his way to the Crown of England the more easie and the possession of it the more sure claiming it by little but afterwards when there were no powerfull pretenders to the Crown The little of Conquest to introduce that absolute power of a Conquerour was claimed and that Statute of Magna Charta and other Statutes mentioned in our Petition do principally limmit that power I hope it is as Lawfull for me to cite a Jesuite as it is for Dr. Manwaring to falsifie him Suares in his first book de legibus cap. 17. delivered his opinion in these words amplitudo restrictiâ— potestatis Regum circa ea quae per se mala vel injusta non sunt pendet ex arbitrio hominum ex ambigua convencione vel pacto inter Reges Regnum And the further expresseth his opinion that the King of Spain was so absolute a Monarch that he might Lawfully impose tribute without consent of his people untill about 200. years since when it was concluded between him and his people that without consent of his people by proxies he should not impose any Tribute And Suares opinion is that by that agreement the Kings of Spain are bound to impose no Tribute without consent And this agreement that Author calls a restraining of that Soveraign power the Statutes then mentioned in our Petition restraining that absolute power of a Conquerour if we recite those Statutes and say we have the Soveraign power intire we do not take away that restraint which is the virtue and strength of those Statutes and set at Liberty the claim of the Soveraign power of a Conquerour which is to be limitted and restrained by no Laws this may be the danger of the word entyre The next words delivered by the Lords as observable is the particle that because it was said that all Soveraign power is not mentioned to be left but onely that with which the King is trusted for our protection safety and happiness But I conceive this to be an exception of all Soveraign power for all Soveraign power in a King is for the protection safety and happiness of his people If all Soveraign power be excepted you may easily Judge the consequence all Loans and Taxes being imposed by colour of that Soveraign power The next word is trusted which is very ambiguous whether it be meant trusted by God onely as a Conquerour or by the people also as King which are to Govern also according to Laws ex pactâ— In this point I will not presume to adventure further onely I like it not by reason of the doubtfull exposition it admits I have likewise considered the proposition it self and therein I have fallen upon the dilemma that this addition shall be construed either to refer unto the Petition or not If it doth refer unto the Petition it is meerly useless and unnecessary and unbefitting the Judgement of this grave and great Assembly to add to a Petition of this weight If it hath reference 〈◊〉 it then it destroys not onely the virtue and strength of our Petitionâ—â—â— Right but our rights themselves for the addition being referred 〈◊〉 each part of the Petition will necessarily receive this construction That none ought to be compelled to make any guift loan or such like charge without common consent or Act of Parliament unless it be by the Soveraign power with which the King is trusted for the protection safety and happiness of his people That none ought to be compelled to sojourn or billet Souldiers unless by the same Soveraign power and so of the rest of the Rights contained in the Petition And then the most favourable construction will be that the King hath an ordinary Prerogative and by that he cannot impose Taxes or Imprison That is he cannot impose Taxes at his will to imploy them as he pleaseth that he hath an extraordinary and transcendent Soveraign power for the protection and happiness of his people and for such purpose he may impose Taxes or billet Souldiers as he pleaseth and we may assure our selves that hereafter all Loans Taxes and billeting of Souldiers will be said to be for the protection safety and happiness of the people Certainly hereafter it will be conceived that an House of Parliament would not have made an unnecessary addition to this Petition of Right and therefore it will be resolved that the addition hath relation to the Petition which will have such operation as I have formerly declared and I the rather fear it because the late Loan and Billeting have been declared to have been by Soveraign power for the good of our selves and if it be doubtfull whether this proposition hath reverence to the Petition or not I know not who shall Judge whether Loans or Imprisonments hereafter be by that Soveraign power or not A Parliament which is made a body of several wits and may be dissolved by one Commission cannot be certain to decide this question We cannot resolve that that the Judges shall determine the words of the Kings Letter read in this House expressing the cause of Commitment may be such that the Judges have not capacity of Judicature no rules of Law to direct guide their Judgements in cases of that transcendent nature the Judges then and the Judgements are easily conjectured It hath been confessed by the Kings Councel that the Statute of Magna Charta bindes the King and his Soveraign power cannot be divided from himself If then the Statute of Magna Charta bindes the King it bindes his Soveraign power if to the Petition these words be added the exposition then must be that the Statute of Magna Charta binds the Kings Soveraign power Saving the Kings Soveraign power I shall endevour to give some answer to the reasons given by the Lords The first is that it is the intention of both Houses to maintain the just Liberty of the Subject and not to diminish the just power of the King and therefore the expression of that intention in this Petition cannot prejudice us which I answer First that our intention was and is as we then professed and no man can assign any particuler in which we have done to the contrary Neither have we any way transgressed in that kinde in this Petition and if we make this addition to the Petition it would give some intimation that we have given cause or colour of offence therein which we deny and which if any man conceive so that he would assign the particuler that we may give an answer thereunto By our Petition we onely desire our particuler Rights and Liberties to be confirmed to us and therefore it is not proper for us in it to mention Soveraign power in general being altogether impertinent to the matter in the Petition There is a great difference between the words of the addition and the words proposed therein for reason viz. between just power which may be conceived to be limmitted by Laws and Soveraign power which is supposed to be
all Lawes First generall reason The first generall reason is drawn à re ipsa from imprisonment ex visceribus causâ— be it close or other imprisonment which is divided into three parts First No man can be imprisoned at the will and pleasure of any but he that is bond and a villain for that imprisonment at will Et Tayler lâ—g haut et base are propria quarto modo to villaines Vide the writ de nativo habendo Secoâ—d 7. E. 3. fo 50. in the new print and 348 in the old 33. E. 3. tit Dom. 253. â—infant inpris â—itz Herbers fait un note de Ceo. But if Free-men of England might be imprisoned at the will and pleasure of the King by his Command then were they in worse case then bondmen and villaines for the Lord of a villain cannot command another to imprison his villain without cause as of disobedience or refusing toserve as is agreed in our books Third Imprisonment is accounted in Law civil death perdit domum familiam vicinos patriam his house his family his wife his children his neighbours his countrey and to live among wretched and wicked men If a man be threatned to be killed 39. H. 1. 65. c. he may avoid a Feoffment of lands gifts of goods c. so it is if he be threatned to be imprisoned he should do the like for that it is civill death Second generall reason The second generall reason is à minore ad majus minima poena corporalis est major qualibet pecuniaria But the King himself cannot impose a fyne upon any man but it must be done judicially by his Judges Bracton fol. 105. it is called duritia imprisonment 2 R. 3. 11. per Iusticiarios in Curia non per Regem in Camera and so it hath been resolved by all the Judges of England Third generall reason The third generall reason is drawn from the number and diversity of remedies which the Law giveth against imprisonment viz. breve de hoâ—ine replegiando de odio acia de habeas Corpus an appeal of imprisonment breve de manuâ—aptione The latter two of these are antiquated but the writ de odio acia is revived for that was given by the statute of Magna Charta ca. 26. and therefore though it were repealed by the statute of 28. E. 3. yet it is revived 42. E. 3. ca. 1. by which it is provided that all statutes made against Magna Charta are void Videw 2. ca. 29. Now the law would never have given so many remedies if the Free-men of England might be imprisoned at free will and pleasure Fourth generall reason The fourth generall reason is drawn from the extent and universality of the pretended power to imprison for it should extend not only to the Commons of the Realm and their posterity but also to the Nobles and their honourable Progenies to the Bishops and Clergie and their successours to all persons of what condition or sex or age soever to all Judges Officers c. whose attendance are necessary c. without exception of any person Fifth generall reason The fifth is drawn from the indefinitnesse of time the pretended power being limited to no time may be perpetuall during life Sixth generall reason The sixth à damno dedecore from the losse and dishonour of the English Nation in 2 respects First for their valour and prowesse so famous through the whole world Secondly for their industry for who indeavours to apply himself in any profession either of warre liberall science or merchandise c. if he be but Tennant at will of his Liberty And no Tennant at will will support or improve any thing because he hath no certain estâ—â—â— And thus it should be both dedecus and damnum to the English Nation and it should be no honour to the King to be King of slaves Seventh generall reason The seventh is drawn ab utili inutili for that it appeareth by the statute of 36. E. 3. That the execution of the statute of Magna Charta 5. E. 3. 25. E. 3. are adjudged in Parliament to be for the profit of the King and of his people Rot. Parl. â—6 E. 3. num 9. 20. And therefore this pretended power being against the profit of the King and of his people can be no more part of this prerogative Eighth generall reason 1. E. 2. de frâ—ngprison â—â—at unt pasche 18. E. 3. rot 33. coram Rege Bildestons case rot Parl. 28. H. 6. nu 16. Acts Apost cap. 25. v. the last The eighth generall reason is for it is safe for the King to expresse the cause of the commitment and dangerous for him to omit it for if any be committed without expressing the cause though he escape albeit the truth be it were for treason or felony yet the escape is neither felony nor treason But if the cause be expressed to be for suspition of treason or felony then the escapealbeit he be innocent is treason or felony Ninth generall reason The ninth generall reason is drawn from the authorities 16. H. 6. tit Monstrans â—efaits â—82 by the whole Court the King in his presence cannot command one to be arrested but an action of false imprisonment lieth against him that arresteth 22. H. 6. 46. Newton 1. H. 7. 4. the opinion of Markham Chief Justice to E 4. and the reason because the party hath no remedy Fortescue cap. 18. proprio ore nullus Regum usus est â— to commit any man c. 4 Eliz. Plowd Com. 236. the common Common Law hath so admeasured the Kings prerogative as he cannot prejudice any man in his inheritance and the greatest inheritance a man hath is the Liberty of his person for all other are necessary to it Major hâ—reditas venit unicuique nostrum à jure legibus quam à parentibus 25. E. 1. ca. 2. Confirm Cart. all judgements given against Magna Charta are void Objections Upon Conference with the Lords the objections were made by the Kings Attorney First object That these resolutions of the House were incompatible with a Monarchy that must govern by the state Bracton Answ. Whereunto it was answered that nibiltam proprium est imperii quam legibus vivere And again Attribuat Râ—x legi quodlex attribuat c. viz. dominationem imperium quia sine lege non potest esse Rex It can be no more prejudice to the King by reason of matter of state for if it be for suspition of treason misprision of treason or felony it may be by generall words expressed viz. pro suspitione proditionis 2 object To blind those that are committed one cause must be pretended and another intended especially when it toucheth matter of state Answ. Whereunto it was answered that all dissimulation especially in the course of Justice was to be avoided and soundnesse of truth to take place and therefore David that was both a King and
Monstrans de faict si upon an action of trespasse brought for cutting of trees the defendant pleadeth that the place where he cut them is parcell of the Manor of D. whereof the King is seised in fee and the King commanded him to cut the trees and the opinion of the Court there is that the plea in barre was ill because he did not shew any speciall commandment of the King and there it is agreed by the whole Court that if the King commandeth one to arrest another and the party commanded did arrest the other an action of trespasse or false imprisonment is maintainable against the party that arrested him although it were done in the presence of the King 39 H. 6. 17. where one justifieth the seisure of the goods of a person that is outlawed by the commandment of the King such a party being no Officer may not in an action brought against him have any aid of the King for such a commandment given to one that is not an Officer will not any wayes avail him that is to justifie himself by the return of that commandment 37 Hen. 6. 10. If the king give me a thing and I take the same by his commandment by word of mouth it is not justified by law nothing may passe without matter of Record 10 Hen. 7. 7. 17. 18. it is agreed that Justices may command one to arrest another that is in their view or presence but not one that is out of their view or presence And Keble 10 Hen. 7. 13. said that where one is arrested by a parroll command in their view or presence it is fitting that a record may be made of it insomuch that without such a record there can hardly be a justification in another Term. Secondly there is a commandment of the King by his Commission which according unto Calvins case in the seventh Report it is called by him breve mandatum non remediabile and by virtue of such a commandment the King may neither seise the goods of his subject nor imprison his body as it is resolved in 42 Ass. pl. 5. where it is agreed by all the justices that a Commission to take a mans goods or imprison his body without indictment or suit of the party or other due processe is against the Law Thirdly there is a commandment of the King which is grounded upon a suggestion made to the King or to his Councell and if a man be committed to prison by such a suggestion by commandment of the King it is unlawfull and not warranted by the Law of the Realm The 25 of Edward the third cap. 4. de Provisoribus whereas it is contained in the great Charter of the Franchises of England that none shall be imprisoned or arrested of his Free-hold or of his Franchises nor of his free customes but by the Law of the land It is awarded consented and established that from hence forth none shall be taken by petition or suggestion made to our Soveraign Lord the King or to his Councell untill it be by indictment or presentment of his good and lawfull neighbours where such deeds are done in due manner or by processe made by writ originall at the common law nor of his free-hold unlesse he be duely brought in and answer and forejudged of the same by way of Law and if any thing be done against the same it shall be redressed and holden for nought 37 Ed. 3. cap. 10. although it be contained in the great Charter that no man be taken or imprisoned or put out of his freehold without due processe of the law neverthelesse divers persons make false suggestions to the King himself as well for malice as otherwise whereof the King is often grieved and divers of the Realm put in great damages contrary to the form of the same Statute Wherefore it is ordained that all they that make such suggestions be sent with their suggestions to the Chancellour or Treasurer and they and every of them find sureties to pursue their suggestions and endure the same pain that the other should have had if in case that his suggestion be found untrue and that then processe of the law be made against them without being taken or imprisoned against the form of the same Charter and other statutes So that it appears by these severall statutes that such commandments of the King as are grounded upon suggestion either made to himself or to his Councell for the imprisonment of a man are against the law Fourthly I find that there is a commandment of the King which is made under his hand with his signet for in the fourth and the fifth of Philip and Mary Dier 162. where the statute of 1 Rich. 2. cap. 11. restraineth the Warden of the Fleet for letting any man at large that is in upon judgement at the suit of any man except it be by writ or other commandment of the King It was doubted whether the Queen by letter under her hand and privy signet doth give commandment to the Warden of the Fleet to suffer a man that is there in execution to go about his businesse or the affaires of the Queen whether this be a warrantable command or not within the Statute and the Law hath alwayes been conceived upon that book that such a commandment is not warrantable by Law and if such a command will not serve the turn to give unto a man his liberty which the Lord favoureth and had the countenance of an Act of Parliament for the doing of it then I conceive it should be a more strong case the King should not have power by his commandment to imprison a man without due processe of the Law and restrain him of his liberty when there had been so many Acts of Parliament made for the liberty of the subjects Fifthly I do find that there is the commandment of the King which is by his writ under the Great Seal or the seal of the Court out of which it issueth Regist. f. 69. 70. in the writ de cautione admittenda I find the words mandatum Regis expounded to be breve Regis for the writ goeth Rex vic' Salutem Cum nuper ad requisitionem S. de Isle Canonici Lincol. venerabilis Patris H. Lincoln Episcopi ipso in remotis agente Vicarii general per Literas suas patentes nobis significantis Nicho. B. dict Lincoln Dioc. propter manifestam contumaciam Authoritate ipsius Episcopi Ordinar excommunicat esse nec si velle c. vobis praeceperimus quod praefat c. satisfactum ex parte ipsius N. qui virtute mandati nostri praedict per vos Capt. in Prison nostrade Newgate detent existit c. nos nolentes quod praefat N. per breve nostrum praedict via praecludatur c. prosequi possit in forma Iuris maxim ' c. integer esse debeat vobis praecipimus quod scire c. quod sit c. quare praedict N. Ã Prisona praediet
transcendent and boundless The second reason delivered by their Lordships was that the King is Soveraign That as he is Soveraign he hath power and that that Soveraign power is to left for my part I would leave it so as not to mention it but if it should be expressed to be left in this Petition as it is proposed it must admit something to be left in the King of what we pray or at least admit some Soveraign power in his Majestie in these Priviledges which we claim to be our Right which would frustrate our Petition and destroy our Right as I have formerly shewed The third reason given from this addition was that in the statute Articuli super Chartas there is a saving of the right and seigniory of the Crown To which I give these answers That Magna Charta was confirmed above 30 times and a general saving was in none of these Acts of confirmation but in this onely and I see no cause we should follow one ill and not 30 good Presidents and the rather because that saving produced ill effects that are well known That saving was by Acts of Parliament The conclusion of which Act is that in all those Cases the King did will and all those that were at the making of that Ordinance did intend that the Right and Seigniory of the Crown should be saved By which it appears that the saving was not in the Petition of the Commons but added by the King for in the Petition the Kings will is not expressed In that Act the King did grant and depart with to his people divers Rights belonging to his prerogative as in the first Chapter he granted that the people might choose three Men which might have power to hear and determine complaints made against those that offended in any point of Magna Charta though they were the Kings officers and to fine and ransome them and in the 8. 12. and 19. Chapter of that Statute the King departed with other prerogatives and therefore there might be some reason of the adding of that Soveraign by the Kings Councel But in this Petition we desire nothing of the Kings Prerogative but pray the enjoying of our propper and undoubted Rights and Priviledges and therefore there is no cause to add any words which may imply a saving of that which concerns not the matter in the Petition The 4. reason given by their Lordships was that by the mouth of our Speaker we have this Parliament declared that it was far from our intention to incroach upon his Majesties Prerogative and that therefore it could not prejudice us to mention the same resolution in an addition to this Petition To which I answer that that declaration was a general answer to a Message from his Majestie to us by which his Majestie expressed that he would not have his Prerogative streitned by any new explanation of Magna Charta or the rest of the Statutes and therefore that expression of our Speakers was then propper to make it have reference to this Petition there being nothing therein conteined but particuler Rights of the Subject and nothing at all concerning his Majesties Prerogative Secondly that answer was to give his Majectie satisfaction of all our proceedings in general and no man can assign any particuler in which we have broken it and this Petition justifies it self that in it we have not offended against the protestation and I know no reason but that this declaration should be added to all our Laws we shall agree on this Parliament as well as to this Petition The last reason given was that we have varied in our Petition from the words of Magna Charta and therefore it was well necessary that a saving should be added to the Petition I answer that in the Statute 5. E. 3. 25. E. 3. 28. E. 3. and other Statutes with which Magna Charta is confirmed the words of the Statute of explanation differ from the words of Magna Charta it self the words of some of the Statutes of explanation being that no man ought to be apprehended unless by indictment or due process of Law the other statutes differing from the words of Magna Charta in many other particulars and yet there is no saving in those Statutes much less should there be any in a Petition of Right these are the answers I have conceived to the reasons of their Lordships and the exposition I apprehend must be made of the proposed words being added to our Petition And therefore I conclude that in my opinion we may not consent to this addition which I submit to better Judgements The Reasons of the Commons House delivered by M r. GLANUILE why they cannot admit of the Propositions tendered unto them by the Lords May it please your Lordships I Am commanded by the House of Commons to deliver unto your Lordships their reasons why they cannot admit of the Proposition tendered unto them by you but for an introduction into the busines please you to remember that a Petition of Right was shewed to your Lordships wherein we desired you would joyn with us a Petition my Lords fitting for these times grounded upon Law and seeking no more then the Subjects just Liberty The Petition consisted of 4. parts The first touching Loan Aids and Taxes The second touching imprisonment of mens Persons The third touching Billeting of souldiers The fourth touching Commissions issued for Martial Law and put in execution upon several Persons Groaning under the burthen of these we desired remedy and wish your Lordships would joyn with us which you having taken into consideration we must confess have dealt nobly and freely with us not to conclude any thing till you hear our just reasons for which we thank your Lordships and hope your Lordships will value those reasons which we shall now offer unto your Lordships The work of this day will make a happy issue if your Lordships please to relinquish this as we formerly upoâ— conference with your Lordships have done some other things For the Proposition my Lords we have debated it throughly in our House and I am commanded to deliver unto you the reasons why we cannot infert this clause Neither your Lordships nor we desire to debate Liberty beyond the due bounds or to incroach upon the Kings Prerogative and lessen the bounds thereof The first reason I am to lay down is touching Soveraign power which I beseech you not to accept as my own being but a weak Member of that strong body but as the reasons of the whole House upon great and grave considerations First my Lords the words Soveraign power hath either reference or no reference to the Petition if no reference then superfluous if a reference then dangerous and operative upon the Petition and we think your Lordships purposes is not to offer unto us any thing that may be vain or to the hinderance of any thing wherein you have already joyned with us The Petition declareth the Right of the Subject which
yet may be broken by the word Soveraign power and so the virtue of the Petition taken away The end of the Petition is not to enlarge the bounds of Law but their Liberties being infringed to reduce them to their ancient bounds and shall we by admitting of these words Soveraign power instead of cureing the wound launch it and cut it deeper The next point is the word trust a word of large latitude and deep sence we know that there is a trust in the Crown and King but regulated by Law we acknowledge in penal Statutes the King may grant another power to dispense with the Law but Magna Charta inflicting no penalty leaveth no trust but claimeth his own right therefore the word trust would confound this distinction Our next reason is we think it absolutely repugnant to any course of Parliament to put saving to the Petition In former times the course of petitioning the King was this The Lords and the Speaker either by words or writing preferred their Petition to the King this then was called the Bill of the Commons which being received by the King part he received and part he put out part he ratified for as it came from him it was drawn into a Law But this course in 2. H. 5. was found prejudicial to the Subject and since in no such cases they have petitioned by Petition of Right as we now do who come to declare what we demaund of the King For if we should tell him what we should not demaund we should then proceed not in a Parliamentary course Now for that which is alleadged by your Lordships de articulis sup Chartas that my Lords is not like this that is saving upon particulars But this Petition consisting on particulers would be destroyed by a general saving The saving de articulis sup Chartas are of three aids for Ransomming the Kings Person for Knighting the Kings eldest Son and once for Marrying the Kings eldest Daughter These by the form of the Petition shew that they came not in upon the Kings answer but upon the Petition First then followed the savings which under favour we think are no reasons to make us accept of this saving being not pertinent to the Petition These 23. Statutes 34. E. 1. were made to confirm Magna Charta so that there are in all 30. Acts to set Magna Charta in its purity and if some subsequent Statute have laid some blemish upon it shall we now then make the subject in worse case by laying more weight upon it God forbid In the next place your Lordships reason thus that this which you wish we would admit of is no more then what we formerly did profess when we sent the King word we had no purpose at all to trench upon his prerogatives It is true my Lords we did so but this was not annexed to any Petition for in that manner we should never have done it And here I am commanded with your favours to deliver unto you what a Learned Member of the House delivered unto our House touching this point The King saith he and the Subject hath two liberties Two Mannors joyning one upon another the King is informed the Subject hath intruded upon him but upon triall it appeareth not to be so were it fitting think you that the Subject should give security that he should not inâ—roach or intrude on that Mannor of his because the King had been informed he did so I think you will be of another minde wherefore I am commanded seeing we cannot admit of this addition to desire your Lordships to joyn with us in the Petition which being granted and the hearts of the King and people knit togeather I doubt not but his Majestie will be safe at home and feared abroad Sir HENRY MARTINS Speech MY Lords the work of this day wherein the House of Commons hath implyed the Gentleman that spake last and my self was to reply to the answer which it hath pleased the Lord Keeper to make to those reasons which we had offered to your Lordships conâ—ideration in justification of our refusall not to admit into our Petition the addition commended by your Lordships which reasons of ours since they have not given such satisfaction as we desired and well hoped as by the Lord Keepers answer appeared It was thought fit for our better order and method in replying to divide the Lord Keepers answer into two parts a Leagall and a Rationall The reply to the leagall your Lordships have heard my self comes intrusted to reply to the rational which also consisted of two branches the first deduced from the whole context of the additional clause the second inforced out of some part In the first were these reasons that the same deserved our acceptance First as satisfactory to the King Secondly to your Lordships Thirdly agreeable to what our selves had often protested and professed expresly by the mouth of our Speaker I must confess these motives were weighty and of great force and therefore to avoid misunderstanding and misconceit which otherwise might be taken against the House of Commons upon refusall of the propounded addition It is necessary to State the question rightly and to set down the true difference between your Lordships and us Now indeed there is no difference or question between your Lordships and us concerning this additional clause in the nature and quality of a proposition For so considered we say it is most true and to be received and imbraced by us In toto qualibet parte qualibet syllaba yea and were that the question we should add to this addition and instead of due regard say we have had have and ever will have a special and singular regard where to leave entire Sovereign power were to intimate as if we had first cropt it and then left it but our regard was to acknowledge and confess it sincerely and to maintain it constantly even to the hazard of our goods and lives if need be To which purpose your Lordships may be pleased to remember that strict oath every Member of our House hath taken this very session in these words I A. B. do utterly testifie and declare in my Conscience that the Kings highness is the Supreme or Sovereign Governour of this Realm in all Causes c. and to my utmost power will assist and defend all Iurisdictions Priviledges Preheminencies and Authorities granted or belonging to the Kings Highness or united or annexed to the Impâ—rial Crown of this Realm c. So that your Lordships need not to borrow from our protestations any exhortations to us to entertain a writing in assistance of the Kings Sovereign power since we stand obliged by the most Sacred bond of a solemn Oath to assist and defend the same if cause or occasion so required So that the onely question between your Lordships and us is whether this clause should be added to our Petition and received into it as part thereof which to do your Lordships reasons
have not perswaded us because so to admit it were to overthrow the fabrick and substance of our Petition of Right and to annihilate the Right pretended by us and the Petition it â—elf in effect For these words being added to our Petition viz we humbly present this Petition c. with due regard to leave intire your Sovereign power c. do include manifestly an exception to our Petition and an exception being of the nature of the thing whereunto it is an exception Exceptio est de regula must of necessity destroy the rule or Petition so far as to the Case excepted Exceptio firmat regulam in Casibus non exceptis in Casibus exceptis distruit Regulam Then this construction followeth upon our Petition thus inlarged that after we have Petitioned That no Freeman should be compelled by imprisonment to lend or contribute money to his Majestie without his assent in Parliament nor receive against his will Souldiers into his house or undergo a commission of Martiall Law for life or Member in time of peace We should add except his Majestie be pleased to require our monies and imprison us for not lending and send Souldiers into our houses and execute us by Martiall Law in time of peace by virtue of his Soveraign power Which construction as it followeth necessarily upon this inlargment so it concludeth against our Right in the premisses and utterly frustrateth all our Petition neither may it seem strange if this clause additionall which of it self in quallity of a proposition we confess being added to our Petition which also is true should overthrow the very frame and fabrick of it seeing the Logicians take knowledge of such a Fallacy called by them Fallacia à bene divisis ad male conjuncta Hâ—race the Poet giveth an instance to this purpose in a painter who when he had painted the head of a Man according to Art would then joyn to it the neck of a horse and so marr the one and the other whereas each by it self might have been a peice of right good workmanship The second branch of my Lordkeepers rationall parte was enforced out of the last words of this addition by which his Lordship said that they did not leave intire all Soveraign power but that wherewith his Majestie is trusted for the protection safety and happiness of the people as if his Lordship would infer that Soveraign power wherewith c. in this place to be terminum diminuentem a term of diminution or quallification and in that consideration might induce us to accept it but under his Lordships correction we cannot so interpret it For first we are assured that there is no Sovereign power wherewith his Majestie is trusted either by God or Man but onely that which is for the protection safety and happiness of his people and therefore that limitation can make no impression upon us but we conceive it rather in this place to have the force termini adaugentis to be a term of important advantage against our Petition a term of restriction and that wheresoever his Majesties Soveraign power should be exercised upon us in all or any the particulars mentioned in the Petition we should without further inquiry submit thereunto as assuming and taking it pro concesso it induced to our safety and happiness c. Since therefore as the Petition is now conceived it carrieth the form and face of a picture which representeth to the life the pressures and grievances of the peoples with the easie remedies And therefore we hope that his Majesties casting upon it a gratious eye will compassionate his poor loyall Subjects and afford a comfortable answer I do humbly pray your Lordships not to marr or blemish the grace and face of this picture with this unnecessary addition and unnecessary I prove it to be according to that Rule expressio ejus quod tacitè inest nihil operatur And Soveraign power in Cases where it hath place and ought to be used is alwayes necessarily understood and though not expressed yet supplied by reasonable intendment or by the opinion of all Learned men And therefore as it neither is nor can be by us expresly included especially in this Petition where the addition thereof would make such a confusion of the whole sence and substance The Kings Soveraign power and Prerogative is alwayes able to save it self and if it were not we must without this addition save it to our utmost powers if we will save our Oath and save our selves The true state of the cause thus standing between your Lordships and us the House of Commons doth not a little marvel upon what grounds your Lordships are so earnest to urge upon them this addition to be inserted into their Petition they nothing doubt but that the same proceeded out of a sollicitude and fear which your Lordships have least otherwiâ—e the simple and absolute passage of this Petition might be construed hereafter in prejudice of his Majesties Soveraign power And this your Lordships sollicitude and fear proceedeth from your love as the Poet saith Res est solliciti plena Timoris Amor But I humbly pray your Lordships to examine with us the grounds of this your sollicitude and fear which grounds needs must be laid either upon the words of the Petition or the intention of the Petitioners Upon the words there is no possibility to lay them for therein is no mention of the Soveraign power And were the words doubtfull as thus we pray the like things be not done hereafter under pretext of your Majesties Soveraign power yet in respect of the Protestations preceeding concommitant and subsequent to the Petition such doubtfull words ought reasonably to be interpreted onely of such Soveraign power as was not applyable to the cases wherein it was exercised and of such Soveraign power as should be justly practised But there are no such doubtfull words and therefore it followeth that your Lordships fear and sollicitude must be grounded upon the intention of the Petitioners Now your Lordships well know that the House of Commons is not ignorant that in a Session of Parliament though it continue as many weeks as this hath done dayes yet there is nothing prius posterius but all things are held and taken as done at one time If so what a strange collection was this that at the same time the House of Commons should oblige themselves by a fearfull adjuration to assist and defend all Priviledges and Prerogatives belonging to the King and at the same time by a Petition cautiously conveyed indeavour or intend to divest and deprive the King of some Prerogatives belonging to his Crown If therefore such fear and sollicitude can neither be grounded upon the words of the Petition nor intention of the Petitioners I humbly pray your Lordships to lay them aside as we do believe that the proposition of this addition from your Lordships was not onely excuseable but commendable as proceeding from your love so now having heard
Common-wealth and certainly there never was a time in which this duty was more necessarily required then now I therefore judging of a Parliament to be the antient speediest best way in this time of common Danger to give such supply as to secure our selves and to save our Friends from imminent ruine have called you together Every man must do according to his conscience Wherefore if you which God forbid should not doe your duties in contributing what the State at this time needs I must in discharge of my conscience use those other meanes which God hath put into my hands to save that which the follies of particular men may hazard to loose Take not this as a threatning for I scorn to threaten any but my equals but an admonition from him that both out of nature and dutie have most care of your preservations and prosperities and though I thus speak I hope that your endeavours at this time will be such as shall not onely make me approve your former Counsels but lay on me such obligations as shall binde me by way of thankfulness to meet often for be assured that nothing can be more pleasing to me then to keep a good correspondence with you I will onely adde one thing more and then leave my Lord Keeper to make a short paraphrase upon the Text I have delivered you which is to remember a thing to the end we may forget it You may imagine that I came here with a doubt of success of what I desire remembring the distractions at the last meeting but I assure you that I shall very easily and gladly forget and forgive what is past so that you will at this present time leave the former waies of distractions and follow the counsell late given you to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace The Lord Keeper Coventry's Speech 17. March 1627. My Lords and you the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons IF I had been delighted in long speaking yet the example and commandment of his Majestie hath been more then enough to refraine the super fluitie of that humour but here is yet more For that short and excellent compacted Speech which you have heard from his Majestie begins with a reason It is a time for action and not for speech Examples and Command master the VVill and Reason the Understanding and therefore you may expect nothing from me but brevity You have heard the matter already and I doubt not but with reverence as the weight and authority requires you have imprinted it in your mindes and the matter being known long speeches from me were but babling to beat the aire Yee are here in Parliament by his Majesties writ and royall command to consult and conclude of the weightie and urgent businesse of this Kingdome VVeighty it is and great as great as the honour safety and protection of Religion King and Country and what can be greater Urgent it is It is little pleasure to tell or think how urgent and to tell it with circumstances were a long work I will but touch the summe of it in few words The Pope and House of Austria have long affected the one a Spiritual the other a Temporal Monarchie and to effect their ends to serve each others turn the House of Austria besides the rich and vast Territories of both the Indies and in Africa joined together are become Masters of Spain and Italy and the great country of Germany And although France be not under their subjection yet they have endeavoured all about him the very bowells of the Kingdome swaied by the Popish faction they have gotten such a part and such interest in the Government that under pretence of Religion to root out the Protestants and our Religion they have drawn the King to their adherence so farre that albeit upon his Majesties interposition by his Ambassadours and his engagement of his royall word there was between the King and his Subjects Articles of agreement and the Subjects were quiet whereby his Majestie interessed in that great Treaty was bound to see a true accomplishment yet against that strict alliance that Treaty hath been broken and those of the Religion have been put to all extremity and undoubtedly will be ruinated without present help so as that King is not onely diverted from assisting the common Cause but hath been misled to engage himself in hostile acts against our King or other Princes making way thereby for the House of Austria to the ruine of his own and other Kingdomes Other Potentates that in former times did ballance and interrupt the growing greatnesse of the House of Austria are now removed and diverted The Turk hath made peace with the Emperour and turned himself wholly into warrs with Asia the King of Sweden is embroiled in a warre with Poland which is invented by Spanish practices to keep that King from succouring our part the King of Denmark is chased out of his Kingdome on this and on that side the Sound so as the house of Austria is on the point to command all the Sea-coasts from Dantzick to Emden and all the Rivers falling into the Sea in that great extent so as besides their power by Land they beginne to threaten our part by Sea to the subversion of all our State In the Baltique Sea they are providing and arming all the ships they can build or hire and have at this time their Ambassadours threatning at Lubeck to draw into their service the Hans-Townes whereby taking from us and our neighbours the East-land trade by which our Shipping is supplied they expect without any blow given to make themselves masters of the Sea In those Western parts by the Dunkerkers and by the now French and Spanish Admirall to the ruine of Fishing of infinite consequence both to us and the Low Countries they infest all our coast so as wee passe not safely from port to port And that Fleet which lately assisted the French at the Isle of Ree is now preparing at St. Andrea with other ships built in the coast of Biscai to re-inforce it and a greater Fleet is making ready at Lisbon where besides their own they do serve themselves upon all strangers bottoms coming to that coast for trade And these great preparations are no doubt to assault us in England or Ireland as they shall finde advantage and a place fit for their turn Our friends of the Netherlands besides the feare that justly troubles them lest the whole force of the Emperour may fall down upon them are distracted by their Voyages into the East which hath carried both men and money into another world and almost divided them at home Thus are we even ready on all sides to be swallowed up the Emperour France and Spain being in open warr against us Germany over-run the King of Denmark distressed the King of Sweden diverted and the Low-Countrey men disabled to give us assistance I speak not this to increase fear unworthy of English
sitting amongst them they could have found few or none whose presentation to your Majestie would have been of lesse repute or advantage to them For impeditior is linguaesum and the poore experience I have of that royall Assembly is so ill ballanced with true judgement that every gust and wave hath power on me whereby I shall not onely suffer in my own particular but which I apprehend with much more care and sorrow prejudice their common Interest Wherefore dread and dear Sovereign as low as the lowest step of your royal throne I humbly bend appealing to your great sovereign judgement for my discharge from this so unequall a burthen imposed on me most humbly and earnestly beseeching your most excellent Majestie for the honour of that great Councell and the better digestion of publick Services there and withall to avert so ill an Omen as the choice of Me in the beginning of a Parliament ordained I hope for the joy of our own and the envy of other Nations that by your gracious Command the House may re-consult and settle their better thoughts on some more worthy their election and your Majestie 's approbation The Lord Keeper Coventry's Reply M r. Speaker HIs Majestie with a most gracious eare and princely attendance hath heard your humble excuse he knowes well the importance of your place but your ability to discharge it he approves and commends the election of the House of Commons and therein receives the more content because they have followed the light taken from himself who formerly made choice of you to serve in a place of Trust both about himself and his royall Consort The Omen cannot be ill and the People so readily follow him whom God hath ordained to go in and out before them And therefore knowing your tackling to be strong and finding your saile moderate and not over-born his Majestie doth doubt neither gust nor wave to endanger your passage But since you are duely chosen his Majestie counsells and commands that unto your humility you adde resolution and courage they stand well together and being well joyned they will arme all your abilities to that great Imployment of service to your King and Countrie which as the Commons by their uniforme voice have put upon you so his Majestie by his royall approbation doth girt unto you and settle you Speaker The Speaker Sir John Finches Reply IT is now no time nor manners longer to dispute with my Lord the King but with all joy of heart and alacrity humbly and thankfully to meet so great a favour from the best of Masters and the best of Men. Therefore first I lift up my heart to him that sits on the Throne of heaven per quem Principes imperant Potentes decernunt justitiam humbly begging at his hands that made the tongue to give me speech and that framed the heart of man to give me understanding for I am but as Clay in the hands of the Potter and he will mould me for honour or dishonour as best seemes good unto him Next I bow my knees unto your most excellent Majestie in all humble and hearty acknowledgement of this and many other your great and gracious Favours The truth of mine heart full of zeale and duty to your Majestie and the publike as any mans quits me from all feare of running into wilfull and pregnant errours and your Majestie 's great goodnesse of which I have been so large a partaker gives me strong assurance that having by your gracious beames drawn me up from earth and obscurity you will so uphold me by a benigne and gracious interpretation of all my words and actions that I fall not down again like a crude and imperfect vapour but consume the remainder of my dayes in the zeal of your Majestie 's service This great and glorious Assembly made perfect by your royall presence like a curious Perspective the more I behold it with the more joy and comfort I finde a lively representation of that true happinesse which under your Majestie 's gracious government we all enjoy A better tongue were fitter to expresse it but a rich Stone retaines his value though ill set Here in the fulnesse and height of your Glorie like the Sun in the exaltation of his Orbe sits your most excellent Majestie the sovereigne Monarch of this famous Isle in a Throne made glorious by a long succession of many and great Princes A meditation worthy our better thoughts that we live neither enthralled to the fury of the giddy-headed multitude nor yet to the distracted wills of many Masters but under the command of a King the stay and strength of a People one as Homer saith well of a King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to be laid in common ballance with other men for Kings know no other Tenure but God's service and their value it is onely tried at his Beam whence the Poets said the Parents of the first Kings were Coelum Terra Divine institution and Humane approbation Besides that it is a Sovereigntie also hereditarie which makes the Common-wealth the King's care as that which is the King 's own Patrimony and the inheritance of his Children when elective Monarchies quickly runne to ruine and are commonly made poor by the enriching of several Families On your right hand are the reverend religious and learned Prelates the Lights of the Church fit to be set in golden Candle-sticks and not made contemptible by Paritie or Povertie lively Ideaâ—s of that blessing above the rest which by Godâ—s great goodnesse and your Majestie 's great pietie this Realme enjoyes the libertie of the Gospell and the free profession of God's true Religion Your Majestie passed the fierie tryall in Spaine and gave us then assurance that your faith was built on that rock against which the gates of hell shall never prevaile Since your coming to the Crowne by your royall Edict you have banished those Incendiaries of Rome the Priests and Iesuites enemies to our Church and State so as now they are either gone or lurk in corners like the sonnes of darknesse You have given life to the Lawes against Recusants and by your own exemplarie pietie have drawn more then you have compelled to come to Church Euge ingredi ut impleaâ—ur domus mea was his command that made the great Feast and is the duty of Magistrates And certainly dread Sovereigne true Religion will ever be a target to them that are a buckler to it No cement so strong to hold your Subjects hearts together in their true obedience Our Religion never bred a Clement or a Ravillack and that execrable Villany never to be forgotten here when all of us horresco referens in an instant should have been turned into ashes and those scattered in the winde was a Monster could never have been ingendred but by the Divel or the Iesuites On your left hand sit your Nobles the Lights of Honour full of courage and magnanimitie yet in right distance between
Crown and People neither over-shadowing the one or oppressing the other Before your Throne like the twelve Lyons under Solomon's Throne sit the Lights of Justice your grave Iudges and Sages of the Law learned and just as many Ages have known and learning justice by your example Our Lawes as excellent as they are I am sure no humane Lawes excell them nor could so well suite with the constitution of this People were they in the power of corrupt or ignorant men I know not which were worse for one will perhaps oftner erre then the other bribe Justice could never keep her right chanel nor runne cleare as in your Majestie 's reigne it ever hath I must not forget the other Lights the Knights Citizens and Burgesses the Representative of their Estate who although they move lower and at more distance from your royall Person yet I am confident will ever be found constant to the Poles of Love and Loyaltie 'T is a gracious Favour of your Majestie and our former Kings I have often thought on that when both these Houses are humble suitors for any thing they are never denyed Le Roy s' aviserà The King will advise of it is the greatest denyall And I assure my self your Majestie shall finde all your Subjects so full of dutie to your Crown and of true and loyall affection to your royall Person that you shall never have cause to think your gracious Favours ill bestowed on them The Union of Hearts Sir is a greatnesse beyond that of the Kingdome to which you are Heire Et penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos it is a Name of advantage to this Island if the Division be not amongst our selves which the God of Unitie for his mercies sake forbid and so knit our Hearts in love one to another and all of us in duty and loyalty to your most excellent Majestie that this renowned Island perish not by our Distractions but may ever flourish and be like Ierusalem the Citie of God where his Name may â—e for ever honoured Great and glorious have been the Actions of your royal Predecessours yet greater remaine for your Majestie and most of theirs attend you for their perfection The first Christian King of Europe the first that abated the swelling pride of Rome by banishing his usurped power and God's true Vice-gerent the first that established the true Religion now profest were all Kings of England and the last a young one Queen Elizabeth was a woman yet Spaine hath cause to remember her the Protestants of France and the Low-Countries will never forget her And were Henry the Great alive he would say That in requitall of the love of this Kingdome shewed him he hath sent us one of his owne Loynes your royall Consort our most gracious Queen to propagate these blessings to us and our posteritie for ever Your royall Father of ever blessed and famous memorie had a Reigne like Solomon's for Religion no man knew more a lustre or advantage to him this Age shall deliver it to the next and all Ages shall see it in his Kingly Workes But while under his glorious Reigne we abode in peace and plenty our hands had forgot to warre and our fingers to fight till at last by your Princely mediation upon the humble suite of both these Houses the two Treaties were dissolved and a foundation laid for your Majestie to restore us to our antient and Military honour which I doubt not will quickly be Eritis sicut Dii was the Serpent's Counsell and ruined Mankinde nor is it fit for private men much lesse for me to search into the Counsells or Actions of Kings Onely Sir give me leave from an heart full of zeale to your glorie and greatnesse to say to your Majestie the Times require you Religion calls upon you to goe on with that Kingly Courage you have begunne till the state of Christendome be settled in the right Balance again We see how the Eagle spreads his wings in Germany reaching with his talons as farre as the Sound and Baltick sea Denmark and Sweden in danger of utter ruine by seizing the Electorates the choice of the Empire invested in a manner solely in the House of Austria Our Religion in France and every where never so neare a period And we know who it is for whom all this works he of whom the boast is made Allà qui Monarâ—ui nasciendo d'el monendo who by the ruine of us and our Religion will make a new Zodiack and draw an Ecliptick line through the East and West Indies But he that sits on high will in his good time laugh them to scorne and as that wise Woman said to King David God will make to my Lord the King a sure house if my Lord shall continue to fight the battels of Iehovah and let all England say Amen I have presumed too farre upon your royall Patience and therefore I will conclude with a few words for them that sent me who are humble suitours to your excellent Majestie First for our better attending the publick and important services that our selves and our necessary Attendants may be free both in our persons and goods from all arrests and troubles according to our ancient priviledge and immunities Next that since that in all great Councells where difference of opinion is truth is best discovered by free debates your Majestie according to our like ancient use and priviledge will be graciously pleased to allow us liberty and freedome of speech and I assure my self we shall not passe the latitude of duty and discretion That upon all occurrences of moment fit for resort to your owne person your Majestie upon humble suit at your best leisure will vouchsafe us accesse to your royall person And lastly that all our proceedings being lodged in your royall heart with belief of our zeal and loyalty we may reap the fruits of it by your Majestie 's gracious and favourable interpretation One word more I humbly begg for my self That though it be the beginning of a Parliament I may now and ever enjoy your Majestie 's most gracious and generall free Pardon The Lord Keeper Coventry's second Reply M r. Speaker HIs Majestie with no lesse content then attention hath heard your learned Discourse he observes your beginning with his gracious incouragement and advice not forsaking your humble modestie but adding to it thankfulnesse alacrity and joy of heart a just and right temper He observes you derive these aright first from the Throne in heaven he lookes thither with you and joynes in prayer that both you and all this Assemblie by that Divine hand and power be moulded and procured for the honour safety and good of the Church and Kingdome Next you apply your self to the Throne on earth his Majestie doth graciously accept your protestations of the truth of your heart the fulnesse of your zeale and duty to his Majestie and the Publick he believes it and that not in you alone but in all this
that daie that I shall dare to lift up my arm to touch that forbidden fruit those flowers of his princely Crown and Diadem But yet in our Eden in this garden of the Common-wealth as there are the flowers of the Sun which are so glorious that they are to be handled onely by royall Majestie so are there also some Daisies and wholsome herbs which every common hand that lives and labours in this garden may pick and gather up and take comfort and repose in them Amongst all which this oculus diei this bona libertas is one and the cheif one Thus much in all humblenesse I presume to speak for the occasion I will now descend to the Question wherein I hold with all dutifull submission to better Iudgments that these Acts of power in imprisoning and confining of his Majesties Subjects in such manner without any declaration of the cause are against the fundamentall Lawes and Liberties of this Kingdome And for these reasons thus briefly drawn I conclude 1. The first from the great favour which the Law doth give unto and the great care which it hath ever taken of the liberty and safety of this Kingdome I should not need to take the question in pieces nor handle it in parts dividedly but as one intire because I hold no other difference between imprisonment and confinement then only this that one hath a lesse and streighter the other a greater and larger Prison And this word Confinement not being to be found in any one case of our law if therefore it is become the language of State it is too difficult for me to define To proceed therefore in maintenance of my first reason I find our Law doth so much favour the Subjects liberty of his Person that the body of a man was not liable to be arrested or imprisoned for any other cause at the Common Law but for force and things done against the peace For the Common Law being the preserver of the land so abhorreth force that those that commit it she accompts her capitall enemies therefore did subject their bodies to imprisonment But by the statute of Marlebridge Cap. 24. which was made 35. Hen. 3. who was the eighth King from the Conquest because Bailiffs would not render accounts to their Lords it was enacted that their bodies should be attached And afterwards by the statute 23. Edw. 3. 17 who was the 〈◊〉 King after the Conquest because men made no Conscience to pay their debts it was enacted that their bodies should likewise be attached But before those statutes no mans body was subject to be taken or imprisoned otherwise then as aforesaid Whereby it is evident how much the Common Law favoured the Liberty of the Subject and protected his body from imprisonment I will inforce the reason further by a Rule in Law and some cases in Law upon that Rule The Rule is this That Corporalis injuria non recipit aestimationem è fuâ—uro So as if the question be not for a wrong done to the person the Law will not compell him to sustain it and afterwards except a remedy for the Law holds no damage a sufficient recompence for a wrong which is corporall The cases in Law to prove this rule shall be these If one menace me in my goods or that he will burn the evidence of my land which he hath in his custody unlesse I make unto him a Bond there I cannot avoyd the Bond by pleading of this menace But if he restrains my person or threatens me with battery or with burning my house which is a protection for my person or with burning an instrument of manumission which is an evidence of my enfranchisement upon these menaces or dares I shall avoid the bond by plea. So if a Trespassour drives my beast over another Mans ground and I pursue to rescue it there I am a Trespassour to him on whose ground I am But if a man assault my person and I for my safety fly over into another man's ground there I am no Trespassour to him for Quod quis in tuitione sui corporis fecerit jure id fecisse existimatur Nay which is more the Common Law did favour the Liberty not only of Freemen but even of the persons of Bondmen and Villains who haue no right of propriety either in lands or goods as Freemen have And therefore by the Law the Lord could not maim his Villain nay if the Lord commanded another to beat his Villain and he did it the Villain should have his action of Battery against him for it If the Lord made a Lease for yeares to his Villain if he did plead with his Villain if he tendred his Villain to be Champion for him in a Writt of Right any of those acts and many other which I omit were in Law infranchisements and made these Villains Freemen Nay in a suite brought against one if he by Attorney will pleade that he is a Villain the Law is so carefull of Freedome that it dissallowes this plea by Attorny but he must doe it propria persona because it binds his Posterity and bloud to the Villains also And thus much in the generall for my first reason 2. My next reason is drawn by an Argument à majori ad minus I frame it thus If the King have no absolute power over our Lands or Goods then à fortiori not over our Persons to imprison them without declaring the cause for our Persons are much more worth then either Lands or Goods which is proved by what I have said already and Christ himself makes it clear where he saith An nonest corpus supra vestimentum Is not the Body more worth then Raiment where the Canonists say that Vestimentum comprehendeth all outward things which are not in the same degree with that which is corporall And our Law maketh it also plain for if a Villain purchase Frankland this maketh it Villain-land according to the nature of his person but it holds not è converso Frank-land shall not free the person Now that the King hath no absolute power either over our Lands or Goods I will onely at this time but put a case or two for without proof of the Premisses my Conclusion would not follow First for Land The King cannot by his Letters pattents make the son of an Alien heir to his father nor to any other for he cannot disinherit the right heir saith the book nor do no prejudice to the Lord of his Escheat The King by his Prerogative shall pay no toll for things bought in Fairs and Markets but a custome for paying toll to go over the soil and free-holds of another shall bind the King for this toucheth the inheritance of the Subject and therefore the King shall not have so much as a way over his lands without paying and if not a way then certainly not the land it self Next for Goods If a man hath a Jewell in gage for ten pound c. and is attainted for
our selves our Friends and of our Religion That the Dangers were not reall but pretended we all heartily wish but feel the contrary That divisions have weakned our party and our attempts united the two greatest Princes of Christendome against us whom we have provoked That the State is desperately diseased and this Parliament the way that it may yet be recovered if soveraigne and proper remedies be speedily applyed 1. To trust the King whose Kingly nature is to yield it prevails 2. To supply the King and that without condition which is fewel of Jealousie 3. To present our grievances to his Majesty personall and reall humbly moderately and briefly 4. To do all this speedily and in order whereby the King may be strengthened the Kingdome recovered our Allies relieved and the Laws and Liberties of the Subject preserved in a legall propriety for he that is not master of his goods dwells not at home Sir Robert Philips his Speech March 22. 1627. Mr. Speaker I Reade of a custome amongst the old Romans that once every year they had a solemn Feast for their Slaves at which they had liberty without exception to speak what they would thereby to â—ase their afflicted minds which being finished they severally returned to their former Servitude This may with some resemblance and distinction well set forth our present state where now after the revolution of some time and grievous sufferance of many violent oppressions we have as those Slaves had a day of liberty of speech but shall not I trust be hereafter slaves for we are free yet what new illegall proceedings our states and persons have suffered under my heart yearns to think my tongue falters to utter They have been well represented by divers worthy Gentlemen before me yet one and the maine as I conceive hath not been touched which is our Religion Religion M r. Speaker made vendible by Commission and men for pecuniary annuall rates dispenced withall whereby Papists may without feare of Law practice Idolatry For the Oppressions under which we grone I draw them into two heads Acts of Power against Law and Judgements of Law against our Liberty Of the first sort are strange instructions violent exactions of money thereupon imprisonment of the persons of such who to deliver over to posteritie the liberty they have received from their Fore-fathers and lawfully were in possession of refused so to lend and this aggravated by reason of the remedilesse continuance and length thereof and chiefly the strange vast and unlimited power of our Lieutenants and their Deputies in billetting of Souldiers in making rates in granting warrants for taxes as their discretions shall guide them and all against the Law These last are the most insupportable burthens that at this present afflict our poor Country and the most cruel oppression that ever yet the Kingdome of England endured These upstart Lieutenants of whom perhaps in some cases and times there may be good use being regulated by Law are the worst of grievances and the most forward and zealous executioners of those violent and unlawfull courses which have been commended unto them Of whose proceedings and for the qualifying of whose unruly power it is more then time to consult and determine Judgements of Law against our Liberty have been three each latter stepping forwarder then the former upon the right of the Subject aiming in the end to tread and trample under foot our Law and that in the form of Law The first was the Judgement of the Post-nati whereby a Nation which I heartily love for their singular zeal in our Religion and their spirit to preserve our Liberties far beyond many of us is made capable in any the like favours priviledges and immunities as our selves enjoy and this specially argued in the Exchequer Chamber by all the Judgeâ— of England The second was the Judgement upon the impositions in the Exchequer Court by the Barons which hath been the source and fountain of many bitter waters of affliction unto our Merchants The third was that fatall late Judgement against the Liberty of the Subject imprisoned by the King argued and pronounced but by one alone I can live although another without title be put to live with me nay I can live although I pay excises and impositions more then I doe but to have my Liberty which is the soul of my life taken from me by power and to have my body pent up in a gaole without remedy by Law and to be so adjudged Oh improvident Ancestors Oh unwise Fore-fathers to be so curious in providing for the quiet possession of our Laws and the Liberties of Parliament and to neglect our Persons and Bodies and to let them ly in prison and that durante bâ—neplacito remedilesse If this be Law what do we talk of Liberties why do we trouble our selves with the dispute of Law franchises propriety of goods and the like What may any man call his if not Liberty I am weary in treading these waies and conclude to have a select Committee deputed to frame a Petition to his Majestie for redress of these things which being read examined and approved by the House may be delivered to the King of whose gracious answer we have no cause to doubt our desires being so reasonable our intentions so loyall and the manner so humble Neither need we feare this to be the Critical Parliament as was insinuated or this a way to distraction but assure our selves of a happie issue Then shall the King as he calls us his great Councell find us his true Councell and owne us his good Councell Which God grant c. Sir Thomas Edmonds March 22. 1627. THe King congratulating this present Parliament he prays for a blessed supply he assures us of his gracious inclination towards us and of the consequence of this meeting doth intimate how much the safety of our selves and Confederates abroad depends upon the good successe thereof and he wisheth a generall oblivion of things that are past least they cause distractions anew without a primary and free Supply to his Majestie Sir John Elliot March 22. 1627. SIr Iohn Elliot did passionately and rhetorically set forth our late Grievances he misliked much and vehemently the violating of our Laws urged many good arguments for our propugning them and concluded with Sir Francis Seymour for a Committee Sir Humfrey Maye March 22. 1627. LEt us take heed of distracting the King who is young and vigorous full of spirit and courage and may be wone to our devices by our complying and alleadging all these illegall proceedings were actions of Necessity and the like with other things by way of excuse The Petition for the Fast March 26. 1628. Most Gracious Soveraigne WE your Majestie 's most humble and loyall Subjects the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons in this present Parliament assembled upon a tender and passionate sense of the extream Calamities of the Reformed Churches abroad and with much sorrow apprehending the heavy displeasure of almighty
joy to see this day Sir John Elliot in answer to M r Secretary Cokes Message of Thanks from the King and the Duke of Buckingham delivered in the Commons House of Parliament 5. April 1628. M r. Speaker I Presume we have all received great satisfaction from his Majestie as at other times so now in his gracious answer and resolution for the businesse of this House his answer to our Petition for Religion so particularly made his resolution in that other consideration concerning the point already settled here in Declaration of our Liberties and for the Parliament in generall that he hath taken so good a liking to our manner of proceeding as it hath gained his promise therein to meet often where I am made confident as of his grace to us so of our Loyalties that to thus good a Beginning we should adde so happy a Conclusion as shall increase that liking and good opinion in his Majestie and from henceforth make him more and more in love with Parliaments As thus in generall so in my particular I receive excellent satisfaction herein so as I have not words enough sufficiently to utter it And yet I confesse that extremity of joy is not without trouble which must likewise be declared to disburden this affection which cannot otherwise so lively and so faithfully expresse me in the service of the House as I have resolved I know not what â—atality or infortunity crept in but I observe in the close of that Relation no mention of any other in addition to his Majesty and that which formerly hath been a matter of complaint here I find it still the mixture with his Majestie not only in his businesse but in name Is it that any man conceives the mention of others of what quality soever can adde encouragement or affection to us in our Duties and Loialties towards his Majestie or give them greater latitude or extent then naturally they have Or is it supposed that the power or interest of any man can adde more readinesse to his Majesty in his gracious inclination to us then his own goodnesse gives him I cannot believe it And as the Sweetnesse and Pietie of his Majesty which we have in admiration makes me confident in this so the expression of our Dutie so perspicuous and cleer as already hath been given is my assurance for the other But Sir I am sorry there is this occasion that these things should be argued or this mixture which was so meerlie condemned should appear again I beseech you Sir let it not be hereafter let no man take this boldnesse within these walls to introduce it though I confesse for my particular I shall readily commend nay thank that man whose endeavours are applyed to such offices as may be advantageable for the publick yet in this manner so contrarie to the customes of our Fathers and the honour of our Times as I cannot without Scandall apprehend it I cannot without some Character or exception passe it And therefore I desire that such interposition may be left and that all other **** respects and goodnesses of his Majesty in the confidence of our own loyaltie and affections Now let us proceed to those services that concern him which I doubt not in the end will render us so reall unto him that we shall not need more help to endear us to his favour A Message by Secretary Coke from the King to the Lower House April 7. 1628. HIs Majesty hath again commanded me to put you in mind how the eyes and interest of the Christian World are cast upon the good or ill successe of this Assemblie He also graciously taketh notice of that which is in agitation amongst us touching the freedome of our Persons and propriety of our Goods And that this particular care which he in no way misliketh may not retract our resolution for the generall good he willeth us cheerfully to proceed in both and to expresse our readinesse to supply his great Occasions upon assurance that we shall enjoy all our Rights and Liâ—â—rties with as much freedome and security in his time as in any age heretofore under the best of our Kings And whether you shall think fit to secure our selves herein by way of Bill or otherwise so as it be provided for with due respect to his Honour and the publick good whereof he doubteth not but you will be carefull he promiseth and assureth you that he will give way unto it and the more confidence you shall shew to his Grace and Goodnesse the more you shall prevaile to obtain your desires Sir Benjamin Ruddier's Speech upon the receipt of his Majestie 's Answer to the Petition against Recusants M r Speaker THe best thanks we can return his Majesty for his gracious and religious answer he hath given to our Petition is to move towards that which will both please him and secure our selves The dangers and necessities of the present state M r Speaker are so obvious to every mans eye and understanding and therefore so well known as to make a large and particular rehearsall of them would rather astonish our judgements then refresh our memorie Wherefore in short and in grosse I will but only reflect upon the desperate condition of the Kings Uncle the King of Denmarke engaged from hence even to the hazzard of his own Kingdome in the quarrell of that royall and victorious Lady his Majesties Sister for the recovery of her and her childrens patrimony the preservation and reestablishment of the Religion in those Countreys so that the King is bound in nature in policie and in religion to relieve and assist both the persons and the cause to the utmost of his power Believe it M r Speaker the hindge of the many businesses mov'd in Germany doth not a little presse us to look about us at this time for if that great bodie were once united under one head it would crush all the rest with the weight of it Next let us a little look over into France there shall we find the poor men of our Religion exposed to the furie of an enraged King with a juster pretence against them then hath been at any time heretofore besides which is worse the Kings of Spain and France are united against them and us and made better friends then ever they meant to have been So that not to succour and support the Professours of our Religion will not only be infidelity and cruelty but improvidence and folly for their ill is ours If Rochel should be lost which is now in loosing and his Majesty not able to set out one ship to help it if it should be lost it would hazzard the totall extirpation of the Religion besides it would be an extraordinarie advantage to the King of France for shipping and as great a disadvantage to us in respect of the neighbourhood and if the Sound should be lost too whereby should we escape from being swallowed up by a Spanish invasion this Island would be more like to
which are excluded by the word liber for the generall Law of the Land doth allow their Lords to imprison them at pleasure without cause wherein they only differ from the Free-men in respect of their persons who cannot be imprisoned without a cause And that this is the true understanding of those words per legem terrae will more plainly appear by divers other Statutes that I shall use which do expound the same accordingly And although the words of this Grand Charter be spoken in the third person yet they are to be understood of Suites betwixt partie and partie at least not of them alone but even of the Kings Suites against his Subjects as will appear by the occasion of the getting of that Charter which was by reason of the differences betwixt those Kings and their people and therefore properlie to be applyed to their power over them and not to ordinarie questions 'twixt Subject and Subject The words per legale judicium parium suorum immediately precedeing the other per legem terrae are meant of trialls at the Kings Suit and not at the prosecution of a Subject And therefore if a Peer of the Realm be arraigned at the Suit of the King upon any Indictment of Murther he shall be tried by his Peeres that is Nobles But if he be appealed of Murther by a Subject his triall shall be by an ordinarie Jury of 12 Free-holders as appeareth in 10. Edw. 4. It is said such is the meaning of Magna Charta By the same reason therefore as per judicium parium suorum extends to the Kings Suit so shall these words per legem terrae And in 8. E. 2. Rot. Parliam num 7. there is a Petition that a Writ made under the Privie Seal went to the Guardians of the Great Seal to cause lands to be seized into the Kings hands by force of which there went a Writ out of the Chauncery to the Exchequer to seize against the forme of the Grand Charter That the King or his Ministers shall out-law no man of Free-hold without reasonable Judgement And the partie was restored to his land Which sheweth the Statute did extend to the King There was no invasion upon this personall liberty till the time of King Edw. the 3. which was soon restrained by the Subject For in the 5. E. 3. cap. 9. it is ordained in these words It is enacted that no man from henceforth shall be attached by any accusation nor forejudged of life or limbe nor his lands tenements goods nor cattells seized into the Kings hands against the forme of the great Charter And the Law of the Land 25. E. 3. cap. 4. is more full and doth expound the words of the Grand Charter and it is thus Whereas it is contained in the great Charter of the Franchises of England That no Free-man be imprisoned or put out of his Free-hold nor of his Franchise nor Free Custome unlesse it be by the Law of the Land it is accorded assented and established that from henceforth none shall be taken by petition or suggestion made unto our Lord the King or to his Councell unlesse it be by indictment or presentment of his good and lawfull people of the same neighbourhood where such deeds be done in due manner or by processe made by Writ originall at the Common Law nor that none be out of his Franchises or of his Free-hold unlesse he be duely brought into answer and forejudged of the same by course of Law and if any thing be done against the same it shall be redressed and held for null Out of this Statute I observe that what in Magna Charta and the Preamble of this Statute is termed by the Law of the Land is in the body of this Act expounded to be by processe made by Writ originall at the Common Law which is a plain interpretation of the words Law of the Land in the grand Charter Andâ— I note that this Law was made upon the commitment of divers to the Tower no man yet knoweth for what The 28. E. 3. is yet more direct this Libertie being followed with fresh suite by the Subject where the words are not many but very full and significant That no man of what estate or condition he be shall be put out of his lands or Tenement nor taken nor imprisoned nor disinherited nor put to death without he be brought into answer by due processe of the Law Here your Lordships see the usuall words of the Law of the Land are rendered by due processe of the Law 36. E. 3. Rot. Parliam num 9. amongst the Petitions of the Commons one of them being translated into English out of the French is thus First that the great Charter and the Charter of the Forrest and the other Statutes made in his time and the time of his Progenitours for the profit of him and his Commonaltie be well and firmly kept and put in due execution without putting disturbance or making arrest contrarie to them by speciall command or in any other The answer to the Petition which makes it an Act of Parliament is Our Lord the King by the assent of the Prelates Dukes Earles Barons and the Commonaltie hath ordained and established that the said Charters and Statutes be held and put in execution according to the said Petition which is that no arrest should be made contrarie to the Statutes by speciall command This concludes the Question and is of as great force as if it were printed For the Parliament Roll is the true warrant of an Act and many are omitted out of the books that are extant 36. E. 3. Rot. Parliament num 20. explaineth it further for there the Petition is Whereas it is contained in the Grand Charter and other Statutes that none be taken or imprisoned by speciall command without indictment or other due processe to be made by the Law yet oftentimes it hath been and still is that many are hindred taken and imprisoned without indictment or other processe made by the Law upon them as well of things done out of the Forrest of the King as for other things That it would therefore please our said Lord to command those to be delivered which are so taken by speciall Command against the forme of the Charters and Statutes aforesaid The answer is The King is pleased if any man find himself grieved that he come and make his complaint and right shall be done unto him 37. E. 3. cap. 18. agreeth in substance when it saith Though that it be contained in the great Charter that no man be imprisoned nor put out of his Freehold without processe of the Law neverthelesse divers people make false suggestions to the King himself as well for malice as otherwise whereat the King is often grievâ—d and divers of the Realme put in damage against the forme of the said Charter Wherefore it is ordained that all they which make such suggestions be sent with the suggestions before the Chauncellour Treasurer and the
for bodie as appeareth 33. and 36. 83. in the title of Mainprize p. 12. 13. where the difference betwixt Baile and Mainprize is expresly taken And if the words of the Statutes themselves be observed it will appeare plainly that it extends to the Sheriffs and other inferious Officers and doth not bind the hands of the Judges The Preamble which is the key which openeth the entrance into the meaning of the makers of the Law is Forasmuch as Sheriffs and others which have taken and kept in prison persons detected of fellony Out of these words I observe that it nominateth Sheriffs and then if the Justices should be included they must be comprehended under the generall word other which doth not use to extend to those of a higher rank but to inferious for the best by all course is first to be named And therefore if a man bring a Writ of Customes and Services and name Rents and other things the generall shall not include Homage which is a personall service and of a higher nature but it shall extend to ordinarie annuall services 31. E. 1. Droit So the Statute of 13. Eliz. cap. 10. which beginneth with Colledges Deanes and Chapters Parsons Vicars and concludes with these words and others having spirituall promotions shall not comprehend Bishops that are of a higher degree as appeares in the Archbishop of Canterburies Case reported by S r Edw. Coke lib. 2. fo 46. And thus much is explained in this verie Statute towards the end when it doth enumerate those were meant by the word other namely under-Sheriffs Constables Bailiffs Again the words are Sheriffs and others which have taken and kept in prison now every man knoweth Judges do neither arrest nor keep men in prison that is the office of Sheriffs and other inferiour Ministers therefore this Statute meant such only and not Judges The words are further that they let out by replevine such as were not replevisable that is the proper language for a Sheriff Nay more expresse afterward in the bodie of the Statute that such as are there mentioned shall be in no case replevisable by the common writ which is de homine replegiando and is directed to the Sheriff nor without writ which is by the Sheriff ex officio But that which receives no answer is this That the command of the Justices who derive their authorities from the Crown is there equall as to this purpose with the command of the King And therefore by all reasonable construction it must needs relate to Officers subordinate to both as Sheriffs under-Sheriffs Bailiffs Constables and the like And it were an harsh exposition to say that the Justices might not discharge their own Command and yet that reason would conclude as much And that this was meant of the Sheriffs and other Ministers of Justice appeareth by the recitall 27. E. 1. cap. 3. And likewise by Fleta a Manuscript so called because the Authour lay in the Fleet when he made the book for he lib. 2. cap. 52. in his cap. of Turnes and the views of the Hundred Courts in the Countrie sets down the Articles of the Charges that are there to be enquired of amongst which one of them is de replegiabilibus injuste detentis or irreplegiabilibus dimissis which cannot be meant of not bailing by the Justices for what have the inferiour Courts in the Countrey to do with the Acts of the Justices And to make it more plain he setteth down in this Chapter that concernes Sheriffs only the very Statute of Westm. cap. 15. which he translates verbatim out of the French into the Latin save that he renders taken by the command of the Justices thus per Judicium Justitiariorum and his Preface to the Statute plainly sheweth that he understood it of replevine by Sheriffs for he saith Qui debent per plegiâ—s dimitti qui non declarat hoc Statutum and per plegiâ—s is before the Sheriff But for direct authoritie it is the opinion of Newton the Chief Justice in 22. H. 6. 46. where his words are these It cannot be intended that the Sheriff did suffer him to go at large by mainprize for where one is taken by the writ of the King or the command of the King he is irreplevisable but in such case his friends may come to the Justices for him if he be arrested and purchase a supersedeas So he declares the very Question That the Sheriffs had no power but that the Justices had power to deliver him that is committed by the Kings Command And both the ancient and modern practise manifests as much for he that is taken for the death of a man or for the Forrest is not replevisable by the Sheriff yet they are ordinarily bailed by the Justices and were by the Kings writs directed to the Sheriffs in the times of E. 1. and E. 2. as appeares in the Close Rolls which could not be done if they were not bailable And it is every dayes experience that the Justices of the Kings Bench do baile for murther and for offences done in the Forrest which they could not do if the word irreplevisable in Westm. 1. were meant of the Justices as well as of the Sheriffs For the authorities which have been offered to prove the contrarie they are in number 3. The first is 21. E. 1. Rot. 2. which also is in the book of the Pleas in Parliament at the Tower fol. 44. It is not an Act of Parliament but a resolution in Parliament upon an action there brought which was usuall in those times and the Case is That Stephen Rubar the Sheriff of the Counties of Leicester and Warwick was questioned for that he had let at large by sureties one William the son of Walter le Parsons against the will and command of the King when as the King had committed him by Letters under his Privie Seal that he should do no favour to any man that was committed by the command of the Earle of Warwick as that man was Whereunto the Sheriff answered that he did it at the request of some of the Kings houshold upon their Letters and because the Sheriff did acknowledge the receipt of the Kings Letters thereupon he was committed to prison according to the forme of the Statute To this I answer that he was justly punished for that he is expresly bound by the Statute Westm. 1. which was agreed from the beginning But this is no proof that the Judges had not power to baile this man The next Argument is 33. H. 6. in the Court of Common Pleas fol. 28. 29. where Robert Poinings Esq was brought unto the Barre upon a Capias and it was returned that he was committed per duos de Consilio I believe it is misprinted for Dnos de Consiliâ— i. e. Dominos de Consilio which is strongest against that which I maintain pro diversis causis Regem tangentibus and he made an Attorney there in an accusation whence is inferred that the return was good and
the partie could not be delivered To this the Answer is plain 1. No opinion is delivered in that book whether he were delivered or bailed or not 2. It appeares expresly that he was brought thither to be charged in an accusation of debt at another mans Suit and no desire of his own to be delivered or bailed and then if he were remanded it is no way materiall to the question in hand But that which is most relied upon is the opinion of Stamford in his book of the Pleas of the Crown lib. 2. ca. 18. fol. 72. 73. in his cap. of Mainprize where he reciteth the Statute of Westm. 1. cap. 15. and then saith thus By this Statute it appeareth that in 4 cases at the Common Law a man was not replevisable to wit those that were taken for the death of a man by command of the King or of his Justices or for the Forrest Thus farre he is most right Then he goeth on and saith As to the Command of the King that is understood of the command of his own mouth or his Councell which is incorporated unto him and speake with his mouth or otherwise every writ of Capias to take a man which is the Kings command would be as much And as to the command of the Justices that is meant their absolute command for if it be their ordinarie commandment he is replevisable by the Sheriff if it be not in some of the Cases prohibited by the Statute The answer that I give unto this is That Stamford hath said nothing whether a man may be committed without cause by the Kings command or whether the Judges ought not to baile him in such case but only that such a one is not replevisable which is agreed for that belongs to the Sheriff And because no man should think he meant any such thing he concludes his whole sentence touching the command of the King and his Justices That one committed by the Justices ordinarie command is replevisable by the Sheriff So either he meant all by the Sheriff or at least it appeares not that he meant that a man committed by the King or the Privie Councell without cause is not bailable by the Justices and then he hath given no opinion in this case What he would have said if he had been asked the question cannot be known neither doth it appeare by any thing he hath said that he meant any such thing as would be inferred out of him And now my Lords I have performed the command of the Commons and as I conceive shall leave their declaration of personall Liberty on ancient and undoubted truth fortified with 7 Acts of Parliament and not opposed by any Statute or authoritie of Law whatsoever The Objections of the King's Councell with the Answers made thereunto at the two Conferences touching the same matter IT was agreed by Master Attorney generall that the seven Statutes urged by the Commons were in force and that Magna Charta did extend most properly to the King But he said First that some of them are in generall words and therefore conclude nothing but are to be expounded by the Presidents and others that be more particular are applyed to the suggestions of Subjects and not to the Kings Command simplie of it self Hereunto was answered That the Statutes were as direct as could be which appeareth by the reading of them and that though some of them speak of suggestions of the Subject yet others do not and those that do are as effectuall for that they are in equall reason a commitment by Command of the King being of as great force when it moveth by a suggestion from a Subject as when the King takes notice of the cause himself the rather for that Kings seldome intermeddle with matters of this nature but by information from some of their Subjects Secondly M r Attorney objected that per legem terrae in Magna Charta which is the foundation of this Question cannot be understood for processe of the Law and originall Writs for that in all Criminall proceedings no originall Writ is used at all but every Constable may arrest either for fellony or for breach of the peace or to prevent a breach of the peace without processe or originall Writ and it were hard the King should not have the power of a Constable the Statutes cited by the Commons make processe of the Law and Writ originall to be all one The answer of the Commons to this Objection was That they do not intend originall Writs only by the Law of the Land but all other legall processe which comprehends the whole proceedings of Law upon Cause other then the triall by Jurie Iudicium parium unto which it is opposed Thus much is imported ex vi termini out of the word processe and by the true acceptation thereof in the Statutes which have been urged by the Commons to maintain their Declaration and most especially in the Statute 25. E. 3. cap. 4. where it appeareth that a man ought to be brought into answer by the course of the Law having former mention made of processe made by originall Writ And in 28. E. 3. cap. 3. by the course of the Law is rendered by due processe of the Law and 36. E. 3. Rot. Parl. num 20. the Petition of the Commons saith That no man ought to be imprisoned by speciall Command without Indictment or other due processe to be made by the Law 37. E. 3. cap. 18. calleth the same thing Processe of the Law 42. E. 3. cap. 3. stileth it by due processe and Writ originall where the conjunctive must be taken for the disjunctive which change is ordinary in the exposition of the Statutes and Deeds to avoid inconvenience to make it stand with the rest and with reason And it may be collected that by the Law of the Land in Magna Charta by the Course of the Law in 25. E. 3. by due processe of the Law in 28. E. 3. other due processe to be made by the Law in 36. E. 3. processe of the Law 37. E. 3. and by due processe and originall Writ in 42. E. 3. are meant one and the same thing the latter of these Statutes referring alwayes to the former and that all of them import any due and regular proceeding of Law upon a Cause other then the triall by Jury And this doth appeare in Coke 10. 74. in the case of the Marshalsey and Coke 11. 99. Iames Bagg's case where it is understood of giving Jurisdiction by Charter or prescription which is the ground of a proceeding by course of Law and in Selden's Notes on Fortescue fol. 29. where it is expounded for Law wager which is likewise a triall at Law by the oath of the partie differing from that by Jurie And it doth truly comprehend these and all other regular proceedings in Law upon Cause which gives authoritie to the Constable to arrest upon Cause And if this should not be the true exposition of these
one Traditur in ballium and the Baile are his Gaolers and may imprison him and shall suffer bodie for bodie which is not true of replevying by sureties And Baile differeth from Mainprize in this that Mainprize is an undertaking in a summe certain Bailing is to answer the condemnation in Civil causes and in Criminall body for body The reasons and authorities used in the first Conference were then renewed and no exception taken to any save in 22. H. 6. it doth not appear that the Command of the King was by his mouth which must be intended or by his Councell which is all one as is observed by Stamford for the words are these That a man is not replevisable by the Sheriff who is committed by the Writ or Commandment of the King 21. E. 1. rot 2. dorso was cited by the Kings Counsell But it was answered that it concerned the Sheriff of Leicester only and not the power of the Judges 33. H. 6. the Kings Attorney confesseth was nothing to the purpose and yet that Book hath been usually cited by those that maintain the contrary to the Declaration of the House of Commons And therefore such sudden opinion as hath been given thereupon is not to be regarded the foundation failing And where it was said that the French of 36. E 3. Rot. Parliament 9. which can receive no answer did not warrant what was inferred thence but that these words Sans disturbance mettre ou arrest faire et le contre par special commandment ou en autre maniere must be understood that the Statutes should be put in execution without putting disturbance or making arrest to the contrarie by speciall command or in other manner The Commons did utterly deny the interpretation given by the Kings Counsell and to justifie their own did appeal to all men that understood French and upon the 7 Statutes did conclude That their Declaration remained in undoubted truth not controlled by any thing said to the contrary The true Copies of the Records not printed which were used on either side of that part of the debate INter Recorda domini Regis Caroli in Thesauro Recepto Scacarii sui sub custodia domini Thesaurarii et Camerarii ibidem remanentia viz. placita coram ipso Domino Rege Concilio suo ad Parliament suum post Pascham apud London in Manerio Archipiscopi Ebor Anno Regni Domini Regis Edw. vicessimo primo inter alia sic continetur ut sequitur Rot. secundo in Dorso Vic. Leic. sci Stephanus Rubaz Vic. Leic. War coram ipso Domino Rege ejus concilio arianatus ad Levem positus de hoc quod cum Io. Botetourte Edel Hatche W. Hemelin nuper in ballium ipsius vice com per Dominum Regem fuissent assignati and Goalas Domini Regis deliberandum eidem vic quendam W. de Petling per quâ—ndam Appellatorem ante adventum eorundam Justic. ibidem appellatum captum vivente ipso appellatore usque diem deliberationis coram eis facte demisit per plevinam contra formam statuti c. Et etiam quendam Radulphum de Cokehall qui de morte hominis indictatus fuit per eundem vicecom captus Idem vicecomes per plevinam dimisit contra formam statuti etiam eundem Radulphum â—ine ferris coram eisdem Justitiariis ad deliberationem predictam produxit contra consuetudinem Regni simile quendam Will. filium Walteri le Persone qui per preceptum Com. War captus fuit dimisit per plevinam contra voluntatem preceptum Domini Regis Cum idem Dominus Rex sub Litteras suas sub privato â—igillo suo eidem vic praecepit quod nulli per praeceptum praedicti Com. Warr. capt aliquam gratiam faciat c. Et super hoc praefatus Iohannes Botetourt qui presens est qui fuit primus Justic. predicorum premissa recordatur Et praedictus vicecomes dicit quo ad praedictum Will. de Petlings quod ipse nunquam à tempore captionis ipsius Will. per praedictum appellatorem demissus fuit per plevinam aliquam ante adventum praedictorum Justitiariorum Imo dicit quod per dimidium anni ante adventum eorum Justic. captus fuit semper detentus in prisona absque plevina aliqua quousque coram eisdem damnatus fuit quo ad praedictum Radulphum bene cognoscit quod ipse dimisit eum per plevinam hoc benefacere potuit ratione authoritate officii sui eo quod captus fuit pro quodam simplici transgressione non pro aliqua felonia pro qua replegiari non potuit quo ad tertium viz. Will. filium Persone bene cognoscit quod ipse captus fuit per praeceptum praedicti Com. Warr. quod dimisit eum per plevinam sed dicit quod hoc fecit ad rogatum quorundam de hospitio curia Domini Regis c. qui eum inde specialiter rogaverunt per literas suas super hoc idem Vic. quaesitus per Dominum Regem quis eum rogavit literas suas ei direxit ubi litera ille sunt dicit quod Walterius de langton eum per literas suas inde rogavit sed dicit quod breve ille sunt in partibus suis Leic. super hoc idem Vic. profert quoddam breve Domini Regis de Privato Sigillo eidem vicecomiti directum quod testatur quod dominus Rex ipsi vicecomiti praecepit quod omnes illos transgressiones contra pacem de quibus Com. Warr. ei scire facerit caperet salvo custodierit absque aliqua gratia eis faciend quia praedictus Justitiar expresse recordatur quod ipse socii sui per bonu Legal inquisitionem de militibus aliis hominibus coram eis fact invenerunt quod predictus Willielmus de Petlings demissus fuit per plevinam per magnum tempus ante adventum corundam per vicecomite praedicto etiam quia predictus vic cognoscit quod praedictus Radulphus demissus fuit per plevinam per ipsum vic hoc dicit quod benefacere potuit eo quod captus fuit pro levi Transgressione per Record ejusdem Justitiarium compertum est quod captus fuit pro morte hominis quod est contrarium dicto praedict vic similiter quod idem vic cognovit quod recepit literam Domini Regis per quam Rex ei praecepit quod nullam gratiam fecerit illis quae capti fuerunt per praeceptum praedicti Comitatis eidem vic contra praeceptum illud dimissit praedictum Will. filium Walteri per plevinam qui captus fuit per praeceptum praedicti Comitatis prout idem vic fatetur sic tum ratione istiâ—s transgressione quam aliorum praedictorum incidit in poenam statuti Const. est quod praedictus vic committitur prisonae juxta formam statuti c. Ex Rotulo Parliament de Anno
cause of his imprisonment to be shewn upon the return so that the Court may adjudge of the cause whether the cause of the imprisonment be lawfull or not and because I will not trouble the Court with so many presidents but such as shall suit with the cause in question I will onely produce and vouch such presidents whereas the party was committed either by the commandment of the King or otherwise by the commandment of the Privy Councell which Stampford fol. 72. tearmeth the mouth of the King such acts as are done by the Privy Councell being as Acts done by the King himself And in all these causes you shall find that there is a cause returned as well as a speciale mandatum domini Regis c. or mandatum Privati Concilii domini Regis whereby the Court may adjudge of the cause and bail them if they shall see cause In the eighth of Henry the seventh upon return of an Habeas corpus awarded for the body of one Roger Sherry it appeareth that he was committed by the Mayor of Windsor for suspicion of felony and ad sectam ipsius Regis pro quibusdam feloniis transgressionibus ac per mandatum domini Regis 21 Hen. the seventh upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of Hugh Pain it appeared that he was committed to prison per mandatum dominorum Privati Concilii domini Regis pro suspicione feloniae Primo Henrici Octavi Rot. 9. upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Thomas Harrison and others it appears that they were committed to the Earl of Shrewsbury being Marshall of the houshould Per mandatum Domini Regis pro suspicione feloniae pro homicidio facto super Mare 3 4 Philip. Mariae upon a return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Peter Man it appeareth that he was committed pro suspicione feloniae ac per mandatum Domini Regis Reginae 4 5 Philippi Mariae upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Thomas Newport it appeared that he was committed to the Tower pro suspicione contrafact monetae per privatum Concilium domini Regis Reginae 33 Elizabethae upon the return of an Habeas corpus for the body of one Lawrence Brown it appeareth that he was committed per mandatum Privati Concilii dominae Reginae pro diversis causis ipsam Reginam tangen ac etiam pro suspicione proditionis So as by all these presidents it appeareth where the return is either Per mandatum domini Regis or Per mandatum dominorum Privati Concilii domini Regis there is also a cause over and besides the mandatum returned as unto that which may be objected that per mandatum domini Regis or Privati Concilii domini Regis is a good return of his imprisonment I answer First that there is a cause for it is not to be presumed that the King or Councell would commit one to prison without some offence and therefore this mandatum being occasioned by the offence or fault the offence or fault must be the cause and not the command of the King or Councell which is occasioned by the cause Secondly it apeares that the jurisdiction of the Privy Councell is a limited jurisdiction for they have no power in all causes their power being restrained in certain causes by severall Acts of Parliament as it appeareth by the statute of 20 Edward the third c. 11. 25. Ed. the third c. 1. stat 4. the private petition in Parliament permitted in the 1 of R. 2. where the Commons petition that the Privie Councell might not make any Ordinance against the Common Law Customes or Statutes of the Realm the fourth of Henry the fourth ca. 3. 13 Hen. the fourth 7â—31 Henry the sixth and their jurisdictions being a limited jurisdiction the cause and grounds of their commitment ought to appear whereby it may appear if the Lords of the Councell did commit him for such a cause as was within their jurisdiction for if they did command me to be committed to prison for a cause whereof they had not jurisdiction the Court ought to discharge me of this imprisonment and howsoever the King is Vicarius Dei in terra yet Bracton cap. 8. fol. 107. saith quod nihil aliud potest Rex in terris cum sit Minister Dei Vicarius quam solum quod de jure potest nec obstat quod dicitur quod Principi placet legis habet vigorem quia sequitur in fine legis cum lege Regia quae de ejus imperio lata est id est non quicquid de voluntate Regis temere praesumptum est sed animo condendi Iura sed quod consilio Magistratuum suorum Rege author praestant habita super hoc deliberatione tract rect fuer definit Potestat itaque sua juris est non injuriae The which being so then also it ought to appear upon what cause the King committeth one to prison whereby the Judges which are indifferent between the King and his Subjects may judge whether his commitment be against the Laws and Statutes of this Realm or not Thirdly it is to be observed that the Kings command by his Writ of Habeas corpus is since the commandment of the King for his commitment and this being the latter commandment ought to be obeyed wherefore that commanding a return of the body cum causa detentionis there must be a return of some other cause then Per mandatum domini Regis the same commandment being before the return of the Writ Pasch. 9. E. 3. pl. 30. fol. 56. upon a Writ of Cessavit brought in the County of Northumberland the Defendants plead That by reason the Country being destroyed by Warres with the Scots King Edward the second gave command that no Writ of Cessavit should be brought during the Warres with Scotland and that the King had sent his Writ to surcease the Plea and he averreth that the Warres with Scotland did continue Hearle that giveth the Rule saith That we have command by the King that now is to hold this Plea wherefore we will not surcease for any writ of the King that is dead and so upon all these reasons and presidents formerly alledged I conclude that the return that Sir Iohn Corbet was committed and detained in prison Per speciale mandatum domini Regis without shewing the nature of the commandment by which the Court may judge whether the commandment be of such a nature as he ought to be detained in prison and that without shewing the cause upon which the commandment of the King is grounded is not good As unto the second part which is Whether the time of the commitment by the return of the Writ not appearing unto the Court the Court ought to detain him in prison or no I conceive that he ought not to be continued in prison admitting that the first
made fully to the maintenance of their resolution and that there was not one example or president of a Remittitur in any kinde upon this point before that of Cesars Case which is before cleared with the rest and is but of late time and of no moment against the resolution of the house of Commons And thus for so much as concerned the presidents of Record the first day of the conference desired by the Lords ended The next day they desired another conference which the house of Commons at which it pleased the Committee of both houses to hear M â— Attâ—rney again to make what Objection he would against other parts of the Arguments formerly delivered by the house of Commons He then Objected against the Acts of Parliament and against the reasons of Law and his Objections to these parts were answered as appears in the answers by order given into the house of Commons by the gentlemen that made them He Objected also upon the second day against that second kinde of presidents which are resolutions of Judges in former times and not of Records and brought also some other Testimonies of opinions of Judges in former times touching this point First for that resolution of all the Judges in England in 34. of Queen Eliz. mentioned and read in the Arguments made at the first conference he said That it was directly against the resolution of the House of Commons and observed the words of it to be in one place that Persons so committed by the King or the Councel may not be delivered by any of the Courts c. and in another that if the Cause were expressed either in generality or speciality it was sufficient and he said that the expressing of a cause in generality was to shew the Kings or Councels Command And to this purpose he read the whole words of that reâ—olution of the Judges Then he Objected also that in a report of one Ruswells Case in the Kings-bench in the 13. Iac. he found that the opinion of some Judges of that Court S r. Edward Coke being then Chief Justice and one of them was that a Prisoner committed per mandatum Domini Regis or privati Consilii without cause shewed and so returned could not be bayled because it might be matter of State or Arcanuâ— Imperii for which he stood committed And to this alâ—o he added an opinion that he found in a Journal of the House of Commons of the 13. Iac. wherein S r. Edward Coke speaking to a Bill preferred for the explanation of Magna Charta â—ouching imprisonâ—ent said in the House That a Prisoner so committed could not be enlarged by the Law because it might be Matter of State for which he was committed And among these Objectiâ—â—â— of other nature also he spake of the confidence that was shewed iâ— behalf of the House of Commons he said that it was not confidence could add any thing to the determination of the question but if it could that he had as much reason for the other side against the resolution of the House grounding himself upon the force of 〈◊〉 Objections which as he conceived had so weakned the Argument of the Commons House that notwithstanding any thing yet Objected they wereupon clear reason confident of the truth of their first resolution grounded upon so just examination and deliberation taken by them And it was observed to the Lords also that their confidence herein was of another nature and far greater weight then any confidence that could be expressed by M. Attorney or whomsoever elâ—e being of his Majesties Councel learned To which purpose the Lords were desired to take into their Memory the difference beâ—ween â—he present quality of the Gentlemen that â—pakâ— iâ— behalf of the House of Commons and of the Kings learned couâ—cel in their speaking there howsoever accidentally they were 〈…〉 of the same profession For the Kings Councel spake as 〈◊〉 perpetuâ—lly retained by Fee and if they made glosses and 〈…〉 adâ—anâ—agious Interpretations soever for their own part thâ—y did but wâ—aâ— belonged to their place and quality as M r. Attornâ—y had done But the Gentlemen that spake in behalf of the House of Commons came therâ— bound on the one side by the trust reposed in them by their Countrey that sent them and on the other bound also by an Oâ—th taken by every of them before they sit in they House to maintain aâ—d deâ—end the rights and prerogatives of the Crown So that 〈…〉 thâ— poâ—â—â— of confidence alone that of them that spake as â—â—tained Councel by perpetual Fee and might by their place being pâ—râ—itâ—ed to speak say what they would and that of them that spake as bound to nothing but truth but by such a trust and such an Oath were no way to be so compared or Counterpoised as if the one of them were of no more weight then the other And then the Objections before mentioned were also answered For that of the resolution of all the Judges of England in 34. Eliz. It was shewed plainly it agreed with the resolution of the House of Commons For although indeed it might have been expressed with more perspicuity yet the words of it as they are sufficiently shew that the meaning of it is no otherwise To that purpose besides the words of the whole frame of this resolution of the Judges as it is in the Coppy transcribed out of the Lord Chief Justice Andersons book written in his own hand which book was there offered to be shewed also in behalf of the House of Commons It was observed that the Records of the first part of it shew plainly that all the Judges of England then resolved that the Prisoners spoken of in the first part of their resolution were onely Prisoners committed with cause shewed for they onely said they might not be delivered by any of the Courts without due Trial by Law and Judgement of acquital had which shews plainly that they meant that by trial and acquital they might be delivered but it is clear that no trial or acquital can be had where is not some cause laid to their charge for which they ought to stand committed Therefore in that part of the resolution such Prisoners are onely meant as are committed without cause shewed which also the Judges in that resolution expresly thought necessary as appears in the second part of the resolution wherein they have these words If upon Return of the Habeas Corpus the cause of their commitment be certified to the Judges as it ought to be c. by which words they shew plainly that every return of a commitment is insufficient that hath not a cause shewed of it And to that which Mr. Attorney said as if the cause were sufficiently expressed in generality if the Kings Command or the Councels were expressed in it and as if that were meant in the resolution for a sufficient general cause it was answered That it was never heard of in Law that the power or
Common Law for there are also divers Jurisdictions in this Kingdom which are also so reckoned the Law of the Land As in Kendrick's Case in the report fol. 8. the 1. Ecclesiastical Law is held the Law of the Land to punish Blasphemies Schismes Heresies Simony Incest and the like for a good reason there rendred viz. That otherwise the King should not have power to do Justice to his Subjects in all Cases nor to punish all Crimes within his Kingdom The Admiral 's Jurisdiction is also Lex terrae for things done upon the Sea but if they exceed their Jurisdiction a prohibition is awarded upon the Statute of null us liber homo by which appears that the Statute is in force as we have acknowledged The Martial likewise though not to be exercised in times of peace when recourse may be had to the Kings Courts yet in times of invasion or other times of Hostility when an Army Royal is in the field and offences are committed which require speedy reformation and cannot expect the solemnity of legal Trials then such imprisonment execution or other Justice done by the Law Martial is Warrantable for it is then the Law of the Land and is Ius gentium which ever serves for a supply in the defeat of the Common Law when ordinary proceeding cannot be had And so it is also in the case of the Law of the Merchant which is mentioned 13. E 4. fol. 9. 10. where a Merchant stranger was wronged in his goods which he had committed to a Carrier to convey to Southampton and the Carrier imbezelled some of the goods for remedy whereof the Merchant sued before the Councel in the Star-Chamber for redress It is there said thus Merchant strangers have by the King safe conduct for coming into this Realm therefore they shall not be compelled to attend the ordinary Trial of the Common Law but for expedition shall sue before the Kings Councel or in Chancery de die in diem de hâ—râ in horam where the Case shall be determined by the Law of Merchants In the like manner it is in the Law of State when the necessity of State requires it they do and may proceed to natural equity as in those other Cases where the Law of the Land provides not there the proceeding may be by the Law of natural equity and infinite are the Occurrences of State unto which the Common Law extends not And if these proceedings of State should not also be accounted the Law of the Land then we do fall into the same inconveniency mentioned in Cawdries Case that the King should not be able to do Justice in all Cases within his own Dominions If then the King nor his Councel may not Commit it must needs follow that either the King must have no Councel of State or having such a Councel they must have no power to make Orders or Acts of State Or if they may they must be without means to compell obedience to those Acts and so we shall allow them Jurisdiction but not compel obedience to those Acts but not correction which will be then as fruitless as the Command Frustra potentia quae nunquam redigitur in statutum Where as the very Act of Westminster first shews plainly that the King may commit and that his commitment is lawfull or else that Act would never have declared a man to be irreprieveable when he is committed by the Command of the King if the Law-makers had conceived that his commitment had been unlawfull And Divine truth informs us that the Kings have their power from God the Psalmist calling them the children of the most High which is in a more special manner understood then of other men for all the Sons of Adam are by election the Sons of God and all the Sons of Abraham by recreation or regeneration the Children of the most High in respect of the power which is committed unto them who hath also furnished them with ornaments and arms fit for the exercising of that power and hath given them Scepters Swords and Crowns Scepters to vestitute and Swords to execute Laws and Crowns as Ensigns of that power and dignity with which they are invested shall we then conceive that our King hath so far transmitted the power of his Sword to inferiour Magistrates that he hath not reserved so much Supream power as to commit an Offender to prisonâ— 10. H. 6. fol. 7. It appears that a Steward of a Court Leet may commit a man to prison and shall not the King from whom all inferior power is deduced have power to commit We call him the fountain of Justice yet when these streams and rivolets which flowe from that Fountain come fresh and full we would so far exhaust that Fountain as to leave it dry but they that will admit him so much power do require the expression of the cause I demand whether they will have a general cause alleadged or a special if general as they have instances for Treason Fellony of for Contempt for to leave fencing and to speak plainly as they intend it If loan of money should be required and refused and thereupon a commitment ensue and the cause signified to be for a contempt this being unequal inconvenience from yielding the remedy is sought for the next Parliament would be required the expression of the particular cause of the commitment Then how unfit would it be for King or Councel in Cases to express the particuler Cause it s easily to be adjudged when there is no State or pollicy of government whether it be Monarchal or of any other frame which have not some secrets of State not communicable to every vulgar understanding I will instance but one If a King imploy an Ambassadour to a Forreign Countrey of States with instructions for his Negotiation and he pursue not his instructions whereby dishonour and dammage may ensue to the Kingdom is not this commitment And yet the particuler of his instruction and the manner of his miscarrying is not fit to be declared to his Keeper or by him to be certified to the Judges where it is to be opened and debated in the presence of a great audience I therefore conclude for offences against the State in Case of State Government the King and his Councel have lawfull power to punish by imprisonment without shewing particular cause where it may tend to the disclosing of State-Government It is well known to many that know me how much I have laboured in this Law of the Subjects Liberty very many years before I was in the Kings service and had no cause then to speak but to speak ex animo yet did I then maintain and publish the same opinion which now I have declared concerning the Kings Supream power in matters of State and therefore can not justly be centured to speak at this present onely to merit of my Master But if I may freely speak my own understanding I conceive it to be a question too high to
be determined by any legal direction for it must needs be an hard case of contention when the Conquerour must sit down with irreparable losses as in this Case If the Subject prevails he gains Liberty but looseth the benefit of that State-Government by which a Monarchie may soon become an Anarchie or if the State prevails it gives absolute Soveraignty but looseth Subjects not their subjection for obedience we must yield though nothing be left us but prayers and tears but yet looseth the best part of them which is their affections whereby Soveraignty is established and the Crown formerly fixt on his Royal head between two such extreams there is not way to moderate but to finde a medium for the accommodation of the difference which is not for me to prescribe but onely to move your Lordships to whom I submit After M r. Serjeant his speech ended my Lord President said thus to the Gentlemen of the House of Commons That though at this free conference Liberty was given by the Lords to the Kings Councel to speak what they thought fit for his Majesty Yet M r. Serjeant Ashley had no Authority or direction from them to speak in that manner he hath done M r. NOYE his Argument the 16. of April 1628. HE offered an answer to the inconveniences presented by Mr. Attorney which were 4. in Number First where it was objected that it was inconvenent to express the cause for fear of divulging Arcana â—mperii for hereby all may be discovered and abundance of Traitors never brought to Justice To this that Learned Man answered That the Judges by the intention of the Law are the Kings Councel and the secrets may safely be committed to all or some of them who might advise whether they will bayl him and here is no danger to King or subjects for their Oath will not permit them to reveal the secrets of the King nor yet to detain the Subjects long if by Law he be to be bayled Secondly for that Objection of the Children of Odonell he laid this for a ground that the King can do no wrong but in Cases of extream necessity we must yield sometimes for the preservation of the whole State ubi unius damnum utilitate publica rependitus he said there was no trust in the Children of Traitours no wrong done if they did tabe facere or marcesere in Carcere It is the same Case of necessity as when to avoid the burning of a Town we are forced to pull down an honnest mans House or to compell a man to dwell by the Sea-side for defence or fortitude Yet the King cannot do wrong for potentia juris est non injura Ergo the Act of the King though to the wrong of another is by the Law made no wrong as if he commanded to be kept in Prison yet he is responsal for his wrong he quoted a book 42. 6. Ass Port. Thirdly the instance made of Westminster First he said there was a great difference between those 3. Mainprize Bail and Replevin The Statute saith a man cannot be repleiued Ergo not bayled non sequitur Maniprize under pain Bayl body for body no pain ever in Court to be declared Replevin neither by surety not bayl of Replevin never in Court the Statute saith a man cannot be Repleiued Ergo not bayled non sequitur Fourthly where it is said that bayl is ex gratia he answers that if the Prisoner comes to Habeas Corpus then it is not ex gratia Yet the Court may advise but mark the words ad subjiciendum recipiendum prout Curia consideraverit now it is impossible the Judges should do so if no cause be expressed for if they know no cause he may bring the 1. 2. 3. and fourth Habeas Corpus and so infinite till he finde himself a perpetual Prisoner so that no cause expressed is worse for a man then the greatest cause or Villany that can be imagined and thus far proceeded that learned Gentleman M r. GLANVILES Argument HE said that by favour of the House of Commons he had liberty to speak if opportunity were offered he applies his answer to one particuler of M r. Attorney who assigned to the King 4. great trusts 1. of War 2. Coins 3. Denizens 4. Pardons Is assented unto that the King is trusted with all these 4. legal Prerogatives but the Argument followeth not the King is trusted with many Prerogatives Ergo in this non sequitur non est sufficients enumer atiâ— partium he said he could answer these particulars with 2. rules whereof the first should wipe of the first and the second and the other the third and fourth The first rule in this there is no fear of trusting the King with any thing but the fear of ill Councel the King may easily there be trusted where ill Councel doth not ingage both the King and Subjects as it doth in matter of War and Coin If he miscarry in the Wars it is not alwayes pecuum Achiro but he smarts equally with the people If he abase his Coin he looseth more then any of his people Ergo he may safely be trusted with the flowers of the Crown War and Coin The second rule he began was this when the King is trusted to confer grace it is one thing but when he is trusted to infer an injury it is another matter The former power cannot by miscouncelling be brought to prejudice another The latter may if the King pardoneth a guilty Man he punisheth not a good subject if he denizen never â—o many strangers it is but damnum â—ine injuria we allow him a liberty to confer grace but not without cause to infer punishment and indeed he cannot do injury for if he command to do a Man wrong the command is void alter fit Author and the Actor becomes the wrong doer Therefore the King may be safely trusted with War Coin Denizens and Pardons but not with a power to imprison without expression of Cause or limmitation of time because as the Poet tells us Libertas potius auro The Answer of the Judges for matter of Fact upon the HABE AS CORPUS 21. April THe Chief Justice saith they are prepared to obey our Command but they desire to be advised by us whether they being sworn upon penalty of forseiting Body Lands and Goods into the Kings hands to give an account to him may without Warrant do this The Duke said he had acquainted the King with the business and for ought he knoweth he is well content therewith But for better assurance he hath sent his brother of Anglesey to know his pleasure Devonshire saith if a complaint be made by a mean Man against the greatest Officer in this place he is to give an account of his doings to this Honse Bishop of Lincoln saith this motion proceeded from him and so took it for clear that there was an appeal from the Chancery to a higher Court then the Kings-bench and in that Court hath ever
in Chambers but publick in Court where every one may hear which causeth Judgement to be given with maturity Your Lordships have heard the particulers delivered by my brethren how that Councel being assigned to those 4. Gentlemen in the latter end of Michaelmass Term their Cause received hearing and upon consideration of the Statutes and Records we found some of them to be according to the good old Law of Magna Charta but we thought that they did not come so close to this Case as that bayl should be thereupon presently granted My Lords the Habeas Corpus consisteth of 3. parts the Writ the Return upon the Writ or schedule and the Entry or rule reciting the Habeas Corpus and the Return together with the opinion of the Court either a remittitur or traditur in ballium In this Case a remittitur was granted which we did that we might take better advisement upon the Case and upon the remittitur my Lords they might have had a new Writ the next day and I wish they had because it may be they had seen more and we had been eased of a great labour And my Lords when the Attorney upon the remittitur pressed an Entry we all straitly charged the Clark that he should make no other Entry then such as our Predecessors had usually made in like Cases for the difference my Lords betwixt remittitur and remittitur quousque I could never yet finde any I have now sat in this Court 15. years and I should know something surely if I had gone in a Mill so long dust would cleave to my cloaths I am old and have one foot in the grave therefore I will look to the better part as near as I can But omnia habere in memoria in nullo errare divinum potiùs est quam humanum THE LORD CHIEF IUSTICE SAith he shall not speak with confidence unless he might stand right in the opinion of the House and protested what he spake the day before was not said by him with any purpose to trench upon the Priviledges of this House but out of that respect which by his place he thought he owed to the King he said concerning the point he was to speak of that he would not trouble the Lords with things formerly repeated wherein he concurred with his brethren He said if it were true the King might not commit they had done wrong in not partly delivering for my Lords saith he these Statutes and good Laws being all in force we meant not to trench upon any of them most of them being Commentaries upon Magna Charta but I know not any Statute that goeth so far that the King may not commit Therefore justly we think we delivered the interpretation thereof to that purpose for my Lords Lex terrae is not to be found in this Statute they gave me no example neither was there any Cause shewed in the Return A President my Lords that hath run in a storm doth not much direct us in point of Law and Records are the best Testimonies These Presidents they brought being read we shewed them wherein they were mistaken if we have erred erramus cum Patribus and they can shew no President but that our Predecessors have done as we have done sometimes bayling sometimes remitting sometimes discharging Yet we do never bayl any committed by the King or his Councel till his pleasure be first known Thus did the Lord Chief Justice Coke in Raynards Case They say this would have been done if the King had not written but why then was the Letter read and published and kept and why was the Town Clark sent carefully to enquire because the Letter so directed whether these men offered for bayl were subsedy men the Letter sheweth also that Beckwith was committed for suspition of being acquaninted with the Gun-Pouder-Treason but no proof being produced the King left him to be bayled The Earle of WARVVICKS speech 21. April 1628. MY Lords I will observe something out of the Law wherein this liberty of the Subjects Person is founded and some things out of Presidents which have been alleadged For the Law of Magna Charta and the rest concerning these points they are acknowledged by all to be of force and that they were to secure the Subjects from wrongfâ—ll imprisonment as well or rather more concerning the King then the Subject why then besides the grand Charter and those 6. other Acts of Parliament in the very point we know that Magna Charta hath been at least 30. times confirmed so that upon the matter we have 6. or 7. and thereby Acts of Parliament to confirm this liberty although it was made a matter of derision the other day in this House One is that of 36. E. 3. N o. 9. and another in the same year N o. 20. not printed but yet as good as those that are and that of 42. E. 3. cap. 3. so express in the point especially the Petition of the Commons that year which was read by M r. Littleton with the Kings answer so full and free from all exception to which I refer your Lordships that I know not have any thing in the World can be more plain and therefore if in Parliament ye should make any doubt of that which is so fully confirmed in Parliament and in case so clear go about by new glosses to alter the old and good Law we shall not onely forsake the steps of our Ancestors who in Cases of small importance would answer nolumus mutare leges Angliâ— but we shall yield up and betray our right in the greatest inheritance the Subjects of England hath and that is the Laws of England and truely I wonder how any man can admit of such a gloss upon the plain Text as should overthrow the force of the Law for whereas the Law of Magna Charta is that no Free-man shall be imprisoned but by lawfull judgement of his Peers or the Law of the Land the King hath power to commit without Cause which is a sence not onely expresly contrary to other Acts of Parliament and those especially formerly cited but against Common sence For M r. Attorney confesseth this Law concerns the King why then where the Law saith the King shall not commit but by the Law of the Land the meaning must be as M r. Attorney would have it that the King must not commit but at his own pleasure and shall we think that our Ancestors were so foolish to hazard their Persons Estates and labour so much to get a Law and to have it 30. times confirmed that the King might not commit his Subjects but at his own pleasure and if he did commit any of his Subjects without a Cause shewen then he must lie during pleasure then which nothing can be imagined more ridiculous and contrary to true reason For the Presidents I observe that there hath been many shewen by which it appears to me evidently that such as have been committed by the Kings Councel
they have been delivered upon Habeas Corpus and that constantly It is true that some Presidents were brought on the Kings part that when some of these persons desired to be delivered by Habeas Corpus the King or his Councel signified his Majesties pleasure that they should be delivered or the Kings Attorney hath come into the Court and related the Kings Command but this seems to make for the Subject For that being in his Majesties power to deliver them who by his special Command were imprisoned May not we well think that his Majesty would rather at that time have stayed their deliverance by Law then furthered it with his Letters and made the Prisoners rather beholding to him for his grace and mercy then to the Judges for Justice had not his Majesty known that at that time they ought to have been delivered by Law I think no man would imagine a wise King would have suffered his Grace and Prerogative if any such Prerogative were to be so continually questioned and his Majesty and his Councel so far from commanding the Judges not to proceed to deliver the Prisoner by them committed without Cause shewn as that on the other side which is all the force of these Presidents the King and the Councel signified to the Judges that they should proceed to deliver the parties certainly if the King had challenged any such Prerogative that a Person committed without any cause shewn ought not to be delivered by the Judges without his consent it would have appeared by one President or other amonst all that have been produced that his Majesty would have made some claim to such a Prerogative But it appears to the contrary that in many of these cases the King or his Councel did never interpose and where they did it was alwayes in affirmation and incouragement to that Court to proceed And besides the writing of Letters from his Majesty to the Judges to do Justice to his Majesties Subjects may with as good reason be interpreted that without those Letters they might not do Justice also the King signified his willingness that such such Persons which were committed by him should be delivered therefore they could not be delivered without it which is a strange reason So that findeing the Laws so full so many and so plain in the point and findeing that when ever any were committed without cause shewn brought their Habeas Corpus they were delivered and no Command ever given to the contrary or claim made on the Kings part to any such Prerogative I may safely conclude as the House of Commons have done and if any one President or two of late can be shewn that the Judges have not delivered the Prisoners so committed I think it is their fault and to be enquired of but contrary it seems to me to be an undoubted Liberty of the Subject that if he be committed without cause or without cause shewn yet he may have some speedy course to bring himself to Trial either to justifie his own innocencie or to receive punishment according to his fault for God forbid that an innocent man by the Laws of England should be put in worse case then the most grievous Malefactors are which must needs be if this should be that if a cause be shewed he may have his Trial but if none he must lie and pine in Prison during pleasure Mr. Serjeant Ashley the other day told your Lordships of the Embleme of a King but by his leave made wrong use of it For a King bears in one hand the Globe and in the other the golden Scepter the tipes of Soveraignty and mercie but the Sword of Justice is ever carried before him by a Minister of Justice which shews Subjects may have their remedies for unjustice done and appeals done to higher powers for the Laws of England are so favourable to their Princes as they can do no unjustice Therefore I will conclude as all disputes I hold do Magna est veritas praevalebit so I make no doubt we living under so good a Prince as we do when this is represented unto him he will answer us Magna est Carta praevalebit The ARCH-BISHOPS of CANTERBURIES Speech at the Conference of both Houses 25. April 1628. GEntlemen of the House of Commons the service of the King and safety of the Kingdom do call on us my Lords to give all convenient expedition to dispatch some of those great and weighty businesses for the better effecting whereof my Lords have thought fit to let you know that they do in general agree with you and doubt not but you will agree with us to the best of your power to maintain and support the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and the fundamental Liberties of the Subject for the particulers which may hereafter fall in debate they have given me in charge to let you know that what hath been presented by you to their Lordships they have laid nothing of it by they are not out of love with any thing you have tendered to them they have voted nothing neither are they in love with any thing proceeding from themselves for that which we shall say and propose unto you is out of an intendment to invite you to a mutual and free conference that you with confidence may come to us and we with confidence may speak to you so that we may come to a conclusion of those things which we both unanimously desire we have resolved of nothing defined or determined nothing but desire to take you with us praying help of you as you have done of us My Lords have thought upon some Propositions which they have ordered to be read here and then left with you in writing that if it seem good to you we may uniformly concur for the substance and if you differ that you may be pleased to put out or add or alter or diminish as you shall think fit that so we the better come to the end that we do both so desireously embrace Then the 5. Propositions were read by the Lord BISHOP of NORVVHICH The 5. Propositions 25. April 1628. 1. THat his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare that the good old Law called Magna Charta and the 6. Statutes conceived to be Declarations or Explanations of that Law do stand still in Force to all intents and purposes 2. That his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare that according to Magna Charta and the Statutes aforesaid as also according to the most ancient Customes and Laws of this Land every free Subject of this Realm hath a fundamental propriety in his good and a fundamental Liberty of his Person 3. That his Majesty would be pleased gratiously to declare that it is his Royal pleasure to ratifie and confirm unto all and every his faithfull and Loyal Subjects all their antient several just Liberties Priviledges and Rights in as ample and beneficial manner to all intents and purposes as their Ancestors did enjoy the same
to shew clearly it shall not be his fault if this be not a happy Parliament His Majesty hath commanded me to desire this House clearly to let him know whether they will rest upon his Royal word and promise made at several times and especially by my Lord Keepers Speech made in his own presence which if they do he doth assure you that it shall be royally and really performed After speaking of himself and the nature of his place under his Majesty he proceeded in these words GIve me leave freely to tell you that I know by experience that by the place I hold under his Majesty if I will discharge the duty of my place and the Oath I have taken to his Majesty I must commit and neither express the cause to the Jaylor nor to the Judges nor to any Councellour in England but to the King himself yet do not think I go without ground fo reason or take this power committed to me to be unlimmitted Yea rather it is to me a charge burthen and danger for if I by this power shall commit the poorest porter if I do it not upon a just cause if it may appear the burthen will fall upon me heavier then the Law can inflict for I shall loose my credit with his Majesty and my place And I beseech you consider whether those that have been in the same place have not committed freely and not any doubt made of it nor any complaint made by the Subject Veneris 2. May 1628. A Report was this day made from the grand Committee for grievances concerning the cause of Nicholas Clegat Cittizen and Vintner of London imprisoned by the Lord Major and Aldermen of the said Citie for refusing to lend a certain summe of money assessed upon him by the Company of Vintners of London whereof he is free towards the proportion of money imposed upon the Company by an Act of Common-Councel of the said Citie in pursuance of a contract of Land with his Majesty By which report it appeared that the said grand Committee had unanimously agreed that the said Citie might make Acts of Councel so as they were consonant to Law and reason and for regulating and deciphering of trade agreeable to reason and the Law of the Realm and might leavy money of the Cittizens by Act of Common-Councel for building or repairing of their Walls Gates or making or cleansing of Sewers or other like causes tending to the general and publick good and welfare of the Citie or towards Triumphs or other like occasions tending to the Honour of the Citie in general but could not by such Act of Common-Councel tax or leavy money towards the purchasing of Lands or other like occasion forreign to the government of the Citie Whereupon it is resolved by the House of Commons super totam materiam that the said Commitment of the said Nicholas Clegat was unlawfull and that a Petition should go from the House to his Majesty for the inlargement of the said Nicholas Clegat his commitment by the Lord Major and Aldermen being since strengthned by special command Henry TOMPSON one of the Shrieffs and Robert HENISVVORTH Alderman of the Citie of YORK their submission for their indirect chusing of S r. Thomas SAVIL Knight I Henry Tompson one of the Shrieffs of the Citie of York do hereby acknowledge to have offended the Lord Major and all the Cominalty of the Citie by the undue pronouncing and return of S r. Thomas Savil Knight to be one of the Cittizens to serve in this Parliament for the said Citie whereas I ought of right to have pronounced and returned in his place M r. Thomas Royle Alderman of the said Citie I am hartily sorry for my said offence and misdemeanour and crave pardon of my Lord Major and all the Cominalty and in particuler of the said Alderman Hoyl for the same I Robert Henisworth Alderman of the Citie of York do acknowledge that I have offended the Lord Major and all the Cominalty of of the said Citie by my undue preparing and practising the election of S r. Thomas Savill Knight to be chosen one of the Cittizens for the said Cittie of York to serve in this present Parliament I am hartily sorry for my said offence and do desire my Lord Major and all the said Cominalty to pardon me for the same Propositions drawn for the defence of this Kingdom and the annoyance of the enemies of the same by Sea THat every Shire in England shall be injoyned on the charge of the Countrey to set forth one Ship well maned and victualled for 7. Moneths and to be of the burthen of 500 300 or 140. Tuns at the least according to the ability of the Shire in the opinion of the State That every Port or Sea-Town according to their abillity be injoyned to do the like London may well furnish 10. Bristol 3. and the rest according to their abillity And such of the Sea-Towns as are not of abillity to set forth Ships of the burthen aforesaid to furnish out Pinnaces of 60 or 80 Tuns for Light-Horsmen or Intelligencers Those Ships will amount to 80. Sail and above and these to be divided into 4. Squadrons adjoyning unto every Squadron one of the Kings Ships for their Admiral The first Squadron to lye off and on the Western Ilands and as â—igh as theiâ— aâ—â—ries for 〈◊〉 men the Caracks and the Plate-Fleet and all other trading that way 〈…〉 The fourth Squadron to keep the Narrow Seas to awe the Dunkerkers to take all the French trade and so Northward and this Squadron to be still relieved with fresh Ships as the other shall grow foul or come to any misfortune so as this Squadron may continually keep the Seas most part of the year That no Master of these Ships be owner or have any part in her that he goeth in Master of for they will be unwilling to bring their Shin in fight or danger and use many tricks and devices especially if there be an ignorant Captain Therefore it is expedient likewise that every Shire should nominate a Captain for the Ship that they furnish out for the avoiding of ignorant and insufficient Captains That in London Pâ—rtsmouth or elsew here where the State shall think fit there be Store-houses appointed for the receipt of such Prizes as shall be taken by any of the 4. Squadrons That every County or Sea-Town that furnisheth the said shipping may nominate and have a Master of their own free election that may have power in the behalf of the Counties and Sea-Towns as the other Officers that shall be appointed for the King for the opening of decks of the Prizes receiving the goods into the said Store-houses and for the divideing and disposing them according That what Prizes any of the 4. Squadrons shall take be brought into one of the Port Towns where those Store-houses are appointed and the benefit of all Prizes what Squadron soever of the 4. sendeth them in be divided the Kings part
may be said that the offence was of that nature that the time of his imprisonment before the Return was a sufficient punishment and we may be frequently imprisoned in this manner and never understand the cause and have often such punishment and have no means to justifie our selves and for all these proceedings this Law will be the justification or colour 2. If by this Act there be a Tolleration of imprisonment without shewing cause untill the Return of the Habeas Corpus yet it is possible to accompany that imprisonment with such circumstances of close restraint and others which I forbear to express as may make an imprisonment for that short time as great a punishment as a perpetual imprisonment in our ordinary manner 3. The party may be imprisoned a long time before he shall come to be delivered by this Law The place of his imprisonment may be in the furthest parts of this Kingdom The Judges always makes the Return of the Habeas Corpus answerable to the distance of the Prison from Westminster The Goaler may neglect the Return of the first Process and then the party must procure an alias and the Goaler may be then in some other imployment for the King and excuse the not returning of the body upon that Process and this may make the imprisonment for a year and in the end no cause being returned the party may be discharged but in the mean time he shall have imprisonment he shall never know the cause he shall have no remedy for it nor be able to question any for injustice which have not a justification or excuse by this Law 4. The party may be imprisoned during his life and yet there shall be no cause ever shewn I will instance in the manner a man may be committed to the furthest part of the Kingdom Westward he obtains an Habeas Corpus Before the Goaler receives the Habeas Corpus or before he returns it the Prisoner by Warrant is removed from that Prison to another it may be the furthest Northern part of the Realm the first Goaler returns the special Matter which will be sufficient to free himself and in like manner the Prisoner may be translated from one Prisoh to another and his whole life shall be a preregrination or wayfairing from one Goal to another and he shall never know the cause not be able to compalin of any who cannot defend their actions by this Bill 5. If the Prisoner be brought into the Court by Habeas Corpus and no cause expressed and thereupon he be enlarged he may be partly committed again and then his enlargement shall onely make way for his commitment and this may continue during his life and he shall never know the cause and this not remedied but rather permitted by this Act. And there are also considerable in this Matter the expence of the party in Prison His Fees to the Goaler his costs in obtaining and prosecuting an Habeas Corpus and his charges in removing himself attended with such as have the charge of his conduct and that the Prisoner must sustain all without satisfaction or knowing the cause The onely reason given by those of the other opinion That it is requisite the King and Councel should have power to command the detainer of a man in Prison for sometime without expressing the cause is because it is supposed that the manifestation of the cause at first may prevent the discovery of a Treason The reason is answered by the remedy proposed by this Act it being proposed that it shall be provided by this Bill that upon our commitment we may have instantly recourse to the Chancery for an Habeas Corpus retornable in that Court which is alwayes open that partly upon the receipt thereof the Writ must be returned and the cause thereupon expressed If then this remedy be really the cause of commitment must partly appear which contradicts the former reason of State And in my own opinion we ought not onely to take care that the Subject should be delivered out of Prison but to prevent his imprisonment The Statute of Magna Charta and the rest of the Acts providing that no man should be imprisoned but by the Law of the Land And although the King or Councel as it hath been objected by might may commit us without cause notwithstanding any Laws we can make Yet I am sure without such an Act of Parliament such commitment can have no Legal colour and I would be loath we should make a Law to endanger our selves for which reasons I conceive that there being so many wayes to evade from this Act we shall be in worse case by it then without it providing no remedy to prevent our imprisonment without expressing the cause to be Lawfull and administers excuses for continuing us in Prison as I have before declared and thus for providing for one particuler out of reason of State which possibly may fall out in an age or two we shall spring a leak which may sinck all our Liberties and open a gap through which Magna Charta and the rest of the Statutes may issue out and vanish I therefore conclude that in my poor understanding which I submit to better Judgements I had rather depend upon our former resolutions and the Kings gracious Declarations then to pass an Act in such manner as hath been proposed The Speakers speech to his MAJESTY in the Bancketting-House 5. May 1628. Most gracious and dread Soveraign YOur Loyal and dutifull Subjects the Commons assembled in Parliament by several Messages from your Majesty especially by that your must Royal Declaration delivered by the Lord Keeper before both Houses have to their exceeding joy and comfort received many ample expressions of your Princely care and tender affection towards them with a gracious promise and assurance that your Majesty will govern according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm and so maintain all your Subjects in the just freedom of their Persons and safety of their Estates that all their Rights and Liberties may be by them enjoyed with as much freedom and security in your time as in any age heretofore by their Ancestors under the best of your Royal Progenitors For this so great and gracious a favour enlarged by a continual intimation of your Majesties confidence in the proceeding of this House they do by me their Speaker make a full return of most humble thanks to your Majesty withall dutifull acknowledgement of your grace and goodness herein extended to them And whereas in one of these Messages delivered from your Majesty there was an expression of your desire to know whether this House would rest upon your Royal word and promise assuring them if they would it should be Royally and really performed As they again present their humble thanks for this seconding and strengthning of your former Royal expressions so in all humbleness they assure your Majesty that their greatest confidence is and ever must be in your gracious favour and
our reasons your Lordships would rest satisfied that our refusal to admit them into our Petition proceedeth from the conscience of the integrity and uprightness of our own hearts That we in all this Petition have no such end to abate or diminish the Kings just Prerogative And so much in reply to that rational part whereby my Lord Keeper laboured to perswade the entertainment of this addition This being done it pleased the House of Commons to instruct and furnish me with certain reasons which I should use to your Lordships to procure your absolute conjunction with us in presenting this Petition which albeit I cannot set forth according to their worth and the instructions given me by the House yet I hope their own weight will so press down into your Lordships consciences and judgements that without further scruple you will cheerfully vouchsafe to accompany this Petition with your right noble presence A Personis The first argument wherewith I was commanded to move your Lordships was drawn from the consideration of the Persons which are Petitioners The House of Common a House whose temper mildness and moderation in this Parliament hath been such as we should be unthankfull and injurious to Almighty God if we should not acknowledge his good hand upon us upon our tongues upon our hearts procured no doubt by our late solemne and publick humiliation and prayers This moderation will the better appear if in the first place we may be remembred in what passion and distemper many Members of this House arrived thither what bosomes what pockets full of complaints and lamentable grievances the most part brought thither and those every day renewed by Letters and Packets from all parts and quarters You know the old proverb ubi dolor ibi digitus ubi amor ibi oculus It is hard to keep our fingers from often handling the parts ill affected but yet our moderation overcame our passion our discretion overcame our affection This moderation also will the better appear if in the second place it be not forgotten how our Ancestors and Predecessors carried themselves in Parliaments when upon lighter provocations less could not serve their turns but new severe Commissions to hear and determine offences against their Liberties publick Ecclesiastical curses or excommunications against the Authors or Actors of such violations accusations condemnations executions banishments But what have we said all this Parliament we onely look forward not backward we desire amendment hereafter no mans punishment for ought done heretofore Nothing written by us in bloud nay not one word spoken against any mans Person in displeasure The conclusion of our Petition is That we may be better intreated in time to come And doth not this moderate Petition deserve your Lordships cheerfull conjunction ex congruo condigno If a Worm being troden upon could speak a Worm would say tread upon me no more I pray you higher we rise not lower we cannot discend And thus much we think in modesty may well be spoken in our own commendation thence to move your Lordships to vouchsafe us your noble Company in this Petition without surcharging it with this addition A tempore Our next argument is drawn a tempore from the unseasonableness of the time The wise man saith there is a time for all things under the Sun tempus suum And if in the wise mans Judgement a word spoken in its due time be precious as Gold and Silver then an unseasonable time detracts as much from the thing or word done or spoken We hold under your favours that the time is not seasonable now for this addition It is true that of it self Soveraign power is a thing alwayes so sacred that to handle it otherwise then tenderly is a kinde of sacriledge and to speak of it otherwise then reverently is a kinde of blasphemy but every vulgar capacity is not so affected the most part of men nay almost all men judge and esteem all things not according to their own intrinsick virtue and quality but according to their immediate effects and operations which the same things have upon them Hence it is that Religion it self receiveth more or less credit and approbation as the Teachers and Professors are worser or better Yea if God himself send a very wet Harvest or Seed-time men are apt enough to censure Divine power The Soveraign power hath not now for the present the ancient amiable aspect in respect of some late sad influences but by Gods grace it will soon recover To intermix with this Petition any mention of Soveraign power rebus sic stantibus when angry men say Soveraign power hath been abused and the most moderate wish it had not been so used we hold it not seasonable under your Lordships correction A loco Our next argument is drawn a loco we think the place where your Lordships would have this addition inserted viz. in the Petition no convenient or seasonable place Your Lordships will easily believe that this Petition will run through many hands every man will be desirous to see and to read what their Knights and their Burgesses have done in Parliament upon their complaints what they have brought home for their 5. Subsedies If in perusing of this Petition they fall upon the mention of Soveraign power they presently fall to arguing reasoning and discanting what Soveraign power is what is the Latitude whence the Original and where the bounds with many such curious and captious questions by which course Soveraign power is little advanced or advantaged For I have ever been of opinion that it is then best with Soveraign power when it is had in tacite venerationem not when it is prophaned by publick hearings or examinations Our last argument is drawn from our duty and Loyalty to his Majesty in consideration whereof we are fearfull at this time to take this addition into our Petition least we should do his Majesty herein some disservice With your Lordships we make the great Councel of the King and Kingdom And though your Lordships having the happiness to be near his Majesty know other things better yet certainly the state and condition of the several parts for which we serve their dispositions and inclinations their apprehensions their fears and jealousies are best known unto us And here I pray your Lordships to give me leave to use the figure called Reticentia that is to insinuate and intimate more then I mean to speak Our chief and principal end in this Parliament is to make up all rents or breaches between the King and his Subjects to draw them and knit them together from that distance whereof the world abroad takes too much notice to work a perfect union and reconciliation how improperly and unapt at this time this addition would be in respect of this end we cannot but foresee and therefore shun it and do resolve that it is neither agreeable to the Persons of such Councellors whom we are nor answerable to that love and duty which we owe to
at home are we in strength are we in reputation equall to our Ancestors if we view our selves abroad are our Friends as many as our Enemies Nay more do our friends retain their safety and possessions do our Enemies enlarge themselves and gain for them and us what Councel to the loss of the Pallatinate sacrificed we our honour and our men sent thither stopping those greater powers appointed for that service by which it might have been defencible what Councel gave direction to the late action whose wounds are yet a bleeding I mean the expedition to Rhee of which there is yet so sadd a memorie in all men what design for us or advantage to our State could that import you know the wisdom of our Ancestors the practice of their times how they preserved their safeties we all know and have as much cause to doubt as they had the greatness and ambition of that Kingdom which the Old world could not satisfie against this greatness and ambition we likewise know the proceedings of that Princess that never to be forgotten Excellency of Queen Elizabeth whose name without admiration falls not into mention with her Enemies you know how she advanced her self how she advanced this Kingdom how she advanced this Nation in glorie and in state how she depressed her Enemies how she upheld her Friends how she enjoyed a full security and made them then our scorn whom now are made our terror Some of the principals she built on were these and if I mistake let reason and our Statesmen contradict me First to maintain in what she might a unity in France that that Kingdom being at peace within it self might be a Bulwark to keep back the power of Spain by land Next to preserve an amity and league between the States and us that so we might come in aid of the low Countries and by that means receive their Ships and help by sea This treable-cord so working between France the States and us might enable us as occasion should require to give assistance unto others and by this means the experience of that time doth tell us that we were not onely free from those fears that now possess and trouble us but then our Names were fearfull to our enemies See now what correspondency or actions had with this square it by these rules that it induce a necessary consequence of the division of France between the Protestants and their King of which there is too wofull and lamentable experience It hath made an absolute breach between that State and us and so entertained us against France France in preparation against us that we have nothing to promise our neighbours hardly for our selves Nay but observe the time in which it was attempted and you shall finde it not onely varying from those principals but directly contrary and opposite ex diametro to those ends and such as from the issue and success rather might be through a conception of Spain then begotten here with us Here there was an interruption made by S r. HUMFRY MAY. expressing a dislike but the House of Commons commanded him to go on it thus followeth M r. Speaker I Am sorry for this interruption but much more sorry if there hath been occasion wherein as I shall submit my self wholly to your judgement to receive what censure you should give me if I have offended So in the integrity of my intentions and clearness of my thoughts I must still retain this confidence that no greatness may deter me from the duties which I owe to the service of my King and Countrey but with a true English heart that I shall discharge my self as faithfully and as really to the extent of my poor power as any mans whose honours or whose Offices most strictly have obliged him you know the dangers Denmark is in how much they concerned us what in respect of our Alliance and the Countrey what in the importance of the Sound what an advantage to our Enemies the gain thereof would be what loss what prejudice to us by this division we breaking upon France France being inraged by us the Netherlands at amazement between both neither could we intend to aid that luckless King whose loss is our disaster Can those now that express their troubles at the hearing of these things and have been so often told us in this place of their knowledge in the conjunctures and disjunctures of affairs say they advised in this Was this an Act of Councel Mr. Speaker I have more charity then to think it and unless they make a confession of themselves I cannot believe it For the next the insufficiency and unfaithfulness of our Generals that great disorders abroad what shall I say I wish there were not cause to mention it and but out of the apprehension of the dangers that 's to come if the like chance hereafter be not prevented I could willingly be silent But my duty to my Soveraign and the service of this House the safety and Honour of my Countrey are above all respects and what so nearly tendeth to the prejudice of this may not be forborn At Calis then in that first expedition we made when we arrived and found a Conquest ready the Spanish ships I mean fit for the satisfaction of a Voyage and of which some of the chiefest then there themselves have since assured me the satisfaction would have been sufficient either in point of Honour or in point of profit why was it neglected why was it not atchieved it being of all hands granted how sensible it was after when with the destruction of some men and with the exposition of some others who though their fortune since have not been such by chance came off When I say with the loss of our serviceable men that unserviceable men were gained and the whole Army landed why was there nothing done why was there nothing attempted if nothing were intended wherefore did they Land if there were a service why were they shipt again Mr. Speaker it satisfies me too much in this when I think of their dry and hungry march unto that druncken quarter for so the Souldiers term'd it where was the period of their Journey that divers of our men being left as a sacrifice to the Enemy that labour was at an end For the next undertaking at Reez I will not trouble you much onely this in short was not that whole action carried against the Judgement and opinion of the Officers those that were of Councel was not the first was not the last was not all in the landing in the intrenching in the continuance there in the asâ—ault in the retreat did any advice take place of such as were of Councel If there should be made a particuler inquisition thereof these things will be manifest and more I will not instance Now the manifestation that was made for the reason of these Arms nor by them nor in what manner nor on what grounds it was published nor what effects it hath wrought drawing
In this the Councel said it will not extend to make him a Bishop upon the point of Election but upon the point of Confirmation onely which maketh him punishable if he execute any thing concerning the Bishoprick Sir Hen. Martin saith The exception making void the Confirmation doth in Law work also upon the Election Doctor Steward saith The point of setting to of the Advocates hand is but matter of Form in the Court no matter of Law Sir Henry Martin saith he will endeavour himself to give the House as full satisfaction and he will speak without relation to the Kings Right and Laws of the Realm The Proclamation by the Common Law should not be at Bow Church but at the Cathedral Church of the Diocess where the Bishop is to be elected and the Dean and Charter of that Diocess is to except and not every one that will The Argument is endless and to alter a course so long settled I conceive it is plain the King and the Law have power to deprive him of his Bishopprick if he deserves the same I think therefore it were good to decline this dispute for the present and to proceed to remove him which we are allowed Tuseday 10. A Bill for Ordering the Government and Plantation of the Summer Islands A Bill to restrain some abuses in Ministers and Magistrates Mr. Rowles complaineth that since his last complaint of the breach of the liberties of this House his Ware-house hath been locked up by one Massey a Pursevant and that yesterday he was called forth from the Committee in the Exchequer-chamber and served with a Subpena to appear in Star-chamber but that since he received a Letter from Mr. Attorney that it was a mistake The Subpena was read but the Letter not suffered to be read Sir Robert Phillips YOu see we are made the Subject to scorn and contempt I conceive this to be a bone thrown by those that have drawn a cloud over our sun our Religion to divert or interrupt us in the prosecution of them I desire the Messenger may be sent for and examined by what procurement this Subpena was taken forth for if we find not out those that throw these scorns upon us it is in vain to sit here Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchie THis proceeds from some great error for I will assure you this never proceeded from King nor Councel I therefore desire it may be searched to the bottom for be confident neither King nor Councel have cast in this as a bone Mr. Selden THis is not to be reckoned an Error for questionless this is to affront us and our own Liberties is the cause of this It is Ordered that Shemington the Messenger that served the Subpena be presently sent for to the House A Committee of six are appointed to see the information in Star-chamber and to examin the same and by whom the same was put in and they have power to sent for persons or records that may inform them A general Order agreed on That all the Committees that have power to send for parties shall have power to command any of them as they shall think fit to attend the House at such times as they shall think fit The priviledge of the Merchants that are Planters here may be taken into consideration by this Committee concerning the information in Star-chamber Sheriff Acton called into the Barre as a Delinquent upon his knees saith if he have erred it is through want of memorie and ignorance for he intended not the least dislike or distaste to any Member of the House Mr. Long moved he might be sent to the Tower Sir Francis Seymour THat he may now be referred back to the Committee to be re-examined if then he deal not clearly this House may proceed to further punishment Mr. Selden I Cannot remember when we did commit a Sheriff of London but I remember when the House did commit both the Sheriffs of London to the Tower for an abuse of less nature onely for countenancing of a Serjeant in an Arrest on a Member of Parliament though they did acknowledge their faults at the Barre which this man hath not yet done the Serjeant was sent to Little-ease the person at whose suit he was Arrested was committed to the Fleet and both the Sheriffs to the Tower Mr. Kirton I Came into this House with as good an heart to this man as any man for I was spoken to to stand for him as I came in and I promised to do what favour I could but if he were my brother he should to the Tower Mr. Littleton YOu see the affronts by books by preaching by rumors by being dayly sued with Proces that are put upon us that we are become but a meer Scare-crow the neglect of our dutie is the cause of this it is high time to remedie this or it is in vain to sit here The Sheriff is again called in to the Barre on his knees and is sentenced to the Tower Sir Ben. Ruddiard THere be diverse Recantations Submissions and Sentences remaining on Record in both Universities against Arminianisme that concerning any thing that may conduce to our end the Speakers Letter may be sent to the Vicechancellor for those Records which is Ordered It is Ordered that Worsnam Daws and â—armarthen are to be at the Barre upon Fryday Wednesday 11. MAster Selden reported concerning the Process of the Merchants the Coppie of the Bill brought in and read that the Merchants did Plot Practice and Combine together against the peace of the Kingdom This being conceived to be a business incident to Tonnage and Poundage is Ordered to be referred till to Morrow morning Mr. Selden THat a Report shall be made to morrow of the Examination of the Complaints of the Merchants and the information in the Exchequer may also be brought which was also Ordered Ordered That in respect the Term ends to Morrow and the Assizes is to follow and diverse Members Lawyers may be gone down it is Ordered that none shall be gone without leave of the House It is alsâ— Ordered That the Speakers Letter be sent for Sir Edward Cook At the Committee for Religion MAster Walter delivered a Petition of the Book-sellers and Printers in complaint of the restraint of books written against Poperie and Arminianisme and the contrarie allowed of by the onely means of the Bishop of London that diverse of them have been so Pursevanted for printing of Orthodox books that the licensing of books is now onely restrained to the Bishop of London and his Chaplains One of the Printers said he tendred diverse books one called The golden Spur to the heavenly Race That Turner one of the Bishop of Londons Chaplains said That if he would put out the point That a man may be certain of his Salvation he would license the same notwithstanding he put out that point yet he could not get the same licensed Mr. Selden The refusing the Licensing of books is no crime but the