THE LIFE OF WILLIAM Now Lord Arch-Bishop of CANTERBVRY EXAMINED Wherein his principall Actions or Deviations in matters of Doctrine and Discipline since he came to that Sea of Canturbury are traced and set downe as they were taken from good hands by Mr. Robert Bayley a Learned Pastor of the Kirk of Scotland and one of the late Commissioners sent from that Nation Very fitting for all judicious men to reade and examine that they may be the better able to censure him for those thing wherein he hath done amisse Reade and Judge LONDON Printed for N B in the Yeare of Grace 1643. Summa Capitum THE Preface showeth the unreasonablenesse of this new warre That we have committed nothing against the late pacification That compasson hope and all reason call now for peace at home that at 〈◊〉 we may get some order of our enemies abroad That the Canterburian faction deserves not so well of England that armes in their favour ought to be taken against Scotland We offer to instruct their insupportable crimes by their owne writs If armes be needlesly taken in so evill a cause they cannot but end in an untimous repentance In this nick of time very poore wits without presumption may venture to speake even to Parliaments The obstinate silence of the English Divines is prodigious CHAP. I. The delineation of the whole subsequent Treatise OVR Adversars decline to answere our first and chiefe challenge The scope of this writ All our plea is but one cleare syllogisme the Major whereof is the sentence of our Iudge the Minor the confession of our party the conclusion a cleare and necessar consequence from these two premisses CHAP. II. The Canterburians avowed Arminianisme ARminianisme is a great and dangerous innovation of our Religion King James his judgement therof the great increase of Arminianisme in Scotland by Canterburies meanes King Charles his name stolne by Canterburie to the defence of Arminianisme the Irish Church infected with Arminianisme by Canterburie the Canterburians in England teach the first and second article of Arminius Why King James stiled Arminians Atheists they teach the third and fourth article Also the fifth the Arminians in England advanced their opposites disgraced and persecuted Canterburie and his fellowes contrare to the Kings Proclamation goe on boldly to print let be to preach Arminian tenets A demonstration of Canterburies Arminianisme in the highest degree they make Arminianisme consonant to the articles of England and so not contrare to the Proclamation CHAP. III. The Canterburians professed affection towards the pope and popery in grosse ONce they were suspected of Lutheranisme but at last Poperie was found their marke To make way for their designes they cry downe the Popes Antichristianisme They are content to have the Popes authoritie set up againe in England their mind to the Cardinalat they affect much to be joined with the Church of Rome as shee stands CHAP. IIII. The Canterburians joine with Rome in her grossest idolatries IN the middes of their denyalls yet they avow their giving of religious adoration to the very stock or stone of the altar As much adoration of the elements they grant as the Papists require In the matter of images their full agreement with Rome About relicts they agree with Papists they come neere to the invocation of Saints CHAP. V. The Canterburians avow their embracing of the popish heresies and grossest errours THey joine with Rome in setting up traditions in prejudice of Scripture In the doctrine of faith justification fulfilling of the Law merit they are fully Popish In the doctrine of the Sacraments behold their Poperie they are for the reerection of Monasteries and placing of Monks and Nunnes therein as of old How neere they approach to Purgatorie and prayer for the dead CHAP. VI. Anent their Superstitions FEW of all Romes superstitions are against their stomack They embrace the grossest not only of their privat but also of their publick superstitions CHAP. VII The Canterburians embrace the Messe it selfe THey cry downe so farre as they can all preaching They approve the masse both for word and matter The Scotish Liturgie is much worse then the English Many alterations into the Scotish specially about the 〈◊〉 the consecration the Sacrifice the Communion CAP. ULT. The Canterburian maximes of Tyrannie THE tyrannous usurpation of the Canrerburians are as many and heavie as these of the Romish Clergie King Charles bates all tyrannie the Canterburians flatter him in much more power then ever he will take they enable the 〈◊〉 without advice of the church to do in allEcclesiasticall affairs what he thinks meet They give to the King power to doe in the State what ever he will without the advice of his Parliament In no imaginable case they will have the greatest tyrants resisted What they give to Kings is not for any respect they have to Majestie but for their owne ambitious and covetous ends The chiefe witnesses which in the following action are brought in to 〈◊〉 WIlliam Lad Archbishop of Canterbury in his speach before the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his relation of his conference with 〈◊〉 Fisher is it was the last yeare amplified and reprinted by the Kings direction In Andrewes opuscula posthuma set out by him and dedicated to the King B. Whyt of Eli in his treatise vpon the Sabbath and his answere to the lawlesse Dialogue B. Montagu of Chichester in his answer to the gagger in his appeale in his antidiatribae in his apparatus in his origines B. Hall of Exeter in his old Religion set out with his owne apologie and the apologie of his friends M. Chomley and M. Butterfield In his remedie of profainnesse Peter Heylen Chaplane in ordinar in his answer to Burton set out as he sayes by the command of authority as a full and 〈◊〉 Reply to be expected against all the exceptions which commonly are taken at my Lord of Canterbury his actions in his antidotum Lincolinense subscribed by Canterburies Chaplane D. Pottar Chaplane in ordinar in his charity mistaken as he prints at the command of authority D. Laurence chaplane in ordinar in his sermon preached before the King and printed at the command of authority D. poklingtoun in his Sunday no Sabbath in his altare Christianum subscribed by Canterburies Chaplane Christopher Dow in his answere to Burton subscribed by Canterburies Chaplane Couzine in his devotions the fourth edition subscribed by the B. of London his owne hand Chounaeus in his collectiones Thelogicae dedicated to my L. of Canterburie and subscribed by his Chaplane Shelfoord in his five pious Sermons printed at Cambridge by the direction of the Vice-chanceler D. Beel set out with a number of Epigrames Latine English by divers of the university fellowes defended yet still by Heylene and 〈◊〉 in their bookes which Canterbury hath approved Anronie Stafford in his female glory printed at London and not withstanding of all the challenges made against it yet still defended by Heylene Dow in their approved writs
examples to prove that Bourton and his like deserved no lesse than publike execution And yet these men are so gentle to Papists that they glorie in their meeknesse towards them professing that to the bitterest of the Jesuites they have never given so much as a course word So Canterburie in his Epistle the other yeare to the King before the relation of the conference God forbid that I should ever offer to perswade a persecution in any kind against the Jesuites or practise it in the least for to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as 〈◊〉 language King Charles hates all tyranny o His Majesties speech in Parliament 28. p. 75. The peoples liberties strengthen the Kings prerogative and the Kings prerogative is to defend the peoples liberties p Proclamation at York April 25. 1639. We heartily declare and faithfully promise that although wee bee now in armes they shall be no wayes used either to force upon that our native Kingdome any innovation of religion or to infringe any of the civill liberties or the lawes thereof accounting it our glorie to preserve libertie and freedome among them according to their Lawes Therefore wee 〈◊〉 once againe by this renew our former promises for the maintenance of Religion and Lawes and this we doe in all sinceritie of heart we take God the Searcher of all hearts to witnesse that as we are Defenders of the true Protestant Religion which we from our heart professe so we trust we shall by his goodnesse continue in the same and never shall permit any innovation to 〈◊〉 in this or any other of our Kingdomes One of the articles of Dunce pacification is this We are further graciously pleased that according to the Petitioners humble 〈◊〉 all matters Ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Church and matters 〈◊〉 by the Parliament and other inferiour Judicatories established by Law which accordingly shall be kept once a yeare or so oft as the affaires of the Church and Kingdome shall require q Cant. relat p. 112. In some Kingdomes there are divers 〈◊〉 of greatest consequence which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered but in and by Parliament and particularly the Statute Lawes which must bind all the Subjects cannot bee made or ratified but there the supreme Magistrate in the civill State may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament thogh hee may cispense with the penaltie of the Law quoad hic nunc r The which seditious discourse and writing the authors therof intended should bee dispersed as if the same had beene entertained by your 〈◊〉 with purpose to put it in execution and to alter the ancient Laws of this Kingdom and to draw all things to your Majesties absolute will and pleasure and to dispose of your Subjects goods without their consent and to make and repeale Lawes by your Majesties Proclamation only without consent of Parliament which if it should be beleeved by your people could not but raise infinite discontent amongst them the consequence whereof might be of extreme and almost inevitable danger to your Majesties person and to the whole frame of the Kingdome s Bilson of Subjection p. 280. Neither will I rashly pronounce all that resist to be Rebels Cases may fall out even in Christian Kingdomes where people may plead their right against the Prince and not be charged with rebellion As for example if a Prince should go about to subject his Kingdome to a forraine Realme or change the forme of the Common-Wealth from Emperie to Tyranny or neglect the Lawes established by common consent of Prince and people to execute his owne pleasure in those and other cases which might be named if the Nobles and Commons joyne 〈◊〉 to defend their ancient and accustomed libertie regiment and lawes they may not well be counted Rebels Ib. By superiour powers ordained of God we do not meane the Princes private will against his lawes but his precepts derived from his lawes and agreeing with his lawes which though it be wicked yet may it not be resisted by any subject with armed violence but when Princes offer their subjects no justice but force and despise all lawes to practise their lusts not any private man may take the sword to redresse the Prince but if the lawes of the land appoint the Nobles as next to the King to assist him in doing right and withhold him 〈◊〉 doing wrong then bee they licenced by mans law so not prohibited by Gods Law for to interposethemselves for the safeguard of equitie and innocencie and by all lawfull and needfull meanes to procure the Prince to bee reformed but in no case to deprive him where the Scepter is inherited Ibid. pag. 94. Spoiles massacres conspiracies treasons even to the destruction and murther of Princes by their owne servants if a Priest say the word you count in your selves to bee just honourable and godly war if others do but 〈◊〉 on their guard to keep their lives and families from the blinded rage of their enemies seeking to put whole townes and provinces to the sword against all law and reason and to disturb Kingdomes in the minoritie of the right Governours or if they defend their Christian and ancient liberties covenanted and agreed upon by those Princes to whom they first submitted themselves and ever since confirmed and allowed by the Kings that have succeeded If in either of these two cases the Godly require their right and offer no wrong neither impugne their Princes but onely save their owne lives you crie rebellious Hereticks rebellious Calvinists surie frenzie mutinie and I know not what yee may pursue depose murther Princes when the B. of Rome bids you and that without breach of duty law or conscience to God or man as you vant And that when neither life nor limme of you is touched we may not so much as beseech Princes that we may be used like subjects not like slaves like men not like beasts that we may be convented by lawes before Judges not murthered by Inquisitors in corners but incontinent the fume of your uncleant mouth is ready to call us by all the names you can devise The Canterburians flatter the King in much more power than ever he will take And 〈◊〉 him without advice of the Clergy to doe in the Church what he pleaseth t H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answer p. 28. What spirit leads you that you are 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 Power which men of better understanding than you have given to Princes Ib. p. 32. Princes are Gods deputes of whom should they be limited if ye say by the Laws of the land those themselves have made a prince in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is above the lawes though in concreto a just prince will not breake the lawes which himselfe hath promised to observe otherwise wee say of princes Principi lex non est posita that they doe not governe onely by the 〈◊〉 but are above it that he is sure and hath an absolute authority Ibid. p. 〈◊〉 I
reerection of it where it s owne unsupportable weight hath caused it to fall As for the power of Princes the most of those this day who are Christians and especially our gracious Soveraigne are very well content to bee limited within the bounds of the lawes which themselves and their predecessors have setled in the Church and State of their dominions to make the preservation of those Lawes and of their subjects liberties Ecclesiastick and Civill according to them the greatest glory of their prerogative Royall To give assurance of their resolution never to abolish any old or bring in any new act either in church or state without the concurrence of Assemblies and Parliaments Neither to impose any taxation on their subjects goods without their free consent thereto given by their Commissioners in Parliament the extending of the prerogative to the making of new lawes or abolishing of old to the imposing of taxes by simple proclamation without Parliament our Prince doth so farre abhorre that he condemned a certaine writ for importing his Majesties entertainment of such motions yea his Majestie by his Attourney generall called the Earle of Bedford and other noble personages to censure for keeping such a writ wherein did lye so pernicious positions Where some Princes misled through passion and mis-information have deviat so far from the path of justice as to intend by violence and armes the overthrow of the true religion and ancient liberties of their subjects the opposition which the subjects are forced to make in this case against the oppression of their Prince our gracious Soveraigne hath been so farre ever from counting of it rebellion of which crime the greatest royalists in England wont alway to absolve it that his Majestie hath thought meet before all Europe after the example of his glorious Father and renowned predecesrix Elizabeth to give his countenance aid and powerfull assistance to them all when their just grievances and feares were laid out before his Throne If so be King Charles had esteemed the late wars in France of the protestants against their king the present wars of Holland and of the high Dutches against the Spaniard and Emperour an unlawfull defence let be a trayterous insurrection of Subjects against their Soveraignes Weepresuppone his Majesties justice would have beene loath ever to have defiled his Scepter by supporting them all with men and moneyes as oft he hath done and yet doth avow the deed While our gracious prince is so farre inflamed with hatred against all tyranny yet behold this wicked fiction how carefully they goe about by all the meanes they can to draw his royall mind to that which naturally it doth so much abhorre For they tell us first that the power of all true Kings is so simply absolute and illimitate that for any man to reason what they may not is a crime no lesse than treason that they are far above all Law 2. That the Oath which a Prince makes to keepe the Lawes is but a personall deed which cannot oblige his successor that his Oath and promise at his Coronation to keepe the Lawes is to be exponed of his resolution to make his lawes to be keeped by others That all the oathes and promises he makes at his coronation are but of his meere free-will and arbitrement that by them all no true covenant or paction can bee inferred betwixt the King and his subjects 3. That the prince alone is the Law-giver both in Church and State 4. That in matters Ecclesiasticall they themselves alone without the advice of any of the Clergie may lawfully make what Canons they please and compell their Clergie to embrace them 5. That it is a part of the Kings prerogative to have power to impose upon all his Subjects such Confessions of Faith such Liturgies such Canons as he thinks meetest without the advice of any Church Assembly 6. When it is his pleasure to call an Assembly the members of that Ecclesiastick Court are onely such as hee is pleased to call whether of the Clergie or of the Laity 7. That when they are called onely the Princes voyce is decisive the voyce of all the rest at most but consultive or if any of them become decisive it is by the Princes favour or at least permission 8. That Church Assemblies are onely politick Conventions not grounded upon any Divine right and so to bee used or disused as the prince shall thinke expedient 9. That it is in the power of all Soveraignes whether Monarchick Aristocratick or Democratick to appoynt for the government of the Church in their dominions such Officers and Spirituall Courts as they finde most meet and agreeable to their temporall estates to erect Bishops and put downe Presbyteries to erect Presbyteries and put downe Bishops 10. That all this power to conclude every ecclesiastick affaire which can bee subject to the jurisdiction of any ecclesiasticall Synod doth belong alike to all Soveraignes whether Turkish Iewish Pagan Hereticall or Christian and Orthodox Concerning the Kings power in matter of State they teach first that a Parliament is but his arbitrarie Councell which in making or annulling of his Lawes hee may use or not use as hee pleaseth 2. When hee is pleased to call a Parliament it is his due right by his letter to ordaine such Barons to be Commissioners for the Shires and such Citizens to bee Commissioners for Burrowes as hee shall bee pleased to name 3. That hee may lawsully exact when he hath to doe what portion of his subjects goods hee thinks meet and by himselfe alone may make such Lawes for exactions in times to come as seemes to him best 4. That no subject of his Kingdome can have any hereditarie jurisdiction but any jurisdiction that either any of the Nobilitie or any other Magistrate or Officer possesseth they have it alone during his pleasure that at his presence the power of all others must cease and at his death evanish and be quite extinguished till by his successors by new gift it bee renewed 5. That Scotland is a subdued Nation that Fergus our first King did conquer us by the sword and establish an absolute Monarchie for himselfe and his heires giving to us what Lawes he thought meetest 6. That all the Lands in Scotland were once the Kings propertie and what thereof hath beene given out for service yet remaines his owne by a manifold right 7. That to denie any of the named parts of this power to the King is to destroy his Monarchike government to dethrone him and make him no King to subject him to his people and make them his Masters or at least Collegues in the Empire But thankes be to God that our gracious prince hath so oft declared himselfe to bee farre from all such thoughts yea that my Lord of Canterburie himselfe is forced whiles to let drop from
his fingers cleane contrarie maximes Lastly they teach us in the matter of resistance first that doe the Prince what hee will he may never be resisted by any or all his Subjects that not onely a private man must give over all defence though most innocent of his owne life against the prince his unjust violence but the whole State can doe nought without rebellion against GOD but flee or suffer when the prince whether by himselfe or his Officers doth destroy the true religion established by all Lawes and the liberties of the Land deare bought of old and peaceably brooked in many ages also the lives of many thousands of the best Subjects without the pretence or colour of any just cause Againe that all this subjection must be used not onely to our native King but to any forraine usurper who can get footing among us and it were the Kings of Spaine as their predecessors the hereticall Gothish Kings got footing in the Roman Empire That even against them the States of a Land with a good conscience could use no defence though before their eyes they should see them execute the cruell tyrannies of Nebuchadnezzar put out the eyes of the King kill 〈◊〉 Children lead himselfe and his Nobles away to a far land in fetters Though with Nero for their mere pleasure they should set the royallcitie in a faire fire or execute the plot of 〈◊〉 by murthering all the seed of the Iewes all zealous protestants up and downe the land in one day Such maximes exceedingly opposite to the honour of God the safetie of the Kings person and Crowne the welfare of the people these men cause to bee printed and let them goe athort without any censure at these times when by royall decreets they have pulled into their hands the full commandement of all the presses and the absolute jurisdiction over all the Book-sellers shops in the Kingdome and 〈◊〉 frequently theirzeale against any bookes that give but the least touch to their mitres by inflicting no lesse censure than fire upon the books pilloring and nose-slitting on the Authors and whipping thorow the streets on the carriers All these extraordinarie prerogatives whereby the faction advanceth supreme Magistrates so neere unto God and their favourites so far above the skies seeme to flow not from any love they carrie either to their crowns or the royall heads that beare them but meerely out of their selfe-respect to their owne ambition and greed that Soveraignty being advanced to an unmeasurable height may be a statelier horse for them to ride upon in their glorious triumphings above all that is called God For otherwise yee may see how farre they depresse all Soveraignes when they are layed in the ballance with themselves they tell us that the King can bee no more the head of the Church than the boy that rubs their horse heeles 2. That the heart whence the native life and vigour of the Ecclesiastick Lawes doth flow is alone the Bishops and not the King 3. That Kings and Emperours ought to reverence yea to adore Bishops and to pay them tributes 4. That everie Bishop is a Prince and a Monarch as farre in dignitie above the greatest secular Prince as the soule above the body or God above man FINIS Revised according to the ordinance of the generall Assembly by me Mr. A. Jhonston Clerk thereto Edinb 1. of April 1640. Wee did expect nothing lesse then war Wee have committed no 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 with any goodly colour 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the late 〈◊〉 Compassion hope and all reason call now for peace at home 〈◊〉 at last we may get some order of our 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 The Canterburian faction 〈◊〉 veth not so well of England that armes in their favour ought to be taken against Scotland Wee 〈◊〉 to instruct by the 〈◊〉 of our partie their unsupportable crimes Arme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in so evill a cause can not but end in an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In this 〈◊〉 of time very poore 〈◊〉 without presumption may venture to speake to Parliaments An offer de serving 〈◊〉 audience The silence of the 〈◊〉 Divines is 〈◊〉 Our adversaries de cline to answer ou greatest challenge The scope of the treatise All our 〈◊〉 but one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Major thereof a Neither shall We ever give way to the authorizing of any thing whereby any innovation may steale or 〈◊〉 into the Church 〈◊〉 shall preserve that unitie of doctrine and discipline established in Queen 〈◊〉 Reigne whereby the Church of England have stood and flourished since 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of England 1628. and therefore once for all we have thought sit to declare and hereby to assure all our good people that we neither were are nor ever by the grace of God shall be stained with Popish superstition 〈◊〉 by the contrary are resolved to maintain the true Protestant Religion already professed within this our ancient Kingdome We neither intend innovation in Religion or Laws Proclam 〈◊〉 8. 1638. 〈◊〉 all our good Subjects of the least suspition of any intention in us to innovate any thing either in Religion or Laws and to satisfie not only their desires but even their doubts Wee have discharged c. Proclam Septemb. 22. 1638. and to give all his Majesties people full assurance that hee never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true Religion professed within this Kingdome and that they may be truly and fully satisfied of the reality of his intentions and integrity of the same his Majesty hath been pleased to require and command all his good Subjects to subscribe the Confession of Faith formerly signed by his deare Father in Anno 1580 and it is his Majesties will that this be insert and registred in the Books of Assembly as a testimony to posterity not only of the sincerity of his intertions to the said true Religion but also of his resolution to mayntain and defend the same and his Subjects in the profession thereof Proclam Decemb. 13. 1638. b If any prelate would labour to bring in the superstitions of the Church of Rome I doe not only leave him to Gods iudgment but if his irreligious 〈◊〉 can be discovered also to shame and severe panishment from the State and in any just way no mans hands should be sooner against him then mine The Minor The conclusion 〈◊〉 a great and dangerous innovation of 〈◊〉 King James judgment of 〈◊〉 a Declarat contra 〈…〉 p. 15. 〈…〉 b Ibid. p. 12. 〈…〉 c Ibid. pag. 18 〈…〉 d Ibid. pag. 12. 〈…〉 e Ibid. pag. 14. 〈…〉 f Ibid. pag. 15. 〈…〉 The great increase of Arminians in Scotland by Canterburies mean The Kings name stolne by 〈◊〉 to the defence of 〈◊〉 g Large Declar. pag. 74. According to their weake and 〈◊〉 power they did determine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Predestination Universall Grace irresistibility of Grace concurrance of Free Will with Grace totall and finall perseverance in Grace and other
materiall for the rest he avoweth himselfe to be for peace and 〈◊〉 and all to be so but Puritans and Jesuites 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 doth nourish up in a faction 〈◊〉 p. 18. I like S. Ambrose Lombard Roffensis Harding who advise in this argument to forbeare the 〈◊〉 nation of the 〈◊〉 of presence and to cloath our 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 general expressions As I like not those that say he is 〈◊〉 there so I 〈◊〉 not those that say his body is not there For S. Paul saith it is there 〈◊〉 the Church 〈◊〉 England saith it is there and the Church of God ever said it is there and that truly substantially essentially We must beleeve it is there We must not know how it is there It is a mysterie they all say The presence they determined the 〈◊〉 of his presence they determined not They said he is there but the Lord knows how b 〈◊〉 answer pag. 137. Think you it 〈◊〉 the Priest should takeinto his 〈◊〉 the holy mysteries without lowly reverence and that it is an innovation to do so Our 〈◊〉 about the 〈◊〉 c Heylens antid 〈◊〉 6. 〈◊〉 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our 〈◊〉 as by the Lords owne 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 in the legal by Christs 〈◊〉 it is to by us 〈◊〉 in the holy A 〈◊〉 it was in figure a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in fact 〈◊〉 so by consequence a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the commemorations or immediately upon the post fact a Sacrifice there was among the Jewes a Sacrifice 〈◊〉 must be amongst the Christians and if a Sacrifice must bee there must be Priests also to do and altars whereupon to do it for without a Priest and an Altar there can be no Sacrifice There was a bloudy Sacrifice then an unbloudy now a Priest derived from Aaron then from Melchisedeck now an Altar for Mosatcall Sacrifices then for Evangelicall now The Apostles in the institution were appointed Priests by Christ where they received a power for them and their Successors to celebrate these holy mysteries Hoc facite is for the Priest who hath power to consecrate Hoc 〈◊〉 is both for Priest and people Ibid pag. 17. He maintained at length that in the Lords Supper there is a true proper corporall visible and externall Sacrifice Our changes in the Communion d White on the Sabbath pag. 97. Such Traditions are those that follow the deliverie of the Communion to the people in both kinds Montag orig pag. 396. Vbi 〈◊〉 in Scripturis infantes baptizari aut in coena Domiui sub utraque specie communicantes participare de his 〈◊〉 profiteri Nihil tale docet Scriptura Scriptura 〈◊〉 non praedicat Andrews stricturae pag. 5. It cannot be denyed but roserving the Sacrament was suffered a long time in the Primitive Church in time of persecution they were permitted to carrie away how great a part they would and to keep it by them and to take it at times to comfort them but for the sick it was alwayes sent them home were the distance never so great and against the time of extremitie it was thought not amisse to have it reserved that if the Priest should not then be in state to go to the sick partie and there to 〈◊〉 it for him yet at least it might be sent him as in the case of Serapion Pokling as we have heard made it one of the matters of that Churches glorie that they yet 〈◊〉 retaine in their 〈◊〉 the old Repositories The tyrannous 〈◊〉 of the Canterburians are as many and 〈◊〉 as these of the 〈◊〉 Clergie a Samuel Hoards Sermon pag 7. By the Church I meane the Churches Pilots who sit at the sterne Heads and members divide al bodies Ecclesiasticall and civill what ever is to bee done in matters of direction and government hath alwayes beene and must bee the sole prerogative of the heads of these bodies unlesse we will have all Common-wealths and Churches broken in peeces Ibid. pag. 8. The key of jurisdiction which is a power of binding and loosing men in foro exteriori in the courts of justice and of making lawes and orders for the government of Gods house is peculiar to the heads and Bishops of the Church Ibid. p. 31. What was Ignatius and Ambrose if we look at their authoritie more than other Bishops of the Church That libertie therfore which they had to make new orders when they saw 〈◊〉 have all other Prelates in their Churches Edward Boughanes Serm. pag. 17. Submit your selves to those that are put in authoritie by Kings so then to Bishops because they are put in authoritie by Kings if they had no other claime But blessed be God they hold not only by this but by an higher tenure since all powers are of God from him they have their spirituall jurisdiction what ever it be S. Paul therefore you see assumes this power unto himselfe of setting things in order in the Kirk before any Prince become Christian 1 Cor. 11. 34. The like power hee acknowledgeth to be in 〈◊〉 1. 5. and in all Bishops Heb. 15. 17. Ibid. pag. 18. Kings make lawes and Bishops make canons This indeed it was of necessitie in the beginning of Christianitie Kings made lawes for the State and Bishops for the Kirk because then there was no Christians Kings either to authorize them to make such laws or who would countenance the when they were made But after that Kings became nourishing sathers to the Church in these pious regular times Bishops made no Canons without the assent confirmation of Christians Kings such are our Canons so made so confirmed Chounei collect p. 53. Reges membra 〈◊〉 filios Ecclesiae se esse habitos rejecisse contempsisse non 〈◊〉 audivimus obediunt simulque regnant Jura quibus gubernari se permittunt sua sunt vitalitatem nativam ex praepositis Ecclesiae tanquam ex corde recipiunts 〈◊〉 ex ipsis tanquam ex capitibus derivant Sam. Hoards p. 9. Nor did they exercise this power when they were in Counsell only but when they were asunder also speaking of Apostles as they are paterns to all Bishops b Our Church Sessions our weekly Presbyteries our yearly generall Assemblies whereof by our standing lawes we have been in possession are close put downe by our book of Canons and in their roome Church-Wardens officiall Courts Synods for Episcopall visitation and generall Assemblies to bee called when they will to be constitute of what members they please to name are put in their place c So is their booke entituled Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall ga hered and put in forme for the government of the Church of Scotland and ordained to bee observed by the Clergie and all others whom they concerne d Whites Examination of the dialogue pag. 22. By the Lawes of our Kingdome Canons of our Church many learned persons are appointed to be assistants unto Bishops in our nationall Synods in which al weightie matters concerning religion are determined nothing is or may be concluded
〈◊〉 pag. 19. In Monarchia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 voluntas de substantialegis est praevia cum populo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si utilis imò 〈◊〉 sit 〈◊〉 tamen non est 〈◊〉 cum imperatore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicendum videtur explosis ridiculosis ambiguitatibus verum conditorem interpretem legum esse solum 〈◊〉 ligem legislatoris non 〈◊〉 non ex vi con sensus 〈◊〉 sed ex regia 〈◊〉 viobligantem 〈◊〉 pag. 8. Non 〈◊〉 Juristarum 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 ron obligare legem nisi à 〈◊〉 acceptetur cum mon 〈◊〉 fit legislator lex 〈◊〉 qua lex obliget 〈◊〉 ut ad eam 〈◊〉 dam cogendi fint 〈◊〉 post legis à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publicationem temporisque quoad populi notitiam 〈◊〉 sufficientis lapsum potest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 publica legis observatio praecise ingeri Heylens 〈◊〉 p. 66. The declaration of his 〈◊〉 pleasure in the case of S. Gregorie is to bee extended to 〈◊〉 other cases of the same nature It is a maxime in the civill law Sententia Principis jus dubium declarans jus sacit quoad omnes Item Quodcunque imperator per 〈◊〉 constituit vel 〈◊〉 decrevit legem esse constat Id in his moderate answer pag. 29. Onely these commands of the King are to be refused which are directly against Scripture or include marifest impiety He learned this from his opposite the Lincolneshire Minister pag. 68. I say that al commands of the King that are not upon the clear and immediate inference without all prosyllogismes contrary to acleare passage of the word of God or to an evident Sun-beame of the law of nature are precisely to bee obeyed nor is it enough to finde a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue f 〈◊〉 Wemius page 23. 〈◊〉 ut civium ad Comitia delegatos non ita absolutè à Baronum vel Civium 〈◊〉 pendere volumus ut non possit Rex quos 〈◊〉 maxime idoneos censuerit eligendos 〈◊〉 praesertim 〈◊〉 pro legibus ferendis 〈◊〉 quae administrationis 〈◊〉 publicae statuendis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt in quibus liberum denegare regi 〈◊〉 quos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibuscum deliberet sibi in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esset ex Rege non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 statuumque voluntati ad Regiae depressionem eminentiae nimis 〈◊〉 g Joannes Wemius page 19 Omnia fatemur 〈◊〉 in regno sunt regis esse quarex est 〈◊〉 est qua 〈◊〉 regui dominus adeoque qua 〈◊〉 ipsius qua rex est aut publica regni conditio posse regem de 〈◊〉 bonis disponere praesertim ubi omnes in regno terrae in feuda concessae fuerint à rege aliquod penes se dominium retinente Id. p. 17. Licet non de jure omnium bona exigendo tamen dejure in omnes leges ferendo sine omnium consenso statuere potest Montag orig p. 320 Omni lege divina naturali nationali vel politica licite semper reges principes suis subditu tributa 〈◊〉 licitè quoque exegerunt cum ad patriae reipublicae defensionem tum ad ipsorum familiae honest amprocurationem Hanc doctrinam accurate tuetur ecclesia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in qua sacerdotes licet magis gaudere soleant debeant immunitatibus tamen frequentius exuberantius libentius quam 〈◊〉 dec marum decimas subsid a annatas primitias 〈◊〉 h Joannes Wemius page 136. Cum regis sit insuo regno judices Magistratus constituere qui ipsius sint in judicando jubendo vicarii potest rex 〈◊〉 judicandique jus ac Mag stratus judicesque constituendt potestatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prout regno utile esse visum ei fuerit abutent 〈◊〉 us auferre nulla 〈◊〉 est sub Rege patr monialis haereditaria jur sdictio Rege solo jurisdictionem tanquim propriam habente aliisque quibus eam non dat sed communicat tanquam depositam 〈◊〉 Igitur non ut terras ita jurisdictionem simpliciter ut loquuntur privative Rex alienare potest nisi Rex esse 〈◊〉 Ibid. page 157. Siiudices sint principum vicarii 〈◊〉 est eorum principe praesente potest as cum solius absentis teneat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si quae est alicubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ron nisi jus est judicium regium volente Rege declarandi ut ita ex jud 〈◊〉 ore proferatur Regis sententia Ibid. page 17. In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 psis quam ass stent bus imperium exercet Rex quandoquidem praesente 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium 〈◊〉 derivata ut fluviorum 〈◊〉 nomen potestas cum in mare 〈◊〉 Ibid. pag. 143. Principis occasu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium tam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam delagatorum jus Negari non potest tam apud Romanos quam altos in usu suisse ut qui in demortuorum succederent locum reges 〈◊〉 regnorum guberracula capesserent 〈◊〉 iudicumque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut ostenderetur 〈◊〉 regibus nullam esse inferiorum authoritatem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tacitè 〈◊〉 i Corbet p. 45. There was no law in the Kingdome of Scotland before 〈◊〉 gave it for 〈◊〉 Fergus his 〈◊〉 wee were 〈◊〉 hominum agreste sine legibus 〈◊〉 imperio Hee and his Successors gave lawes ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did conquer us k Corbet p. 25. Fergus his Successours divided the whole land which was their owne and distinguished the orders of men did establish a 〈◊〉 t This is cleare ex 〈◊〉 regiis ubi satis constal regem esse dominum omnium 〈◊〉 directum omnes subditos esse ejus vassallos qui latifundia sua ipsi domino referant accepta sui 〈◊〉 obsequii servitii praemia l Ioannes Wemius p. 18. Quo casu dicerem nonpreprie esse regnum sed ar stocratiam vel democratiam Ibid. p. 23. Hoc esset ex rege non regem cum facere Ibid. p. 38. Quodsi alicubi non habeat rex potestatem leges ferendi nisi ex 〈◊〉 comitiis consensu sic fundamentaliter limitata proprie Rex non est ac non tam acceptans est populus quam cum Rege 〈◊〉 collega legem ferens Ibid. p. 53. Non est imperium illud vere 〈◊〉 sed principatus quidam imperans ille non Monarcha aut Rex sed tantum Princeps ut Venetorum Dux residente in opt matibus aut populo 〈◊〉 summa m Relat. of the Conference pag. The Statute Lawes which must bind all the Subjects cannot be made but in and by Parliament the supreme Magistrate in the civill state may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament Ibid. pag. 158. Tiberius himselfe in the cause of Silanus when Dolabella would have flattered him into more power than in wisdome he thought 〈◊〉 then to take to himselfe he put him off thus No the Lawes grow lesse when such power enlargeth nor is absolute power to bee used where there may be an orderly proceeding by Law In no imaginable case 〈◊〉 wil have Tyrants resisted n Ioannes Wemius pag. 21. Teneri videtur subditus seipsum fame 〈◊〉 ut principem salvaret propter conservationem boni publici singulis adempta est adversus principem quae naturalis dicitur iuris defensio scu iniuriae depulsio o Canterb relat p. 205. Where the foundations of the faith are shaken by Princes there there ought to be prayer and patience but no opposition by force Aberdeens Duplys pag. 25. The way for all Christian Subiects to conquer Tyrants and the remedy provided in the New Testament against all persecutions is not to resist powers which God hath ordained lest we be damned but with all 〈◊〉 to suffer that we may be crowned It is evident by Scripture that it is unlawfull for Subiects in a Monarchicall estate to take armes for religion or for any other pretence without warrant from the Prince The renow ned Thebaean Legion of 6666 Christian Souldiers without making resistance as they had strength to have done suffered themselves rather to be slaine for their Christian profession by the Officers of Maximinian the Emperours executors of his cruell commandements against them Corbet p. 42. For your examples from reformed Churches since we live not by examples but by 〈◊〉 I will not stand upon them from facts to prove the lawfulnesse of resisting is ridiculous none of those by resisting gained so much as by suffering as experience too late doth thew p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag 29. Such was the doctrine and practice of many other great lights which shined in the 〈◊〉 of Iulian the Apostate and in the dayes of the Arrian 〈◊〉 and Gothick Arrian Kings q Corbet pag. 26. Qui 〈◊〉 Caio 〈◊〉 qui Augusto ipse 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉 vel patri vel filio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ne per 〈◊〉 ire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui Constantino Christiano ipse apostatae Iuliano Ibid. pag. 36. If the Iewes in the dayes of Assuerus had beene of this new Scottish humour when an utter extirpation was intended by Haman both of themselves and theirreligion they would have taken armes but their prayers and teares were their defence in their greatest 〈◊〉 What they give to Kings is not for any respect they have to Maiestie but for their owne ambitious and 〈◊〉 ends r Ioannes We 〈◊〉 in his preface to the Duke of Buckingham Reges in 〈◊〉 sortem transcripti cute 〈◊〉 tenus homines reipsa boni genii censendi sunt in quos ut bumanos Ioves divini honoris 〈◊〉 pene consortes oculos animosque nostros desigi convenit Tu Heros nobilissime coruscas velut inter ignes Luna minores quem in 〈◊〉 augustioris gloriae 〈◊〉 divina prorsus virgula constitutum nemo potest dissiteri s Smart Sermon pag. 1. M. Couzins uttered these trayterous speeches in an open and affirmative manner that the Kings Highnesse is no more supreme head of the Church of England than the boy that rubs his horse heeles and this as we are credibly informed hath beene proved against him by the 〈◊〉 of two sufficient witnesses t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supra cap. ult A. w 〈◊〉 supra cap. 3. O. x Montag supra cap. tertio z
the pen of his man Pocklingtonne and the like to disgrace them with that stile 6 The English will have the Ministers and people to communicate in both kinds our booke enjoynes the Priest to receive in both kindes but the people onely in due order This due order of the people opposite to the communion of the Priest in both kindes may import the removall of one kinde from the people so much the more may wee feare this sacriledge from their hands since they tell us that our onely ground for communicating of the people in both kindes is stark naught that for this practice there may well be tradition but Scripture there is none Also that in divers cases the ancient Church did lawfully give to the people the bread alone that the Sacrament after the publick communion was oft reserved to be sent to the sick to be taken at private occasions and laid up in the Church in a publicke repository Now it is well knowne and the papists presse this upon us when they would rob the people of the cup that the wine was not sent to the sicke in a farre distance from the Church nor taken home by the people to be used with the bread in the times of straight nor set up in the Church in the Ciboir or Repositorie These changes of the English Liturgy which the Canterburians have made in some few pages lying together of the Scottish service if they be either few or small your selfe pronounce the sentence The last chapter containing the Canterburian maximes of Tyrannie ONe of the great causes of Protestants separation from Rome is the tyranny of the Romish Clergie whereby they presse upon the verie conscience of their people a multitude of their own devices with the most extreame and rigorous censures which can be inflicted either upon bodies or soules And for the more facilitating of their purposes they advance the secular power of Princes and of all Soveraigne Estates above all that themselves either crave or desire alone for this end that their Clerks may ride upon the shoulders of Soveraignty to tread under the feet of their domination first the Subjects and then the Soveraignes themselves How much our men are behinde the greatest tyrants that ever were in Rome let any pronounce when they have considered these their following maximes They tell us first that the making of all Ecclesiastick constitutions doth belong alone to the Bishop of the Diocesse no lesse out of Synod than in Synod That some of the inferiour Clergy may be called if the Bishops please to give their advice and deliberative voyce That the Prince may lend his power for confirming and executing of the constitutions made but for the worke of their making it is the Bishops priviledge belonging to them alone by Divine right 2. That in a whole kingdome the Bishops alone without the privatie of any of the Clergie of any of the Laity may abolish all the Ecclesiasticall judicatories which the standing and unrepealed lawes which the constant customes ever since the reformation had setled and put in their roomenew forraigne Courts which the kingdome had never knowne scarce so much as by their name That at one stroke they may annull all the Acts of three or fourescore Nationall Assemblies and set up in their roome a Book of Canons of their owne devising That they may abolish all the formes used in the worship of God without any question for threescore yeeres and above both in the publicke prayers in the administration of the Sacraments in singing of Psalmes in preaching the Word in celebrating of marriage in visiting the sicke and in ordination of Ministers neither this alone but that it is in their hand to impose in place of these accustomed formes foure new Bookes of their owne of Service of Psalmes of Ordination of Homilies All this our Bishops in Scotland have done and to this day not any of them to our knowledge can bee moved to confesse in that deed any faile against the rules either of equity or justice what ever slips of imprudence there may bee therein And all this they have done at my Lord of Canterburies direction as we shall make good by his owne hand if ever we shall bee so happy as to be permitted to produce his owne authentick autographs before the Parliament of England or any other Judicatorie that his Majestie will command to cognosce upon this our allegeance Readily Rome it selfe cannot be able in any one age to parallell this work which our faction did bring forth in one yeare It is a bundle of so many so various and so heavie acts of tyrannie Certainly England was never acquaint with the like we see what great trouble it hath cost his Grace to get thorow there one poore Ceremonie of setting the Communion Table Altar wayes for there themselves dare not denie that it is repugnant to the established Lawes of their Church and state for any Bishop yea for all the Bishops being joyned to make the poorest Canon without the voyces of their Convocation house or nationall Assembly yea without the Parliaments good pleasure 3. They avow that all their injunctions though so many and so new yet they are so holy and so just that the whole kingdome in conscience mustembrace them all as the commands of God That whoever will be so peart as to affirme in any one of them the least contrariety to the Word of God he must have no lesse censure then the great excommunication from which he must never be relaxed but by the Bishops own mouth after his publick repentance and revocation of so vile an errour That his bodily and pecuniall penaltie shall be at the free-will and discretion of the Bishop That the worthiest men of any liberall profession get favour to lose but their eares to have their nosesslit and cheeks burnt for contradicting their innovations That the furthest banishments for tearme of life is a priviledge which their indulgence may grant but to few That the vilest dungeons irons whippings bread and water chaining to posts without all company day or night in the coldest and longest winters is but a part of their opposers deserving That the greatest Nobles of the Land ought in Law to forfeit their Life and Estate if they be so bold as to put their hand to a supplication unto their gratious Prince against their practices That all this is but just severity and the very expedient meane to advance their cause which they glory hath well neere already close undone their opposites and which they boast shall still bee used But alas it is gone now beyond boasts when they are the second time upon the very poynt to kill millions of the Kings best Subjects to dash together all his dominions in a bloody warre as pitchers one upon another for the confirmation of their intollerable tyranny where long it hath beene tottering and the