of the Antients have interpreted it by an extraordinary reverence done to him by kneeling and touching the Hem or lower part of his purple or outward Garment and immediately after kissing his hand which was accounted saith Cuiâ—â—ius to be no small favour which the people and all the great men of the Eastern and Western Empires under their Emperors deemed to be a happiness as well as an honour as do the German Bishops Electors in their larger and more Princely Jurisdictions the Arch-bishop of Mente being Chanceller to the Empire for Germany and to have a priviledge to assist at the Coronation of the Emperors by puting the Crown upon his head the Arch-bishop of Cologne for Italy and the Arch-bishop of Tryers for France or rather for the Kingdome of Arles or Burgundy as well as to be Electors of the Emperors and their Successors So as our Laws which if a Bishop be riding upon his way will not enforce him to tarry and examine the ability of a Clark presented unto him though it may require hast and prevent a lapse or other inconvenience but his convenient leisure ought to be attended will allow an Earlâ— in respect of his dignity and the necessity of his attendance upon the King and the Weal Publick to make a Deputy Steward and gives our Nobility
many great and high priviledges as not to be examined in an action of debt upon account but their Attorneys are permitted to be examined upon Oath for them not to be amerced or taxed but by their Peers secundum modum delicti according to the nature of their offence Et hoc per Barones de Scaccario vel coram ipso Rege and in such cases before only the Barons of the Exchequer or before the King himself if a Parkership be granted to an Earl without words to make a deputy he may do it by his Servants if a Duke Earle or any other of the Baronage do chase or hunt in any of the Kings Parkes the law for conveniency and in respect of his dignity will permit him so many attendants as shall be requisite to the dignity of his estate are not to be summoned to a Court Leet or Shire Reeves Turn or take their Oathes of Allegiance as all other Males above the age of 12 are to do neither they nor their Wives are where they cast an Esseine to make Oath as those which are under the degree of Barons ought to do of the truth of the cause alledged for their Essoine but are only to find pledges and if upon that Essoine allowed a default be made at the day appointed amertiandi sunt Plegii the pledges but not the Earles or Barons are to be amerced are exempted by the Seatute of the 5 th of Eliz. cap. 1. from taking the Oath of Supremacy for that the Queen as that Statute saith was well assured of the Faith of the Temporal Lords shall have the benefit of their Clergy in all cases but Murder and Poysoning are not to be put to the Rack or tortured nor to suffer death even in cases of Treason by the shamefull death of Hanging Drawing and affixing their Heads and Quarters in some publick places or as at Naples they execute common persons for such most execrable offences by beheading them and putting their Heads upon the Market-place and hanging afterwards the naked Corps in some pubblick place by one of their Toes but are by the favour and warrant of the King only beheaded and their bodies with their heads laid by permitted to be decently buried Shall not be tryed by any Ecclesiastical Courts but per Pares by their Peers for Non-conformity to Common-Prayer shall have Chaplains according to their several degrees and limitations of number who may hold two Benefices with cure When the Sheriff of a County is commanded to raise the posse comitatus the power of a County he is not to command the personal service of the Baronage or Nobility a Baron or a Noble man is not to pray that a Coroner may receive his accusation or to prove and approve his accusation or appeal in every point or to be disabled for want thereof When the King by Writ of Summons to Parliament Scire Facias or his Letters missive shall send for any of the Arch-bishops Bishops Earls or Barons to appear before him or give their attendance they may in their going or returning kill a Deer or two in any of his Forrests Chases and Parkes and carry them away a Capias ad satisfaciend lieth not against a Peer or Baron of England a Baron shall not be impannelled of a common Jury although it be for the service of the Country no Attachment for a contempt in not appearing or answering in Chancery lyeth against them their Lands parcel of their Earldoms Baronies or Honors being not to be contributary to the wages of Knights of the Shire or County wherein those Lands do lie are in cases of Felony or Treason to be tryed only by their Peers and their Wives are by a Statute made in the 20 th year of King Henry the 6 th to enjoy the like priviledge upon the Surety of the Peace prayed against a Baron he is not to be arrested by warrant from a Justice and upon a Supplicavit out of the Chancery shall give no surety but promise only upon his Honor A Defendant shall not have a day of Grace given him against a Lord of Parliament because he is supposed to attend the affairs of the publick a Baron shall not answer upon Oath to a Bill in Chancery or Equity but upon protestation of Honor nor in a verdict upon a Tryal by Peers for saith Crompton the Law makes so much account of the word of a Peer of the Realm when he speaks upon his honor though it be in Case or upon Tryal for life as it shall be believed a Baron shall not have a writ of Subpaena directed unto him but a Letter under the Hand and Seal of the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England is not to be arrested or outlawed for Debt or any other personal action not criminal there being two Reasons saith our Law why the person of a Lord should not be arrested or outlawed for Debt or Trespass the one in respect of his dignity and the other in respect that the law presumes that they have sufficient lands and tenements by which they may be distreined in the Long Writ called the Prerogative Writ issuing out of the Exchequer to distreine the lands and goods of the Kings debtors or in default thereof to attach their bodies there is an express exception of Magnatum dominorum dominarum of the Nobility and their Ladies and the Office of Count or Earl was of great trust and confidence for two purposes the first ad consulendum Regi tempore pacis to councel assist and advise the King for the Weale publick in time of peace and the second ad defendendum Regem patriam tempore belli to defend their King and Country in time of War and by their power prowess and valour guard the Realm both which are the proper business of the Barons and the other Nobility as well as the Earls and in action of Debt Detinue or Trespass or in any other action reall or personal brought or commenced for or against any of the Nobility two Knights shall be impannelled on the Jury with other men of worth and by a late necessary and honorable care of the late Lord Chancellor and Master of the Rolls no Original Writ against any of the Nobility in a subsequent Term is permitted to be antedated or to take benefit of a precedent as is now commonly used against such as are not of the Peerage or Nobility Mr. Selden giving us the Rule that tenere de Rege in Capite per Baroniam to hold of the King in Capite and to have lands holden by Barony and to be a Baron are one and the same thing and Synonymies and not a few of our antient Writers and Memorialls have understood the word Baronia to signifie an Earldom or the lands appertaining thereunto which may make it to be more then conjectural that it
of our Kings and Princes CHAP XVIII That many of the People of England by the grace and favour of our Kings and Princes or a long permission usage or prescription do enjoy and make use of very many immunities exemptions and priviledges which have not had so great a cause or foundation as those which are now claimed by the Kings Servants ANd do and may more inconvenience such part of the People which have them not than the little trouble of asking leave or licence to sue or prosecute at Law any of the Kings Servants as the freedom of Copy-hold Estates not long ago three parts in four of all the Lands in England but now by the making and enfranchising of too many Freeholders reduced to less than a fourth part from extents or the incumbrances of Judgments Statutes or Recognizances Not to permit upon any one Creditors Judgment any more than the Moiety of Free-hold Lands to be extended that old part of our English mercy to Men impoverished or indebted which to this day and many hundred years before hath been constantly observed nor to seize or take in Execution unless for want of other Goods and Chattels the Beasts and Cattel of their Ploughs and Carts derived unto us from the law of Nature or Nations or the providence and compassion of Nebuzar-adan the chief Marshal or Captain of the Army of Nebuchadrezzar King of Babylon who when he had taken and destroyed Jerusalem and carried away captive to Babylon many of the people of Judah and Jerusalem left certain of the poor of the Land for Vinedressers and for Husbandmen and from the reason equity and moderation of the Civil Law Or when the Laws or reasonable Customs of England will not permit a Horse to be destrained when a Man or Woman is riding upon him an Ax in a Mans hand cutting of Wood the Materials in a Weavers Shop Garments or Cloth in a Taylors Shop Stock of Corn or Meal in a Mill or Market or Books of a Schollar the many and great Franchises Liberties Exemptions and Priviledges some whereof have been already mentioned of about six hundred Abbies and Priories the many Liberties and Franchises in every County and Shire of England and Wales which if no more than five in every County one with another would make a total of more than two hundred and fifty and if ten amount to the number of five hundred besides those of above six hundred Cities and Corporations which are not without great Priviledges Immunities Exemptions and Liberties which do occasion more trouble and loss of time by sueing out of Writs of Non omsttas propter aliquam libertatem to give power to the Sheriffs to Arrest within those Liberties than the attendance upon a a Lord Chamberlain or other great Officer of the Kings Houshold to obtain leave to Arrest any of the Kings Servants would bring upon them those many thousand Mannors to which are granted Court-Leets and Court-Barons with their many other Liberties and Franchises little Judicatories Sace and Soke authority and a Coercive power over their Tenants Free and Copy-hold and Free Warren granted to many of those Lords of Mannors whose Hunting and Hawking brings many times no small prejudice to their Neighbors or Tenants the Franchises Liberties and priviledges of the City of London given or permitted by our Kings that no Citizen shall be compelled to Plead or be Sued or Prosecuted at Law out of the Walls of their City and their Prohibitions by Acts of Common Council which do prohibit Freemen upon great Penalties which have been severely inflicted to Sue one another out of the City when they may have their recovery in their own Courts and every Freeman bound thereunto by Oath at their admission to their Freedom their priviledge of Lestage to be Toll-free of all which they buy or sell in any Market or Fair of the Kingdom are not to be constrained to go to War out of the City or farther than from whence they may return at Night that none but such as are free of the City shall Work or Trade within it or the large extended Liberties within the circumference thereof That of the City of Norwich to have the like Liberties as London the Liberties of the City of Canterbury City of Winchester and Towns of Southampton and Derby not to be impleaded out of their Cities or Corporations That of the Hospitallers and Knight-Templers and many others saith Bracton not to be impleadid but before the King or his Chief Justice That of the University of Oxford That no Schollar Servant or Officer to any Colledge or Hall in the Vniversity or to the said Vniversity belonging shall be Arrested within the City or the Verge or Circumference thereof extending from the said University and Town of Oxford Ab orientali parte ejusdem Villae usque ad Hospitalem sancti Bartholomei juxta Oxon ab occidentali parte ejusdem Villae usque ad Villam de Botelye a parte Boreali ejusdem Villae usque ad pontem vocat Godstow Bridge ab australi parte ejusdem Ville usque ad quendam Boscâ—m vocat Bagley sic in circuitu per Loca praedicta quemlibet locum eorundem in perpetuum From the East part of the said Town unto the Hospital of St. Bartholomew near Oxford and from the West part of the said Town to the Village of Botely and from the North part of the said Town of Oxford to Godstow Bridge and from the South part of the said Town of Oxford to a certain Wood called Bagley and in the circumference of the said City and University extending unto all the Places aforesaid and every of the said Places for ever but by Process or Mandate of the Chancellor of the University of Oxford or if prosecuted or impleaded in the High Court of Chancery or in the Court of Kings-Bench where the Party prosecuting hath been a Sub-Marshal of the said Court and a Commissary of the Chancellor of that University hath been Indicted forbeating of him or in any of the other Courts of Justice at Westminster or any other Court of the Kingdom do by their Certificate under their half Seal as it is called that the Defendant is a Schollar or belonging to the Vniversity or some Hall or Colledge therein demand and obtain Cognizance of the Action which with other of that famous Universities Priviledges were in the thirteenth Year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth confirmed by Act of Parliament that of the University of Cambridge being not without those or the like franchises priviledges and immunities against which or many more of the like nature which might be here recited there ought not to be any murmure or repining as there never was or but seldom or very little by alledging any prejudice loss or inconveniences which some have sustained thereby or may happen to particular Men by any of those or the like Franchises Immunities or Priviledges which
same time consider the damage which our Kings have suffered by their Grants to divers Abbeys as amongst others unto the Abbey of St. Edmonds-Bury in Suffolk which in a Plea betwixt that Abbot and the Bishop of Ely and his Steward in the sixth Year of the Reign of King Richard the First appeared by the Charters of King Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror and King Henry the First to be in general words all the Liberties which any King of England might grant the very large Priviledges of Common of Pasture and Estovers the later of which hath spoiled much of the Timber of the Kingdom in many vast Forrests and Chases their many deafforrestations and that of three Hundreds at once in the County of Essex at the Request and Petition of an Earl of Oxford their taking their Customs and Duties upon Merchandize Exported or Imported at small and priviledged Rates and manner of payment of Tonnage and Poundage and by the granting away of so many Franchises Exemptions Priviledges view of Frank Pleg and Liberties which the Commons in Parliament in the one and twentieth Year of the Reign of King Edward the Third thought to be so over-largely granted as they complained That almost all the Land was Enfranchised and Petitioned That no Franchise-Royal Land Fee or Advowson which belong or are annexed to the Crown be given or severed from it And so very many more Immunities Franchises and Priviledges which since have been indulged and granted to very many of the People which like the dew of the heavenly Manna which so plentifully covered the Camp of the Children of Israel and lay round about them have blessed many of the English Nation and their after Generations as the dew of Hermon and that which descended upon the Mountains of Zion And so many were those exemptions customs prescriptions and immunities Quae longi temporis usu recepta quaeque ratio vel necessitas suaserit introducenda rata stabilita fuerinâ— quasi tanto tempore principis consensu Judâ—cioque probata Which by a long accustomed use introduced by reason or necessity as the Learned Baldus saith concerning those which by the Civil Law and the Law of Nations have as approved by the consent and Judgment of the Prince been ratified and permitted as they would if faithfully and diligently collected as my worthy Friend Mr. Tho. Blount hath done very many of them in his Learned and laborious Nomo Lexicon not onely put Posterity in mind how very many and almost innumerable they are and how much they ought to be thankful for them but that their Forefathers did without any the least doubt or scruple believe that the Kings and Princes which granted them had power enough to do it And ought not to have their ways or passages stopped or blocked up by those Opinions of Sir Edward Coke and the rest of the Judges in contradiction of the late Learned Doctor Bancroft Arch-bishop of Canterbury in the case of Prohibitions argued and debated before King James and his Privy Council and Council Learned in the Law in Michaelmas Term in the fifth Year of his Reign that Rex non Judicat in Camera sed in Curia the King is to decide and determine the Causes and Controversies of his Subjects in his assigned and Commissionated Courts of Justice but not out of them or in his Palace Court or Chamber nor take any Cause out of his Courts and give Judgment upon it and that no King after the Conquâ—st ever assumed to himself to give Judgment in any Cause whatsoever which concerned the administration of Justice within the Realm and that the King cannot delay Justice or Arrest any Man neither Arrest any Man for suspicion of Treason or Felony as other of His Lieges may Wherein the Men of new Notions who in the Itch and Hope of Gain or the good will and applause of a Factious Party can like the after hated Ephori of Sparta upon all occasions oppose the Kings legal Rights and Prerogatives and thinking to satisfie others as well as themselves in making ill-warranted matters of Fact the Directors or Comptrollers of the Law may suspend their adoration of those Errors in that so called twelfth Report of Sir Edward Coke which being published since his Death have not that candor or fair dealing of Plowden's Commentaries or the Reports of the Lord Dyer or many other of his own Reports but concealing the Arguments and Reasons urged by the Opponents doth onely give us a Summary of his own and the other Judges Opinions which we hope may vanish into a mistake and meet with no better entertainment from those Reverend Judges and Sages of the Law if they were now in the Land of the Living to revise and examine those Opinions so Dogmatically delivered then a Retractation or Wish that they had never seen the Light or walked in the view of the Vulgar and advise those who would gladly make them the Patroni of so many ill Consequences as either have or may follow upon such Doctrines to build upon better Foundations and not to adhere so much unto them or any others though they should be willing to seem to be as wise therein as Socrates or Plato but rather subscribe to the Truth CHAP. XX. That the power and care of Justice and ihe distribution thereof is and hath been so essential and radical to Monarchy and the Constitution of this Kingdom as our Kings of England have as well before as since the Conquest taken into their Cognizance divers Causes which their established Courts either could not remedy or wanted power to determine have remoued them from other Courts to their own Tribunals and propria authoritate caused Offenders for Treason or Felony to be Arrested and may upon just and legal occasions respite or delay Justice WHen the King is Author omnis Jurisdictionis the Author of all Jurisdiction which is the specifica forma virtus essentialis Regis qua se nequit abdicare quamdiu Rex est neque vis illa summae ditionis potestatis Regiae dignitate citra pernitiâ—m ejus interitum separari distrahique potest Speciâ—ick form and essence of Kingly Majesty which the King cannot alienate or depart from as long as he is King nor may that Jurisdiction or supream Power be severed from the Regal Dignity without the ruine or destruction of the King as Mr. Adam Blackwood a Scotchman hath very well declared in his Book against Buchanan his Learned more than Loyal Countrey-man concerning the Magistracy Lords of Sessions and Judges in Scotland That all Judges and Magistrates Ne in Civilibus quidem causis nullam nisi munere beneficioque Regis sententiae dicendae nullam Juris judiciorum potestatem habent derived even in Civil Causes all their power and authority from the Kings Authority and without it had no power to give a Sentence or Judgment quicquid enim Magistratuum est quicquid judicium
the Reign of King Henry the Second when Thomas Becket the stubborn Archbishop of Canterbury having Judgement ready to be given against him by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in that Parliament or Great Council upon the Complaint of John Marshal for Injustice done unto him by the said Archbishop and his Defence heard Rex exigit Judicium The King demanded Judgement to be given against him But the Earls Barons and Bishops delaying of it and contending who as it hath been said in other cases should hang the Bell about the Cats Neck and begin the Vote or Sentence Rex hac audita de pronunciando Controversia motus est the King hearing the Controversie who should begin the Vote was displeased whereupon Henry de Blois Bishop of Winchester impositus dâ—cere tandem invitus pronunciavit being put to it to give his Vote did at length begin it In the second year of the Reign of King John that great Suit touching a Barony which William of Mowbray claimed against William of Stutuile which had depended from the Reign of King Henry the Second is said to have bin ended Consilio Regni voluntate Regis by the Kings Will and Advice of Parliament In the One and twentieth year of the Reign of King Henry the Third a Complaint being made to the King that Jordan Coventry one of the Sheriffs of London having by the Order of the Mayor and Aldermen of London arrested and taken divers persons that were offenders in Annoying the River of Thames with Kiddels upon Complaint made to the King he sent for the Mayor and Citizens and upon hearing of the Matter confirmed the Cities Jurisdiction convicted the Complainants Amerced every of them at Ten Pounds and adjudged the Amerciaments to the City In the Thirty eighth year of that Kings Reign upon a Quarrel betwixt some young men of that City and some of the Kings Servants the Londoners being despitefully used by them fell upon them and did beat them shrewdly who thereupon complaining to the King he Fined the Citizens to pay One thousand Marks In the one and fortieth year of his Reign being in the year 1256. he sate in the Court of Exchequer in Westminster Hall where he did make Orders for the Appearance of the Sheriffs and bringing in of their Accompts and Fined the Mayor Aldermen and Sheriffs of London for Oppression and Wrongs done by them who submitted themselves in that place to the King And if so and the Records and Memorials as well of the Court of Exchequer as of that City do speak it there can be nothing within the pale or verge of Reason or the fancy or imagination of any whose Intellectuals are not in a Lethargy to make it either possible or rational that the King himself had not then and there the Preheminence or Courtesie afforded him to give or pronounce the Order or Judgments or that the Soveraignty as the Law in more inferior matters betwixt party and party amongst private persons doth sometimes adjudge it should be at that instant or part of time in abeiance or suspence and operate nothing or that the Barons of the Exchequer could at that Time by intendment of Law be supposed to represent the King when he was personally present it being by the Law of Nations a constant usage and custom settled and approved in the most parts of Christendom that the Governors of Cities and Forts do at the coming and personal Presence of their Soveraign deliver unto him upon their knees the Keys thereof and in all obedienee and humility receive them and their Authority again upon their departure and re-delivery And it is not yet gone out of the memory of man that Sir William Cokain Knight Lord Mayor of London when King James in a Great Solemnity came to St. Pauls Church did at Temple-Bar deliver upon his knees unto him the Keyes and Sword of the City and carried a Mace before him Or that it would not be Contrarium in objecto a Parcel of Contradictions that Esse at one and the same instant of Time can be a non esse idem non idem ibi non ibi the King should be understood not to be there when he was there and to be there onely virtually and in power and not present when he was there in his Person as well as in his Power Or that He should sit and be there onely as an Auditor or Spectator Or as Sir Edward Coke said concerning King James his personally sitting in the Court of Star-Chamber to consult but not in Judicio in Judgement when the Law and the Reason of the Law and the Fact and the Records and Memorials thereof do give so full an evidence against that Pseudo Doctrine and ill-grounded Opinion which the Learned Lawyers and Judges in the Reign of King Henry the Third did so little believe As Bracton discoursing where Actions Criminal by the Laws and Customs as well before his Time as in the Reign of King Henry the Third were to be heard and adjudged expresly concludeth with a Sciendum est quod in Curia Domini Regis debent terminari cum sit ibi poena corporalis infligenda hoc coram ipso rege si tangat personam suam sicut Crimen laesae Majestatis vel coram Justiciariis ad hoc specialiter assignatis si tangat personas privatas It is to be known or certain that Actions Criminal ought to be tryed in the Kings Court and that before the King himself if as in cases of Treason they concern the Person of the King because there is a corporal punishment to be inflicted or before Justices specially thereunto assigned if they concern private persons And gives the reason vita vero membrum hominum sunt in manu Domini Regis vel ad tuitionem vel ad paenam cum deliquerint for the lives and members of all the Kings Subjects are in the hand of the King either to defend or punish Habet enim plures Curias in quibus diversae actiones terminantur illarum Curiarum habet unam propriam sicut Aulam Regiam Justiciarios Capitales qui proprias causas Regis terminant aliorum omnium per quaerelam vel per privilegium sive libertatem ut si sit aliquis qui implacitari non debeat nisi coram ipso Domino Rege for he hath many Courts in which divers Actions are to be tryed And of those Courts hath one of his own as that of the Kings Palace and hath Chief Justices who are to hear and determine the proper Causes of the King and of all others upon complaint or by reason of priviledge or liberty as where a man sued or prosecuted ought not to be impleaded but before the King For in vain were many since the Conquest exempted by Priviledge not to be tryed before any but the King himself if our Kings did never use nor could in person hear and determine
such Causes as all the Kings and Princes of the civilized Part of the World have used to do And of small or no force or avail would be that Clause in our Magna Charta so hardly obtained by our Fore-fathers that the King Nulli negaret Justitiam vel Rectum should not deny Justice or Right unto any who demanded it and little deserving to be called or thought a Liberty if it were not within the reach of his Power and it would be a kind of Injustice to oblige or require him to do that which he could not Which the Reverend Judges and Sages of the Law in the eighteenth year of the Reign of King Edward the First were so unwilling to interpret to be out of his Power As when John Bishop of Winchester having granted unto him free Chace in all the Demesn Lands and Woods of the Prior and Covent of St. Swithen in Winchester and their Successors and being in the Kings Service in the Parts beyond the Seas and having his Protection for all his Lands Goods and Estate brought his Action wherein he did set forth the Kings Protection and his being as aforesaid in his Service against Henry Huse Constable of the Kings Castle at Portcester for that he had hunted in his aforesaid Chace and Liberty in contempt of the King and contrary to his aforesaid Protection whilest he was in his Service as aforesaid To which the said Henry Huse pleading that what he had done was lawful for him to do by reason of a Privilege belonging unto his said Place or Office of Constable of the Castle aforesaid and Issue being joyned thereupon the Court stayed it and delivered their Opinion That no Jury ought to be impannelled nor any Inquisition taken thereupon in regard that Inquisitio ista Domino Rege inconsulto tam propter Cartam ipsius Domini Regis porrectam quam nemo per inquisitionem patrie vel alio modo judicare debet nisi solus Dominus Rex quam ratione Ballivae predict ' que est ipsius Domini Regis ad quam predictus Hâ—nricus dicit libertatem predictam pertinere that such an Issue or Inquiry ought not to be the King not consulted or made acquainted therewith as well in respect of his Charter produced which none but the King by any Jury or Trial ought to Judge as in regard of the Liberty alledged by the said Henry to be belonging to the King Et dictum est partibus quod sequantur versus Dominum Regem quod precipiat procedere ad predict ' inquisitionem capiend ' si voluerit vel quod alio modo faciat voluntatem suam in loquela predict And the Parties were therefore ordered to attend and petition the King to command the Judges if he please that they proceed in the said Action or by some other way declare his Will and Pleasure concerning the said Action and is a good direction for Subjects to ask leave of the King before they Arrest or any way endeavor to infringe the Priviledge of his Servants In the twentieth year of the Reign of that King in a Case in the Court of Common-Pleas where William de Everois being Demandant had complained to the King that the Judges of that Court did delay to give Judgement and the Judges acknowledging that he had been long delay'd in regard that the said William required Seisin to be delivered unto him by a Contract made in the time of War which he denied Dictum est prefatis Justic ' quod ad judicium procedant prout facere consueverunt Et faciend ' est de seisina contractibus factis in tempore partes Guerre the King ordered the Judges that they should proceed to Judgement as they used to do and make an Order concerning the Seisin and Contracts had between the parties thereunto in the time of the War In the same year a Complaint being made to the King that Sir John Lovel Knight being Plaintiff before the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas in a Writ which had long depended and was made in an unusual Form of the Chancery and the Defendant in the beginning of the Plea before Thomas of Weyland and his Associates the Justices of the said Court had put in his Plea of Abatement and Exceptions to the said Writ and prayed that it might be Entred upon the Rolls and Recorded which afterwards could not be found but in regard that Elias de Beckingham one of the Judges remembred the said Plea to whose onely memory a greater Credit is to be given than to the Rolls of the said Thomas of Weyland who with the rest of his Fellow Judges except the said Elias of Beckingham were formerly Fined and punished for other Misdemeanors Et idem Elias semper fideliâ— extiterit in servicio Regis fideliter se gesserit and the said Elias was always faithful and in the Service of the King did well behave himself And all the then Judges did agree that if a Writ of that Form should be brought unto them and pleaded in Abatement they would immediately quash it And for that non est Juri consonum quod per maliciam predict Thome sociorum suorum sibi adherentium qui Exceptiones Tenentis admittere noluerunt cum ipsum proposuerit tempore Competenti non allocaverunt per prout prefatum Eliam recordatum est It is not agreeable to Law that by the malice of the aforesaid Thomas and his Fellow Judges confederating with him who would not admit or allow of the Tenants Exceptions when it was in due time pleaded as by the said Elias was witnessed Dictum est Justic ' quod procedant ad Judicium super exceptione Tenentis prout fuerit faciend ' ac si in Recordo inveniretur The Judges were ordered to proceed to Judgment upon the Tenants Exception as it ought to be done if it had been recorded In the year next following William de Mere Sub-Escheator of the King in the County of Stafford and Reginaldus de Legh who was one of the sworn Justices of the King having an Information brought against them before the King and his Council the Justices of the Court of Kings-Bench for that after the death of Jeffery de Howâ—l who held Lands of Ralph Basset by Knight-service and the death of the said Ralph who had seized all the Lands of the said Jeffery and had in his life time the custody and marriage of William the son of Jeffery and dying seized of Lands holden of the King in Capite and of the custody of the said William and the Heir of the said Ralph being likewise under age and with the Lands of the said Ralph seized by the said Sub-Escheator he suffered the Heir of the said Jeffery without the Kings Writ to enter upon the Lands of the said Jeffery And the said Reginald de Legh by fraud and collusion betwixt him and the said Sub-Escheator took away the Heir of the said Jeffery and
married him To which Information the Sub-Escheator pleading that he did not seize the Lands which he that followed the Suit for the King proved that he did and Reginald de Legh pleading that the said Ralph before his death upon view of the said Wards Writings and Evidences finding that he had no Right thereto did acquit and release it and that the like appearing to the said Reginald by the sight of the said Writings he did satisfie and agree with the Friends of the said Ward for the said Marriage but confessed that he did take notice that the Sub-Escheator had seized the said Lands but the said Sub-Escheator perceiving that the King had no Right thereunto did relinquish it to the Friends of the said Heir And as well the said Reginald as the said Sub-Escheator petunt dicunt quod si videatur consilio Domini Regis quod in aliquo deliquerunt quod Dominus Rex suam inde faciat voluntatem did petition and pray that if it should appear to the Court that they had offended in any thing the King might do his Will and Pleasure therein a Modesty and Submission too little used now of later Times whereupon the Court declaring Quod potius pertineat Ministris Domini Regis maxime Justiciariis suis Statum Domini Regis jura Haeredis in custodia ipsius Regis Existentium manu tenere quam in aliquo infringere That it belong'd rather to the Ministers and Officers of the King more especially his Justices to maintain his Estate and the Rights of the Heir within his custody than in any thing to infringe them did adjudg that the said Reginald and Sub-Escheator should be sent prisoners to the Tower there to remain during the Kings pleasure and that the said Reginald should satisfie the King for the Marriage of the said Heir and the said Lands should remain in the Kings hands with a Salvo Jure saving of the Right of all Pretenders thereunto In the three and thirtieth year of the Reign of the aforesaid King upon the Petition in Parliament of Ranulph the Son of Hugh le Mareshal that whereas he was Demandant by a Writ of Entry against the Rector of Ashrugg for a Messuage and divers Lands and he alledged that he could not answer without the King It was answered Rex vult quod respondeatur quod Justiciarii procedant sed certificent Regem super hoc ante redditionem Judicii c. The King willeth that the Tenant do answer the Demandant and that the Justices do proceed but certifie the King thereof before they give Judgement And if then and ever since our Kings have had a Super-intending decision and confirming Power of Judgement in matters of Justice and that without it nothing can by our Laws and reasonable Customs be done in Parliament the highest of all their Courts where the King is as it were the Ens Potentiale and is no less than the Constituent Principle and Soul that animates all their Sanctions where the Laws and Judgements receiving life and vigor from Him and have their Energy do not seldom appear to have been made with Rex voluit the King willeth Rex providit the King provideth Rex mandavit the King commandeth Rex statuit the King appointeth Rex ordinavit the King ordaineth c. all the Courts of Justice and Equity in Westminster Hall and all the Inferior Courts of Justice will not be able to produce if Prescriptions could avail against the Kings Rights and Means of Government any Prescription or any Law Custom or Allowance to exempt them from the Kings Supream Jurisdiction whose Royal Ancestors and Predecessors did heretofore upon all extraordinary occasions so much praeside and intermeddle in their Courts of Justice as Fleta an Author of good account who as hath been before mentioned did about the later end of the Reign of King Edward the Second or the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the Third write his Book of the Laws of England and Customs of Courts at that time used doth declare the usage then to be That when the King in his Progress or Removal from his Palace at Westminster to any other County or Place to reside for a time as our Kings did heretofore often use to do and was in any other County the Steward of his Houshold as Deputy to the Chief Justice issued forth his Writ to the Sheriff of the Place or County where the King was to reside to cause to come before him at a certain day wheresoever the King should be in his Bailywick all Assizes of Novel Disseisin Mort d'Auncester last Presentations Grand Assizes all Juries Inquisitions and Attaints Pleas of Dower and which were summoned to be determined before the Kings Justices at the first Assizes when they should come into those Parts And all Pleas Juries Inquisitions and Attaints assigned to be heard before the said Justices but were not determined giving the parties a day to prosecute if they pleased and likewise to come before them at a day prefixed And to cause to be brought before them all Prisoners Bails and all Attachments which appertain to the Goal-Delivery quod quidem mandatum frequentur retro trahitur per ejusdem Senescalli mandatum Which Tryals might notwithstanding saith Fleta be recalled by the Stewards Mandate which would necessarily produce some delay of Justice or disturbance of the Peoples affairs or expectations Eo quod Rex forte novis emersis propositum suum mutaverat in regard that the King upon some new Emergencies had altered his minde or purpose But if the King did not decline or forbear his intended Progress then was holden the Goal-Delivery by the Steward And all Duels or Tryals by Battels Appeals and all criminal Matters were determined by him with what conveniency he might and afterwards all Causes concerning Trespasses done within the Verge and after that the Assizes and Juries Obligations and Contracts wherein the Debtors had of their own accord bound themselves to be tryed before the Steward and Marshall of the Kings House placita autem quae ibidem terminari non poterint de Comitatu in Comitatum die in diem poterit adjornare vel in Banco vel ad primas Assisas vel alibi secundum quod fuerit faciend ' donec fuerunt omnia terminata but those Pleas which could not be there determined were to be adjourned from day to day or County to County or to the Common-Bench or unto the first Assizes or elsewhere as it should be thought meet until all were rightly determined Et haec omnia ex Officio suo licite poterit facere non obstante alicujus libertate And all this he might by his Office lawfully do notwithstanding any mans liberty And surely such a Super-intendency of the Soveraign was as much allowed to be Law as Reason in the nineteenth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth when upon an Affray in London for rescuing a Soldier a
Prisoner in Newgate as he was leading by an Officer towards Guyhald by five persons and carrying him by force into the Sanctuary or Priviledge-place of St. Martins le Grand the Kings Free-Chappel being a Liberty of the Dean and Chapter and the Sheriffs of London having the same day taken out of the same Church of St. Martins the five men who rescued him and led them fettered to the Compter and thence chained by the Neck to Newgate complaint thereof being made to the King by the said Dean and Chapter for the violation of their Priviledges he sent his Writ to the Mayor and Sheriffs reciting that from a long time beyond the memory of man fugientes ad Capellam predictam pro immunitate ejusdem habend ' seu in eadem ex quocunque causa existentes residentes quieti fuerint Immunes sic esse debuerint debent ab omni Jurisdictione Arrestatione Impedimento sive Attachamento Majoris Vicecomitum Civitatis praedicta aut Officiariorum seu Ministrorum suorum quorumcunque pro tempore existentium those that fled to the Chappel aforesaid to enjoy the Priviledge thereof or being therein resident upon any cause or occasion whatsoever have used and ought to be quiet and free from the Jurisdiction Arrests Impediments or Attachments of the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City aforesaid or any their Officers or Ministers whatsoever for the time being and that notwithstanding the said Sheriffs had to the prejudice and detriment of the Churches Liberties and derogation of His Crown and Royal Dignity violently taken from thence John Knight John Reede Thomas Blackbourn William Janiver and Richard Moreys and committed them to Prison wherefore the King to preserve inviolably the said Rights Customs Immunities Liberties and Priviledges prout vinculo Juramenti in Coronatione astringitur as he is thereunto bound by his Coronation Oath enjoyned them that immediately after the Receipt of that Writ they should restore and deliver to the said Dean and Chapter or their Commissary the said Prisoners tam corpore quam bonis sicut eos prefati Vice-comites a Capella predicta abstraxerunt in their bodies and goods as the said Sheriffs took them from the said Chappel as aforesaid so as the said Dean and Chapter in eorum culpam seu defectum causam non habent sibi iterum conquerendi Et hoc sub Fide Ligeancia quibus teneantur nullatenus omittant by their default or neglect may have no more cause to complain again to the King And this under the Faith and Allegiance which they did owe unto him they were not to fail to perform Which Writ being by the Kings Command sent and delivered by John Earl of Huntington the said Sheriffs yet notwithstanding detained them in prison of which the King being informed ore tenus precepit he did by word of mouth command John Bishop of Bath his Chancellor and Ralph Lord Cromwel his Treasurer that they should go to the said St. Martins and upon Examination of the Parties hearing of Councel on both sides and due consideration of their several Charters Customs and Evidences certifie him what by Law was to be done therein who thereupon taking unto them John Hody and Richard Newton Chief Justices of both the Benches called before them the said Dean and Chapter Mayor and Sheriffs and heard both sides who gave to them in writing as well what could be alledged for the said Priviledges as against it which being duly understood by the said Chancellor Treasurer and Justices it was adjudged by the said Chancellor and Treasurer by the advice of the said Justices Quod personae predictae a Capella praedicta violenter abstractae restitui debeant ad â—andem tanquam ad locum plenaria libertate tam de Jure quam consuetudine gaudere debentem non de Civitate praedicta nec Majoris Vicecomitum Aldermannorum auâ— Officiariorum ejusdem Jurisdictioni seu districtioni Subject ' sed eisdem Immunitatibus Privilegiis Libertatibus quae Westmonasterium Beverly aut alius loâ—us privilegiatus in Anglia meliores â—abet tam de Jure quam consuetudine pro se precinctu ejusdem ad tuend ' quascunque personas pro quibuscunque causis Criminalibus sive Civilibus illuc confugientes gaudere debentem That the persons aforesaid violently drawn out of the Chappel aforesaid ought to be restored to the same place which of right and custom ought to enjoy their full Liberty and not to be subject to the Jurisdiction or Distrsss of the City aforesaid or the Mayor Sheriffs Aldermen or Officers of the same but to enjoy the said Immunities Priviledges and Liberties as Westminster Bevâ—rley or any other priviledged Place in England of right and custom ought to enjoy for them and their Precincts most largely had to protect and defend any persons flying thither for any causes Criminal or Civil And thereupon the King being informed of their Proceedings and what they found therein commanded his Chancellor that by his Writ directed to the Sheriffs of London that they should bring before him in his Chancery the Bodies of the said Prisoners taken out of the Chappel as aforesaid with the cause of their taking and detention who being brought by the Kings Command into his Chancery by the said Sheriffs they did there by the advice and consent of the Duke of Gloucester and of others of the Kings Council and by Order of the said Court discharge the said Prisoners who were there in the presence of the Sheriffs Recorder and Council of the said City ad hoc evocatorum Thome Collegge servienti Domini Regis ad arma personaliter liberati ibidem ad effectum quod idem serviens dictos Prisonarios eorum quemlibeâ—â—usque dictam Capellam Sanctuarium salvo secure adduceret eos ibidem de mandato Regio praefato Decano sive ejus Deputatis liberaret ibidem juxta libertates privilegiâ— immunitates predicta in Sanctuario predicto quam diu eis placeret moraturos thereunto especially called personally deliver'd unto Thomas Collegge the Kings Serjeant at Arms to the end that he might safely and securely bring the Prisoners to the said Chappel and Sanctuary and there by the Kings Command deliver them to the said Dean or their Deputies there to remain as long as they pleased according to the Liberties Priviledges and Immunities aforesaid which was done by the said Serjeant at Arms and a Certificate made by him to the said Chancellor Treasurer and Court of Chancery accordingly And he must be altogether composed of or addicted to Scruples and Doubts wherein he never desires to be satisfied and fit to sayl to Anticyra in pursuit of Hellebore who shall against so clear a Light and Evidence bestow his time and labours to vindicate and under-prop so manifest and notorious Errors or that shall deny the King a Judicial Power in His Courts of Justice and High Court of Chancery whence do almost daily issue his Writs remediall
under His Seal and Teste Me Ipso directed to all His Courts of Justice And are as Bracton saith Formata ad similitudinem Regulae Juris framed by and according to the Rules of Law whiâ—h warranting many of the Proceeding thereof are in the Assize betwixt Wimbish and the Lord Willoughby in Trinity Term in the sixth year of the Reign of King Edward the Sixth said and not denyed to be Law and the Act of the King but not of the Chancellor So as they who shall endeavour to impose upon other men that the King is not by Law presumed to be present in his Court of Kings Bench where the Records do mention the Judgements given therein to be coram Rege before the King as if he were personally present with the Judges of that Court who are assigned to assist Him may as to the Kings Power in matters of Justice and over the Judges and Courts delegated by Him do well to seek a reason which is justly to be feared will never be found why it should be Law or Reason for King Alfred in the discords or ignorance of his Subordinate Judges in the distribution of Justice to hear and determine the Causes Himself or for King Canutus long after to judge the Causes of such as complained unto him when our Bracton doth not at all doubt of it when he saith that the Judges nullam habent Authoritatem sed ab alio i. e. Rege sibi Commissam cum ipse qui delegat non sufficiat per se omnes Causas sive Jurisdictiones terminare they have no Authority but what they are intrusted with by the King who granted it when as he who delegated them is not able or sufficient by himself to hear aad determine all Causes in every Jurisdiction unto which our Register of Writs that Pharmacopeia Director and Magazine of Medicines and Remedies for many a Disease in the Estates and Affairs of the People which Justice Fitz Herbert in his Preface to his Book De Natura Brevium of the Nature of Writs calleth The Principles of the Law and the Foundation whereupon it dependeth and in Plowdens Commentaries is as to many things truly said to be the Foundation of our Laws and so Authentique as Brown Justice in the Case betwixt Willon and the Lord Barkley in the third year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth declared that all Writs were to pursue the Forms in the Register and it was enough to alledge so is the Register will easily assent and all our Books of the Law all the Practice and Usage of our Courts of Justice all our Records Close and Patent Rolls and our Kings hearing and determining of Differences betwixt the Common Law and Ecclesiastical Courts and Jurisdictions and their making of Orders to reconcile the Proceedings of the severall Judges thereof and the like betwixt the Admiralty Court and the Courts of Common Law ordered decided and agreed before King Charles the First and His Privy Council in the ninth year of His Reign the Judges in criminal Matters not seldom attending the King for a Declaration of His Will and Pleasure where a Reprieve Pardon or Stay of Execution shall be necessary will be as so many almost innumerable powerful and cogent Arguments to justifie it And a common and dayly Experience and the Testimony of so many Centuries and Ages past and the Forme used in our Writs of Scire Facias to revive Judgements after a year and a day according to the Statute of Westminster the 2. with the words Et quia volumus ea que in Curia nostra rite acta sunt debite executioni demandari because we would that those things which are rightly done in our Courts should be put in execution c. may bear witness of that Sandy Foundation Sir Edward Coke hath built those his great mistakings upon and those also that the King cannot propria Authoritate Arrest any man upon suspition of Treason or Felony when the Statute made in the third year of the Reign of King Edward the First expresly acknowledgeth that the King may Arrest or cause men to be Arrested as well as His Chief Justice without distinction in ordinary and civil or criminal matters and when by the beforemention'd Opinions of Sir Christopher Wray Lord Chief Justice of the Queens Bench Sir Edmond Anderson Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas and of all the Judges of England delivered under their hands in the Four and thirtieth year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth it was acknowledged that She or the Lords of Her Privy Council might do it And in the before recited great Case of the Habeas Corpora in the Reign of King Charles the Martyr there was no question made but that the King might lawfully do it with a cause expressed in the Warrant And many a Nobleman and others hath in several of our Kings Reigns either upon suspition of Treason or Flagranti Crimine in or very near the acting of it or upon great Misdemeanors been Arrested by our Kings and Princes onely Command and sent Prisoners to the Tower of London As the Great Mortimer Earl of March by King Edward the Third the Pompous Cardinal Wolsey and Queen Ann of Bulloin by King Henry the Eighth the Duke of Northumberland by Queen Mary the Duke of Norfolk and Earl of Essex by Queen Elizabeth for Treason Robert Earl of Somerset and his Lady committed for Felony Sir Tho. Overbury for refusing to go Ambassador when he was sent by King James Henry Earl of Oxford for striking up a Great Lords heels in a Solemnity of a great Feast when the French Ambassador was entertained in Westminster Hall for presuming to offer to wash his hands after the King had washed in the Basin which as Lord Great Chamberlain of England he had holden to the King Thomas Earl of Arundel for marrying the Lord Matravers his Son to the Sister of the Duke of Lenox and Richmond without his Licence and Philip Earl of Pembroke and the said Lord Matravers for striking and scuffling with one another in the House of Peers in Parliament and some others by King Charles the First and some by His now Majesty and our Parliaments have many times in some Charges brought against offenders of the Weal Publique petitioned our Kings and Princes to do it and many others have been so committed in the Reigns almost of all our Kings and Princes of which every Age and History of this our Kingdom can give plentiful Examples which we may believe to have been done by good and legal Warrant when in all our many Parliaments and Complaints of the People therein such Arrests and Imprisonments have not been in the number of any of their complained Grievances for otherwise what Power Writ Authority or Warrant of a Judge or Justice of Peace could have seiz'd upon that Powerful Mortimer and taken him in Notingham Castle out of the amorous Embraces of Queen Isabel the
and unfitting a course or method of Government For can any man that is Master of the least grain of Reason or Prudence think it safe for a Kingdom so to restrain if it could be a Soveraign Prince when a person in time of Pestilence or otherwise shall with a Plague-Sore running upon him come into the presence of the King who in case of Leprosie when it was more frequent than now it is can for the preservation of His People from the infection thereof make His Writ de Leproso amovendo command the Leper to be removed to some other place that He should have no power to bid any of His Servants to cause him to be taken away or put in prison Or that King James when his Life was assaulted by the Assassinate which Earl Gowrey had appointed to murther him did transgress any Law of Scotland Nature or Nations when he did arrest and struggle with him until the loyal Sir John Ramsey came to his Rescue Or that that prudent Prince after his coming into England did break any Law of England Nature or Nations or not perform the Office of a King when by his own Authority he did without sending to the Lord Chief Justice of the Kings Bench or a Justice of Peace for his Warrant cause Sir Thomas Knivet and others to apprehend Guydo Faux but some minutes before the Match should have been secretly and undiscovered laid in order to the firing of the Gunpowder and other Matterials which were shortly after to take fire for the accomplishment of the intended treason of him and his wicked Complices to destroy the King Prince Nobility and the Chiefest of his People assembled in Parliament and all that were in or near the Cities of London and Westminster by the Gunpowder Plot of blowing up the Houses of Parliament And whether a King may not in the like case of Contempt or Danger as well do it as he may do where a Souldier prest in the Kings Service upon a Certificate by the Captain into the Chancery being the Watch-Tower or Treasury of the Kings Justice that he absented himself send his Writ or Mandate to one of his Serjeants at Arms to take him which Sir Edward Coke saith may be done per Legem terrae by the Law of the Land and may upon a Certificate of an Abbot or Prior into the Chancery do the like by his Writ to the Sheriff to take a man professed in Religion that is Vagrant and alloweth it to be Lex Terrae a Legal Process so to do in honorem Religionis in honour and respect to Religion or may not as wel imprison a man for a Contempt as Discharge him Or why He may not Arrest or cause any man to be Arrested for Felony or Treason or but suspition thereof when Sir Edward Coke is of opinion any man may do in the Kings Name upon a common Fame or Voice or Arrest a man by warranty of Law and of his own Authority which woundeth another dangerously or keepeth company with a notorious Thief whereby he is suspected or if the King shall not upon necessity or extraordinary occasions be enabled to do it for that supposed rather than any reason at all that he ought not so to do in regard that no man can have an Action against Him for any wrong or injury done unto him by the King How have our Lawes and reasonable Customes for many Centuries and Ages past submitted unto and not at all complained of the Kings Seizure of Lands but suspected to be forfeited or of Lands aliened without Licence or pardon of Alienation and the like Or why should not our Kings have as much liberty as the holy King Edward the Confessour might have had if he would to have commanded a Thief to be apprehended for stealing in the Royal Lodgings when he bad him onely be gone lest Hugeline his Chamberlain should come in and take him Or as legally as King Edward the Third and his Council did commit one that was found arm'd in his Palace to the Marshalsea whence he could not be bayl'd or deliver'd until the Kings Will and Pleasure should be known Or as it was adjudged in the thirty nineth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth when in an Action of Trespass the Defendant justified the doing thereof by the Command of the King when he was neither Bayliff nor Officer of the Kings and it was adjudged by the Judges that he might so do without any Deed or Writing shewed for it or if they should mistake in their Arrests or Imprisonments of suspected Traytors or Felons should not have as much liberty as a Justice of Peace hath in criminal matters or as the Judges have in his Courts of Justice in civil Actions where the parties that mistake or bring their Actions where they should not or Arrest one man in stead of another are onely punished with Costs of Suit or Actions of False Imprisonment but not the Judges or Justices of Peace for howsoever some Flatterers when King Richard the Third having murthered his Nephews and usurped the Crown and sate one day in the High Court of Chancery had in some of the Pleadings or Causes heard before him alledged that the King could do no wrong and some of our Lawyers have since so much believed it as they have reduced it into a kind of Maxime and given it a place in some of their Arguments Reports Yet Bracton in the Reign of King Henry the Third and Justice Stamford in the Reign of Queen Mary did believe the King might unwillingly by Himself or His Officers or Ministers do wrong and declared the Law to be both in Bractons and Stamfords time that in such Cases the Subjects where they have any matter of Complaint or Grievance need not want their legal Remedies by Traverse Monstrans de Droit or Petition the reason of the latter being as Stamford saith because the Subject hath no other Remedy against the King but to supplicate him by Petition for the Dignity sake of the Person And a late Experience hath told us how a Dispute betwixt our two Houses of Parliament whether a Great Person accused of Delinquency might be Arrested and put under Custody before his Charge or Accusation could be made ready gave the Party opportunity to escape into the Parts beyond the Seas and the Disputants leisure and time enough to agree of the matter And it should be remote enough from any the suspition of Errour or over-credulity for any man to think an Arrest or Imprisonment by the immediate Command of the King in the case of Treason or Felony or but suspition of either of them not to be as legal as that of a Justice of Peace made by a Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England in his Name and by his Authority derived under him And those who will take out Sir Edward Coke's before mentioned Lessons and enter themselves into
and the Responsa prudentum of their Commissionated Justices and the Reasonings and Dictates of those Disciples of refined Reason and how wide also is the difference betwixt Deliberation and things spoken of a sudden betwixt Arguments solemnly made both at the Bar and at the Bench and that which passeth from them obiter or in transitu hastily and without any premeditation or in passage or as circumstantial to some other matter or when it was not subjectum Argumenti the subject or material part of the Argument but came in as foreign or was not the principal Design thereof or was but as some of the Law Reports do mention other things to have been spoken onely ad mensam as they sate at Dinner or Supper or in their private Conferences or per Auditum by Hear-say or Report of another coming in from a Court or Business at Law where they that made the Report were not present neither were those Sons of Wisdom ignorant that Laws were to be so subservient to Government as not to incumber the just means thereof and the Power and Authority which should protect and take care of it For although Kings and Princes ought in performance of their Oaths taken at their Coronation to make the Methods and Rules of their Governments where Justice and Reason shall perswade it to come up as near as they can Legum suarum praescripto to the minde and direction of their established and allowed Laws and reasonable Customs of the Kingdom and moderate and guide their Power as Bracton saith to the right end for which it was ordained yet the Suprema Lex Salus Populi ne quid detrimenti Respublica capiat the Supream Law to heed above all things next to the will and commands of the Almighty King of Kings the safety of the People and Weal Publique committed to their charge wherein their own is not a little concern'd being not to be neglected enjoyns the care and observation of that great Principle in the Eternal Laws of Nature and right Reason that there ought to be in all Kings Princes and Governors such a Power and Means extraordinary as may answer the purpose of Government procure Justice relieve Necessities and repel any the Incursions of Dangers which present Laws or the greatest fore-cast could never provide or before-hand arm against when Time Necessities or Hazards imminent cannot tarry for the popular or long deliberations or assent of a Multitude who can sooner bring upon themselves a ruining and fatal Discord than procure any help at present and that to oblige Government to a close and pertinacious adhering to Laws or Rules already established which can yield them no relief or at the most none at present may be as inconvenient and destructive as to limit a Captain Master or Pilot of a Ship going to Sea what Orders and no other he must observe when Pirates or Enemies assaults unlooked for the Furies of the merciless Windes and Seas or those many other Misfortunes of which the Seas do produce as great a plenty as they do variety shall rush or break in upon him and must of necessity require other helps or directions and cannot always sayl by Card or Compass or in sight of a conducting Pole-Star but most sometimes for the preservation of himself the Ship and Passengers lowr his Sayls cut his Cables or Main-mast or throw Goods over-board to be recompensed by those whose good and safety was procured by it Or might be as fatal as it would be to an Army when a General or Commander of it shall be pinnion'd and fetter'd with Instructions or Authorities ill calculated and must not go beyond them when their Cares Arts and Stratagems are not to be before-hand prescribed by Laws Instructions or Rules of War but are to be used and practised as Occasions Opportunities Advantages or Disadvantages Successes Dangers or Misfortunes shall advise And therefore if we look down from the hills of Time into the valleys of the Ages past and take a view of the Laws and Constitutions of our Princes the Records and Monuments of their Justice distributed by themselves or the Judges their Substitutes the weight of the Reasons of their Judgements therein and the Obedience which the People have from Age to Age readily paid unto them they that will not wilfully sacrifice to a peevish Obstinacy may see cause enough for our Kings as well to make use of extraordinary Helps and Remedies in order to Justice and the Weal Publique as their delegated Judges have done by that which they call Office and Discretion or course of Court and Equity of Statutes in many Causes too many to be here instanced when the Laws would too much streighten them or not permit them to do that which Justice would require or expect at their hands to believe that the no unfaithful or unlearned Judges in the former Ages did not incroach upon the Liberties of the People or wanted a Warrant of right Reason when they had such a veneration and respect to the Prudence of divers of our Princes their Reason and Necessities of State and the preservation of the People and in doing of Justice as in the sixth year of the Reign of King Richard the First Adam of Benningfield and Gundreda his Wife having brought a Writ of Dower against Robert Mallivell and Pavie his Wife for seven Carves of Land in Raveneston with the Appurtenances in the County of Nottingham of which the said Gundreda had a Fine levied unto her in the Court of King Henry by Robert Mallivell Father of the said Robert Mallivell and thereof produced the Chirograph and alledged that the said Robert the Son had disseized them in the War or Rebellion of Earl John the Kings Brother and was with him in the War against the King at Kingeshage and that by reason of the Seisin of the said Robert by the said Earl John the Land was taken into the Kings hands as Hugh Bardo witnessed but the said Robert pleaded that he paid a Fine to the King for it and for that Land to have his Lands again and for that produced the Kings Letters to the Sheriff of Nottinghamshire who attested the truth thereof Et Dominus Cancellarius dicit quod ipse accepit ab ore Domini Regis quod ipse redderet Seisinam terrarum omnibus illis qui disseisiti fuerunt per Comitem Johannem dicit quod ratum habeâ—ur quod ipsi disseisiti fuerunt per Comitem Johannem inde consideratum est quod magis ratum habetur quod Dominus Rex ore precipit quam quod per literas mandavit quod Adam Gundreda habeant Seisinam suam and the Lord Chancellor witnessed that he was commanded by the King by word of mouth that he should make Livery of their Lands to all which were disseized by the said Earl John which would have required a good Warrant in a matter concerning so many and said that it was proved that they
reddend erronice et sine warranto processerunt Upon view and due consideration of which Record and Writs aforesaid it appeared to the Court that the aforesaid Justices had by colour of the Writ of Procedendo which was of a later Date than the Writ of Venire Facias to cause the Record and Proceedings to be brought before the King and that by that Writ of Venire Facias the Power of Proceeding was taken from the aforesaid Justices nor in the said Writ of Procedendo was any mention made of the Bishops aforesaid Allegation nor of the Kings former Command that after the taking of the Assise they should not without Advising with the King Proceed to Judgement and that by such a giving of Judgement they had Proceeded Erroniously and without Warrant whereupon and other the Errors alledged the Judgement was Reversed and the Seisin of the Land adjudged to the Bishop In the third year of the Reign of King Edward the third the Bishop of Winchester being Attached to Answer the King Quare decessit a Parlemento tent ' apud novam Sarum absque licencia Regis contra inhibitionem Regis et in Regis contemptum Wherefore he departed from the Parliament Holden at New Salsbury without Licence of the King contrary to the Kings Inhibition and in Contempt of the King Episcopus dicit quod ipse est unus de Paribus Regni et Praelatis Regni et eis inest venire ad Parlementum Domini Regis summonit Et pro voluntate Domini Regis cum ipse placuerit Et dicit quod siquis eorum deliquerit erga Dominum Regem in parte aliqua in aliquo Parlemento debet corrigi emendari non alibi in minor Cur ' quam in Parlemento per quod non intendit quod Dominus Rex velit in Cur ' hic de hujusmodi transgressione contempt ' fact in Parlemento responderi c. To which the Bishop pleaded that he was one of the Peers and Prelates of the Kingdom and that they are to come to the Parliament of the King when they are summoned when he pleaseth and that if any of them should offend the King in any thing the King ought to correct or call them to accompt for it in Parliament and not elsewhere in any lesser Court. Wherefore he hoped that the King will for any such offence or contempt cause him to answer in Parliament To which the King's Attorney replyed Quod licet Regi de hujusmodi transgressione sectam facere vel delinquentem punire in quacunque Curia sibi placuerit c. Et Episcopus e contra ut prius ideo datus est dies That by Law the King may prosecute against a Delinquent in whatsoever Court he pleaseth which the Bishop denied as aforesaid and therefore further day was given c. King Edward the second having by his Letters Patents granted to Maurice Brownesword Officium Custod Vlnagij in Anglia postea ipsum inde amovit et conâ—ulit dictum Officium Nicholao Sherlock unde Mauricius per petitionem Regi porrectam in Bancum Regis missam petit quod dictum Officium ei restituatur The Office of the Aulnage in England and afterwards displaced him and granted the said Office to Nicholas Sherlock and Maurice Brownsword having thereupon exhibited his Petition to the King which prayed that the said Office might be restored unto him and the King having sent it to the Judges King Edward the third his Son notwithstanding in the fifth year of his raign misit breve suum Justic quod non vult ea irritari quae Pater suus in hoc fecit praecepit quod supersedeant quousque aliud inde ordinaverit c. sent his Writ to the Justices declaring that he would not have that to be made void which his Father had done and commanded them to proceed no farther therein untill his further order In a Judgment given in the Court of Kings Bench in Easter Term in the tenth year of the Raign of the aforesaid King upon a Taxation or Assesment upon the County of Hertford for the wages of Hoblers and Footmen It was declared Quod nihil renovandum seu emendand quod factum fuit per Regem that nothing was to be revoked or amended which was done by the King and in the same Term and year Super prolationem Recordorum Rotulorum Curiae al. Dominus Rex misit breve suum Justic mandando quod nihil agerent in prejudicium sâ—u ex hereditationem Domini Regis sed quod supersederent in negotio praedicto nihil inde faciendo inconsulto Rege upon producing of the Records and Rolls of the Court the King sent his Writ to the Justices commanding them that they should do nothing in his prejudice or disherison and that they should stay and proceed no further without advising with him In Easter Term in the forty sixth year of the Raign of King Edward the third Thomas Bishop of Durham was attached ad respondend tam Domino Regi quam Gulielmo sil Henr ' de Aslokey quare iâ— placito erroris in utlagaria ad sectam tam Katerine quae fuit Vxor Willi ' de Kilkenny quam ad â—ectam Dâ—iâ— Ept ' infra libertatem Episcopat ' Dunelm non misit Recordum ex Mandato Regis in Bancum Regis to answer the King as William the Son of Henry of Aslokey wherefore upon a Writ of Error brought to reverse an outlawry as well at the Suit of Katherine which was the Wife of William of Kilkenny as at the Suit of the Bishop within the liberty of the Bishoprick of Durham he had not sent the Records as the King had commanded into the Court of Kings Bench and upon a second Writ commanding him to do it or to shew cause which was delivered at his Castle of Auckland and a third Writ of the like Tenor delivered to the Bishop himself at Waltham Cross spretis mandatis record processus non misit nec causam significavit quare id facere noluit but disobeying the Kings commands had neither sent the Records and Process nor shewed any cause why he did it not Episcopus dicit quod nulla brevia ei liberavit apud Dunelm ' quod ad illud apud Waltham retornavit quod ipse est Comes Palatinus Dominus regalis cujusdam terrae vocat le Bishoprick de Durham habet omnia Jura regalia quae ad Comitem Palatinum Dominium regalem pertinent per se Justic ' Ministros suos ibidem excercenda ac Justic ' suos proprios viz. Coronatorem Cancellar Cancellariam brevia sua propria ibidâ— de Cancellaria sua emanantia quod ministri Domini Regis ad aliqua officia sua exercenda ibidem in aliquo ad omnia Com' placita se non intromittant realia et personalia quae ad comitem Palatinum pertinent infra terram praed ' quod habet Justic.
suos ibidem et ad assignand ' Justic ' per Commissionem et ad Error ' corrigend per ipsum Episco pum vel alios Justiciar suos tam ad sectam Domini Episcopi quam aliorum praediâ—tus Willielmus replicavit quod non esset consonum rationi se ipsum de facto prosecutione proprijs fore Judicem cum proprie ad Regiam Majestatem in omnibus Causis ortis inter subditos Jurisdictio pertinet dinoscere et licet ad aliquam Personam per privilegium speciale de causa cognoscere indultum fuit si substitutus in exhibitione Justitiae defecerit Errorem per superiorem et non per substitut ' corrigi debet et super hoc dati sunt dies de termino in terminum To which he pleaded that no Writs were delivered to him at Durham and to that which was delivered unto him at Waltham he had returned that he is Count Palatine and Lord of the Royalty of the Lands called the Bishoprick of Durham and hath all the Rights and Regalities which do belong unto a Count Palatine and that Royalty there to be exercised by him and his Ministers and Justices that is to say hath a Coroner Chancellor and Court of Chancery and that the Kings Officers do not in any thing intermeddle therein and that the said Bishop as Count Palatine hath there likewise his Court and Justices of Common-Pleas as well real as personal and power to assign by Commission Justices to correct and reverse Errors committed by him or any of his Justices as well at his own Suit as others Unto which the said William replyed That it was not reason that he should be Judge of his own Actions when as properly it belonged to the Majesty of a King to determine of all Causes betwixt his Subjects And although he in favour granted to some Person a special priviledge to hear and determine Causes yet if any substituted by him do fail in the distribution of Justice the Errors shall be corrected by the Superior and not by the Substitutes whereupon further days were given from Term to Term. Nor was the Duties of Subjects so worn out but that so much respect was in those better Times given to our Kings Royal Protections granted to such as were not employed by them as the Laws and reasonable Customs oâ— England did allow the protected Persons in their Lands and Estates to bring their Actions against the Infringers or Disturbers thereof as in the Case of Roger de Limecote against the Sheriff of Liecester in the first year of the Reign of King Richard the First for disseising him of two Knights Fees Nicholas Talbot against William Prior of Dunstar in the eight and thirtieth year of the Reign of King Edward the Third of Walter Warr against Gervase Wretchey and John Parkey in the same year and of many others in the said Kings Reign and no Pleas in Bar or alledging Illegality put into the same but in others some collateral Pleas and Defences made by Releases or the like For those Lovers of their Countrey and honor of their Kings did not think as some would fondly and untruly assert that all the Royal Protections granted by them had at the first no better an Original or Foundation than an Imitation of the many Protections and Priviledges granted by our Kings and Princes to Bishops Monasteries and Religious Houses did not believe that our Kings could not respite for a while the payment of moneys due unto any of their Subjects or do as much as amounted to it when King Edward the Third in his Wars with France and great want of Moneys did about the thirteenth year of his Reign revoke divers Assignations for the payment of Moneys due unto private and particular persons until he should be better enabled to pay them And it was about the twelfth Year of the Reign of King James in the Grand Case of Boltons Complaint against the Lord Chancellor Ellesmeere adjudged in Parliament That upon a Bill called A Bill of Conformity exhibited in Chancery by a Debtor against his Creditors for not accepting of his Offer of as much satisfaction as he was able to give them and for refusing thereupon to permit him to enjoy his liberty the Lord Chancellor or the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England might by Injunctions prohibit and stay all Suits at the Common Law commenced by him or any such refractory Creditors For our Courts of Chancery Kings-Bench Common-Pleas and Exchequer have in their several subordinate Authorities not seldom mitigated and reduced the high and unreasonable Fines incertain demanded by divers Lords of Manors of their Copy-hold Tenants for their Admissions unto a more reasonable Rate of two years improved Value and enforced them to accept it And Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon Magna Charta would not bring into the meaning of the Clause of Nulli negabimus vel differemus Justiciam That the King would not deny or delay Justice such Protections as do appear in the Register and are warranted by the Books of Law And although in the eighth year of the Reign of King Henry the Sixth it was in transitu and by the way said by Cottesmore a Judge in the Case concerning the Priviledges of the University of Oxford That the King cannot grant that a man shall not Implead or have any Action against another Yet it was at the same time declared to be Law and right Reason by Babington a Judge That to a Lord of a Manor Conusance of all Trespasses done within his Lordship may be granted by the King and that a Plaintiff shall be bound to bring his Action accordingly and that in that Case the King hath not fore-closed him of his Action so as our Novelists and such as invent all the Oppositions they can against the just and legal Authority of their Sovereigns may do better to acknowledge that howsoever it was the opinion of some of the Judges in the Reign of King Henry the Sixth That if any should Arrest a man by the Kings Command when all men Arrested are so by the Authority of the King and his Writs or Process an Action of False Imprisonment might be brought against him that obeyed the Kings Command although it was done in the presence of the King Yet the whole Tenor and Meaning of that Case and that sudden Opinion arguendo or by way of instance deliver'd thereupon was no more but that such a Command ought to be attended with some Specialty or cause shewed And so little did the Judges of the Court of Kings-Bench in Trinity Term in the ninth year of the Reign of King Henry the Fifth intend or think it fit to subject to the humor of any froward or undutiful person the important Affairs and Service of the King As William Reedhead and Nicholas Hobbesson Purveyors for the King having taken forty Quarters of Malt for the Kings use for the Victualling
of the Town of Harfleet in France from William Atkin he brought his Action of Trespass against them for the taking away of fifty quarters of Malt from him Unto which as touching the supposed Trespass and ten quarters of Malt they pleaded Not Guilty and took Issue thereupon And as to the forty quarters of Malt residue pleaded and produced the Kings Letters Patents dated the twentieth of January in the third year of his Reign and that he thereby did Assign them joyntly or severally to take a thousand quarters of Malt for the Victualling of the said Town of Harfleet where-ever it might be found as well within Liberties as without the Lands of the Church onely excepted upon reasonable payment by the King for the same and to provide sufficient Carriage by Land or Water to the City of London And in regard that they had notice that the said William Atkin might well bear and afford the same beyond his necessary Occasions and did sell divers quantities of Malt in the Markets The said William Reedhead and Nicholas at the time of the pretended Trespass did to the use of the King as aforesaid take the said forty quarters of Malt charged the said William Atkin on the Kings behalf by vertue of the Kings said Letters Patents that he should carry the same to London and deliver it to Robert Barbet who should pay him as well for the said forty quarters of Malt as for the carriage thereof which Robert Barbet was assigned by the Kings Letters Patents to receive it for the use of the King and transport it to Harfleet and to make full payment for the said Victualling of the Town aforesaid and that the said William Atkin did carry the said Malt to the said Robert and received of him full payment for twenty quarters of the said Malt and the carriage thereof and that the said Robert Barbet assigned the said William Atkin within six moneths after to be paid for the said other twenty quarters at London which forty quarters of Malt so taken as aforesaid for the Kings use came to his use at Harfleet aforesaid unde non intendunt quod Cur. hic in loquela predicta ad prosecutionem predicti Will. ulterius versus eos procedere velit ipso Domino Rege inconsulâ—o petunt auxilum de ipso Rege quod eis per Cur Concessum est Wherefore they hope that the Court will no farther proceed in that Action until the Kings pleasure shall be known and do pray the Aid of the King therein which by the Court was granted unto them Et super hoc dies dat est partibus predictis coram Domino Rege in statu quo usque xv scil Michaelis ubicunque c. Et dictum est prefato Willielmo quod interim sequatur penes Dominum Regem de licentia habend ad procedend ulterius in loquela predicta si c. Et dies dat ut supra usque Oct. Hillarii inde per seperales dies Terminos usque Octab. scil Michaelis Whereupon Day was given unto the parties aforesaid in the state or manner as now it is until fifteen days after Michaelmas And the said William Atkin was commanded that in the mean time he should petition the King for leave or licence to proceed if he would in the Action At which day time was further given to the parties aforesaid in manner as aforesaid until eight days after St Hillary and the said Wil. Atkin was commanded that he should petition the King if he would for leave as aforesaid At which day and time day was given to the parties in manner as aforesaid until Easter Term then next following and the said William Atkin commanded if he would to petition the King as aforesaid At which time further day was given to the parties aforesaid until Trinity Term next following and the said William Atkin commanded to petition the King as aforesaid At which time further day was given to the parties aforesaid until eight days after Michaelmas and the said William Atkin was commanded to petition the King as aforesaid And no further Proceedings were had thereupon as appeareth by the Roll where otherwise it would have been entred Neither could our less contentious turbulent Fore-fathers probably be willing to give lodging or entertainment to any such vain and unwarrantable conceits as do now too frequently attempt an invasion upon the Lex Regia of their Soveraign or necessary and legal Rules or Methods of Government or the very Attendance upon the Person of the King and his many times indispensable Affairs in order to the good and safety of his People or that upon Licence demanded to prosecute any Action at Law against any of his Servants it should be any such delay of Justice as to furnish out their supposed matters of Grievance or Complaint that a little time or respite should be given to any of the Kings Servants either to give satisfaction or answer the Action When Bracton in the Reign of our King Henry the Third declared it to be no new or evil Law or Custom of the Kingdom that in the Kings Commissions to the Justices Itinerant or Assizes there was an Exception of Causes wherein qui profecti sunt in servitio nostro those which were gone or sent in the Kings service were concerned or that such a reasonable part of time or respite given should nurse up or encourage any disccontent when the Judges in an Action depending in the Court of Common-Pleas against one that was none of the Kings servants or employed by him were in the Cases of an Essoyn de male lecti of sickness to cause a View to be had of the sick Person and if really sick to assign him a reasonable time to arise and appear before them or if he had been viewed and had malum transiens an intermitting Disease or if a Languor or Languishing were testified and such an Essoin were cast before the Justices Itinerant in their Circuits where they had no power to receive any such Essoin mittere possint ad ipsum ut faciat Attornatum they might send to him which could not be done suddenly to make an Attorney to answer for him Or that our Kings should be able to Protect and Priviledge such of the Clergy as in former times were as Clerks or Officers in Chancery employed in his Service as to send notwithstanding the then great power of the Bishops their Diocesans his Writs De non Residentia of dispensing with their Non-residence upon their Benefices and command them as hath been before remembred not to be sequestred for their Absence whilest they were employed in their Service or if sequestred to unsequester them or if Fined by any Ecclesiastical or Church Censures that such Fines should not belevied which was in those times not believed either by the Layety or the Clergy themselves to be illegal And in the later of the said Writs that such a sequestration was in juris Coronae
operate or deserve to be a Cause to Priviledge themselves their Estates or Maenial Servants from Arrest or disturbance and such a Priviledge in Parliament in the time of an Adjournment which hath sometimes continued for several Months should be allowed and thought reasonable when their business which was the cause of it was all that time in suspence or abayance and that the King who granted and allowed those Priviledges should not enjoy the like for his own Servants who are dayly busied in the Safety Honour and attendance of his Person and the great Affairs of the Kingdom and that such a Cause should produce that effect for them and their Servants and the King who desireth but the like effect or production from one and the same Cause should not enjoy it for his own Servants and that â—adem ratio should not in the Kings Case as well as in the Case of any of his Subjects produce and be a Cause of the like Law or Liberty who doth not claim the Hearing of those causes where the Plaintiffs are not his Servants as the King of France who by his Commissions of Commitimus Impowers a Court to hear and determine Causes and concernments of his Servants but only that they should ask leave before they proceed against them in any of his Courts of Justice which the Plaintiffs shall make choice of Shall the Generall or Commander of the Armies or Guards Forts or Garrisons of the King and the Admirall of a Navy or Ships have a power not to permit any of their Officers or Souldiers to be Arrested or Imprisoned without Licence first obtained and shall the Servants of the King in the attâ—ndance upon his Sacred Person in the Watch and Care of them and the Publick Welfare as well in the time of War and Peace which not seldome disapoints the horrid effects of a people-tormenting War not have a like Priviledge Are the superiour Courts of Justice not blamed when the Judges thereof by the Kings Authority can supersede Actions in Inferiour Courts many times but upon the pretence of Actions depending in their Superiour Courts as to reverse an Utlary or the like in eundo redeundo when it is not every day or all days or but some hours business or can the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas Priviledge the Serjeants at Law and forbid that they should be Sued in any other Court when they do plead at other Courts as well as in the Court of Common Pleas and are so numerous as if one by an Arrest or Impriment should not be able to move or plead his Clients business the Client having all the Writings in his own or his Attorneys custody may have and retain another Serjeant at Law who can as well understand his business to look unto it and not only protect them but the Clerks of the Serjeants at Law and in the Vacation and at their Chambers far distant from Westminster Hall when the business of the Law and Courts of Justice are laid to sleep and take their rest and that the Justices of that and other the Superiour Courts can by the Kings and not their own immediate Authority Priviledge Prothonotaries and all other Officers and Clerks of their several Courts and their Clerks when they have or may have other Clerks to do their business And the Warden of the Fleet Cryers and Tipstaves in times of Vacation and as there shall be occasion Unattach Goods and discharge Bonds and Sureties given for Appearance when there cannot be any just cause or necessity untill the Term ensuing for their attendance and Priviledges and keep from Arrest by the Inferiour Courts their Attorneys who are no Members of their Superiour Courts and even the Attorneys Clarks And not only allow that Priviledge to the immediate Officers of their Courts but extend it unto their Clarks that are subservient unto them and not deny it as hath been before remembred unto a Filacers horskeeper Their Writs of Priviledge in the Kings name declaring and publishing that such breaches of Priviledge are in nostri â—ontemptum curiae nostrae in Contempt of the King and his Court that such Priviledged person eundo redeundo in going and coming to his Courts oâ— Justice is and ought to be sub protectione nostra under the Kings protection tam ex Regia dignitate quam ex antiqua consuetudine as well in regard of his Dignity as by antient Custom is to be Ptiviledged Did Justice Vernon one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas in the time of Vacation when a man indebted having to an Action given special Bail before him at his Chamber in Serjeants-Inne in Chancery-lane and coming out of the Gate was Way-laid and Arrested by some Serjeants at Mace or Catchpoles of London and Arrested upon some other mans Action lay down made an Out-cry and refused to be their Prisoner of which the Judge being informed commanded the Catchpoles and Prisoner to be brought to his Chamber where they being something Surly and refusing to deliver him he threw of his Gown and taking one of them by the shoulder whereof I was an eye Witness did so shake him and threaten to commit him and his fellow Catchpoles as he enforced them to release the Prisoner and suffer him to escape And shall not the King who is the Constituent Principle and primum incipiens the only cause suppoâ—t and maintenance as well as giver of all Immunities Exemptions Franchises and Priviledges of the Kingdom Not be able to do as much as those unto whom he hath granted and permitted it and protect and Priviledge his Domestick Servants or men imployed by him but like an old Isaac over liberal to a Craving Jacob have nothing in reserve of Priviledges or Favors for his Servants who have attended our David when he was in all his Troubles and deserved better than many a participation of his Blessings or shall his Subjects like the Sullen and Selfish Nabal have so little regard of him or his Servants that do help to guard their flocks as to receive his Benefits and make notwithstanding their grumbling Ingratitude and refractory Humours the only Retorn or acknowledgment of them Hath he and his Royal Progenitors and Predecessors as the Grecian Monarchs and Common-Wealths antiently used to do from whence the Romans after they had shut their Temple of Janus and made their Military Glories impart some of their Honour to the more Civil Imployments and gown also learned it taken such a care to protect Honour and Priviledge his Ministers of Justice and their subordinate Officers in the Courts thereof whilst they officiate in his Service therein Did the Wisdom of our King and Parliament in the 32d year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th think it no inconvenience but a benefit to the people that the greater and more necessary concerns should give may to the lesser when they Ordained which hath been ever since
duly observed that the Phisitians in London should have a Priviledge not to keep Watch or Ward nor to be chosen or bear the Office of Constable or to bear any Office in the City of London or Suburbs and any such Election to be void in all which the Weal Publick was not a little concerned And the Barber Chirurgions are likewise by an Act of Parliament made in the same Parliament exempt from bearing of Armour or to be put in any Watches or Enquests which the Weal Publick without that Priviledge could not otherwise have dispensed with Could Cromwell that accomplishment of wickedness and Hypocrisie and Mr. Shepheard whom he had hired to clip and misuse our Laws upon a pretence of reformation of them allow in their modell thereof that the Servants of his miscalled Protectorship should not be compelled to serve upon Juries at Assises or Sessions or to bear the Office of a Constable or Church Warden And shall the Kings Servants that are continually imployed in the Attendance Preservation Safeâ—y and well being of his Person and people being matters of the greatest concernment be excluded or thought not worthy of the like Could the Archbishoprick and many of the Successive Archbishops of York enjoy a liberty of Fridstoll Frithstow Frid in the Saxon signifying Peace and stol sedes Cathedrae and Stow locus Cathedra quietudinis pacis a Seat Chair or place of Peace which had this Inscription Haec sedes lapidea Freedstoll dicitur pacis Cathedra ad quam reus fugiendo perveniens omnimodam habet securitatem this Seat or Chair of Stone is called Freedstoll or the Chair of Peace to which any Offender flying is to have all manner of Refuge and Security an Immunity granted unto the Church of St. Peters in York and confirmed by King Henry the 7th in the fifth year of his Reign And there is in Glossopdale in the County of Darby a place upon a Hill or large Heath some distance from the Town yet known by the name of the Abbots Chair which probably might have been endowed with the like Immunity Or shall a Priest or person propter Privilegium Clericale in regard of his being in holy Orders not be distreined when he hath no lay Fee or upon an Attachment refuseth to find Pledges because he hath no lay Fee or hath one in the Prebend and the Ordinary nor the Sheriff although he hath a Warrant to enter the Liberty without the ordinary or Bishop and the Bishop himself cannot do it sine speciali praecepto Regis cum Canonicus adeo libere teneat prebendam suam de Ecclesia sicut ipse Episcopus Baroniam canonâ—ci sunt quasi unum corpus per se in Ecclesia without a special Precept or Warrant from the King for that a Canon or Prebend doth as freely hold his prebendary of the Church as the Bishop doth his Barony and the Canons are and do make a Body or Corporation by themselves in the Church Doth the King grant and allow Cognisance of Pleas or Causes to so many of his Subjects within their Franchises and Liberties with Fossis and furcis power to punish or hang in Crimâ—nal matters and shall he not have so much Cognisance of the matters and concernments of his houshold and maenial Servants as to have leave asked before they be Arrested or disturbed in his Service which is the only cause of the Priviledge which he grants and allows to his Courts of Justice and the Officers and Servants thereof Or can any man think it reasonable that the Bishop of Eâ—y should have Cognisance of Pleas arising in his Bishoprick and the Territories thereof or the Magistrates of the City of Salisbury to have the like and supersede Actions and Pleas depending in the Court of Kings-Bench or the Lord Maior of London have and enjoy the priviledge of not having any Attachment awarded against him out of the high Court of Chancery as in the case of Sr. John Robinson Knight whilst he was Lord Mayor of London and exercised that Annual office as the Kings Lieutenant or special Servant or that Mr. John Abdy an Alderman of London in Anno Dom. 1640 being the 16th year of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr should by the Judges of the Court of Kings-Bench be allowed a Priviledg not to bear the Office of a Constable in Essex where he was many times resident at his Country-house within the Leet or mannor of Sir William Hicks Knight where by the Custome of that place every inhabitant or resiant was from house to house yearly by turnes to execute that office and upon a writ granted him directed to the Lord of the Mannor or his Steward to discharge him because he being an Alderman of London ought to be there resident the greatest part of the year and if absent may be fined all the Justices of that Court delivered their opinion that he ought to be discharged bâ— his priviledge as Attorneys attending in Courts of Justice are of such offices of Constablâ—s and other offices in the parish And although it was said that the Alderman might execute the office of Constable by deputy and his personal Attendance was not requisite by the Custome of the Mannor yet that exception was not allowed Or that Mr. Bacon A Barrester at Law of Grayes-Inn should in Trinity Term in Anno 1655. h by aforesaid Court upon view of the presidents in Francklin and Sir William Butlers Case and Bere and Jones his Case of the Midle-Temple have a priviledge allowed unto him in respect of his Barrestership and necessary attendance upon the Courts of Justice in Westminster-Hall to lay a transitory Action at Law in Middlesex when it was before laid in Northumberland and that it should not be reasonable for the King to allow his servants their aforesaid priviledges much more necessary and conducing to the weal publique May not the King as well Claim and enjoy a priviledge for his servants and their freedom from arrest without first obtaining his licence or within his virge of twelve miles compass or circumference of his Court which certainly was at the first intended by Law for more purposes then for the Jurisdiction of the Marshals or Marshalsea Court and may probably be believed to have been antiently used for an Asylum or place of peace or freedom from such kind of violences as arresting the Kings houshold servants without the Kings licence As the Universitie of Oxford doth by the grants of our Kings and their several acts of parliament in its large boundaries or precincts and the University of Cambridge the like within their Colledges Halls and Precincts for the better observation whereof in Oxford every Sheriff of the County of Oxford at his admission into his office is to take an oath that the Masters of the said Universites and their servants from Jnjuries and violences he shall keep and defend by all his Strength and power and the
peace in the said University as much as in him is And give Councell and help to the Chancellor ond Schollars of the same University to punish the disturbers and breakers of the peace there after the priviledges and Statutes of the University at all times when it shall be needful and put his help with all his Strength to defend the priviledges liberties and Customs of the said University and give the like oath unto his Undersheriffes and other his ministers when he shall come to the Town and Castle of Oxford in the presence of any who shall be deputed by the said University unto the which things the King will that his said Ministers shall be arcted and compelled The like Oath being to be taken by the Sheriffs of Cambridge and Huntington for the conversation of the rights and priviledges of the University of Cambridge Do the Jnns of Court or houses of law which for some Ages or Centuries past were appropriate and set apart for the Study of the Common lawes of England and other necessary parts of learning and endowments proper and fit to bear the sons of our Nobility and Gentry company within their houses and precincts claim and enjoy as they ought to do according to the law of Nations and the priviledges of all the Universities and places of Study in the Christian world A just and legal priviledge of a freedom from any Arrest or disturbance by the officers of any Subordinate Magistrate in matters not Capital or more then ordinary criminal And the Inner and Middle-Temples and Lincolns-Jnn being besides entituled to the like Exemption priviledge by a particular Immunity and Exemption granted anciently by some of our Kings of England long before they were Societies of law to the Owners and Proprietors of the Mannor of the New Temple then so called the old one being before scituate in or near Holborn and as well as the new one sometimes part of the possessions of the Knights Templers now containing the Inner and most part of the Middle-Temple and likewise the outer Temple without Temple-Bar extending it self as far as to part of Essex house garden and into New-street now called Chancery-Lane and Ficket or Fickelscroft now Lincolns-Inn fields upon part whereof Lincolns-Inn was built To be held sub eadem forma in the same manner as the honor or Earldom of Leicester and the Lands thereunto belonging were antiently holden with an Exemption or priviledge that no Justices Escheators Bayliffs or other Ministers or Officers of the King should enter or intermeddle therein of which the Successors and Owners and those as honourable as useful Collegiate nurseries of law and learning although they do not as our Universities and those which are in the parts beyond the Seas claim a conusance in causes and controversies at law wherein their Schollars Students and officers are concerned have been so careful to preserve those their Antient and necessary priviledges as they have upon any the least violation or attempt to bereave them thereof sallied out like so many young Lions and appeared to be the stout Propugnators and defenders thereof rescued such as have been Arrested within their Liberties whether any or none of the Society beaten and pumped the Catchpoles Serjeants at Mace or Bailiffs ignominiously shaved their heads and beards Anointed them with the costly Oyl or Syrrup of their houses of Offices or Jakes and at the Temple for a farewell thrown them into the Thames Do all men that have Liberties and Priviledges appertaining to their Estates or Persons or any Offices or Places which they hold Summon the best of their Cares and Industry to maintain them and shall it be a crime or disgrace to the Kings Servants either to be entituled unto or endeavor to Assert them Shall it be deemed just Legal and Rational that the City of London should be so carefull of their Customs and Liberties granted not only by King Henâ—y the first but confirmed by divers Kings and Queens of England and many of their Acts of Parliament as no longer ago than in the year of our Lord 1669. to Claim in their Act or common Councel that no Citizen is to be compelled to plead without the Walls of their City and their Freemen are bound by Oath as well as by many Acts of Common Councel of that City not to Sue one another out of the City where they may have remedie in their own Courts and to maintain the Franchises and Liberties thereof and that the Warrant of leuetur quaerela for the removing of any Action or Plaint depending in any of the Sheriffs Courts of that City into the Mayors Court brought by a Serjeant at Mace and Ministers of the Mayors Court shall not be refused or shall it be taken or beleeved to be inconvenient for that City or their Freemen to be drawn or enforced to Plead or be Prosecuted out of their own Courts And shall it not be as reasonable for the King in the case of his own Houshold and Domestick Servants to protect them from being disturbed in his Service by any Arrests without his Licence Doth every Sheriff of England and Wales at his admission into his Office swear that as far as hâ— can or may he shall truly keep the Kings Rights and all that belongeth unto the Crown and shall not assent to decrease lessen diminish or conceal any of the Kings Rights or his Franchises and whensoever he shall have knowledge that the Kings Rights or the Rights of his Crown be withdrawn be it in Land Rent Franchises or Suits or any other thing he shall do his power to make them to be restored to the King again and if he may not do it shall certifie the King or some of his Councel thereof and can any Sheriff of England and Wales without the acknowledgment of a gross ignorance with any safety of their Oaths or Consciences knowingly Arrest or cause to be Arrested any of the Kings Servants against the Will of his or their Sovereign Doth a Custom or civility so far prevail with the Sheriffs of London and their Clarks as when any Action is entred against any Alderman of the City or the Sword-bearer or other Officer of the Lord Mayor they will not Arrest an Alderman man or take away the Lord Mayors Sword-Bearer from before him untill they have given them a civil and private notice thereof whereby to prevent the disgrace or give them time to provide against it or procure a Truce or quiet And shall the Servants of their Masters Master if they were not more justly than they entituled to their Antient and Legal Priviledges not be so much respected which his late Majesty thought to be as undecent as Inconvenient when upon some disrespects shewed by some of that City in their endeavors to inforce upon some of his Servants the Office of Constable or Church-warden he demanding of the Lord Mayor of London whom he had caused to Attend him upon that Complaint and
received him with four hundred men on Horsback clad all in one Livery And by a sad experience if they have a mind to taste it and the King should not continue and make it to be as his Chamber Court or Palace but remove his Courts his Servants and Courts of Justice as King Edward the first did to York for Seven years together during his Wars with Scotland would too late repent the misusage of the Founders and cause of their happiness and acknowledge the Night and Shades to be long and cold when their Sun should remove his Walk or Tropick to enlighten and refresh another part of the World And would find themselves to be mistaken in their Accompt as well as Opinion if they should fancy that nothing can hurt their Trade unless the River of Thames should be carried away from them and may in time be so well Acquainted with the Error of those conceipts as to confess that they were built upon a very Tottering and failing Condition when they shall like men either of any retrospect to the Ages or Times past or prospect of what is coming or may surely happen but consider that in all the Reigns of our Brittish Saxon or Danish Kings or of those of the Norman Race untill the Reign of King Edward the third the Neighbourhood of their Thames brought them so little advantage as it was rather an Embrio than an Emporium or noted Town of Trade that from thence to the Erecting and Incouragement of the Staple Towns and Cities of Trade whereof Westminster was one By King Edward the third for the Advance of our Clothing and Wollen Manufacture which in a short time after by the Wars of Franâ—e or some other intervenient obstruction dwindled into a desuetude and London and her Blackwell-hall made to be the Mistress of that once flowrishing Trade the quieting of Wales and the Commerce with it after the Reign of King Henry the 4th the uniting of the Houses of York and Lancaster by King Henry the 7th the opening of the Passages to the East and West Indies Grants of many Fairs and Markets which have been since made the Trade of London which was not before much more than in its Bloom and Blossom is by the Power Alliance Leagues and Interest of our Kings and Forreign Princes and the many Immunities and Priviledges procured by them for our Merchants with Francâ— Spain Portugal Burgundie and the Netherlands the Russia or Moscovie Hause or Hamburgh East and West-India Trade with those of the English Colonies as Virginia Bermudus Barbados St. Christophers New-England Maryland Mevis and Siranam since arrived to that height or perfecton which hath like Tirus Enlarged Her Borders and made her the Merchant of many Isles and to be as the Ocean into which al the Rivers of the Land do run and hasten to pay their Tribute And in the greatest of her Pride and Glory should not be to learn that the Scheld could not after that the Heiresse of Burgundie had transferred her Court and residence into Spain That great and Famous Town of Trade was made a place of desolation and a wonder of what she was and that the residence and Court of the French Kings hath made Paris though an Inland City far di-distant from the Sea and washed only by the River Seyne not much acquainted with Ships or Navigation to be called domicilium Regis caput regni the Head and Chief of all the Towns and Cities of France le Roy ayant son domicile ou les Princes Pairs de France autres officiers de la Couronne doivent estre a la suâ—te du Roy the King having there his House or Palace and the Princes and Peers of France and other Officers of the Crown who ought to attend the Court of the King Do the Merchants of London who Trade into Spain Russia and many other parts of the World by the Care Power and Protection of our Kings and Princes and their chargeable Embassies to Forreign Princes and States enjoy a Priviledge and Freedom from Arrests of their Persons or Estates without a Complaint first made to their Consuls or Remedie endeavoured to be obtained by Application unto them and to have their Causes and Actions tryed before a Judge Conservator of their own Priviledges Do our Kings allow and cause those Consuls to Solicite and take a care to maintain and defend those Priviledges and Authorize their Embassadors residing in the Courts of any Kings Princes or Republicks to make it to be a part of their business to be assistant unto them Have the Magistrates of the City of London for more than 500 years together at their coming to the Cathedral Church of St. Paul at some of their greatest Festivals and Solemnities in every year untill our late times of Confusion in a gratefull remembrance of his Favours walk round about and visit the Grave-Stone or Burial place of William Bishop of London who procured some Liberties to be Granted by William the Conqueror to their City being not the half of those of a greater Consequence and Profit which have been since Granted unto them by King Henry the first King Richard the first King John King Henry the third King Edward the third King Richard the second King Edward the 6th and divers others of our Kings and Princes who gave unto them many more and greater Favours and Priviledges as the Shrevalty of Middlesex Liberty to choose every year their Mayor free Warren in a great Circuit about the City that every Sheriff should have two Clarks and two Serjeants and the City have a Common Seal that the Mayor should be Escheator and Justice of Gaol Delivery at Newgate that the Serjeants of the Mayor and Sheriffs should bear Maces of Silver and Guilt with the Kings Arms Engraven upon them the Aldermen should continue during their lives and not be removed without special Cause with the grant of the Borough of Southwark and Conservation of the River of Thames cum multis aliis c. and many more some of which were before recited Will not all those Benefits their Being their Happiness and the continuance of those blessings with their Trades at home and abroad be enough to put them in mind to shew a kindness respects and Civility due unto the Kings Servants and not to drown those many Favours Honours and Priviledges received from him and his Royal Progenitors and Predecessors in the dead Sea of a base and unworthy Ingratitude or imitate Jesurun who like an Heyser waxing fat kickt against the cause of it Or can they upon any Foundation or ground of Reason or probability think that if our Kings should not continue and make London to be as his Chamber Court or Palace but remove himself his Court and Servants to York Hull Oxford or Bristoll the Inhabitants thereof would not gladly pay him a greater Tribute of Duty and Thankfulnes than the not Arresting his Servanrs without licence first
obtained and would be no loosers but greater Gainers by it Do the Might and greatness of Princes and their power to give aids and Assistance where Alliance Interest or Leagues do require it or to retalliate Wrongs or Injuries done and received perswade a Priviledge and Civility to the Persons and Goods of the Embassadors and their Servants and retinue of one another although not bound thereunto by any Laws or Rules of Subjection or Allegiance And shall not a just fear Duty and Reverence of Subjects to their Kings and Princes Civility good Manners Gratitude Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy Fear and Command of God and a dayly protection by the Kings Power Laws and Justice of themselves and their Estates Honour Reputation and all that can be of value unto them from Forreign and Domestick dangers wrongs or oppressions invite them to a forbearance of that Barbarous and undutifull way of Arresting any of his Servants without a complaint first made or licence procured to do it Or how can such a one or any of his Children without shame or confusion of Face beg or hope for Mercy or Pardon from the King for man-slaughter or some other offence mischance or forfeiture when but a week or a little before they have had so small a care of their Duty and respect unto him or their many Obligations as to disturb his Service and necessary Affairs and disparage his Servants and do all they can to ruine and undo them by an Arrest or Imprisonment without licence When at the same time they would readily subscribe to the reasonableness of the Kings delivering and freeing from Arrest the Lord Mayor of London punishing those that should do it If for permitting in the Strand or any other place out of his Liberty that the Cities Sword the Ensign or Mark of Honour given unto it within its proper Jurisdiction to be carri'd up he should be Arrested or if he or any of the Sheriffs or Aldermen should in their Passage to Whitehall to attend the King when he commanded them be Arrested upon any other Action Will not a Tenant to a Lord of a Mannor who receives not so great a protection from him nor hath so great a need of him as every Subject hath of the Kings Grace and Favour be thought by all his Neighbours to be more than a little out of his Wits that should adventure his displeasure by Arresting the Steward of his Court Valet de Chambre Coachman Butler Brewer Hors-keeper or any of his Servants without leave or licence or denial of Justice upon his Complaint first had And will they not be deemed to be more Mad that shall so far forget themselves and their duty to the King as to Arrest without licence any of the Servants of their Soveraign which is the only Rock of defence and Succour which they have to flee unto in all their distresses or for Mercy which is not seldome needed upon any Offences or transgressions against him or his Laws May not the King punish Contempts and breaches of Priviledges as well as those that do subordinately Act by the Authority of Him and His Laws or not cause as much to be done in Order to the proâ—ervation of their Authority and Jurisdictions as they usually do unto any that should disturb the necessity and duty of their places Or may not the King as supreme Magistrate cause any that shall transgress the limits of their obedience in Arresting his Servants without licence to be Arrested or Imprisoned for such an affront or contempt of Majesty and the Supreme Power when it hath been ordinarily done and justified by some Lords of Mannors and Liberties in the Case of Sheriffs and Bailiffs presuming to Arrest any man within their Liberty without a Writ of non Omittas propter aliquam libertatem or special Warrant where the Lord of the Mannor hath neglected to do it Or must the King when any wrong or injury shall be done to his Servants suffer such contempt to be remedyless and only say why do you do so who when he doth cause the undutifulness and unmannerliness of such Offenders to be punished by a few days gentle restraint cannot with any truth or Reason be said to have given away their Debts when at the most it is but a small delay and doth many times occasion them to be sooner and less chargeably paid than it would be with an Action or Suit and the many Animosities Vexations and Heats which do usually attend Actions or Suits at Law Did our Magna Charta prohibit or give away any of the Liberties and Priviledges of the King and his Servanâ—s which are necessary for the Support and just means of Government and that high Authority with which God and the Law have intrusted him Can the King by his Writ cause a man or his Cattel or Goods to be Arrested and taken in Withernam untill the person of a man or his Cattel or goods wrongfully Arrested be delivered or freed from restraint and shall it not be as lawfull for the King by Arresting or Imprisoning the Party that did or procured it to enforce the delivery of a Servant wrongfully or unduly Arrested without his leave or licence first obtained Is the Kings Service the only cause of the Priviledge of Parliament so operative and powerfull in its effects as a Member of the house of Commons newly elected is so entituled to his Priviledge as before his admission or Oath taken the Infringers thereof have been severely punished as it was upon great debate and Examination adjudged in Parliament in the Case of William Johnson a Burgesse of Parliament in the first year of the Reign of Queen Mary and the like for Arresting upon an Execution Sir Richard Fitzherbert Knight a Member of Parliament in the 34th year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and that kind of Priviledge so Watched and Guarded and in all its parts and circumstances so taken care of and inviolably kept As it may not be renounced or quitted by any one Member without a breach of Priviledge to all the rest nor is any leave to be given upon Petition or any the most urgent necessities of a Plaintiff or Creditor to molest or Imprison any of them or their Servants during the Session of Parliament and the time of Priviledge allowed them before and after them And cannot the people of England be well content and think themselves to be in a better Condition when in the Case of the Priviledge of the Kings Servants they may in the time of Parliament or without have licence upon a reasonable time prefixed for satisfaction to take their course and proceed at Law against them Shall the Vallies rejoyce in their Springs and pleasant Fountains and the Spring or Fountain it self that distributeth those living and refreshing Waters have no part thereof Hath the Chamberlain of the Lord Mayor or City of London Power to commit a Freeman of that City to Ward So that he do
super hoc molestari seu inquietari non debeant nosque ac progenitores nostri quondam Reges Angliae hujusmodi libertate et privilegio pro Clericis nostris a tempore quo non extat memoria semper hactenus usi sumus vobis mandamus quod dilectum Clericum nostrum A parsonam Ecclesiae de B. vestrae dioces qui in Caencellaria nostra nostris jugiter intendit obsequiis ad personalem residentiam in beneficio suo predicto faciendam dum in obsequiis nostris Immoretur nullatenus compellatis et sequestrum a penalty upon non residents too much disused or neglected si quod in fructibus aut aliis bonis Ecclesiae suae predictae ea occasione per vos aut vestrum fuerit appositum sine dilatione relaxari faciatis whereas our Clerks ought not to be compelled to a personal residence in their benifices nor molested therein whilst they are implyed in our Affairs or attendance and that we and our progenitors Kings of England from the time to which the memory of man doth not extend have alwaies hitherto used and enjoyed that liberty and priviledge we command you that you do no waies enforce A our well beloved Clark Parson of the Church of B. in your Diocess to a personal residence therein whilst he is imployed in our affairs in our Chancery And that if by reason thereof you have sequestred any of the profits or goods of his said Church you doe without delay discharge or release the same In the 33th and 34th year of the aforesaid Kings Raign William de Brewse a great and powerful Baron of England being indicted in the Kings Bench for using contumelious and reproachful words to Roger de Hengham one of the Judges who are but as the Kings Ministers or special Servants in his dispensation and Administration of Justice for giving Judgment against him and he pleading to the said Indictment quòd non intellexit in hoc Domino Regi aut Curiae suae se aliquem Contemptum fecisse that he did not understand that it was any contempt or Jnjury done by him to the King or Court sed si videatur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio quòd ipse in hoc in aliquo deliquit ipse se inde totaliter submittit voluntati Domini Regis c. But if it should appear that he had therein offended he did wholly submit himself to the Kings good pleasure quibus praemissâ—s postea coram domino Rege ejus consilio visis et diligenter examinatis et plenarie intellectis all which matters and premises being afterwards considered diligently examined and fully understood Quia manifestè patet tam pro hoc quòd praefatus Gulielmus post redditionem Judicii praedicti contemptibiliter Barram ascendit prefatum Rogerum Justic. Domini Regis de Judicio per ipsum pronunciat reprehendit et postea eidem Roger. eunti c. Verbis acerbioribus et grossioribus insultavit for that it plainly appeared that the said William after the said Judgment given by the said Roger contemptuously came to the Bar and did reprehend the said Justice for the Judgment aforesaid pronounced against him and afterwards followed the said Roger as he was going from the said Court and reviled him with grosse and bitter words Quae expressè redundabant tam in dedecus praedicti Justic. quám in Contempt Cur. Dom. Regis et inobedientiam Quae quidem viz. Contemptus et inobedientia tam ministris ipsius Domini Regis quám sibi ipsi aut Cur. suae facta ipsi Regi valde sunt odiosa which did expresly redound as well to the reproach of the said Judge as a disobedience to the King and a Contempt of his Court which contempt and disobedience as well to the Ministers of the King as to himself or his Court are greatly displeasing Et hoc expresse apparuit Cum idem Dominus Rex filium suum primogenitum et Charissimum Edwardum Principem Walliae pro eo quòd quaedam verba grossa et acerba cuidam ministro suo dixerat ab hospitio suo ferè per dimidium Anni amovit nec ipsum filium suum in conspectu suo venire permisit quousquè dicto ministro de predictâ transgressione satisfecerat And this saith the Record expresly appeared when the King did for almost half a year banish from his Court and presence his dearly beloved Son Edward Prince of Wales for that he had given some foul words to one of his Ministers or Servants that attended him which as Sir Edward Coke saith was the Treasurer of England who was so much misused by the instigation of Pierce Gaveston and would not suffer him to come in his sight untill he had given his said servant or minister satisfaction Et quia sicut honor et reverentia quae ministris ipsius Regis ratione Officii sui fiant ipsi Regi attribuuntur sic dedecus ministris suis factum eidem domino Regi infertur And in regard that any honor or reverence done to the Kings Ministers or Servants are attributed or taken as done to the King so any reproach done unto his Servants or Ministers are such as done to the King himself Et videatur quòd praedictus Gulielmus in praemissis tam ipsi Domino Regi et Curiae suae quà m praefat Justic. suo contempt fecit Et dedecus manifestum And that it was evident that the said William had behaved himself contemptuously as well towards the King and his said Court as to the said Judge Concordatum est et consideratum per ipsum Dominum Regem et consilium suum it was by the King and his Councel which by the Tenour and Title of the Records of the Court of Kings Bench in the Reigns of King Edward the first Edward the second and Edward the third Videlicet Placita coram Rege Consilio suo Were the Judges of the Kings Bench and are not as some have mistaken it to be at all understood to signifie the Parliament the Kings Greater Councel and Court ordained and ordered that the said William de Brewse should without his Sword goe bareheaded a Banco ipsius Domini Regis ubi placita tenentur in Aulà Westmonaster per medium Aulae praedictae cum Curia plena fuerit usque ad Scaccarium et ibidem veniam petat a prefat Rogero et gratum sibi faciat de dedecore et transgressione sibi fact Et postea pro contemptu facto Domino Regi et Curiae suae Committatur Turri ibid. moraturus ad voluntatem Domini Regis from the Kings Bench in Westminster Hall through the middle of the Hall aforesaid when the Court was full unto the Exchequer and there aske pardon of the said Roger of the wrong and injury done unto him and after for the contempt done to the King and his Court be committed to the Tower there to remain during the Kings pleasure And about that time limited the vast and heretofore more