A REPLY To the House of COMMONS Or rather to an IMPOSTOR Giving answer in their Names to the LONDONERS PETITION presented to the said Honourable House Sept. 11. 1648. LONDON Printed for William Larnar at the signe of the Black-moor within Bishopsgate 1648. A REPLY To the House of COMMONS OVr being continual losers and sufferers by the War is an Argument sufficient that we are for Peace since war in it self is of all humane things the most unwelcom except to such as blinded with the honour or commodity it brings them and well secured by others from the dint and danger thereof care not how long the Tempest lasts since what is cast out of the ship is received into the gulph of their Ambition and Avarice And as we have bin continual losers and sufferers so do we not admit any hopes to make up our fortunes or enrich our selves by the prolongation of the war but propose as we ever did to get our livings by our Trades and honest Industry and esteem a good Peace the Crown of our earthly happiness A good Peace we say for we are not so in love with it as to wish it upon any terms in a Dungeon in the Galleys under the most insufferable Tyrannie there may be peace but we would willingly that that we are in expectation of may be linkt with such a measure of just Freedom as should make some recompense for the former war that it should likewise be lasting which it cannot be unless it be sound And that it may be so we presented our Petition to the House of Commons containing such things as are not of any particular behoof to our selves as such or such a people but of a diffusive and common concernment importing an universal good to every honest man And truly we will not count it our boasting because it is but our duty in these self-seeking daies especially to manifest a greater measure of self-denyal Hence do we in our publike motions as we ought bear both in the heart and front of them a communicative happiness of which the greatest the meanest may partake And though the establishment of those things we desire may haply dis-relish the sickly appetites of lordly and avaritious men yet we are well assured that even such upon a settl ment would quickly find that they have bin mistaken in their way to felicity and that it is much more easily attainable and will prove less disturbed and more lasting by these expedients that we propose than any that we have yet seen For the scruples and objections which are raised against our Petition in the name of the House of Commons which had bin proper enough if the pretended one at Oxford had bin now sitting we will reduce the weight and material circumstances thereof to certain heads which if we can cleer we question not but the whole frame and fabrick of that answer will fall to the ground First therefore Concerning the Kings Supremacy over the House of Commons We yeild that the stile of many of our Laws the traditional exercise and belief thereof are strong on your part and from hence certainly many of you Royalists we mean were perswaded even to your very great prejudice to assist him in its vindication and the Parliament likewise and their Adherents though excessively abused and trampled upon by him did timorously and but faintly engage themselves against him so that at first the superstition being strong and our understandings mis-guided with the delusions of above 500. yeers practise upon us every King making it his business not only by power but by Law and Parliament to rivet the opinion of his Prerogative and Supremacy in our hearts and having all the advantages that could be thought upon to accomplish the same as the Scholers to preach it and mix it even with the most sacred mysteries the Lawyers to plead it the Officers and Power of the Kingdom to support it the custody of all Records of the embezelment whereof every Age hath complained the Licensing of Books whereby nothing but what made for it had publike view and a thousand more particular advantages that might be recited all which considered we say it is no wonder if at first both Parliament and People looked upon the King as Recusants upon the Pope on whom the superstition is not more strong for we esteemed him a thing Sacred Inviolable as the Breath of our Nostrils the Apple of our eies in all causes and over all Persons next and immediate under God Supreme Head and Governour Gods Vicegerent accountable only to him and thereupon declared the war for him Then were we likewise entangled with our oaths that slylie and politickly were at first insinuated and have bin since customarily and Traditionally taken without regard to the end or suspect of the designe in imposing them which was purposely to ensnare the weak and bind us to the adoration of an Image our fancies and follies have erected But when we came to consider the freâ—ness of the times administring means and matter thereunto and good men dayly writing for our Information the King on the one side persisting in his Tyranny and endeavouring by force of Arms to establish that power we had so smarted under before the Parliament Hereupon by degrees the clouds vanisht the mists of error and deception began to scatter and the shine of Truth to appear the eys of both Parliament and People began to open and though at first when the Parliament at Oxford was mixt with the Parliament at Westminster we professed absolutely and without conditions in May 1641. to defend the Kings person yet afterwards in the Vow that absurditie was omitted and in the Covenant the condition was wisely inserted in the defence of true Religion the Lawes and Liberties of England And not only so but in time the Parliament altered their Commissions that to our present renowned General making no mention of the defence of the Kings persons Afterward in their last message to him at Oxford they charge him with the guilt of all the blood that has bin shed in this War and tell him that before they treat with him he must make satisfaction to the Kingdom calling it in their Declaration of the 11 of February 1647. a destructive Maxime or Principle viz. That he oweth an account of his actions to none but God alone and voting no more addresses to him but that they will of themselves settle the present Government so as may best stand with the Peace and Happinesse of the Kingdom So that we hope according to your own rule you will not preferre those unripe expressions that at first past from the Parliament before those that after long debates and the wisdom of much experience did maturely proceed from them The Kings Supremacy was at first believed because not considered as Turkish children beleeve the divinitie of Mahomet because bred up to it but good Sir Let it be convased a little To make it good the King must
shew an expresse grant of it that he is above both Parliament and People and when that 's done which we think is impossible to be done for we beleeve the King never durst propose it in plain terms but rather aimed at insinuating it in by degrees and circumstances that so it might insensibly steal into our understandings to avoid disputes and controversies thereupon However we say Admit the worst that the King can produce such a Commission made to some of his Predecessors and successively conveyed to him wherein he was so erected from the equal Flat whereon he with the rest stood for the strongest Royalists allow us at first equal yet there is this further to prove that this power was so alienated as not to be assumed and more than that that the preceding people in matters of Power and Liberty can so bind their successors as that it is not in their power to free themselves notwithstanding never so apparent necessity thereof or dangers that compel them thereunto This is the great point the Royalists fail in They suppose and take it for granted and build upon it But prove it not Besides we conceive that the Kings power is a Trust as all power must needs be that is not primitive especially over others of the same line and dignitie as we must needs be granted to be before the Assignation of such a power Now a power in Trust implies Conditions mutual agreement compact and an inferiority in the betrusted a liberty of revocation of caling to account all which are implied in the relative Trust Now that the Kings power is a Trust is undenyably evident unlesse you will say that Kings are born such and had from the beginning inherent Characters of their Royalty without any deputation from others which is so absurd that no reasonable man will assert it Again suppose former Parliaments made the King supream not only over every one singly but over all collectively we say they either did it for his sake or their own good and safety for his sake it is not imaginable grant them to be of sound minds especially if you consider what is implyed in Supremacy viz. the Legislative power the Sword the dispose of every mans person and estate If then they did it conditionally as conceiving it most conducing to their good and welfare and find afterwards by thousand experiments that it proves otherwise their end being frustrate What hinders but that they may re-assume and mannage their so much abused power themselves All this and much more we have to argue the case being stated to the greatest disadvantage of the House of Commons But let us tell you we judge the pretended supremacy of Kings in this Country never to have been fairly granted by a free and un-packt Parliament but either forcibly usurpt or politickly gaind by the practice of that King-craft which every Prince hath endeavoured to make himself Master of whose ultimate end is to encroach upon the Peoples Rights and establish its own absolutenesse We mentioned packt-Parliaments and the truth is much hath been gaind that way to the Peoples greatest dis-advantage since all intrenchments so gotten seem to have the face of consent and allowance But yet here Kings have been more modest as dealing with some adversaries at least for though by the potency of his Dependencies by the interests of his Lords Officers and Courtiers by his conferring Barronies and making of Burrough Towns he hath usually corrupted that Fountain which is the only orderly means of our Preservation yet hath there at all times in every age some been found whose honest hearts have engaged them to oppose the respective Kings for which though they have afterwards suffered for that 's a stratagem Kings never fail'd in yet have they thereby lest notable Memorandums to the People of the unjust seizures of their Liberties That the two Houses are called His as you urge is an expression not derived from a just Right but imposed and customarily used to beget a false opinion of it in the hearts of weak people So has the Militia been car'd His the Forts and Magazins the Ships yea and the very High-way for they that would usurpe the Right must insinuate Expressions agreeable thereunto and in this trifle as one would think they have been very punctual for though there is nothing in it to convince the sound yet is there much to seduce the weak Whereas you urge that the House of Commons was instituted by the Kings Predecessors it s a foul mistake t is true indeed Henry the first reviv'd what his Predecessors William the first and second had purposely disused and what he then reviv'd and cal'd a Parliament according to the Norman expression was before entituled Commune Concilium Regni The Common Councel of the Kingdom a name both more proper for us English and not as the other importing our Norman bondage But there is this further considerable in it that as that King reviv'd it so he might model and frame it best for his advantage both in the Expression of the Writ and manner of the elections That the King is the chief Officer is not indeed agreeable to the exercise of what he hath usurpt upon us for an Officer is tyed to his rules and bounded by the Laws But Kings have known no such Bondaries witness their Proclamations and Arbitrary Impositions in which their Will onely was their rule by which though they have done much injury to us yet they might do more even ad infinitum for what have they according to your principles to restrain them Now that the exercise of his usurpations should be an Argument to the Parliament to establish them we see no reason but rather on the contrary a motive to their speedy abolition and therefore do we stile him in our Petition the Chief Publike Officer which is both honour enough for any one man and by which he may do as much good as his heart can wish and cannot do that hurt that hath bin usual with Kings and is likewise an appellation most properly signifying the nature of his dignity importing a Trust and deputation of Power which may be an effectual means to keep succeeding Kings from those exorbitancies the best of them have through the encouragement of their Place and usurped power lanched into You say The King is not accountable because he hath not received his Office from the People but from God You are strangely mistaken as well in your Assertion as in the Reason of it In the reason of it first for who of your wifest Clerks the greatest supporters of Regality allow not that Fundamental Maxime That all Government is by Consent since it is a restriction of that liberty for mutual and common good that every man is born withal Hear but one of the ablest and greatest Champions for the King and Church Mr Hooker l. 1. Eccl. Pol. p. 28. The lawful power of making Laws to command whole Politick Societies of
it as so reasonable so necessary that little importunity we hope will gain it especially when it shall be considered that the House it self is in equal danger of the Revival of the Enemies power as we our selves and somewhat more as being more eminent and partaking in the profits of this Indemonitie which can only be made good by the inviolable preservation of the House of Commons Supremacy we therefore at this time were the more urgent for fearing that by the Treaty and Act of oblivion we should not only be rendred for our faithful services guilty of the blood and miseries of the war for what else does the Kings pardon and Act of oblivion import then which we had rather dy a thousand Deaths but also be made liable to the mercy that is to the cruelty and revenge of our conquered Enemies For the guilt you suppose we have contracted by doing many things opposite to the Laws in Being we can with ease bear it since it extends but to the Letter not the end and intention of Laws to preserve which all our Actions have bin directed which yet neither were justifiable had we not had the Commands of that Power which we judge Supreme to whom the safety of the Common-wealth so requiring of which they and they only are the Judges it seem'd necessary that many things should be done against the present Laws which they then during the violence of the Rebellion against them had not time to alter and this had they not done they had hazarded the slavery or destruction of the Common-wealth and the subjugation of all Lawe to the Will and Pleasure of a Tyrant You often urge us to ask pardon as if you had already the rod over us and were certain that this Treaty will make you our Masters but the best is we had experience enough how pittifully apt you are to flatter your-selves thinking all cock sure and your own when the success hath proved quite otherwise Your pride and presumption indeed has undone you which yet you will not renounce but crow in your rags and upon the dung-hill so that a man by your writings would judge you Victors or at least in great hope to prove so by some fancied Stratagem such as the Treaty which yet we hope will deceive you That we are against the Treaty 'T is because that 's against the good of the Common-wealth and that was lately the opinion of the House it self We conceive there is a neerer way to Peace we are sure to a better Peace than the Treaty can produce What-ever-may be pretended on the other side the Treaty not-withstanding the seeming large Grants is not for Peace but to gain abilities for War which at this time are utterly wanting and therefore is it that we say That party are the greatest Promoters of it that are most opposite to the House of Commous For Princes breach of Oaths of which you say you are ignorant it were an easy matter to shew you by the practice of the whole line of our Kings and by their principles too that no obligatious can be strong enough when they have power and opportunitie to break them Be pleased to look upon the Royal Project lately printed or but take any History of the English Kings and read over any Kings rain and you will find their Oaths and Obligations to be like nets of sisters thred made for necessity and to divert as they use to expresse themselves the present Torrent of Power The House cannot make him so free but at his time he will urge restraint and 't is the common discourse of his Party that he has no way to gain all but by granting all that to deceive the deceivers will be no deceit when in the mean season the Prince keeps up and the Castles hold out Time is gaind and forraign Princes are solicited as in their own quarrell to yeeld assistance So that we cannot but say That what seems to be the way to Peace is indeed the means of a New war and the last hopes of a conquered enemy to revive and appear again in the maintainance of their old quarrel The true way to Peace is the good establishment of the Common wealth according to just and equal expedients as we have presented Which would give such good satisfaction to the People to all we mean that are not interested in the Tyranny that no considerable part of them would ever be drawn to engage in a New war and that would both keep down home-bred Insurrections and keep out forraign Invaders who will never venture in unlesse there be a considerable party to receive them And though many at present dislike what we present in our Petition yet upon the settlement thereof they will find such a real happiness to themselves in the Freedomes thereof and so little particular or private advantage to us or any else that they will soon with us blesse God for the same and blame themselves for having been both their own enemies and the Common-wealths And thus I have run through the most material scruples of our Answerer for the rest another time shall serve because we would not weary the readers with too large a Treatise We shall say no more at this time but pray to God to bless us and all men else in our motions for common good and blast us and others when ever we or they shall wittingly prosecute ought that may tend to the dammage of our Country FINIS
men belongeth so properly unto the same entire Societies that for Prince or Potenrate of what kind so ever upon earth to exercise the same of himself and not either by express Commission immediately and Personally received from God or else by Authority derived from their consents upon whose Persons they impose Laws it is no better than meer Tyrannie And this is the common opinion of all but such as have devoted themselves bodies and souls to the service of a King I urge not Hookers words as if there were weight in his Authority but to shew how deeply superstitious our Answerer is in principles that even Royalists condemn who though they derive the authority of Kings from God yet they grant it to be convayed by a Concession of the People But let us come neerer to the point and search into times past where we shall find that notwithstanding the vigilant care and industry of Kings to blot out and bury in oblivion whatsoever might seem to evidence his dependeney upon the people yet notwithstanding some glimmerings remain of that light which they thought they had wholy eclipsed For the Conqueror though the sword made his entrance yet he could not think himself fast til he come to an Agreement with the People and was swore by them to maintain their Laws William the second by the mediation of the Arch-Bishop Laâ—frane his own large bounty and wide promises Obtained the Crown Henry the first saies Daniel was Elected and Crowned within four daies after his Brothers death After the death of Henry Stophen Earl of Bolognâ— was Elected by 〈…〉 and invested in the Crown of England So the same Daniel Now him Henry 〈◊〉 though a Frenchman born was Admitted after the usual Oath to the Crown of Engl. Richard the first having broke his Fathers heart by an un-natural defection and joyning with the King of France was established by the Power of the said King to whom he first swere fealty so that his admission was forcibly and disorderly King John upon condition of restoring the people their Rights and governing with moderation was Admitted to the Crown Thus have even our Court Historians whether through 〈◊〉 advertency or a little honesty I know not but thus have they manifested unto us the manner of Kings Admission to â—it by Election and upon conditions which yet is more notably specified by Stâ—w in his Henry the fourth where you may find that the 〈◊〉 in being put in Parliament whether they would have this of that man for theâ—e was four or five 〈◊〉 and all refused till Henry Earl of Lancaster 〈…〉 and generally accepted And the very Solemnity of the Coronation is it is recorded evidences as much for there after the King hath taken his Oath the Arch-bishop who crowns him turns to the People and tels them what he hath promised and sworn and then by the mouth of an Herald at Armes asks the people Whether they be content to submit themselves unto this man as unto their King or no and stay is made till they give their consents And this you shall find in Stow the most favourable to Kings of all Chroniclers in his Stories of the admissions of Henry and Edward the fourth We might abundantly enlarge this point but what spend we time to find evidences of that the equity whereof were there no footsteps for the practise extent as it is a wonder there should be is yet in it self so clear and manifest Those Kings that have bin made so by Odds appointment he hath given visible and Personal commands for which he 〈◊〉 did for any of 〈◊〉 Kings and though it be his Ordinances that the 〈◊〉 should be 〈…〉 which the necessity of human 〈…〉 likewise require yet for the 〈◊〉 of it and for the Persons Governing it is neither appointed by any Law Natural or Divine for then it should 〈…〉 Countries or Nations but ordamed by 〈…〉 we 〈◊〉 of every Country 〈…〉 â—â—spective people shall 〈◊〉 Being then admitted by the People it will easily follow that they are accountable to them which cannot orderly be taken but by the House of Commons their Deputies For their Power being not Potestas absoluta but Vicaria Deligata not absolute but delegate and by Commission given them with Restrictions Cautels and Conditions upon Promises and Oaths how can it be that they should be at liberty to do what they please to the People and as they have trample upon all Oaths Laws and Obligations and for this be above all human question or account is not much of the evil Kings have so plentifully showred upon this Nation justly attributable to the licentiousness of this opinion under the shelter whereof they have no question bin animated to the perpetration of those unjust actions they have continually abounded in the talk of a general Account at the day of Judgement being a scare-crow their Wisdoms contemn too much to be affrighted with And though this Parliament have said that it never entred into their thoughts to do what other Parliaments have done against their Kings yet that implies not but that they may justly do as much and his many cruelties and obstinate prosecution of the War since may haply bring it into their thoughts We see they allow not the maxime of his being accountable to God only but condemn it as destructive by which they intimate that he is accountable to them for to whom else can he be accountable You think much that we charge the King with the Oppressions brought upon this Nation and tell us that the House laies it upon his Ministers We are very sorry for it as thinking the Principal a greater sharer in the guilt than the accessaries the Commander than the Agents Alas Sir it was as much as any mans place was worth not to say or do as the King would have him how many lost his favour by their reluctancy how many gained it by their officious servility The reward of other mens trechery to their Countrey was haply some gleanings of an Imposition a Place a Fine an Office but had the King gone through with his work he had bin lord of all of every mans person and estate and he that is the chief Agent and greatest Gainer in the Designe we thought contracted the greatest guilt Besides Sir this man haply was employed in this business that man in a second another in a third and several men were instrumental in several evils brought upon us but the Kings hand run through them all and therefore according to our understandings the accumulative guilt of the whole frame and model of the building belongs to him as the prime and chiefest Architect And though at first the House of Commons the aw of tyrannie being upon them charged the Kings Ministers rather than himself yet since they have placed the saddle right imputing and that most justly our former miseries and the induction of the War to the King himself For our charging the Lords and Bishops with