subjects minding of his high goodnesse and great benignity so alwayes to impart the same unto them as justice being duly administred all rigour being excluded and the great and benevolent minds of his said subjects largely and many times approved towards his highnesse and specially in their Convocation and Synode now presently being in the Chapiter house of the Monastery of Westminster by correspondence of gratitude to them to be requiâ—ed of his meere motion benignity and liberality by authority of this his Parliament hath given and granted his liberall and free pardon to his said good and loving spirituall subjects and the said Ministers and to every of them to be had taken and enjoyed to and by them and every of them by vertue of this present Act in manner and forme ensuing that is to wit The Kings Highnesse of his said benignity and high liberality in consideration that the sad Archbishop Bishops and Clergie of the said Province of Canterbury in their said Convocation now being have given and granted to him a subsidie of one hundred thousand pounds of lawfulâ—mony currant in this Realme to be levied and collected by the said Clergy at their proper costs and charges and to be paid in certaine forme specified in their said graunt thereof is fully and resolutely contended and pleased that it be ordained established and enacted by authority of this his said Parliament that the most Reverend Father in God William Archbishop of Canterbury Metropolitan and Primate of all England and all other Bishops and Suffragans Prelates c shall be by authority of this present pardon acquired pardoned released and discharged against his Highnesse his heires successours and executors and every of them of all and all manner offences contempts and trespasses committed or done against all and singular Statute and Statutes of Provisours Provisions and Premunire and every of them and of all forfeitures and titles that may grow to the Kings Highnesse by reason of any of the same Statutes and of all and singular trespasses wrongs deceits misdemeanours forâ—eitures penalties and profits summes of mony paines of death paines coâ—porall and pecuniar as generally of all other things causes quarrels suits judgements and exactions in this present Act hereafter noâ— excepted nor soreprised which may be or can be by his Highnesse in any wise or by any meanes pardoned before and to the tenâ—h day of the moneth of March in the 22. yeare of his most Noble Raigne to every of his said loving subjects Provided alway that this Act of free pardon shall not in any wise extend or be beneficiall to the Reverend Father in God Iohn Archbishop of Dublin now being in the Kings Dominions of Ireland nor shall in any wise extend to pardon discharge or acquit the Bishop Hereford Peter Ligham Iohn Baker Adam Travers Robert Cliffe Rouland Philips and Thomas Pelles Clerkes who it seemes were guilty of some notorious crimes against the King and therefore excepted out of this generall pardon But to returne againe to Warham This Archbishop persecuted and shed the blood of some of our Martyrs and caused the corpes of VVilliam Tracy Esq. for some orthodoxe passages in his Will to be taken out of the grave and burnâ— for an Hereticke by an Order made in Convocation sending a Commission to Doctor Parker Chancellour of Worcester to execute this wicked sentence who accomplished the same King Henry the eighth hearing his Subject to be taken ouâ— of the ground and burnt without his knowledge or due order of Law sent for the Chancellour laid this to his charge as an high offence who excused himselfe by this Archbishops command then newly dead but in conclusion it cost the Chancellour 300â— to puâ—chase his pardon and would have cost the Archbishop more had not his death prevented this danger In fine this Archbishop VVarham and Fisher B. of Rochester gave credit and countenance to the forged visions revelations of Elizabeth Barton afterwards condemned of high Treason for the same as â—â—nding to the reproach perill and destruction of the Kings persâ—n honouâ— fame and dignity and Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop it is likely by his Masters privity proceeded so farre as to write a booke of her counterfeit miracles revelations and holinesse for which she and her complyces were afterwards execuâ—ed as Tiburne as they had justly deserved being attainted of treason by Parliament among which cursed câ—ue Richard Maister Priest Edward Bocking Doctor of Divinity and Henry Deering Munkes of Canterbury Henry Gold Bachelor of Divinity Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury Warham and Hugh Ric. a Frier observant who seduced this silly girle to effect their owne and the Prelates designes the better thereby suffered death as Traytors by hanging drawing and quartering at Tiburne The act of their attainder treasons and execution is at large related by M. Hall in his Chronicle 25. H. 8. f. 218 221 222 223 224. to which I shall referre the Reader Thomas Cranmer next to him in succession was made Archbishop by King Henry the 8. much against his will for in his Discourse with D. Martyn a little before his Martyrdome being charged by him that he had aspired to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury he replyed I protest before you all there was never man came more unwillingly to a Bishopricke than I did to that insomuch that when King Henry did send for mee in Post that I should come over I prolonged my journey by seven weekes at the least â—hinking that â—ee would be forgetfull of mee in the meane time Hee comming to the See tooke the like Oath to the Pope as his predecâ—ssâ—â—rs had done and therefore was deeply charged of perjuâ—y by Martyn for renouncing and swearing against the Popes Supremacie afterward though he answered that the first oath was against the Lawes of God of the Realme the Kings Prerogative and made void by Parliament and so not binding After the nullifying of which oath partly by his meanes but principally by the Lord Croâ—wels whom the King made his Vicegerent Generall in all Ecclesiasticall affaires and causes and superiour to the Archbishop of Canterbury in place and Ecclesiasticall power the Popes Supremacy and usurped jurisdiction was by severall Acts of Parliament quite abolished out of England as prejudiciall and directly opposite to the Kings Prerogative Royall King Henry dying the Archbishop swore to his will by which Queene Mary was to succeed to the Crowne as next heire in case King Edward died without issue King Edward seeing the obstinacie of Qâ—â—enâ— Mary in matters of Religion what a pillar she was like to prove to the Church of Rome and persecutor of the true Professors of the Gospell ordaines by his last VVill that Queene Mary should be put by the Crowne and the Lady Jane succeed him as next Heire to which Testament all the Councell swore and the Archbishop too at last after much adoe Whereupon King Edward and Queene
them Morally as they stand in opposition to the light of Nature to right reason and the principles of humane society you will then perceive pride without any moderationâ— such a Pride as that is which exalts it selfe above all that is called God Malice without any provocation Malice against vertue against innocencie against piety injustice without any meanes of restitution even such injustice as doth robbe the present times of their possessions the future of their possibilities Iâ— they be examined My Lords by Legall Rules in a Civill way as they stand in opposition to the Publiquâ— Good and to the Lawes of the Land Hee will be found to be a Traytor aâ—gainst his Majesties Crowne an incendiary against the Peace of the State hee will be found to be the highest the boldest the moâ—t iâ—pudent oppressour that ever was an oppressor both of King and Peopleâ— This Charge my Lords is distributed and conveyed into â—oâ—â—teene severall Articles as you have heard and those articles are onely generall Iâ— being the intention of the House of Commons which they have commanded mee to declare to make them more certaine and particular by preparatory Examinations to be taken with the helpe of your Lordships house as in the Case of my Lord of Strafford I shall now runne thorough them with a light touch onely marking in every of them some speciall point of venome virulency and malignity 1 The first Article my Lords doth containe his â—ndeavour to introduce into this Kingdome an Arbitrary power of Government without any limitations or Rules of Law This my Lords is against the safety of the Kings Person the honour of his Crowne and most destructive to his people Those Causss which are most perfect have not onely a power to produce effects but to conserve and cheriâ—h them The Seminary vertue and the nutritive vertue in vegetables do produce from the same principles It was the defect of justice the restraining of oppression and violence that first brought government into the World and set up Kings the most excellent way of Government And by the maintâ—nance of Justice all kinds of government receive a sure foundation and establishment It is this that hath in it an ability to preserve and secure the royall power of Kings yea to adorne and encrease it 2 In the second Article yoâ—r Lordships may observe absolute and unlimited power defended by Preaching by Sermons and other discourses printed and published upon that subject And truely my Lords it seemes to be a prodigious crime that the truth of God and his holy Law should be perverted to defend the lawlesnesse of men That the holy and sacred function of the Ministry which was ordained for instruction of mens soules in the wayes of God should be so abused that the Ministers are become the trumpets of sedition the promoters and defenders of violence and oppression 3 In the third Article my Lords you have the Judges who under his Majesty are the dispersers and distributers of Justice frequently corrupted by feare solicitation you have the course of Justice in the execution of itâ— shamefully obstructed And if a wilfull Act of injustice in a Judge be so high a crime in the estimate of the Law as to deserve death under what burthen of guilt doth this man lye who hath beene the cause of great numbers of such voluntary and wilfull acts of injustice 4 In the fourth Article hee will be found in his owne person to have sold justice in Causes depending beâ—ore him And by his wicked counsâ—ll endeavouring to make his Majesty a Merchant of the same commodity onely with this difference that the King by taking money for places of judicature should sell it in grosse whereas the Archbishop sold it by retaile 5 In the fiâ—t Article there appeares a power usurped of making Canons of laying obligations on the Subjects in the nature of Lawes and this power abused to the making of such Canons as are in the matter of them very pernicious being directly contrary to the prerogative of the King and the liberty of the people In the manner of pressing of them may be found fraud and shufâ—ling in the conclusion violence and constaint men being forced by terrour and threatning to subscribe to all which power thus wickedly gotten they laboured to establish by perjury injoyning such an Oath for the maintenance of it as can neither be taken nor kept with a good conscience 6. In the sixth Article you have the King robbed of his Supremacy you have a Papall power exercised over his Majesties Subjects in their consciences and in their persons You have Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction claimed by an Incident right which the Law declares to proceede from the Crowne And herein your Lordships may observe that those who labour in civill matters to set up â—he King above the Lawes of the Kingdome doâ—e yet in Ecclesiasticall matters endevour to set up themselves above the King This was â—irst procured by the Arch-bishop to be extrajudicially declared by the Judges and then to be published in a Proclamation In doing whereof he hath made the Kings Throne but a footstoole for his owne and their pride 7. You have my Lords in the seventh Article Religion undermined and sâ—bverted you have Popery cherished and deâ—ended you have this seconded with power and violence by severe punishment upon those which have opposed this mischievous intention and by the subtile and eager prosecution of these men hath the power of Ecclesiasticall Commissioners of the Starre-Chamber and Councell Table beene often made subservient to his wicked designe My Lords 8. You may observe in the eighth Article great care taken to get into his owne hand the power of nominating to Ecclesiasticall Livings and promotions you have as much mischievous as much wicked care taken in the disposing of these preferments to the hinderance and corruption of Religion And by this meanes my Lords the Kings sacred Majesty instead of Sermons fit for spirituall instructours hath often had invectives against his people incouragement to injustice or to the overthrow of the Lawes Such Chaplaines have beene brough into his service as have as much as may bee laboured to corrupt his owne Houshold and beene eminent examples of corruption to others which hath so farre prevailed as that it hath exceedingly tainted the Universities and beene generally disperâ—t to all the chiese Cities the greatest Townes and Auditories of the Kingdome The grievous Effects whereof is most manifest to the Commons House there being diverse hâ—ndred complaints there depending in the House against scandalous ministers and yet I beleeve the hundred part of them is not yet brought in 9. The ninth Article sets out the like care to have Chaplaines of his owne that might be promoters of this wicked and trayterous designe Men of corrupt judgements of corrupt practice extreamely addicted to superstition and to such mens cares hath beene committed the Licensing of Bookes to the Presse by meanes whereof many have beene published
neglected and thereupon would that all such of the Clergie as were deprehâ—nded in any Robbery Murther Felony burning of houses and the like should be tryed and adjuged in his temporall Courts as Lay men were Against which the Arch-Bishops resolution was That Clergie-men so offending should be tryed onely in the Spirituall Courts and by men of their owne Coat who if they were convict should at first be onely deprived of their Oâ—fice and Benefice but if they should againe be guiltie of the like they should be adjudged at the kings pleasure In this maine controversie betweene the Crowne and the Mitre the Arch-Bishop stood so peremptory on the immunities of his Clergie and See as that he challenged from theâ— Crowne to the Kings great offence the custody of Rochester Castle and other Forts which the King for securing his State had resumed into his owne hands The King finding himselfe to be hereby but a demi-king deprived of all Soveraignty over one halfe deale of his Kingdome and perceiving Beckets stiffenesse in thus contesting with his Soveraigne to be no wayes mollifiable by whatsoever his old favours or fresh perswasions notwithstanding resolved to put nothing in execution which should not first be ratified and strengthned with the consent of his Bishops Who thereupon assembling at Westminster the King tooke both offence there at the Arch-Bishops thwarting his desires and occasions to establish sundry Articles which hee called his Grandâ—athers Customes peremptorily urging Becket to yeeld thereunto without any such reservation as saving in all things his order and right of the Church wherewith hee would have limited his assent The points in those ordinances which he principally stucke at as appeares by his owne Letter to the Pope were these 1. That none should appeale to the Bishop of Rome for any cause whatsoever without the Kings license 2. That it should not be lawfull for any Arch-Bishop or Bishop to depart the Realme or repaire to the Pope upon his summons without the Kings license 3. That no Bishop should excommunicate any man holding of the King in chiefe or put any other of his Officers under interdict without the Kings license 4. That Clerkes criminous should be tryed before secular Iudges 5. That it should not be lawfull for a Bishop to punish any one for perjury or faith-breach 6. That the Laity whether the King or other should hold pleas of Churches and Tithes c. These points so neerely touched the Papall Soveraigntie and Church-liberties that the resolute Metropolitane mainely opposed his whole power against them The King being as resolute to enforce him to subscribe to them both to â—nlarge his Soveraigne authority and to exempt his estate by degrees from dependancie on any externall Government as lineally claiming from absolute Soveraigne Antecessors At last Pope Alexander very desiâ—ous to keepe the Kings love though secretly wishing well to Beckets attempts sent one Philip his Almoner to compose the controversie by whom the Pope and Cardinalls required the Arch-Bishop to promise the King to keepe his sayd Ordinances absolutely without any savings or exceptions Whereupon Becket seeing his Scrupulositie thus disapproved by his Soveraigne by all his Brethren the Biâ—hops and the Court of Rome it selfe hee rode to Woodstocke to the King and there promised that he would keepe the sayd Lawes Bâ—na fide and without male engin The King thereupon supposing now all contradictions would cease called an Assembly of the States at Claâ—endon to collect and enact those Lawes where Becket relapsing from his former promise to the King sayd He had grievously sinned in making that absolute Oath and that he would not sinne any more At which the King was so vehemently inflamed that hee threatned banishment and destruction to him and his But at last the Arch-Bishop being overcome by perswasions of divers Nobles and Bishops sware before the King Clergie and people in the word of a Priest and sincerely that he would observe the Lawes which the King intituled Avitae And all the Bishops Abbots Priors and whole Clergie with all the Earles Barons and Nobilitie did promise and sweare the â—ame faithfully and truly to observe and performe to the King and his Heires for ever But when the King not so contented would have him to subscribe and fixe his Seale to an instrument in which these Customes and Lawes were comprised as every one of the other Bishops had done bâ—fore him he once againe starting from his faith did absolutely refuse it alledging that hee did promise to doe the King some honour in word onely but not with an intent to confirme these Articles being 16. in number neither would he subscribe or seale them unlesse the Pope by his Bull did first confirme them The King hereupon sent two Embassadours to Rome to the Pope to crave his allowance of those Lawes and to pray that the Legantine power of England might bee committed to the Arch-Bishop of Yorke Becket being so farre from seeking to pacifie the Kings displeasure as dayly hee provoked him more and morâ—â— The Pope knowing the cause to bee his owne more than Beckets rejected both these suites Becket having dealt so with him beâ—ore-hand that hee would doe nothing to his prejudice and withall absolved him and the other Bishops from their Oath of Allegeance to their Prince Whereupon the King commanded Becket to bee condemned in dammages â—or a Manor which Iohn de Marshall claimed and in the Parliament of Northampton demanded an accounâ— of him of 30000. pound which came to his hand during his Chancellorship which hee excusing and refusing punctually to answer the Peeres and Bishops condemned all his movables tâ— the Kings mercy After which the Prelates â—hemselves by a joynt consent adjudged him guilty of perjury for not yeelding tempoâ—all obedience to the King according to his Oath disclaiming all obedienâ—e to him thence forward as to their Arch-Bishop Becket the next day whiles the Bishops and Peeres were consulting of some fâ—rther course with him caused to be sung before him at the Altar The Princes sit and speake against mee and the ungodly persecute me c. And forthwith taking his silver Crosier in his owne hands a thing strange and unheard of before enters armed therewith into the Kings prâ—sence though earnestly disswaded by all that wished him well Wherewith the King enraged commanded his Peeres to sit in judgement upon him as on a Traytor and perjured person and accordingly they adjudged him to be apprehended and cast in prison as such a delinquent The Earles of Cornewall and Leicester who sate as Judges citing him forthwith to heare his sentence pronounced hee immediately appealed to the See of Rome as holding them no competent Judges whâ—reupon all reviling him with the name of Traytor and perjured person he replyed That were it not for his function he would enter the Duell or Combat with them in the field to acquit himselfe from Treason and perjury and so speeding from the Court departed into Flanders disguised
Prelate Amm. 1385. this King called a Parliament at London wherein the Laity granted the King one Quindisme and a halfe upon condition that the Clergy would give him one Disme and a halfe This Arch-Bishop stiffely opposed this condition saying That it ought not to be made especially seeing the Church ought to be free and no wayes to be taxed by Lay-men adding that he would rather endanger his head for this cause then suffer the Church of England to be so much inslaved Which Answer so moved the company of Commons that the Knights of the Counties with certaine of the Nobles of the Kingdome with great fury petitioned that the Temporalties of the Ecclesiastickes might be taken away saying That the Clergy were growne to such excessive pride that it would be a worke of piety and charity by the taking away of their Temporalties which did puffe them up to compell them to be more humbly wise These things they cryed out these things they presented to the King in short writings thinking to bring this Petition to effect The Arch-Bishop to prevent the danger consulting with his Clergy granted the King one Tenth very willingly which the King accepted of and so for the present the unsatiable covetousnesse of the Enemies of the Church saith Walsingham was frustrated and this Clause of the Laity obliterated out of the Bill Thomas Arundell his immediate successour by provision from the Pope against the Law as he resigned his Chancellourship of England so soone as ever he was made Arch-Bishop as incompatible with his function as Thomas Becket Walter Reynalds Iohn Stratford with other his predecessors had commendably done before witnesse Matthew Parker Godwin and Fox in their lives which I wish our secular Prelates would now imitate though not in resuming this office againe as he did at last so he was scarce warme in his Seat when by King Richard the seconds displeasure he was dispossessed of the same for not onely the Arch-Bishops Brother the Earle of Arundell was attainted and condemned of High Treason against the King in full Parliament for which he was presently executed but the Arch-Bishop himselfe was by Sir Iohn Bushy in the behalfe of the Commonalty accused of high Treason for that hee had evill counselled his Majesty and induced him to grant Letters of Pardon to his brother the Earle of Arundell being a ranke Traytor After which he was found guilty and condemned of High Treason adjudged unto perpetuall exile for conspiring to take the King the Dukes of Lancester and Yorke prisoners and to hang and draw the other Lords of the Kings Councell and commanded within forty dayes to depart the Realme under paine of death He thus banished got to Rome and found such favour with the Pope as that he first writ earnestly to the King for his Restitution the King writes a sharpe Letter against him to the Pope wherein he sheweth That he plotted Treason against him and endeavoured to take away his life that he deserved rather to be quartered and executed as a Traytor then banished that the whole Kingdome wondred and were offended hee had dealt so mildly with him and not executed him as he deserved that hee was a man impatient of peace of a Trayterous and seditious spirit so as he could not restore him or re-admit him into the Realme without danger of his Life and Kingdome and therefore though all the World consented to his Restitution yet hee would never doe it whiles he breathed Upon which Letters the Pope not onely refused to restore him but at the Kings request made Roger Walden Arch Bishop in his stead The Pope hereupon conferred the Arch-bishopricke of St. Andrews in Scotland with other livings here in England by way of provision upon Arundelâ— who confederating afterward with Henry Duke of Lancaster against King Richard they levyed what forces they could and landed with them in England so that at last King Richard upon parly with this Arundell whom he had banished was forced to resigne his Crowne and to render himselfe prisoner to the Duke of Lancaster with promise of saving his life onely Hereupon the Arch-Bishop after the Resignation made in parliament Crowned the Duke King and made a Briefe Collation on these words 1 King 9. A man shall Raigne over the People Tending wholly to the praise of the new King and disparagement of the old Recorded at large by Holinshed After which hee thrust Walden out of his See and got restitution of it againe the Pope confirming his Restauration and declaring Walden to be an intruder who after a while was made Bishop of London This Arch-Bishop thus restored to his See and in high favour with the King proved a bloody persecutor and butcher of Gods Saints to which end following the steppes of his predecessour Courtney he with the rest of the Bishops fraudulently and surreptitiously procured by craftyâ— meanes and subtile pretences the cruell bloody Statute Ex Officio as Master Fox doth stile it to wit 2. Hen. 4. c. 15. to passe the Upper House of Parliament as a Law without the Commons assent or Privity whose assent they yet foisted into the written and Printed Coppies of that Act to blind the world withall and give it the colour of a Statute though it be not to be found in the Parliament Roll the Commons never consenting to it as Mr. Fox hath shewed at large in his Acts and Monuments p. 539.540 and the Statute of 25. Hen. 8. c. 14. witnesseth which bastard Statute by colour of which alone most or all our English Martyres were afterwards imprisoned burned tortured and put to death being thus unduly obtained this bloody Arch-Prelate forthwith caused many godly Martyres to be burnt to ashes and the Worthy honourable Lord Cobham with sundry others to be put to death by reason whereof the Kingdome of the Pope and of the Prelates his members here in this Realme began to beâ— so strong that none durst stirre or once mutter against them The Bishops having the King so full on their side armed moreover with these two forged Lawes with imprisonments sword fire and faggot raigned and ruled as they listed as Kings and Princes within themselves So strong were they of power that no humane force was able to stand against them so exalted in pride and puffed up in glory that they thought all things to be subject to their reverend majesties Whatsoever they set forth and decreed though in their owne names rites and by their owne authorities it must of all mâ—n bee received and obeyed And it was their Superstitious blindnesse and curious vanity that whatsoever â—oy came once in their fantacy it was straight-way determined and established for a Law of all men to be observed were it never so â—rivilous or superstitious yea such was the pride vaine-glory and insolency of this Arch-Bishop Arundel who stuffed the Church with Ceremonies and vaine Traditions of men as his Successors doth now that he in great
done for them before when the Commons in this Parliament required that all such Lands and revenues which sometime belonged to the Crowne and had beene given away by the King or by his predecessors King Edward or King Richard should be restored againe to the Kings use unto which request the Arch-Bishop and other the Prelaâ—es would in no wise consent Thus by this Arch-Bishop Arundel that Petition of the Commons the â—pirituall Temporalities came to naught Afterwards in an other Parliament Anno 1410. the Commons of the â—ower House exhibited a Bill to the King and Lords of the Upper House containing in effect as followeth To the most excellent Lord our King and to all the Nobles in this present Parliament assembled your faithfull Commons doe â—umbly signifie that our Soveraigne Lord the King might have of the Temporall possessâ—ons Lands and Tenements which are lewdly spent consumed and wasted by the Bishops Abbots and Priors within this Realme so much in value as would suffice to finde and sustaine an 150. Earles 1500. Knights 6200. Esquires and 100. Hospitals more than now be which is more largely and particularly related in Fabian The King as some write mis-liked the motion and therefore commanded that from thenceforth they should not presume to study about any such matters Another thing the Commons then sued to have granted to them but could not obtaine That Clerkes convict should noâ— thenceforth bee delivered to Bishops Prisons Moreover they demanded to have the Statâ—te either revoked or qualified which had beene enacted without their consent in the Second yeare of this Kings raigne against such as were reputed to be Heretickes or Lollards But the King seemed so highly to favour the Clergie that the Commons were answered plainely that they should not come by their purpose but rather that the said statute should be made more rigorous and sharpe for the punishment of such persons and all this by meanes of this bloodly Arch-Bishop Arundel of whom we have heard sufficient Henry Chichely being elected Arch Bishop by the Monks of Canterbury with the Kings consent immediaâ—ly after Arundels death hee refused to accept of this their Legall election and against the expresse Statutes of the Realme touching Provisions and Premuniâ—es accepted of the See onely by Collaâ—ion from Pope Iohn the 23. in affront both of the King and those Lawes which the Pope endeavored in vaine to get repealed and therefore opposed in point of practise all that he might reserving by a Decree of the Councell of Constance all vacancie to his own dispoâ—all bestowing all the Bishoprickes of England as soon as they were voyd at his own pleasure by the Arch-Bishops connivence in affront of the Lawes and the Kings royall Edicts This Arch-Prelate published throughout his Province Pope Martins Bulls for the extirpation of the Wicklevists and Hussites by force of armes and promised the same Indulgences to those who should take up the Crossado and warre against them as those enjoyed who went to the holy Land to fight against the Sarecens For which good service the same yeare Anno 1429. he received the Title of the Cardinall Presbyter of S. Eusebiusâ—rom â—rom Pope Martin the 5. who also created him his Legate here in England without the Kings privity and contrary to Law But to colour the businesse lest he should seeme to receive that power Legatine without the Kings permission and Licence against the Lawes and Customes of the Realme one Richard Condray was made the Kings procurer that hee might appeale to the next generall Councell from all injuries grievances and prejudices offered or to be offered by the Pope or Court of Rome to the King and the Kingdome Thereâ—ore as soon as it was known that the Arch-Bishop had received this Legatin power without the Kings privity or licence Condray made this appeale to Humfrey Duke of Gloster Lord Protector and others oâ— the Kings privie Councell in writing In which he expressed that no Legate of the Sea Apostolicke ought to come into the Kingdome of the King of England or other his Lands or Dominions but at the vocation petition requisition or intreaty oâ— the King of England for the time being the Roman Pontifex tolerating and consenting thereto as well tacitely as expresly in which appeale notwithstanding if the sayd Arch Bishop not as a Legate but as a Cardinall would say open or propound any thing from the Pope to the King it might be lawfull for him to doe it In which the King would so farre assiâ—t as he mighâ— doe it by the Lawes and Priviledges of his royall Crowne and of his famous Kingdome of England The appeale being read the Arch-Bishop in the presence of the Prelates and Nobles there present confessed and protested That it was not nor is nor should be his intention by his entring into England nor by any things done or to be done by him spoken or to be spoken for to exercise the Legatine power which hee had undertaken without the Kings permission or to derogate in any thing from the rights priviledges liberties or customes of the King or Kingdome or tâ— contradict â—hem but to preserve defend maintaine and roborate all and every of them By this device he deluded both the King Counsell and Lawes how well hee kept this his protestation his subsequent Acts will evidence For immediately after hee made a Synodicall Constitution That no married man or Lay man should exercise any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction or be Iudge or Register in any Ecclesiasticall Court in causes of correction of the soule under paine of incurring the greater excommunication ipso facto if they offered to intermeddle in any of the premises contâ—aâ—y to the Councels prohibition which further makes voyd all citations processe and Acts whatsoever had and made by Laymen in the Cases aforesayd and suspends all Ordinaries from the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and ingresse into the Church who should grant any married or Lay man power to exercise any Ecclesiasticall Office or authority under them What the true intent of this Arch-Prelates Constitution was and how farre this Decree intrenched upon the Kings Prerogative Royall appeares by the Statute of 37. H. 8. c. 17. made purposely to repeale this Constitution which I shall here insert In most humble wise shew and declare unto your highnesse your most faithfull humble and obedient Subjects the Lords Spirituall and Temporall aud the Commons of this present Parliament assembled that whereas your Majesty is and hath alwayes justly beene by the Word of God supreame head in Earth of the Church of England and hath full power and authority to correct punish and represse all manner of Heresies errours vices abuses Idolatries hypocrisies and Superstitionsâ— springen and growing within the same and to exercise all manner of Iurisdictions commonly called Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction Neverthelesse the Arch-Bishop of Rome and his adherents minding utterly as much as in him lay to abolish obâ—cure
impediment The Lights of the Apostles on this side the Alpes I shall visite personally or by my Deputy once every yeare and those beyond the Alpes once every two yeares unlesse I am there-from absolved by an Apostolicall dispensation I shall not alien or sell the possessions belonging to my Arch-Bishopricke nor give nor morgage nor infeofe any of them afresh or any wayes alien them without the Popes Counsell So God me help and the holy Evangelists This Oath every Arch-Bishop and Bishop not onely in England but likewise in Spaine France Germany and other Kingdomes used to take to the Popes unholinesse No wonder therefore if they were such Traytors Rebels and Conspirators against their Kings such sticklers â—or the Pope such Champions â—or his unjust usurpations upon thâ—ir Soveraignes Prerogatives and so forward to twhart and discover al those designes oâ— their Princes which were any wayes displeasing or disadvantagious to the Pope who as long as this Oath continued and Bishops that tooke it bore sway in our Kingdome being both Privie Counsellers of State Lord Chancellours Lord Privie Seales Lord Treasurers or other great Officers never lost his hold or usurped power among us which he still keâ—pes onely by meanes of Bishops in other Kingdomes where the Prelates yet take this Oath of Alleagiance to him But this Oath which like a mystery of Iniquity was concealed from our Princes being discovered to King Henry the eighth in the twenty fourth yeare of his raigne this wise Prince considering the disloyalâ—ty and mischiefe of it sending for the Speaker and Commons House of Parliament spake thus unto them Welbeloved Subjects We had thought the Clergie of our Realme had beene our Subjects but now We have well perceived that they be but halfe Our Subjects yea and scarce our Subjects For all the Prelates at their Consecrations take an Oath to the Pope cleane contrary to the Oath they make unto Vs with which the Pope usually dispensed but never with any Oath made to himselfe which must be observed and stand good what ever Oath else bee violated so that they seeme to be his Subjects and not ours And so delivering them the Coppy of both Oathes of this to the Pope and the other to himselfe required them to invent some order that he might not be thus deluded The discovering and opening of these Oathes which were read in Parliament both to the King and People as both Hall and Mr. Fox record was the occasion that the Pope lost all hâ—s interest and Jurisdiction here in England within short while after This Oath to the Pope being thereupon abolished and made voyd by the Statute and a new Oath to the King prescribed and ministred to the Bishops together with an Oath of Alleagiance wherein the Popes Authority stands abjured and the King acknowledged Supreame head on earth under Christ of the Church of England the forme of which Oathes are recorded in Mr. Fox Mr. Hall and the Statute of 28. Hen. 8. c. 10. The Prologue of which Act with the Oath â—herein prescribed being pertinent to our purpose I shall here recite AN ACT EXTINGVISHING the Authority of the Bishop of Rome FOrasmuch as notwithstanding the good and wholsome Lawes Ordinances and Statutes heretofore made enacted and established by the Kings Highnesse our most gracious Soveraigne Lord and by the whole consent of his High Court of Parliament for the extirpation abolition and extinguishment out of this Realme and other his graces Dominions Seigniories and Countries of the pretended power and usurped authority of the Bishop of Rome by some called the Pope used within the same or elsewhere concerning the same Realme Dominions Seigniories or Countries which did obsuscate and wrest Gods holy Word and Testament a long season from the spirituall and true meaning thereof to his worldly and carnall affections as Pompe Glory Avarice Ambition and Tyranny covering and shadowing the same with his humane and politicke Devises Traditions and inventions set forth to promote and stablish his onely Dominion both upon the soules and also the bodies and goods of all Christian people excluding Christ out of his Kingdome and rule of mans soule as much as he may and all other temporall Kings and Princes out of their Dominions which they ought to have by Gods Law upon the bodies and goods oâ— their Subjects whereby he did not onely rob the Kings Majestie being onely the supreame head of this his Realme of England immediately under God of his honour right and preheminence due unto him by the Law of God but spoyled this his Realme yearely of innumerable treasure and with the losse oâ— the same deceived the Kings loving and obedient Subjects perswading to them by his Lawes Bulls and other his deceivable meanes such dreames vanities and fantasies as by the same many of them were seduced and conveyed unto superstitious and erronious opinions so that the Kings Majestie the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons of this Realme being over-wearied and fatigated with the Experience of the infinite abominations and mischieâ—es proceeding of his impostures and craftily colouring of his deceits to the great damages of soules bodies and goods were forced of necessity for the publicke weale of this Realme to exclude that forraine pretended power jurisdiction and authority used and usurped within this Realme and to devise such remedies for their reliefe in the same as doth not onely redound to the honour of God the high praise and advancement of the Kings Majestie and oâ— his Realme but also to the great and inestimable utility of the same And notwithstanding the sayd wholsome Lawes so made and heretoâ—ore established yet it is commen to the knowledge of the Kings Highnesse and also to divers and many his loving faithfull and obedient Subjects how that divers seditious and contentious persons being Impes of the sayd Bishop of Rome and his See and in heart members of his pretended Monarchy doe in corners and else-where as they dare whisper inculke preach and perswade and from time to time instill into the eares and heads of the poore simple and unlettered people the advancement and continuance of the sayd Bishops fained and pretended authority pretending the same to have his ground and originall of Gods Law whereby the opinions of many be suspended their judgements corrupted and deceived and diversitie in opinions augmented and increased to the great displeasure of Almighty God the high discontentation of our sayd most Dread Soveraigne Lord and the interruption of the unity love Charity concord and agreement that ought to be in a Christian Region and Congregation For avoyding whereof nd repression of the follies of such seditious persons 〈◊〉 are the meanes and Authors of such inconveniences Be it enacted ordained and established by the King our Soveraigne Lord and the Lords spirituall and temporall and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled and by Authority of the same That if any person or persons
paper once allowed them to write to their friends for necessaries and by a bloody cruell warre betweene England and Scotland which Bishop Peirce truly termed Bellum Episcopale the Bishops warre he would have thought himselfe a Prophet this saying of his more experimentally verefied by this Arch-prelate than by any of his Predecessors all whose tyranny malice fury violence injustice lawlesnesse oppression inhumanity trechery pride ambition extravagances treasons and prelaticall vices seeme to meere and lodge together in him as in their propâ—r center as I could largely manifest by particulars did not his unjust and rigorous proceedings against my selfe and all who had relation to mee without any just cause or provocation on my part or theirs command mee silence lest I might seeme malicious or revengefull Since therefore these his practises are so notorious unto all I shall forbeare to rip up particulars and close up all concerning him with the whole house of Commons Articles and Charges of high Treason against him as they were transmitted to the Lords by that worthy Gentleman my much honoured friend M. Iohn Pymme which being a publike charge of all the Commons by way of justice in the supremest Court of Judicature published already to the world in Print I hope it will neither be reputed a scandalum magnatum nor matter of revenge in mee if I here insert them since most pertinent to the Subject matter of this Treatise which I had in part digested many yeares by-past before his last information in Starchamber exhibited against mee A true Copy of the Articles of the Commons assembled in Parliament against WILLIAM LAUD Archbishop of Canterbury in maintenance of their accusation whereby hee stands charged with high Treason and of the Speech or Declaration of JOHN PYMME Esquire upon the same upon their transmission to the Lord. My Lords I Am commanded by the Knights Citizens and Burgesses now assembled for the Commons in Parliament to deliver to your Lordships these Articles in maintenance of their Charge against the Archbishop of Canterbury Their desire is that first your Lordships would be pleased to heare the Articles read and then I shall endeavour to present to you the sense of the Commons concerning the nature of the Charge and the order of their proceedings Articles of the Commons assembled in Parliament in maintenance of their accusation against WILLIAM LAUD Archbishop of Canterbury whereby hee stands charged with high Treason 1. That hee hath traiterously endeavoured to subvert the fundamentall Lawes and Government of this Kingdome of England and instead thereof to introduce an Arbitâ—ary and tyrannicall Government against Law and to that end hath wickedly and traiterously advised his Majesty that hee might at his owne will and pleasure leavie and take money of his Subjects without their consent in Parliament and this hee affirmed was warrantable by the Law of God 2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his traiterous designe advised and procured Sermons and other discourses to be Preached Printed and published in which the Authority of Parliaments and the force of the Lawes of this Kingdome have bin denyed and absolute and unlimited power over the persons and estates of his Majesties subjects maintained and defended not onely in the King but in himselfe and other Bishops against the Law And he hath beene a great protector favourer and promoter of the publishers of such false and pernicious opinions 3. Hee hath by Letters Messages Threaâ—s and Promises and by divers other wayes to Judges and other Ministers of Justice interrupted and perverted and at other times by meanes aforesaid hath endeavoured to interrupt and pervert the course of Justice in his Majesties Courts at Westminster and other Courts to the subversion of the Lawes of this Kingdome whereby sundry of his Majesties Subjects have beene stopt in their just suits deprived of their lawfull rights and subjected to his tyrannicall will to their ruine and destruction 4. That the said Archbishop hath trayterously and corruptly sold Justice to those who have had causes depending before him by colour of his Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction as Archbishop High Commissioner Referree or otherwise and hath taken unlawfull gifts and bribes of his Majesties Suâ—â—â—â— and hath as much as in him lies endeavoured to corrupt the other Courts of Justice by advising and procuring his Majesty to â—ell places of Judicature and other Offices contrary to the Lawes and Statutes in that behalfe 5. He hath trayterously caused a booke of Canons to be composed and published without any lawfull warrant and authority in that behalfe in which pretended Canons many matters are contained contrary to the Kings Prerogative to the fundamentall Lawes and Statutes of this Realme to the right of Parliament to the propriety and liberty of the subject and matters tending to sedition and of dangerous consequence and to the establishment of a vast unlawfull and presumptuous power in himselfe and his successors many of which Canons by the practise of the said Archbishop were surreptiâ—iously passed in the late Convocâ—tion without due consideration and debate others by feare and compulsion were subscribed by the Prelates and Clarkes there assembled which hâ—d never beene voted and passed in the Convocation as they ought to have beene And the said Archbishop hath contriveâ— and endeavoured to assure and confirme the unlawfull and exorbitant power which hee hath usurped and exercised over his Majesties Subjects by a wicked and ungodly oath in one of the said pretended Canons injoyned to be taken by all the Cleargie and many of the Laity of this Kingdome 6. He hath trayterously assumed to himselfe a Papall and tyrannicall power both in Ecclesiasticall and Temporall matters over his Majesties Subjects in this Realme of England and in other places to the disherison of the Crowne dishonour of his Majestie and derogation of his supreme authority in Ecclesiasticall matters And the said Archbishop claimes the Kings Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as incident to his Episcopall and Archiepiscopall office in this Kingdome and doth deny the â—ame to be derived from the Crowne of England which he hath accordingly exercised to the higâ— contempt of his royall Majesty and to the destruction of divers of the Kings liege people in their persons and estates 7. That he hath trayterously indeavoured to alter and subvert Gods true Religion by Law established in this Realm and in stead thereof to set up Popish superstition and Idolatry And to that end hath declared and maintained in Speeches and Printed Booke divers popish doctrines and opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion established by Law Hee hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and superstitious Ceremonies without any warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by corporall punishments and Imprisonments and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conforme thereunto by Ecclesiasticall censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Lawes of this Kingdome 8. That for the better advancing of his
his place and delivered up his Seale to the Queene without the Councels consent from whom he received it not she having no right to require it For which cause hee was committed to the Tower by the Lord Protectour Richard Duke of Yorke who afterwards usurping the Crowne released the Arch-Bishop out of prison who thereupon sided and was veâ—y inward with this Usurper and at last dyed of the Plague May 29. 1500. I read nothing of Savageâ— his next successour but this That he was not preferred to this See for any extraordinary great learning that he spent his time in a manner altogether as our Prelates doe now either in Temporall affairesâ— being a great Courtier or else in hunting wherewith hee was unreasonably delighted keeping a great number of tall Fellowes about him to attend his person But of his preaching or maintaining Ministers to instruct the people I read not one word It is likely his tall fellowes occasioned many a quarrell and sometimes would take a purse for a need Christopher Bambridge his Successor being Embassadour from King Henry the 8. to the Pope and Lewis the 12. of France perswaded King Henry to take the Popes part and proclaime Warre against Lewis ingageing his Soveraigne in a needlesse Warre only to pleasure his Lord and Master the Pope who for this good service made him a Cardinall he was at last poysoned by Raynaldo de Modena an Italian Priest his Steward upon malice and displeasure conceived for a blow this Bishop gave him when as a Bishop should be no striker 1 Tim. 3.3 as Goodwin relates out of Paulus Iovius Thomas Wolsie or Wolfesie as Mr. Tyndall oft times stiles him an Arch-Traytor and most insolent domineering Prelate succeeded him in that See holding likewise the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells first and after that of Ely Winchester Worcester and Hereford together with the Abbey of Saint Albanes and divers other Ecclesiasticall Livings besides his Temporall Offices in Commendaâ— with it This proud imperious Prelate when he was once Arch-Bishop studied day and night how to be a Cardinall and caused King Henry the Eighth and the French King to write to Rome for him and at their request he obtained his purpose Hee grew so into exceeding pride that hee thought himselfe equall with the King and when he said Masse which hee did oftner to shew his pride then devotion hee made Dukes and Earles to serve him with Wine with assay taken and to hold to him the Bason and the Lavatory His pride and excesse in dyet apparell furniture and attendanceâ— and his pompe in going to Westminster Hall were intollerable and more then Royall or Papall Hee was much offended with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury because he stiled him Brother in a Letter as though he had done him great injury by that Title Hee quite altered the state of the Kings house putting out and in what Officers he pleased Hee oppressed and vexed the Citizens of London causing divers of them to be executed siding with strangers both Merchants and Artificers against them Confederating with the French King he procured King Henry to permit him to redeeme Tornaye on his owne Termes Hee procured a meeting of the King of England and France to their infinite expence onely that he might be seene in his owne vaine pompe and shew of Dignitie himselfe drawing up the instrument and termes of their meeting in his owne name which began thus Thomas Arch-Bispop of Yorke c. Hee committed the Earle of Northumberland and wrought the Duke of Buckingham out of the Kings favour and at last cut off the Dukes head for opposing his pride and unjust proceedings Hee began his Letters to forraigne Princes and the Pope for the most part in this mannerâ— â—go Rex meus I and my King putting himselfe before his Soveraigne making him but his underling and Pupill swaying him like a Schoole-boy at his pleasure Hee set his Armes likewise above the Kings over Christ-Church Colledge-gate in Oxford which he founded Hee stamped his Cardinalls Cap on the kings Coyne as our Bishops doe now their Armes and Miters on their Procesâ— instead of the Kings Seale and Armes Hee set up a Leganâ—â—ne Court here in England by Commission from the Pope to which hee drew the Conusans of all Ecclesiasticall Causes and when the king had summoned a Convocation at Pauls in London by vertue of his Writ hee came most insolently into the Convocation House and by his power Legantine dissolved the Convocation summoning them all to appeare before him at Saint Peterâ— in Westminster the Monday following there to celebrate the Synod under him which power Legantine brought him and all the Clergiâ— into a Premunire to his overthrow and their cost they being enforced to grant the king an hundred thousand pounds to acknowledge him on earth supreme Head of the Church of England and to renounce the Popes Supremacie to buy their peace He dissolved 40. Monasteries of good worth converting all their goods and moveables into his own Coffers which were so stuffed with Treasure that 12. Barrelsâ— full oâ— Gold and Silver were laid aside to serve the Pope in his Warres emptying the Land also of twelve score thousand pounds which he forced from the king all which he sent to relieve and ransome the Pope then in prison to the great impoverishing of his Majesties Coffers and the Realm His revenues one way or otherâ— were equall to the kings he had no lesse then 1200. Horâ—e for his retinue 80. waggons for his carriage and 60. Mules for sumpter horses when he went into France Hee carried the Great Seale of England with him in his Embassie without the kings consent so that no Writs nor Patents could be sealed nor busines of the kingdom dispatched in the interim He proclaimed warres against the Emperor without the kings consent stirred up the French king to warre against him ayding him with Monies without the Kings privity and contrary to his likeing he demanded â—he 5. part of the true value of every mans goods by way of loane toward the maintenance of the Warrs in France putting men to confesse upon their Oathes the true estimate of their Estates without the Kings privitie which caused many insurrections and mutinies in the Kingdome the people rising up and denying to pay it at which the King being very angry released the loane as an intollerable oppression sore against this Prelates willâ— yet the Cardinall the sole cause and urger thereof would needs lay the odium of it on the King to alienate the hearts of his Subjects from himâ— and take the sole praise of the release of it to himselfe as if hee with much suite and danger had obtained it Hee falsely prosecuted and imprisoned the Earle of Kildare accusing him before the Counsell to take away his life where hee pressed him so deeply with disloyalty that the presumption as the Cardinall did force it being vehement the Treason
tuum dilectum filium nostrum Stephanum insignem Regem Anglorum efficere studeas ut monitâ—s hortatu consilio tuo ipsum in benignitatem dilectionem suam suscipiat pro beati Petri nostra reverentia propensius habeat commendatum Et quia sicut veritate teste attendimus eum sine salutis sui ordinis periculo praefato filio nostro astringi non posse volumus paterno sibi tibi affectu consulumus ut vobis sufficiat veraci simplici verbo promisstonem ab eo suscipere quod laesionem vel detrimentum ei vel terrae suae non inferat Dat. ut supra Is it not strange that a peevish order of Religion devised by a man should breake the expresse Law of God who commandeth all men to honour and obey their Kings and Princes in whom some part of the power of God is manifest and laid open to us And even uuto this end the Cardinall of Hosâ—ia also wrote to the Canons of Pauls after this manner covertly incouraging them to stand to their election of the said Robert who was no more willing to give over his new Bishopricke than they carefull to offend the King but raâ—her imagined which way to keepe it still maugre his displeasure and yet not to sweare obedience unto him for all that he should be able to doe or performe unto the contrary Humilis Dei gratia Hostiensis Episcopus Londinen sis Ecclesiae canonicis spiritum consilii in Domino Sicut rationi contraria prorsus est abiicienda petitio ita in hiâ—s quae juste desiderantur effectum negare omnino non convenit Sane nuper accepimus quod Londinensis Ecclesia diu proprio destituta Pastore communi voto pari assensu cleri populi venerabilem â—ilium nostrum Robertum ejusdem Ecclesiae Archidiaconumâ—in Pastorem Episcopum animarum suarum susceperet elegerit Novimus quidem eum esse personam quam sapientia desuper ei attributa honestas conversationis morum reverentia plurimum commendabilem reddidit Inde est quod fraternitati vestroe mandando consulimus ut proposito vestro bono quod ut credimus ex Deo est ut ex literis Domini Papae cognoscetis non lente dehitum finem imponatis ne tam nobilis Ecclesia sub occasione hujusmodi spiritualium quod absit temporalium detrimentum patiatur Ipsius namque industria credimus quod antiqua religio forma disciplinae gravitas habitus in Ecclesia vestra reparari si quae fuerint ipsius contentiones ex Pastoris absentia Dei gratia cooperante eodem praesente poterint reformari Dat. c. Hereby you see how King Stephen was dealt withall And albeit that Canterbury is not openly to be touched herewith yet it is not to be doubted but he was a doer in it so farre as might tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogative of the holy Church Thus farre verbatim out of Harrison Mariaâ— Bishop of London was one of those undutifull Bishops who about the yeare of our Lord 1208. interdicted the whole Realme and excommunicated King Iohn by the Popes Commandement they all endured five yeares banishment for this their trechery and conâ—umacy together with confiscation of their goods and the King being specially incensed against this man in token of his great displeasure Anno 1211. threw downe to the ground his Castle of Stortford which William the Conqueror had given to his Church Besides he joyned in the publication of the Popes sentence for deposing the King and stirred up the French King and all other Christians to invade England in an hostile manner and to depose King Iohn from the Crowne and promised them remission of all their sinnes for this good Service After which hee voluntarily resigned his Bishoppricke Anno. 1221. Roger Niger Bishop of London excommunicated the Kings Officers Ano 1233. for that they acâ—ording to their duty had laâ—d hands upon and hindred Walter Mauclerke Bishop of Carlile to passe over the Seas he having no license to depart the Realme and riding flreight unto the Court he certified the King what hee had done and there renewed the same sentence againe the King himselfe not a little murmuring at this his insolent act as he had cause and prohibiting him to doe it the Bishops then at Court notwithstanding the inhibition excommunicated these his Officers likewise for doing their duty About the same time King Henry the third gave commandement for the appehending of Hubert de Burge Earle of Kent upon some pretence of Treason who having suddaine notice thereof at midnight fled into a Chapple in Essex belonging to the Bishop of Norwich The King hearing this was exceeding angry and fearing least he should raise some tumults in his Realme if he escaped thus sent Sir Godfrey de Cranecombâ— with 300. armed men to apprehend and bring him to the Tower of London under paine of death who hasting to the Chapple found the Earle who had some notice of their comming kneeling there upon his knees before the high Altar with a Crucifix in one hand and the Hostia in the other Godfrey and his associates entring into the Chapple commanded him in the Kings name and by his direction to come out of the Chapple and repaire to him to London which he refusing saying that hee would upon no tearmes depart from thence they taking the Crosse and Lords body out of his hands bound him in chaines carried him to the Tower and acquainted the King therewithâ— who was glad of the newes Roger hearing this and taking it to be a great infringment of the Churches liberties goeth in post hast to the King and boldly reproves him for violating the peace of the Church and threatens to excommunicate all those that apprehended him unlesse the King would immediatly restore him to the Chappell whence he was extracted and thereupon enforceth the King sore against his will to remit him o the Chappell The King hereupon commanded the Chapple to be strictly guarded by the Shrieffe of Essex till Hubert should be starved or forced out thence About a yeare or two after this Hubert being imprisoned in the Castle of the Devises within the Diocesse of Salisbury escaped and fled to the Church there his keepers missing him ranne out to seeke him with lanternes clubbes and weapons and finding him in the Church carrying the Lords crosse in his hands before the Altar they bastinadoed and dragged him thence into the Castle where they imprisoned him more strictly than before Hereupon the Bishop of Salisbury excommunicated them because they refused to bring the Earle backe againe to the Church saying they would rather the Earle should be hanged than they for suffering him to escape whereupon the Bishop of Salisbury and this Robert Niger Bishop of London with other Bishops went to the King and never left till they had by perswasions and threats against his will procured
in which he had a finger which proceeding of our Prelates may justly induce us to passe the same censure on them now as famous Henry Bullenger did of old on the Bishops then in his Booke De Episcoporum Functione Iurisdicâ—ione Tiguri 1538. â— 112.113.143.1150.159 to 163. and 172. and as Mr. Calvin after him did in his notable Booke De Necessitate Reformandae Ecclesiae Edi. 1543 p. p. 24.25.26.104.105.106 to which I shall referre the reader As for Dr. Manwaring who had some relation to this church we all know that he received a Censure in the Parliament House 3. Caroli for two seditious Sermons Preached at the Court before his Maiestie and then published in Print by the now Archbishop of Canterburies meanes wherein he indeavoured to undermine the Subjects liberties and the proprietie of their goods â—etled in them by our Lawes by false divinityâ— and to give the King an absolute power against Law to impose what taxes he pleased and to take away such a proportion of goods and treasure from his people as himselfe should thinke meete upon any occasion For which Sermons though he were censured by both Houses to be never more capable of any future preferment in Church or Common-wealth yet immediatly after the dissolution of the Parliament he was by Canterburies meanes in affront of that Sentenceâ— advanced first to a great living granted formerly to another then to a Deanery and soone after to the Bishopricke of St. Davids where he so demeaned himselfe in advancing of superstition prophanesse and idolatry that now he dares not shew his face in Parliament and lies lurking in obscure Places and Ale hoâ—ses as some report fearing a deprivation from this usurpedâ— dignityâ— given him in contempt of his former sentence in Parliament And thus much for the Bishops of these Sees I now proceede to others CHAP. V. Containing the Treasons Conspiracies Contumacies and disloyalties of the Bishops of Chichester Carlile Norwich Chester Coventry and Litchfield NOt to mention how Agilricke Bishop of the South-Saxons with divers other Bishops and Abots were deprived by William the Conqueror Anno 1076. 〈…〉 in the Councels of Winchester and Windsor and after that committed to perpetuall Prison upon suspition of Treason and Rebellion against the Conqueror to deprive him of the Crown Ralph the third Bishop of Chichester a man of high Stature and no lesse high of mindâ— stood very stoutly in defence of Bishop Anselme in so much that when King William Rufus threatned him for the same he offered him his Ring and Crosier saying It should better become him to loose his placeâ— than his duety to the Archbishop whom he could never be induced to forsake untill he seemed to forsake his owne cause by flying the Country After this when King Henry the first was content to dispense with the marriage of Priests to which Anselme was an heavy enemy notwithstanding the Canons lately made in the Councell of London to the contrary the Priests granting him an yearely summe of money to defend them against Anselme this Bishop resisted the collection of that money in his Diocesse calling it the tribute of Fornication and when notwithstanding his resistance it was payd he interdicted his owne Diocesse commanding the Church doores to be every where stopped up with thornes The King whether not vouchsafing to contend with him or taking his well meaning in good part was not onely content to pardon this his contemptuous disobedience but also bestowed the money so gathered in his Diocesse upon him saving It was a poore Bishoppricke and needed such helpes This Bishop went every yeare thrice about his Diocesse Causa praedicandi onely to Preach the Gospell to the people exacting nothing from his Provincialls by his Episcopall power but receiving onely what they willingly presented to him as a free gift rebuking those who offended which was the sole kind of Visitation in those dayes without any such Visitation Articles Procurations presentments Fees c as are this day practised imposed exacted both against Law and Canon too Hilary the fifth Bishop of this See though hee was content absolutely to allow of the Declaration after published at Claridon without mention of that odious clause saluo ordine suo being shreudly baited of his brethren for his labour yet afterwards hee had some contests with the King and sought to impeach his prerogative royall as appearâ—s by this notable passage of the Author of the Holy Table name and Thing p. 30.31 Sure I am that according to this advice of Eleutheâ—ius the Danishâ— and first Norman Kings have governed their Churches and Churchmen by Capitulaâ—s and mixed Digests composed as it were of Common and Canon Law and promulged with the advice of the Counsell of the King as wâ—e may see in those particulars set forth by Mr. Lambard Mr. Selden Dr. Powell and others And I doe not beleeve there can be shewed any Ecclesiasticall Canons for the government of the Church of England untill long after the conquest which were not either originally promulgedâ— or afterwards approved and allowed by either the Monarch or some King of the Heptarchy sitting and directing in the Nationall or Provinciall Synod For all the Collections that Lindwood Comments upon are as Theophrastus speakes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but rough and rugged mony of a more fresh later coyning and yet in those usurping times I have seene a Transcript of a Record An. 1157.3o. Henry the 2. wherein when the Bishop of Chichister opposed some late Canons against the Kings exemption of the Abby of Battells from the Episcopall Jurisdiction it is said That the King being angry and much moved therewith should reply Tu pro Papae authoritate ab hominibus concessa contra dignitatum Regalium authoritates mihi à Deo concessas calliditate arguta niti praecogitas Doe you Sir goe about by subtilties of wit to oppose the Popes authority which is but the favour or connivence of men against the authority of my Regall Dignities being the Charters and Donations of God himselfe and thereupon requires Reason and Justice against the Bishop for this soule insolencie A good evidence that the Canon Law had little esteeme or foâ—ce among us in that age and not long after it was prohibited by speciall Writ to be read among us as appeares by the Writ of 19. Hen. 3. directed to the Major and Sheriefes of London commanding them Quod per totara Civitatem London Clamari faciant firmiter prohiberi ne aliquis Scolas regens de Legibus in eadem Civitate de caetero ibidem Leges doceat Decembrisâ— This was five yeares after the Decretalls published and it seemes most probable that these Leges were Canon Lawes perhaps mixt as usually they were in the profession also with the Imperialls for both of them were it seemes studied here under Henry the third by the Clergy more â—han any other part of
Common-wealth hâ—th sustained by the exorbitant courses of the Bishops and knowing well what the wiseman saith Eccles. 8.11 Thaâ— iâ— senâ—â—nce be not speedily executed against â—n evill wâ—rke the hâ—arts â—f the sonâ—e of men are set upon further mischiefe â—he timely râ—drâ—sse wheâ—eof doth better become the wisedome of Parliamentâ— then a too-late wofull râ—pentance have commanded me to represent unto your Lordships That Walter Bishop of Winchester Robert Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield Godfry Bishop of Glocester Joseph Bishop of Exâ—ester John Bâ—shop of Asaph William Bishop of Bath and Wells Geoâ—ge Bâ—shop of Hereford Matthew Bishop of Ely William Bâ—shop of Bangor Robert Bishop of Brisâ—oll John Bâ—shop of Rochâ—ster John Bishâ—p of Peterborough Morgan Bishop of Landaffe Together with Williâ—m Archbishop of Canterbury and others of the Clergie of that Province at a Convocation or Synod for the same Province begun at London in the yeare 1640. did contrive make and promulgâ— severall Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiasticall containing in them divers matters contrary to the Kings Prerogative to the fundamentall Lâ—wes and Statutes of the Realme to the Rights of Parliament to the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects and matters tending to sedition and of dangerous consequence And to adde the more weighâ— and efficacie to this their monstrous designe They did at the same Synod under a specious and faire Title grant a Benâ—volâ—nce or Contribution to his Majesty to be paid by the Clergy of that Province contrary to Law It rested not there for though this had beene enough to have affrighted and terrâ—fied the Kings people with strange apprehensions and feares yet that these might not seem to be contrivancies of their brain or Fancies oâ—lyâ— they were put in Execution and were executed upon divers with animosity and rigour to the great oppression of the Clergy of this Realme and other his Majesties subjects and in contempt of the King and of the Law Whether these persons my Lords that are culpable of these Offences shall be thought fit to have an Interest in the Legislative power your Lordships Wisdome and Justice is able to judge But for these matters â—nd things the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons House in Parliament in the name of themselves and of all the Commons of England doe impeach the said Bishops before-named of the Crimes and Misdemeanors before expressed and do therefore pray that they may bee forthwith put to their Answers in the Presence of the Commons and that such further Proceedings may bee had against them as to Law and Justice shall appertaine Now that the world may take notice what Power the Clergy in their Conâ—ocation have to make Canons and Constitutions to bind the subjects and of what validity their late Canons are I shall avouch the Votes of the Commons House concerning them as I find them printed at the end of this Impeachmeâ—t of Bishops The Votes concerning the Bishops late Booke of Canons in the House of Commons THat the Clergy of England convented in any Convocation or Synod or otherwise have no power to make any Constitutions Canons or Acts whatsoever in matter of doctrine or otherwise to binde the Clergy or Laity of this Land without the common consent of Parliament That the severall Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiasticall treated upon by the Archbishops of Canturbury and Yorke Presidents of the Convocation for the respective Provinces of Canterbury and Yorke and the rest of the Bishops and Clergy of these Provinces and agreed upon by the Kings Majesties licence in their â—everall Synods begun at London and Yorke 1640. doe not bind the Clergy or Laity of this Land or either of them And thus I have donâ— with our English Lordly Prelates whose only study is and hath been to support their Lordly dignity not true religion devotion and pietyâ— I shall conclude with them in Saint Bernards words Vides omnem Ecclesiasticum zelum fervere sola pro dignitaâ—e tuenda Honori totum datur sanctitati nihil aut parum Nisi quod sublime est hoc salutare dicamus quod gloriam redolet id justum Ita omne humile probro ducitur inter Palatinatos Et tunc potissimum volunt dominari cum professi fuerint servitutem Fideles se spondent ut opportunius fidentibus noceant Ante omnia sapientes sunt ut faciaâ—t mala bâ—num autem facere nesciunt Hi invisi terrae coeâ—o utrique injecêre manus impii in Deum temerarii in sancta seditiosi in invicem aemuli in vicinos inhumani in extraneos quos neminem amantes amat nemo Hi sunt qui subesse non sustinent praeesse non norunt superioribus infideles inferioribus importabiles Docuerunt linguam suam grandia loqui cum operentur exigua Blandissimi adulatores mordacissimi detractores simplicissimi dissimulatores malignissimi Proditores O miserandam Sponsam talibus creditam Paranymphis qui assignata cultui ejus proprio retinere quaestui non verentur Non amici profectò Sponsi sed aemuli sunt Erunt inquam hujusmodi maximo studio corrigendi ne pereant aut ne perimant coercendi CHAP. VII Containing the severall Treasons Rebellions Seditions Schismes Contumacies Warres and disloyalties of the Bishops of France Normandy Scotland and Ireland with reference unto the Kings of England HAving thus passed through the Treasons Rebellions Seditions Warres and disloyall practises of our English Lordly Prelates I shall here in the next place give you a taste of the like crimes and practises of some French Norman Prelates against our Kings their Soveraignes either here or in Normandy and likewise of the Bishops of Scotland and Ireland which I thought meet to couple with our English Prelates these Kingdomes being now happily united under the Government of our gracious Soveraigne and his deceased Father French and Norman Bishops Acts of this kind I shall begin with Saint German Bishop of Aâ—xerre in France of whom it is storyed that comming into England in King Vortigerns time and repairing to his Court with his Companions in a cold frosty night the King shut him out and would give him no lodging which the Kings Herdsman seeing taking pitty upon them and commiserating their affliction lodged them in his house and killed a calfe which they did eate at supper whose bones Saint German commanded to be brought to him when supper was ended and putting them all into the Calves skin he miraculously raisâ—d up the Calâ—e againe from the dead whereas Christ and his Apostles never raised any dead beast but dead men onely and put him to his damme where he sell a eating hay And on the next day by command from God as some writers affirme German deposed Vortigerne from his Kingdome and made the Herdsman King in his place to the great admiration of all men and from thence forth the Kingâ— of the Britaine 's descended from the race of this Herdsman But Gildas in his History saith that this happened not to
Oxford William Cliffe Geoffry Dowes Robert Oking Ralph Bradford Richard Smith Simon Mathew Iohn Pryn William Buckmaster William May Nicholas Wotton Richard Cox Iohn Edmunds Thomas Robertson Iohn Baker Thomas Barret Iohn Hase Iohn Tyson Doctors and Professors in Divinity and of the civill and Canon Law with the whole Convocation House and Clergy of Enland in their Booke intituled The Institution of a Christian man dedicated by them to King Henry the eight Printed Cum Privilegio subscribed with all their names and ratified by the Statute of 32. Henry the eight cap. 26. chap. Of the Sacrament of Order fol. 48. c. And King Henry 8. himselfe in his Booke inscribed A necessary erudition for any Christian man published with the advise and approbation of all the Prelates Clergy of England in their Convocation and of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and nether House of Parliament with the Kings owne royall Epistle to all his loving Subjects before it Anno 1545. by vertue of the Satute of 32 Henry the eight c. 26. Chap. of the Sacrament of Order Doe all thus joyntly determine of the calling jurisdiction Lordlinesse and secular imployments of Bishops The truth is that in the New Testament there is no mention made of any degrees or distinctions in Orders but onely of Deacons and Ministers and of Priests or Bishopâ— And of these two Orders onely that is to say Priests and Deacons Scripture maketh expresse mention and how they were conferred of the Apostles by Prayer and imposition of their hands And to these two the Primitive Church did add and conjoyne certaine other inferior and lower degrees And as concerning the office and duty of the said Ecclesiasticall Ministers the same consisteth in true preaching and teaching the word of God unto the people iâ— dispensing and ministring the Sacraments of Christ in consecratingâ— and offering the blessed body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar in loosing and assoyling from sinne such persons as be sorry and truely penitent for the same and excommunicating such as bâ— guilty in manifest crimes and will not be reformed otherwise and finally in praying for the whole Church of Christâ— and specially for the flocke committed unto them And although the office and ministry of Priests and Bishops stand câ—iefly in these things before rehearsed yeâ— neither they nor any of them may exercise and execute any of the same offices but with such sort and such limitation as the Ordinances and Lawes of every Christian Realme doe permit and â—uffer It is out of all doubt that there is no mention made neither in Scripture neither in the writings of any authentical Doctâ—r or Author of the Church being within the time of the â—postles that Christ did ever make or institute any distinction or difference to be in the preheminence of power order or jurisdiction between the Apostleâ— themselves or between the Bishops themselves but that they were all â—quall in power authorâ—ty and jurisdâ—ctâ—on And that there is now and since the time of the Apostles any such diversity or difference among the Bishops It was devised by the ancient Fathers of the Primitive Church for the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholique Church and that either by the consent and authority or else at least by the permâ—ssion and suffâ—rance of the Prâ—nces and civill powers for the time ruling For the said Fathers considering the great and infinite multitude of Christian men so lâ—rgely encreased through the world and taking examples of the Old Testamâ—nt thought it expedient to make an order of degrees to be among Bishops and spirituall Governours of the Church and so ordained some to be Patriarks some to be Metropolitansâ— some to be Archbishops some to be Bishops and to them did limit severally not onâ—ly their certaine Diocesse and Provinces wherein they should exercise their power and not exceed the same but also certaine bounds and limits of their jurisdiction and power c. And lest peradventure it might be thought to some persons that such authorities powers and jurisdictions as Patriarks Primates Archbishops and Metropolitans now have or heretofore at any time have had justy and lawfully over any other Bishops were given them by God in holy Scripture We think it expedient and necessary that all men should be advertised and taught that all such lawfull powers and authority of one Bishop over another were and be given to them by the consent ordinance positive lawes of men only and not by any ordinance of God in holy Scripture and all other power and authority which any Bishop hath used or exercised over another which hath not been given to him by such consent and ordinance of men as is aforesaid is in very deed no lawful power but plaine usurpation and tyranny And therefore whereas the Bishop of Rome hath heretofore claimed and usurped to be head and governour over all Priests and Bishops of the holy catholique Church of Christ by the lawes of God It is evident that the same power is utterly fained and untrue VVee thinke it convenient that all Bishops and Pastors shall instruct and teach the people committed to their spirituall charge that Christ did by expresse words prohibit that none of his Apostles nor any of their successors should under the pretence of authority of the sword that is to say the authority of Kings or any civill power in this world yea or any authority to make Lawes or Ordinances in causes appertaining â—â—to civill powers If any Bishop of what estate or dignity soâ—ver he be be he Bishop of Rome or of any other City Province or Diocesse doe presume to take upon him authority or jurisdiction in causes of matters which appertaine unto Kings and the civill powâ—rs and â—heir Courts and will maintaine or thinke that he may so doe by the authority of Christ and his Gospel although the Kings and Princes would not permit and suffer him so to doe no doubt that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop but rather a Tyrant and a usurper of other mens rights contrary to the Lawes of God and is worthy to be reputed none otherwise than he that goeth about to subvert the Kingdome of Christ for the Kingdome of Christ in his Church is spirituall and not a carnall kingdome of the world that is to say the very Kingdome that Christ by himselfe or by his Apostles and Disciples sought here in this world was to bring all Nations from the carnall kingdome of the Prince of darknesse unto the light of his spirituall Kingdome and so himselfe raigne in the hearts of the people by grace faith hope and charity And therefore sith Christ did never seeke nor exercise any worldly kingdome or dominion in this world but rather refusing and flying the same did leave the said worldly governance of kingdomes Realmes and Nations to be governed by Princes and Potentates in like manner as he did finde them and commanded also his
the people and also that the labour should be more easie to beare c. Also Chrysostome on that same text Hee would not that a whole Country should be permitted unto one man but hee enjoyned unto every man his Cure by that meanes hee knew that the labour should be more easie and the subjects should be with more diligence governed if the teachers were not distracted with the governing of many Churches but had cure and charge of one Church onely c. Mee thinketh these be plaine words and able to move a man â—o speake as much as I did But grant that you may have all these Câ—â—ies yet can you make it no heresie For my Lord Cardinall granted that it was but against him and against you who be no gods But I poore man must be an heretique there is no remedy you will have it so and who is able to say nay Not all Scripture noâ— yet God himselfe Sure I am that they cannot by the Law of God have any jurisdiction secular and yet they challenge both powers which if they have why do â—hey not put them both in use for they must say as the Jewes said Wee may kill no man This is the Article that did bite you for you cannot be content with the office of a Bishop but you will be also Kings How that standeth with Gods Law and with your Oatâ— I have declared it to our Noble Prince I doubt not but he will put you to the tryall of it Have you not this many yeares condemned many a poore man and then delivered him to the Temporal power to be put to death which knew nothing of his cause And if he would that yee should put him to deaâ—h your selves â—hen answered yee how you might kill no man So that they were always your hangmen They say they bâ—â—he Successors of Christ and of his Apostles but I can see them follow none but Iudas For they beare the purse and have all the money And if they had not so great possessions I am sure an hundred would speake against them where now dare not one for losse of promotion And for this Article I will overcome you with the witnesse of all the world you may well condemne it for hereâ—ie but it is as true as your Paâ—er Noster Iudas sold our Master but once and you â—ell him as often as heâ— commeth in your hands But I would it were that yee could prove mee a lyeâ— and that you followed â—ny of the Apostles â—aving Iudas onely yet I would that yee were in certaine points as good â—s Iudas was These ordinary Bishops and Prelates do follow that â—â—lse Prophet Baâ—aâ—m For they would curse the people but by the provision of Goâ— they were compelled to blesse them that is to say to â—each them to live well though they themselves live most mischievously And so the Asses which they ride upon that is the common people have their lives in abominatâ—on This is the hainous hereâ—ie For it speaketh against the holy Fathers which be almost as holy as Balaams Asse that did once speake the Word of God to a good purpose And so do they never But I grant that I did offend in calling you Ordinary Bishops for I should have called you inordinate butchers And as â—or that that I compared you to Balaam it is your owne Law 2. quest 7. Secuti sunt And cap. Nos si And as for your living all the world knoweth it I could tell here many holy points of Bishops living as keeping of mens wives and daughters but I will not for I should be reckoned uncharitable But you may do them breaking not your holy charity So he The namelesse Author of a Supplication to King Henry the eight printed 1544. writes thus of Bishops their calling practises and great revenues How cruelly do the Bishops punish all them which pretend to have learning and especially in Gods Word such â—hey call heretiques and persecute with putting them to open shame with imprisonment and in conclusion with death most feaâ—efull and painfull All this they do to discourage all men from the study of Gods word fearing lest that by such studious braines which learne Gods Word and publish the same their iniquity should be made manifest What study and pains do they take to keep the light from the peopleâ— But no man which knoweth the Scriptures will marvell of â—his their policie and cruelty For Saint Iohn declareth their practice plainly saying Hee that doth evill hateth the light and why becâ—use his workes which be evill should not be reproved by the light And for as much as our Bishops counâ—enance of living their great possessions and Lordly Dominions in them agreeth with Gods Word â—s death with life God with the Devill light with darknesse therefore they hate the light which declareth the same and study 〈◊〉 â—uppresse the same by all â—raâ—t and poliâ—y Also they be enemies 〈◊〉 all men which can and doe preach Gods Word sincerely and truly because they live â—ontrary to the same And â—his iâ— the originall ground and caâ—se of the abâ—ndance of â—nd iâ—crâ—â—se of darkenes and of sinne 〈◊〉 â—lso of the long continâ—â—nce oâ— Popish blindnesse which hath â—aigned in this Realme so lâ—â—g After which he proceeds thus Most dread Soveraigne Lord I see two foule deformitiesâ— and great lamentable mischiefes annexed to the vocation and office of Bishops which not reformed will poyson and utterly corrupt the godly vocation and election of the said Bishops The onely infection and pestilent poyson is their great Lordships and dominions with the yearly provents of the same which hath so fashioned them in proud countenances and worldly behaviour that now they be most like the Heathen Princes and most unlike unto Christ although they would be esteemed of all men to be his true successours yet poore Christ saith The fâ—xes have holes the birds have nests but the Sonne of man hath not wherein to lay his head But our Bishops have gorgeous and sumptuous builded houses mannors and castles pleasantly set about with Parkes well replenished with Deare warrens swarming full of conyes and pooles well stored with divers kinds of fishes And not onely these commodities and pleasures but also divers other pleasures How doth this Lordly and worldly Bishoplike estate agree with Christs words I thinke a man cannot reasonably conjecture or imagine by their countenance and living that they be Christs true Disciples The other mischiefe and evill is that they have too many worldly cares and businesses For to these Mannors and Lordships belong many Tenants for whose leases to be made fines and haryots to be appointed and taken amerciaments to be assessed taxed and also forgiven and dispensed there be no few suits made to my Lord Bishop also the hearing of Testamentary causes divorces causes of Matrimony causes of slanders of lechery adultery and punishment oâ— bawdery and such other bumme Court matters
WAS THE MOST PERNICIOVS SCHISME OF ALL OTHERS when a Divorce was made from the parity and true doctrine of the Gospell and the Spirituall Discipline of the Church changed into a kinde of Regall Authority and terrene power This I hope will abundantly answere this second Objection for Episcopacy The last Objection is this That by the Statute of 16. R. 2. cap. 5. Bishops are declared to be profitable and necessary to our Lord the King and to all his Realme and that by the removall of them the Realme should be destitute of Counsell That they are one of the greatest States of the Landâ— setled by many Acts of Parliament which cannot well be held without them That the removall of them will breede a great confusion both in the Common and Statute Law and that the King is sworne to defend and protect them to his power Therefore it must needes be dangerous and inconvenient to remove them This Objection consists of severall heads to all which I shall give a particular answer with as much brevity as may bee First for the words of the Statute of Richard the 2d. I doubt not but they were inserted into that Act by the Bishops themselves or by their procurement who ought not to be Trumpeters of their owne prayses nor witnesses in their owne cause Secondly I hope the premised Histories of their Treasons Rebellions Oppressions and desperate Counsells in all times will manifestly declare the contrary to this Act That Bishops are neither necessary nor profitable to the King nor to all his Realme but pernicious to both and that the Kingdome will be no wayes destitute of Counsell if they should â—e removed especially in our dayes when there are so many learned Lords Lawyers and Gentlemen of all sorts to Counsell and advise his Majestie in all State affaires Thirdly The Prelates in this very King Ricard the second his time were so farre from being profitable and necessary to him as their Lord and King and to all his Realme that some of them were the chiefe men that miscounselled him as appeares by the Statutâ— of 11. R. 2. c. 1â—5 6 which recites that for cause of great and horrible mischiefes and perills which were fallen by evill Governance which was about the Kings person by all his time before by Alexander late Arch-Bishop of Yorke Thomas Bishop of Chichester and other their adhaerents thereby the King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed for which cause these Prelates were attainted removed from the King and their lands confiscated by this Act. And the residue of them were the principle agents that opposed deprived and thrust him as they did King Edward the second before him from his Crowne and royall dignity as appeares by the premises Now if this were to be profitable and necessary to our Soveraigne Lord the King let all men judge How necessary they were to all the Kingdome in his time let the Histories of this Kings life and the Treasons of Arch-Bishop Arundell fore related declare How well they used the people and their tenants you may see by a Commission granted about this time to enquire of â—he Bishop of Winchesters oppressions and abuses of the Kings people recorded in the Register of Writs part 2 f. 125. b. Rex Vicecomiti salutem Ex clamosis querâ—monâ—is diversorum hominum de comitatu tuo ad nostium saepius pervenit auditum quod A Episcopus Wintoniensis nec noâ— ballivi câ—nstabulariâ— alii ministri servientes ipsius Episcopi pluâ—imas diversas oppressiones extortiones duritias damna excessus gravamina intolerabilia dictis â—ominibus in diversis partibus Comitaâ—us praedicti tam infra liberâ—ates quam extra multipliciter diversimode intulerunt de die in diem inferre non desistunt plures de dictis hominibus vi armis multotiens verberando vulnerando eosque capiendo imprisonando in prisona forti dura super terram nudam absque alimento fame frigore nuditate fere ad mortem cruciando eos in prisona â—ujusmodi donec fines redemptiones ad voluntatem suam fecerint nullâ— modo deliberari permittendo nec non domos quorundam hominum hujusmodi vi armata bona catalla sua capiendo asportando eosdemque uxores servientes suos verberando vulnerando male tracâ—ando hominibus super hujusmodi duriâ—iis conqueri volentibus in tantum comminando quod iidem homines in hundredis aliis curiis dicti Episcopi vel alibi negocia sua inde prosequi metu mortis non sunt ausi alia hujusmodi mala damna excessus inhumaniter indies perpetrando in nostri dedecus contemptum populi nostri partium praedictarum destructionem depressionem manifestam unde plurimum conturbamur Nos oppressiones durâ—â—ias damna excessus ac gravamina praedicta si perpetrata fuerint nolenteâ— relinquere impunita volentesque salvationi quieti dicti populi nostri in hac parte prospicere ut tenemur assignavimus dilectis fidelibus nostris c. sciri poterit de oppressionibus extoâ—tionibus duritiis damnis gravaminibus praedictis per dictos episcopum ballivos constabularios ministros servientes suos alios quoscunque de confederatione sua in hac parte existentes qualitercunque perpetratis de praemissis omnibus singulis plenius veritatem ad querelas omnium singulorum pro nobis vel prose ipsiâ— inde conqueri prosequi volentium nec non ad praemissa omnia singula tam ad sectam nostram quam aliorum quorumcunque audiendum terminandum secundum legem consuetudinem regni nostri Angliae Et ideo tiâ—i praecipimus quod ad certos c. quos c. tibi scire facias venire facias coram c. tot tales probos legales homines de balliva tua tam infra libertates quam extra per quos rei verâ—tas in praemissis melius sciri poterit inquiri Et habeas c. For their profitablenesse and necessary use in our Church in that Kings raigne let the Statute of 5. R. 2. c. 5. surreptitiously procured by tâ—e Prelates and complained against by the Commons the next Parliament and with severall bloody persecutions of the true Christiansâ— in that age under the name of Lollards by William Caurtney Thomas Arundell and other our Prelates related at large by Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments testifie to the world For mine owne part I could never yet finde any good at all that our Lordly Prelates ever did in our Church or State quatenus Prelates If any oâ— them have done any good by their preaching and writing as some of them have which is rare I answere that the most of them who have done any good in this kind did it not as or whiles they were Pâ—elates but as or whiles they were
with violence branded her in the fore-head with an hot Iron and then banished her into Ireland After which shee returning into England Odo apprehends her the second time and cuts off her sinewes at the â—ocke bone The King being therewith much exasperated spoyled all the Monkes of all their goods banished Dunstan the chiefe of the Monkes inâ—o Flanders who together with Cynesius the Bishop on the day of this Kings Coronation entred most audaciously into his Bed-chamber and by violence dragged him both out of his Bed and Bed-chamber where they pretended hee was sporting with his Concubine and threatned Odo with severe punishments who was taken away by death soone after and so delivered from all feare of the Kings displeasure This Odo together with his Monkes wrought so with the Subjects before his death that the Mercians with the Northumbrians did utterly cast off the yoake of obedience to Edwin and by an unanimous consent made choyce of his Brother Edgar for their King Deo dictante populo annuente God himselfe to wit by the mouth of Odo and the other Prelates and Monks dictating it and the people thereunto consenting writes Matthew Westminster Arch-bishop Parker and Bishop Godwin in the life of Dunstan Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after Odo record That during the time of Dunstan his Banishment into France King Edwin by the Rebellion of his Subjects at the instigation as is likely of our Monkes Prelates and their favourers was deprived both of his life and Kingdome Whereupon Edgar that succeeded him warned by his Brothers example was content to curry savour with them and Dunstan creating him first Bishop of Worcester next of London and finally of Canterbury A good reward for this his Treason Dunstan comming to the Arch-Bishopricke in this manner not long after caused King Edward to be slaine by his Souldiers for refusing to ayde the Bishop of Rochester against his Brother Agelredus who besieged that City and the Bishop The Monkes of that time impute thâ—s trecherous Act to Queene Alsdrith his Mother in Law and Gods Divine Judgement to excuse their Patron Dunstan After his Murther as Iohn Capgrave and Speed record this holy Arch-Bishop Dunstan would have advanced Edgith his sister to the Crowne and invested her against Etheldred the lawfull Heire had she not by the late experience of Edwards fall utterly refused that Titleâ— which neither belonged to hâ—â— Right nor was safe for her Person to undertake Whereupon Dunstan and the Monkes perceiving that Queene Elfrida Alferus Duke of Mercia and many Nobles combined for young Etheldred the right Heiâ—e disavowing Prince Edward surnamed the Martyr as illegitimate did with all their might oppose Etheldred holding their states dangerous and their new-gotten footing unsure if in the Nonage of the King Elfrida his Mother and other their Opposites should rule all under him as was probable For Elfrida hated Dunstan because hee desired to hinder King Edgar from maâ—rying her after he was contracted to her rushing impudently into the Kings Bed-Chamber the first Night hee lay with her demanding of the King who it was he had in Bed with him who answering that it was his Queene and Consort Dunstan replyed that he could not marry her without offending God and breaking the institution of the Roman Church because of the spirituall Kindred that was betweene them he being her God-father often warning the King to be divorced from her which he refused Wherefore Dunstan and the Pâ—elates considering that Edward was altogether wrought in their mould they abetted his Title to the Crowne though a Bastard as one lawfully borne and begot in the Nuptiall Bed of Queene Ethelfleda Their Claimes thus banded among the Sâ—atesmen began to be diversly affected among the Commons and had put the Game to the Hazard if the wisedome of Dunstan had not seene â—he Chase For a Councell being assembled to argue their Rights the Arch-bishop came in with his Banner and Crosse and not staying for further debate de Iure did de facto present King Edward for their lawfull King and the Assembly consisting of Clergie men perswading peace drew the approbation of the rest and so was hee admitted and proclaimed their Soveraigne and after Crowned at Kingston by Dunstan and the true Heire put by for the time by this Arch-Traytor Dunstan and his Clergie till about three yeares after Edward was murthered by the procurement of Queene Elfrida and Etheldred Crowned King by Dunstan much against his will This King Dunstan and his Monkes continued to opposeâ— For Etheldred conceiving a just indignation against the Bishop of Rochester for his obstinacie and contumacious carriage towards him thereupon besieged his Citie Whereupon Dunstan commanded the King to desist from his purpose lest hee should provoke Saint Andrew the Patron of that City which the King refusing to doe without the Bishops submission and unlesse hee would likewise pay him an hundred poundsâ— Dunstan wondring thereat sent this Message to the King Because thou hast preferred Silver before God Money before an Apostle and Covetousnesse before me violent mischiefes shall come upon thee which the Lord â—ath spoken Such an Arch-Traytor and proud imperious Prelate was this Arch-Bishop Dunstan And if â—his Saint was such what thinke you may his Successors prove who were not so holy as to be Canonized This Dunstan before hee became Arch bishop of Canterbury caused King Etheldred to pâ—eferre him before all his Nobles and to â—ay up all his richest Royall Household-stuffe Charters Records with all his Wealth and Treasures in his Monasterie and finally to commit his very Kingdome Body and Soule to him so that all things were in Dunstans power the King not daring to doe any thing either in publike Affaires of the Kingdome or in his owne private Negotiations without Dunstans advice so that he alone exercised Royall Authority in every place In and by which he wholly imployed his endeavours how to enrich those Monasteries with Lands and Revenues which himselfe had founded or the Danes wasted wasting the Kings Treasury and appropriating the Crowne Lands to this purpose Which when King Edwyn comming to the Crowne sought to resume Dunstan much displeased herewith sharpely reprehended him then affronted him and at last cauâ—ed him to be murthered as is before remembred And for all this good service he was not onely made an Arch-Prelate but a Saint Siricius his next Successor but one consilio infausto by an unhappie if noâ— perfidious Traytorly advice perswaded King Etheldred in the thirteenth yeare of his Raigne to buy his Peace of the Danes at ten thousand pound annuall Rent to the ignominie and almost utter destruction of â—he whole Kingdome Which evill writes Henry Huntingdon hath continued to this very day and will longer endure unlesse Gods mercy helpe us For now wee pay that to our Kings out of Custome which was payd to the Danes out of unspeakeable feares Yea we aâ— this day have â—ared
the worse for this President it being much insisted on to justifie the late Taxe of Ship-Money Such perfidious and pernicious Counsellers of State have these Prelates beene in teaching Princes in every Land to lay new Exactions on and Tyrannize more and more over their Subjects Woe saith Mr. Tyndall is to the Realmes where they are of the Councell as profitable are they to the Realmes with their Counsell as the Wolves unto the Sheepe or the Foxes unto the Geese As was this Arch-Prelate who is much blamed in our Histories for this his advice Robert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury layd the first foundation of the Normans Conquest in England perswading King Edward to make Duke William his Heire Whereunto when he had condiscended himselfe became the Messenger of this good tidings unto the Duke taking Harold with him that he might hamper him with an oath as hee did indeede and so barre him from all possibility of the Kingdome which Oath he breaking afterward lost both his liâ—e and Kingdome together The Arch-Bishop now assuring himselfe of the favour of the King not onely presentâ— but him that was to succeede could not endure that any should beaâ—e so great sway as himselfe in Court and therefore fell to devise how he might overthrow Emma the Kings Mother who onely served to over-top him Hee began therefore to beaâ—e into the Kings head how hard a hand his Mother had held upon him when he lived in Normandie how likely it was that his Brother came by his death by the practise of her and Earle Godwyn and that she used the company of Alwyn Bishop of Winchester somewhat more familiarly then was for her honour The King somewhat too rashly crediting these Tales without any further examination of this matter seized upon all his Mothers goods and committed her to Prison in the Nunnery of Warwell banished Earle Godwyn and his sonne and commanded Alwyn upon paine of death not to come forth of the Gates of Winchester The Queene made the best friends she could to be called to her answere but the Arch-bishop so possessed the King as other tryall of her innocencie might not bee allowed then this shee must walke over nine Plough-shares red hot in the midst of the Cathedrall Church of Winchester If shee performed not this Purgation or were found any thing at all hurt she and the Bishop both should bee esteemed guilty if otherwise the Arch-Bishop was content to submit himselfe to such punishment as they should have endured The Arch-Bishops Authority was then so prevalent over the most powerfull persons that the Queene her selfe neither by her owne power nor of the King her Sonne nor of the Nobles and Bishops nor by any other meanes than by her innocencie could keepe off this so notorious an injury and contumely the King and Bishops being forced to approve this most severe Edict of the Arch-Bishop against their wills Whereupon the Queene led by two Bishops in the open sight of the people did this hard Purgation and â—o acquitted her self and Alwyn of the Crimes objected The King then greatly bewayling the wrong done to his Mother by the Arch-Bishops malicious false suggestions asked her forgivenesse upon his knees restored her and the Bishop to their goods and places and to make satisfaction would needes be whipped by the hands of the Bishops there present and receiving three stripes of his Mother was by her clearely forgiven The Arch-bishop the author and plotter of all this stirre and mischiefe fearing the successe of this matter held himselfe at Dover under pretence of sickenesse and as soone as he heard how the world went knowing England to be too hot for him got him over to the Abbey of Gemmeticum where overcome with shame and sorrow he there shortly after ended his dayes the King having passed a publike Sentence against him and his confederates Quod Statum Regni conturbarant c. That they had disturbed the State of the Kingâ—dome stirring up the Kings mind against his Mother and faithfull subjects whereupon he was deprived Stigand placed in his Sea before his death after William the Conquerour had slaine Harold and vanquished his Armie in Battlefield Edwyn and Mercar endeavoured to Crowne Edgar Etheling the rightâ—ull Heire to whosâ— side most of the Nobles the Citizens of London with the Navall Forces adhered and so did Aldred Arch-Bishop of Yorke who presently with the other Prelates â—ell off to William the Conquerour being the stronger side to whom the Pope had sent a consecrated Banner an Agnus Dei and one of Saint Peters haires in way of good speed refusing to side with the Lords whereupon their designements were all suddenly quashed But Arch-bishop Sâ—igand and Eglesigne Abbot of Saint Augustines assembling all the Kentish men together encouraged them to stand for their Liberties though with the losse of their lives and marching before them as their Generalls enclosed him and his Armie by a Stratagem with Branches of trees their Banners displayed and Bows bent and so purchased a confirmation of their Freedomes and Customes from him by way of composition Then comming to London the Conquerour refused to be Crowned by Stigana Aldred Archâ—Bishop of Yorke performing this Ceremonie on â—he day of Christs Nativitie Anno. 1066. Stigand not long after and Alexander Bishop of Lincolne fled intâ— Scotland where they kept themselves close for a season and at last returning King William departeâ— into Normandie knowing Stigand to be of a crafty Pate and perfidious heart and of great power among his Kentish men carryed him over Sea with him lest he â—hould raise new stirres and cause a Revolt from him in England during his absence and then returning into England he caused him with other Bishops that had beene â—reacherous to him to be deposed from his Arch-Bishopricke in a Synod at Winchester for holding the Bishop of Winchester in Commendam with his Arch-Bishopricke for invading the Sea of Canterbury whiles Robert livedâ— for using his Paâ—l left at Canterbury for Simonie and to prevent him from raising any further Tumults The King after his degradation spoyling him of his goods committed him to perpetual Prison where at last he was starved with hunger refusing to reveale those infinite Treasures which hee had heaped up in store to worke some mischieâ—e which were discovered after his death Not long after which plures Episcopi Abbaâ—es many Bishops and Abbots joyned in a Conspiracie with Ralph de Ware and Roger Earle of Hereford against the Conquerour to thrust him out of his Kingdome such faithfull Subjects were they to their Soveraigne to whom they had sworne allegeance William the Conquerour dying by the perswasion of Lanfranke Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who had brought up William Rufus from his Child-hood he left the Crowne of England to his younger sonne William putting the eldest son Robert from the Crowne which was due unto him In which Action God blessed not the Arch-Bishop for the
on Saint Stephens day by William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the most part of the Nobility being present and swearing Fealty unto him as to their true and lawfull Soveraigne Howbeit there were diverse of the wiser sort of estates which regarding their former Oath to bee true unto the Empresse Maude could have beene contented that the Empresse should have governed till her Sonne had come to lawfull age notwithstanding they held their peace as yet and consented unto Stephen But the breach of their Oathes was worthily punished afterward insomuch that as well the Bishops as the other Nobles either dyed an evill death or were afflicted with divers kinds of calamities and mischances and that even here in this life Yet there were some of them namely the Bishop of Salisbury which protested that they were free from their Oath of Allegeance made to the sayd Empresse because that without the consent of the Lords of this Land she was marryed out of the Realme Whereas they tooke their Oath to receive her for Queene upon that condition That without their assent she should not marry with any person out of this Realme Moreover as some writers thinke the Bishops tooke it they should do God good service in providing for the wealth of the Realme and the advancement of the Church by their Perjurie For whereas the late deceased King Henry the first used himselfe not altogether for their purpose they thought That if they might set up and create a King chiefely by their especiall meanes and authority he would follow their counsell better and refoâ—me such things as they judged to be amisse So He. But this trecherous Act of them in dis-inheriting Maude wherein the Bishop of Wiâ—â—hester was a chiefe Actor yet afterwards joyned with Maude for a season and then fell off againe what Civill Warres Tumults Battailes evill effects and blood-shed it occasioned here in England to the prejudice of the whole Realme 〈◊〉 all our Chronicles and Historians in the life of King Stephen testifie at large Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his immediate Successour being summoned by the Pope to appeare at the Councell of Rhemes the King at the instigation of Henry Bishop of Winchester his Brother the Popes Legat and Arch-Bishops opposite prohibited him to passe beyond Sea to stay him at home But he thinking it safer to offend the King then the Pope resolved to goe and though all the Ports were stopped and layd for him yet over the Seas hee got The King thereupon seized all his goods and Temporalties and banished him the Realme he like a tall fellow thereupon interdicted the King with the whole Realme and taking advantage of the time which was very troublesome came home and lived in Norfolke till by the intercession of the Bishops he was restored to his Bishopricke After which growing into great favour with the King in a Convocation summoned at London 1152. the King would have constrained the Clergie to make Eustace his sonne King which they refusing and delaying to doe having a command from the Pope to the contrary pretending that his Father King Stephen was an Usurper and perjured Intruder the King and his sonne cauâ—ed the doores to bee shut upon the Clergie where they were assembled thinking by force and threatning to compell them thereto before they departed The greater number seemed to yeeld but the Arch-Bishop stealing secretly out of the place tooke his Barge and rowing downe the Thames got beyond Sea so that by this meanes the Synod was dissolved His goods hereupon were presently once more confiscate and his Temporalties seized into the Kings hands He thereupon troubled the Realme with Fire Sword and bloody Warres causing Henry Fitz-Empresse to invade the Land whose Title the Pope favoured of purpose to strengthen himselfe against King Lewis of France who had highly offended his Holinesse by casting his Bulls whereby he requireâ— the Fruites of Vacancies of Cathedrall Churches in France into the fire saying Hee had râ—ther the Popes Bulls should râ—st in the fire than his owne Soule shoâ—ld fry in Hell Thomas Becket succeeding Theobald by King Henry the seconds extraordinary favour though against the Canons he being both a souldier a Courtier and skilled onely in â—ecular affaires to require his Soveraignes extraordinary favour he first resigned his Bishopricke which hee had received from the Kings hands into the Popes in a secret manner receiving it backe againe as from him and then looked so narrowly into the Lands belonging to his See having great authority and some skill in the Law That under colour of defending the Rites of his Church hee tooke violently from every man what he listed and practising Treason secretly he required of the King the keeping of Rochester Castle and the custody of the Tower of London and called Roger Earle of Clare unto Westminster to doe his homage unto him for the Castle of Tunbridge which the Earle denyed through the setting on of the King so as he provoked many of all sorts of people every where with open mouth to exclaime against him and to make their complaints thicke and three-fold to the King betweene whom and the King there arose a great quarrell upon this occasion The Clergie by their flattery policy and Canons having exempâ—ed themselves from secular Jurisdiction and presuming upon Beckets power grew strangely impudent and disorderly insomuch that the Chiefe Justice declared in the Kings presence how that Clergie men had committed above an hundred murthers since his raigne wherewith the King highly offended he became somewhat too vehement in punishing them but the blame of the Kings over-much earnestnesse must lye on the Prelates inasmuch as they gave the cause thereof For whereas sacred Canons ordaine that Clerkes found guilty not onely of hainous and grievous sinnes but also of lesser should be degraded and thousands of such were then in the Church of England like inâ—umerable chaffe among a little good Corne yet very few such for many yeares had beene then deprived The Prelates forsooth while they bestirred themselves rather to uphold the liberties and dignities of Clerkes than to chastise and cut off their vices thought they did God and his Church good service in protecting from publicke Discipline such heinous offenders whom by duty of their places they ought to correct according to the Canon censure whereby they thrâ—ugh their impunity having liberty to doe what they listed had neither feare of God whose Judgement they thought to be a farre off neither of men in authority sith on the one side their Prelates neglected to reforme them and on the other side they were thus exempt by their order from secular Jurisdiction This being the state of the Church and Realme where in some were so injured without remedy and others so injurious without coertion as if neither sort were in condition of Subjects the king thereupon tooke speciall care of quickning the publicke Discipline and the rigour of ancient â—awes which thus lay
under the name of Dereman in a poore Fisher-boate accompanied onely with Servitors The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands and sent Ambassadours to the Earle of Flanders the French King and the Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The French King thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England dealt with the Pope that as hee loved the Roman Church and the ayde of France so hee would support Beckets cause against the King with whom though hee had amity before yet at Beckets instigation as is probable whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion Treachery and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy The Arch-Bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the Pope whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him sent out particular Excommunications against all the suffâ—agan Bishops of his Province and all such as had obeyed defended or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes and against some of them by name which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on Ascension day when the Church was most full of people getting into the Pulpit theâ—e and solemnely accursing them with Bell Booke and Candle threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne Royall person Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the Court of Rome with the Fathers Mothers Brothers Sisters Nephewes and Neeces of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop and to put them under sureties as also to seize the Revenues Goods and Chattels of these Clergie-men And by other Letters to Guilbert Bishop of London he sequestred the profits and Livings which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Clergie who were fled to Thomas and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree that no man should bring any Letters or Commandment from Pope Alexander or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England containing an Indiction of the Realme upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a Traytor to the King and an enemy to the Realm And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England till the Kings pleasure were further knowne causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confiscated and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred Man Woman Child and sucking Babes forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to vexe him the more because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac an Abbey of Cirstercian Monkes he signified to all the Monkes of that Order in his Dominion that he would banish them every one if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their Order was effected And because Pope Alexander Beckets surest Card was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose which the Pope having notice of began presently to quaile promising speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking Whereupon at the procurement of Iohn of Oxford two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas but the Pope hearing when they were gone that they were resolved utterly to confound the Arch-Bishop sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them but upon such conditions as neither they nor the King would brooke The passages betweene the King and the Pope and Becket and his Complaints to the Pope against the King too tedious to recite at large you may reade at leisure in Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King and the Prelates that sided with him and to constraine them to amendment After this the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them For which purpose both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris where suite being made to the King in his behalfe That he might returne be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence and likewise to the Kings favour upon his humble submission The King answered That for the rest he was contented but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment for that he had already given them to others yet he would give him such recompence for them as the French King or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete Whereupon Becket being called for and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both Kings without any more reservations he falling downe humbly upon his knees used these words My Lord and Soveraigne I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us so farre forth as I may saving the honour of Almighty God The King much offended with his last exception turned him about unto the French King and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop and how â—ee had used him sayd I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause saving the honour of God for whatsoever shall displease him hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of Almighty God But this I will say unto you whereas there have beene Kings of England many before mee whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I the most part farre lesse and againe many Arch-Bishops before this man holy and noâ—able men looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was to the weakest and simplest of my Predecessours let him but yeeld me that and it shall abundantly content mee Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly and stoutly That his Predecessours who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oft times that that which the Church had gotten was by the constancie of good Prelates whose example he would follow thus farre forth as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time yet he would never consent they should be diminished This answere being heard all men cryed shame of him and generally
world that it made all men exclaime against and detest King Iohn How much the Barons disliked this Grant of King Iohn his owne words to Pope Innocentius as also the Popes answere do witnesseâ— Our Earles and Barons saith he and the Pope writes the like were devout and loving unto us till we had subjected our selves to your Dominion but since that time and specially even for so doing they all rise up against us The manifold opprobrious speeches used by the Barons against King Iohn for subjecting himselfe and his Kingdome to the Pope doe declare the same Iohn say they is no King but the shame of Kings better to be no King than such a King behold a King without a Kingdoâ—e a Lord without dominion Alas thou wretch and servant of lowest condition â—o what misery of thraldome hast thou brought thy self Thou wast a king now thou art a Cow-heard thou wast the highest now the lowest Fie on thee Iohn the last of Kings the abominaton of English Princes the confusion of English Nobility Alas England that thou art made tribuâ—ary and subject to the rule of base servants of strangers and which is most miserable subject to the servant of servants Thou Iohn whose memory will be wofull in future time thou of a most free King hast made thy selfe tributary a farmer a vassall and that to servitude it selfe this thou hast done that all might be drowned in the Hell of Romish Avarice Yea so detestable was both this Fact of Iohn and dealing of the Pope that Philip the French King though the mortall enemie of King Iohn heaâ—ing thereof even upon this very point That the Barons and State did noâ— consent to that Act did proclaime both the absolute freedome of the Kingdome of England noâ—wiâ—hstanding this grant of Iohn and declaime also against this Pope for seeking to enthrall Kingdomes unto him As the King by the Treason and trechery of these Prelates and especially of the Arch-Bishop was thus enforced most ignominiously to resigne and prostituâ—e his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope to the losse of his Kingly honour and the hearts of all his Barons and Subjects so he was faine to receive the Arch-Bishop and restore the other Bishops Monkes and banished Rebels against him to their Bishoprickes Goods and Revenues and to give them such Dammages and Recompence as the Pope should thinke 〈◊〉 For this King Anno Domini 1213. intending a Voyagâ— into Guien his Realme standing as yet interdicted his Lords refused to goe with him unlesse the interdicting might be first released and he clearely absolved of the Popes Curse to the end that Gods wrath and the Popes being fully pacified hee might with better speede move and maintaine the Warres whereupon he was constrained to alter his purpose and comming to Winchester dispatched a messenger with letters signed with the hands of twenty foure Earles and Barons to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of London Lincolne and Hereford then sojourning in France requiring them with all other banished men to returne into England promising them by his Letters Patents not onely a sure Safe-conduct for their comming over but that hee would also forget all passed displeasures and frankely restore unto every man all that by his meanes had beene wrongfully taken from them and as yet by him detained Hereupon the Arch-Bishop and other Bishops with all speede came into England with the other exiles and went to Winchester where the King then remained Who hearing that the Bishops were come went forth to receive these Traytors and at his first meeting with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the King kneeled downe at his feete who should have rather kneeled to the King and asked him forgivenesse and that it would please him and the other Bishops also to provide for the miserable state of the Realme requiring of the Arch-Bishop having as then the Popes power in his hands as being his Legat to be absolved promising upon his solemne received Oath That he would before all things defend the Church and the Order of Priesthood from receiving any wrong also that he would restore the old Lawes made by the ancient Kings of England and namely those of S. Edward which were almost extinguished and forgotten and further that he would make recompence to all men whom he had by any meanes endammaged This done he was absolved by the Arch-Bishop and shortly after sent his Orators to Rome to take off the Interdict The Pope hereupon sent the Cardinall of Tusculum into England to compound the differences and dammages betweene the King and the Bishops and then to release the Interdict Who after a Convocation summoned and sundry meetings had at London Reading Wallingford and elsewhere some messages to Rome ordered the King to pay 40000. Markes dammages to these rebellious Prelates which done the Interdict was solemnly released by the Legat in the Cathedrall of Pauls in London Iune 29. 1214. after the terme of 6. yeares 3 moneths and 14. dayes that the Realme had beene shaken with that dreadfull Dart of Correction as it was then esteemed After this King Iohn raysed an Army intending to goe against those Lords who refused to follow him to Poictou But the Arch-Bishop meeting him at Northampton sought to appease himâ— but hee marching on to Notingham there with much adoe the Arch-Bishop following him and threatning to excommunicate all those that should ayde him enforced him to desist his Enterprise This done he thought all troubles at an end but the worst were yet behind For the King having wound himselfe into the Popes favour by this his Resignation and holding his Crowne from him as his Feudatarie began to curbe the Arch-Bishop and his Faction who finding the King stronger in the Popes favour than they thereupon stirred up the Barons to rebell and take Armes against the King who had lost their hearts by his Resignation In this Rebellion and Conspiracie Stephen Langthon the Arch-Bishop was the Ring-leader yea the principall Abettor Conspirer chiefe Agent and Counsellor as Matthew Paris Wendover Speed Holinshed and other our Historians testifie The Pope hereupon excommunicates the Barons and all other English or French who impugned King Iohn even in the generall Councell of Lateran then heldâ— and the Bishop of Winchester and Pandulph the Popes Legat who solemnly denounced the Popes Curse against the Barons did likewise suspend the Arch-Bishop from all his Episcopall authority who thereupon repairing to Rome for absolution was in the Councell of Lateran accused and convict of Conspiracie and Treason against the King and contempt against the Pope and Churches Censure for which the Pope resolving to depose him from his Sea and dignity by the Cardinals intercession for him hee being their brother Cardinall was intreated to deale somewhat milder but yet confirmed his suspension from his Bishopricke by publik sentence commanding by his Letters all his Suffragan Bishops to withdraw their obedience from him and for a
a Councell of the Prelates together how hee might relieve the holy Church that was made subject and thrall It was consulted that the King and all other men that were Rebels should be warned and if they would not amend then the wrecke of censures of holy Church should not sleepe The holy man Edmund assented and went to the King with the other Bishops who threatned to Excommunicate him if he would not reforme the things they demanded and put away his evill Councellors The King asked avisement and he abode but all for nought Therefore the King was spared alone and all other that were Rebells were denounced accursed But thereby would they not be amended This Arch-Prelate at last being continually vexed thwarted and disgraced both by the King the Pope his Legates and others with whom he contested taking his leave of the King departed into voluntary exile and there bewailing the misery of his Country spoyled and miserably wasted by the tyranny and strange exactions of the Pope spent the rest of his time in continuall teares and through extreame griefe sorrow and fasting fell into a Consumption and dyed being afterwards canonized for a Saint by Pope Innocent the fourth Arch-Bishop Boniface his immediate successor raised many commotions and stirs both in Church and State hee was the Kings instrument for polling of England and brought him much money he was also a great warrier better skilled in Military than Church affaires Not to mention this Arch-Prelates combat with the Prior and Monkes of Saint Bartholmewes which put the whole City of London into an uproate and made much worke both at the Kings Court and at Rome Or how he procured a Grant from the Pope to receive one whole yeares profit of all Livings and Cures that should fall voyd within his Province for 7. yeares space to the value of 10000. Markesâ— At which the King at first was sore offended I shall only reciâ—e some traytorly and Anti-monarchicall constitutions made by him his fellow Prelates in a Synod held at Westminster 1270. to the great impeachment of the Kings Prerogative and affront of his Nobles Judges and Temporall Courts of Justice First they decreed That no Arch-Bishop Bishop or inferior Prelate and Clergi-man should eiâ—her by the Kings Writ or any other Noblemans or secuâ—ar Officers warrant be called to answer before any secular Court or Judge for any cause which they there determin to be meerely Ecclesiasticall Or for any extravagances and undue proceedings in their Ecclesiasticall Courts And that no Clergie-man should presume to appeare upon such Writ or summons before any temporall Judge or Court under paine of Excommunication because no Lay power hath any authority to judge the Lords Anointed whom they ought of necessity to obey And to take away so great abuses preserve the liberties of the Church we decree and ordaine say they that the sayd Archâ—bishops Bishops and other Prelates shall not appeare though they be called summoned to do it as aforesaid Yet to preserve the Kings â—onour the greatest Prelates shall goe or write to the King and shew that they cannot obey such his Royall Mandates without the perill of their Order and the subversion of their Ecclesiasticall Liberty And if the King desist not the Bp. whom it concernes shal admonish the King the second time that he looke to the salvation of his soule and altogether desist from such Mandates And if he desist not at the denuntiation of the Bishop the Arch-Bishop or else the Bishop of London as tâ—e Deane of the Bishops calling to him two or three Bishops or more whom he shall thinke meete shall goe to the King und admonish him more seriously requiring â—im to supersediate his Mandates And if the King after such exhortations and monitions shal proceed to attachments and destresses by himselfe or others then the Sheriffes and all other Baylifes who prosecute the Bishops to attach them shall by the Diocesans of the places be driven away in forme of Law by the sentence of Excommunication and interdiction The like shall be done if the Sheriffes or Bayliffes proceed to Attachments or Distresses pretending the foresayd monitions to be made to our Lord the King as afore-sayd And if the Sheriffes or Baâ—liffes shall persevere in their obstinacie the places wherein they live and the Lands they have within the Province of Canterbury shall be interdicted by the Diâ—cesans of the places at the denuntiation of the Bishop in whose Diocesse such Distresses shall be taken And if such Attachers be Clerks Beneficed they shall be suspended from their Office and if they persevere in their malice they shall be compelled to desist and give satisfaction by substracting the profits of theâ—r benefices And if they be not Beneficed in case they be presented to any Beneâ—ice they shall not be thâ—reto admitted â—or five yeares space And the Clerkes who shall dictate write or signe such Attachments or distresses or give any counsell or advice therein shall be Canonically punished and if any Clerke be suspected of the premises â—e shall not be admitted to any Ecclesiasticall Benefice untill he shall Canonically purge himselfe thereof And if our Lord the King or any other secular power competently admonished concerning this shall not revoke such distresses or Attachments the Bishop distrained shal put under Ecclesiasticall interdict the Lands Villages Townes and Castles which the King himselfe or other secular person so distrainiâ—g shall have within his Bishopricke And if the King or any other secular power contemning such penalties shall persevere in their obstinacy then the Arch-Bishop or the Bishop of London at the denunciation of the Bishop complaining calling to him two Bishops or more whom he shall thinke meete shall repaire to the King and diligently admonish and require him to supersede from the foresaid Mandates And if our Lord the King having heard these admonitions and exhortations shall proceed to Attachments or distresses by himself or others then the other two Bishops reputing this distresse as a common injury to the Church by the authority of this present Counsell shall put under Ecclesiasticall interdict all the Demisne Lands Burroughes Castles and Townes of the King himselfe or any other great man being within the Precincts of their Diocesse And if the King or other great Man shall not within 20. dayes after revoke the said Distresses or Attacâ—ments but shall for this bandy against the Church being with Pharaoh made more obdurate amidst the strokes of punishments then the Archâ—bishop shall put his whole Diocesse under inâ—erdict The same shall be done to the Castles Lands and Burroughes of great men who have Royalties within the said Province And if any Bishop shall be found negligent or remisse in the exeâ—utions of the said penalties in such cases he shall be sharpely reprehended by the Metropolitan Afâ—er which they in the same Councell decree the like Interdicts Excommunications and Proceedings against all such who shall intrude
defiled and infected the whole Priest-hood and Clergy of England with his pride exercised an unheard of Tyranny over the people being now deprehended by the King in his wickednesse terrified and dejected with the guilt of his sinne and feare of punishment lay now prostrate on the ground before the King offered him his Pall and subâ—iâ—ted his person and goods to his mercy To whom the King gave this answer I will not punish thee my selfe leâ—t I should seeme rather to have respect to my owne Revenge though most just then to thy Order And although thou art altogether unworthy of thy Order and my Grace yet I will referre the matter to thy fellow Bishops and the Pope of Rome that thou mayest be tryed by thy Peeres lest thou shouldest thinke me an unjust Judge though the Conusans of Treason the highest Crime in a Sâ—bject belongs without doubt to my Tribunall not to theirs Moreover added the King I have knowne thy hatred and malice towards me not onely in the greatest things but even in the smallest and in matters of least moment in which by thy authority thou hast over-much abused my patience depriving my Clerkes in thy visitation notwithstanding my Letters to the contrary and their just appeales both which thou hast contemned together with my Royall Authority The Arch-Bishop troubled and confounded in minde at these things craved a Blessing from the King who replyed That his Blessing would rather become him then his the Arch Bishop The King hereupon complaines of him to the Pope That he had troubled the peaceable and safe estate of the Kingdome in his absence and stirred up the Nobles to a Rebellion and Conspiracy against him c. And notwithstanding his submission cited him to appeare at Rome banished him the Realme seized upon all his goods moveable and unmoveable forbidding all his Subjects under a great paine to foster him Yet the Monkes of Canterbury secretly harboured him for a time furnished him with necessaries and conveyed him beyond the Seas Which the King afterwards understanding seized on all their Goods and Lands banished them the Monastery turning fourescore Monkes a begging forbidding any to harbour them and kept them in that miserable estate till afterwards he was pleased upon their submission to restore them After which the Bishop of Winchester interceded to the King for this Arch Traytor calling him his Lord with which the King being greatly offended put this Bishop out of his protection and confiscated his goods because he acknowledged another then the King to be his lord even such a one who being guilty of Treason manifest contempt against the King had lost the very right of a Subject in his Kingdome While the Arch-Bishop was thus in exile before any hearing of this Cause at Rome the King deceaseth who as Holinshed writes was an earnest enemie of the high and presumptuous insolencie of Priests which he judged to proceede chiefely of too much Wealth and Riches and therefore hee devised to establish the Statute of Mortmain to be a bridle to their inordinate lusts and riotous excesse which Statute they laboured to repeale and purchase out by giving large Subsidies to that end His Sonne Edward the second succeeding him out of an over-indulgent pitty calls home this Arch-Traytor by his Letter writes to the Pope to discontinue his Fathers Suite against him and to send him over with all speed to Crowne him Who glad with the newes and unable to make haste home as was requisite by reason of his crazie body sent a Commission to the King with the names of three Bishops in it giving him liberty to elect which of the three he desired to Crowne him in his behalfe who made choyse of the Bishop of Winchester who set the Crowne on his head The King upon the Arch-Bishops returne restored him all his goods and every penny received of his Temporalties during his two yeares exile a good reward for a Traytor whereby he became the richest Arch-Bishop of many before and after him He was no sooner come home but a new danger encountred him by his owne wonted boldnesse The King by the counsell of Piers Gaveston had committed the Bishop of Coventry to Ward at York A Convocation shortly after being assembled the Arch-Bishop would not suffer any matter to be debated in the House till the Bishop were set at liberty which the King was contented to beare withall at that time This Bishop saith Matthew his Successour though he were reported to be a stout Governour of the English Church and a Defender of its Rites yet he was too excessive in this and ever opposite to the King attributing that to the Pope with whom he was most strictly linked which he derogated from the King seeking not so much the Liberties of the Realme as the encrease of the Popes power and deminishing the Kings Authority that he might transferre it to the Pope He was a great enemie to Prohibitions labouring the advancement of the Ecclesiasticall Courts Jurisdiction and the eclipsing of the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Kings Courts He was the Author of Articuli Cleri and Walter Raynolds his Successour procurer of the Kings answere to them in Parliament Which Articles though they bee commonly taken for a Statute yet in truth they are none but a meere Answere of the King in Parliament to Articles exhibited to him by the Clergie made by the advice of his Councell but not of the Commons and whole Parliament and a particular Grant of the King onely not of the Parliament as appeares by the severall Answeres to each of those Articles but especially to the last Finally he ever sided with the Pope for the Liberties of the Church and with the Barons also against the King He opposed himselfe against Piers Gaveston the Spensers and other Favouriâ—es and Corruptors of the young King very boldly and enforced Iohn Warren Earle of Surrey to forsweare the Company of a certaine beautifull Harlot with the love of whom hee was greatly bewitched And afterwards when notwithstanding his Oath he returned to her company and got Children upon her hee accused him to the Convocation both of Adultery and Perjury and aâ— last made him to leave her Hee excommunicated Walter Bishop of Coventry for revolâ—ing from him and the Clergie and adhering to Piers Gaveston who appealed unto the Pope and was by him absolved Which last Acts of his are commendable though they proceeded rather from the stournesse and haughtinesse of his Spirit then the Pietie of his Heart How ever his former are most execrable Walter Raynolds his next Successor advanced and preferred onely by King Edward the Second to that Sea when the King after the Barons Warres ended had done execution upon divers of the Noblâ—s that had rebâ—lled Adam Tarltâ—n Bishop of Hereford by the Kings direction in a Parliament holden at London Anno Dom. 1324. was apprehended and brought to the Baâ—â—â— to be arraigned for the like faults
protesteth likewise that we neither intend nor desire as by Law we neither can nor ought neither doth any of them intend or desire to be present any way in this present Parliament whiles such matters are or shall be in debate but we and every of them will in this part wholly absent our selves And we further protest and every of them protesteth that for this our absence we neither intend nor will nor doth any of them intend or will that the Processe made or to be made in this present Parliament as the which we neither may nor ought to be present as farre as it concernes us or any of them shall in future times be any way impugned debilitated or infringed Which I recite to shew that Parliaments may be held and decree things without Bishops and to checke the pride of those Prelates who this Parliament pleaded hard to be present at the debate of the Lord Straffords Cause I cannot here pretermit the trecherous and bloudy practice of William Courâ—ney against the true Saints of God and the Kings most loyall Subjects for he being not content solemnely to excommunicate and persecute Iohn Wiclife Iohn Ashton Nicholas Herford and Philip Repingdon both at Pauls-crosse and at Oxford for the true profession of the Gospell did moâ—eover by all meanes possible solicite King Henry the fourth to joyn with all the power of his Temporall Sword for that he well perceived that hitherto as yet the Popisâ— Clergy had not authority sufficient by any publicke Law or Statute of this Land to proceed unto death against any person whatsoever in case of Religion but onely by the usurped tyranny and example of the Court of Rome Where note gentle Reader for thy better understanding the practise of the Romish Prelates in seeking the Kings helpe to further their bloody purpose against the good Saints of God This King being but young and under yeares of ripe judgement partly induced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresaid Arch-Bishop party also either for feare of the Bishops for Kings cannot alwayes doe in their Realmes what they will or else perhaps inticed by some hope of a Sublidy to be gathered by the Clergy was content to adjoyne his private assent such as it was to the setting downe of an Ordinance which was indeed the very first Law that is to be found made against Religion and the Professors thereof bearing the name of an Act made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Ann. 5. Rich. 2. c. 5. commonly intituled An Act against the Lollards the Contents whereof you may read in the Statutes at large and in Master Fox This Act though it beares the name of a Statute both in written and Printed Bookes yet it was fraudulently and unduly devised by the Prelates onely and a meere pernicious forgery to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction invade the Subjects liberties tread downe Religion and shed our Martyrs blood with which the Commons were so highly offended as they had just cause so to be that in the Uâ—as of Saint Michael next following at a Parliament summoned and holden at Westminster the 6. yeare of the said King among sundry petitions made to the King by the Commons whereunto he assented there is one in this forme against this spurious Act of theirsâ— Item prayen the Commons that whereas an Estatute was made the last Parliament in these words It is ordained in this present Parliament that Commissions from the King be directed to the Sheriffes and other Ministers of the King or to other sufficient persons after and according to the Certificates of the Prelates thereof to be made unto the Chancery from time to time to arrest all such Preachers and their Fautors Maintainers and Abettors and them to detaine in strong Prison untill they will justifie themselves according to reason and Law of holy Church And the King willeâ—h and commandeth that the Chancellor make such Commissions at all times as shall be by the Prelates or any of them certified and thereof required as is aforesaid The which was never agreed nor granted by the Commons but whatsoever was moved therein was without their assent That the said Statute be therefore disannulled For it is not in any wise their meaning that either themselves or such as shall succeed them shall be further justified or bound by the Prelates then were their Ancestors in former times whereunto is answered Il plest an Roy. i. e. The King is pleased This supposed Statute thus fraudulently devised by the Prelates onely was in like manner most injuriously and unorderly executed by them for immediately upon the publishing of this Law without further warrant either from the King or his Councell Commissions under the Great Seale of Englâ—nd were made in this forme Richard by the Grace of God c. Witnesse my selfe at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the 6. yeare of our Râ—igne Without more words of Warrant under writâ—en such as in like cases are both usuall and â—equisite viz. Per ipsuâ— Regem per Regem Concilium or Per breve de privato Sigillo Al or any of which words being utterly wanting in this place as may be seene in the Kings Records of that time it must therefore be done either by warrant of this fore-said Statute or else without any warrant at all And whereas the said Statute appointed the Commissions to be directed to the Sheriffe or other Ministers of the Kings or to other sufficient persons learned for the arresting of such persons they fraudulently procured the said Commissions to be directed to the Arch-bishop and his Sufâ—ragans being both Judges Accusers Witnesses and Parties in the Case authorizing them further without either the words or reasonable meaning of the said Statute to imprison them in their owne houses or where else pleased them Yea such was this Arch-Bishops and the other Pâ—elates Treachery and villany in this particular notwithstanding this unjust and spurious Law was repealed upon the forementioned Petition of the Commons and the fraud of the framers thereof sufficiently discovered yet such meanes was there made by the Prelates that this Act of repeale was never published nor ever since imprinted with the rest of the Statutes of that Parliament Insomuch as the said repeale being concealed like Commissions and other Processe were made from time to time by vertue of the said Bastard Statute as well during the Raigne of this King as since against the Professours of Religion as Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments both shewes and proves at large Now what is this noâ—orious forgery this unjust and fraudulent execution of this pretended Act of Parliament even after its repeale by this Arch-Bishop and his Brethren but the very heighth of Treachery Villany Schisme and Sedition yea an Inâ—ernall policy to advance Episcopall Jurisdiction erect a bloudy Inquisition and shed our Martyrs blood contrary both to the Lawes of God and the Realme To end with this
dwelling demurring inhabiting or resiant within this Realme or within any other the Kings Dominions Signiories or Countries or the Marches of the same or elsewhere within or under his obeysance and power of what Estate Dignity Preheminence Order Degree or Condition soever he or they be after the last day of July which shall be in the yeare of our Lord God 1530â— shall by Writing Cyphering Printing Preaching or Teaching Deed or Act obstinately or malicioâ—sly hold or stand with to extoll set forth maintaine or defend the Authority Jurisdiction or Power of the Bishop of Rome or of his See heretoâ—ore claimed used or usurped within this Realme or in any Dominion or Countie being of within or under the Kings power or obeysance or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously invent any thing for the extolling advancing setting forth maintenance or defence of the same or any part thereofâ— or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously attribute any manner of Jurisdiction Authority or Pâ—eheminence to the sayd See of Rome or to any Bishop of the same See for the time being within this Realme or in any of the Kings Dominions or Counties That then every such person or persons so doing or offending their ayders assistants comforters abettors procurers maintainers factors Counsellours concealors and every of them being thereof lawfully convicted according to the Lawes of this Realme for every such default and offence shall incurre and run into the dangers penalties paines and forfeiâ—ures ordained and provided by the Satute of Provision and Praeâ—â—nire made in the â—6 yeare of the Raigne of the Noble and Valiant Prince King Richard the second against such as attempt procure or make provision to the See of Rome or elsewhere for any thing or things to the derogation or contrary to the Prerogative Royall or Jurisdiction of the Crowne and Dignitie of this Realme And for stronger defence and maintenance of this Act It is ordained and enacted by authority aforesayd that all every Ecclesiastical Judge ordinary chancellour commissary official vicar-generall and other Ecclesiastical officer or minister of what dignity preheminence or Degree soever they shall be and all and every Temporall judge justiciaâ— Major bayliffe sheriffe under-sheriffe Escheater Alderman Iurat Constable Head-borough third-borough borsholder every other said officer Minister to be made created elected or admitted within this Realme or any other the Kings Dominions of what state order degree or condition soever he shall be from and after the sayd last day of July shall before he take upon him the Execution of such Office make take and receive a Corporall oath upon the Evangelists before such person or persons as have or shall have Authority to admit him That he from henceforth shall utterly renounce refuse relinquish or forsake the Bishop of Rome and his authority power and jurisdiction and that he shall never consent nor agree that the Bishop of Rome shall practise exercise or have any manner of authority jurisdiction or power within this Realme or any other the Kings Dominions but that he shall reâ—ist the same at all times to the uttermost of his power and that from henâ—eforth he shall accept repute and take the Kings Majestie to be the onely supreame head in earth of the Church of England and that to his cunning wit and uttermost of his power without guile fraud or other undue meanes he shall observe keepe maintaine and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular Acts and Statutes made and to be made within this Realme in derogation extirpation and extinguishment of the Bishop of Rome and his authority and all other Acts and Statutes made and to be made in reformation and corroboration of the Kings power of supreame head in earth of the Church of England and this he shall doe against all manner of persons of what estate dignity degree or condition they be and in no wise doe nor attempt nor to his power suffer to be done or attempted directly or indirectly any thing or things privily or apertly to the let hinderance dammage or derogation thereof or of any part thereof by any manner of meanes or for any manner of pretence and in case any oâ—th be made or hath beene made by him to any person or persons in maintenance defence or favour of the Bishop of Rome or his authority jurisdiction or power he repute the same as vaine and adnihilate So helpe him God c. I could wiâ—h this obsolete Oath were now againe revived to hinder the further growth of Popery This forementioned Oath to the Pope usually taken by all our Prelates being one maine Pillar to support the Popes usurped Monarchy both at home and abroade and a chiefe engine to undermine the royall Prerogatives of Christian Princes and perchance the groundworke of many of our owne and forraine Prelates Treasons Treacheries Rebellions Conspiracies and contempts against their Soveraignes It will not be amisse noâ— impertinent here to inserâ— that excellent discourse which our famous Martyr Doctor Barnes hath long since made upon it in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. where he thus writes I dare boldly say that if we poore men which be now condemned for Hereticks and also for Traytors against our King had not beene the Realme of England had not stood in â—o good a condition as it is for men had beene bound still in their Conscience to obey this wretched Idoll who durst have kept this innumerable summe of money within the Realme that yearely was sucked out by this Adder if our godly learning had not instructed their Conscience Let all the Libraries be sought in England and there shall not be one Book written in 4. C. yeares and admitted by the Church of Rome and by our spiritualty found that doth teach this obedience and fidelity toward Princes and delivereth our Realme from the bondage of this wicked Sathan the Pope or else that is able to satisfie and to quieâ— any mans Conscience within this Realme and yet I dare say he is noâ— in England that can reprove our learning by the doctrine of our Master Christ or else of his holy Apostles Yea men have studyed and devised how they might bring our mighty Prince and his Noble Realme under the feete of this Devill There could be nothing handled so secretly within this Realme but if it were either pleasant or profitable to the Pope to know then were all the Bishops in England sworne to reveale thaâ— matter to him This may well be proved by their shamefull and trayterous oath that they contrary to Gods Law mans Law and order of nature have made to this false man the Pope The words of their oath written in their owne Law be theseâ— mannerâ— There hath been wondrous packing used and hath cost many a thousand mens lives ere that the spiritualty brought it to passe that all they should be sworne to the Pope and owe none obedience to any man but to him onely This
your holy Church of Rome is taken for such a sort as liveth against his blessed Word against the living of holy Apostles against the conditions of our holy Mother the Church I would say in all oppression in all Sodomitry in all murther in all pompe and pride summa summarum in all manner of mischiefe what tongue can tell or heart can thinke But I will not say so for men would reckon me uncharitable and too vehement Neverthelesse all the world knoweth that you doe reckon your selfe by the vertue of your Oath bound to no men but unto such as in very deede liveth after this ungracious manner and yet will you be faithfull and true unto them against all men yea I dare say if that their conâ—cience had not condemned them of such mischiefe they would never have desired this assistance of you But the verity is they are naught and have neede of maintainers in their mischiefe And also suspect you not to be tâ—â—e except you made an Oath to them yea and scarsely then unlesse that you in very deede at time and place convenient doe betray your Princes for that is the cause of your Oath and other profit hath not the King by it I will be reported by all practise that ever came out of your Oath It followeth And to my Lord the Pope I would gladly learne where the Pope hath got the dignity of a Lord. This thing is little regarded of my Lords the Bishops to bring in such a worldly dignity yea they will say it is but a trifle and mocke men for speaking against it but â—he truth is iâ— they durst as much now as in times past they would burne for this little trifle the best Lord in England For I dare say it hath cost many a mans life or ever they brought the Pope to Lordship Blessed S. Peter whose successor the Pope boasteth himself to be knew nothing of this Lordship for he saith unto his fellowes They shall not exercise any lordship over the Congregation And likewise S. Paul durst not take upon him to command as a Lord collections to be made for poore men but meekely desires them without any Lordship Also in anotheâ— place Let no man judge us but as the Ministers of Christ blessed S. Paul reckoneth himselfe but a Minister and a Servant and yet the day hath beene that he was so good as my Lord the Pope Our Master Christ that came to teach both Peter and Paul learned his Disciples not to use themselves as Lords but as Servants And marke the occasion of that he had sayd there be two new disciples brought unto him and the old being not yet perfect thought scorne that these two should sit above all other the one of the right hand and the other of the lâ—ft hand but our Master Christ reproveâ—h this proud stomacke of theirs very straightly saying How the Princes and Rulers of the infidels hath power over their Subjects but so shall not yee for he that will be greatest among you shall be least Here our Master Christ learneth none Hypocrisie that they should be called least in name and be greatest in very deede but he will that this Doctrine shall be expressed in their deedes My Lord the Pope calleth himselfe in words the Servant of all servants but in very deed hâ— will be Lord over all Lords Yea â—nd my Lords Bishops will be sworne to him as unto a Lord and they will reckon themselves perjured if they burne not all them that will take the Pope but for a servant Is not this a marvellous Hypocrisie to be called servant of all servants and yet desire to be taken as Lord and King over all Kings Yea and unto this be our Bishops sworne cause they will be obedient to their Princes But and their consciences were ripped you should finde no man sit there as a King but my Losell the Pope and we poore men must be condemned for reproving of this And why verily because my Lords have sworne to him against their Prince and all his true subjects But how standeth it with your Oath toward your Prince for to be sworne to the Pope which is not all onely another Lord but also contrary yea and as the world now is the greatest mortall enemie that our Prince hath For I dare say that if this wreâ—ched Clement could drowne our Noble Prince with one word it would not be long By Cardinall Poles practise and Instigations undone sine clementia The Common saying went in Hamburgh that this caitise hath not all onely excommunicated our Noble Prince but also given away the Kingdome to another And this fact must you defend for you are sworne to â—he Pope Yea I dare say if you had convenient occasion you would declare your fidelity I doe Judge after your â—acts that you have done to Kings in times past whensoever that you had power and might to bring to passe that which you have conceived against your Prince If you thinke I judge amisse or else doe you wrong let me be put to my proose and you shall see what an heape of holy facts that I will bring you out of your owne Chronicles and Bookes for the which you will be lauded and praised Highly that you have so faithfully stucke unto this damnable Idoll of Rome yea I dare say it had beene Heresie within this two yeares to have written or sayd thus much against the lâ—mme of the Devill on our Princes side This all the world can testifie whereâ—ore I thinke yoâ— will put me to no â—ryall But to your Oath How doth it stand with your allegiance toward youâ— Prince to be sworne to the Pope your owne Law saith that a leige man can make none Oath of fidelity to none other man but to his owâ—e King Moreover you doe remember your Oath made unto youâ— Prince wherein you doe renounce all clauses words and sentences made unto the Pope which may be hurâ—full or prejudiciall to his Highnesse how agreeth these two Oathes you may set them together as well as you can but I know no wayes to avoyd your perjury For the very truth is that the Kings grace and his councell considering your Oath made to the Pope to be prejudiciall to his regall power causeth you in your Oath aâ—terward made unto him to revoke those things that thou hast afore sworne to â—he Pope and to declare that his grace and his councell did reckon your Oath made to the Pope to bee against him therefore he maketh you to revoke it by name naming the same Oath and also the same Pope So that you may clearely perceive how that our Prince doth suspect you for your Oath making And in very deede the Popes meaning and yours was none other but for to betray the King and his Realme and therefore as soone as there was any variance betweene the King and the Pope then were you first of all assoyled of your allegeance due
to the Pope But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince wherein you sweare that you shall be faithfull and true and beare unto him above all creatures love and favour to live and to dye with him and to open him all manner of Counsells that may be hurtfull unto his grace Now it is well knowne that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour and conversation And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince nor let it and why because you be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince by you that the Pope had handled in counsell against our Prince Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace whether I say true or falseâ— and yet must I be accused of Treason And why because you are sworne to the Pope and I am true to the King It followeth I will helpe to defend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome against all men saving mine order And in your new Oath now in our days made is added The regalls of Saint Peter What and in all men be contained your Prince you must needes defend him And why because ye be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men now must you forsake one of them and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince and sticke to the Pope for of your Oath made to your Prince you have been oftentimes assoiled And as your Law saith the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe But of your Oath made unto the Pope there is no absolution neither in heaven nor earth Neither was it ever read heard nor seene that there could be any dispensation for it Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written and by all the Bulls that ever were granted and by all the experience that ever was used and if I be found false let me be blamed and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncharitably but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason thus long and shamefully used agâ—inst my Prince which is necessary to be knowne And I am compelled by violence to declare both my conâ—ession and learning in this cause For men hath not beene ashamed to report that I would which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne and not able to kill a Cat though I would doe my utteâ—most to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince whom as God knoweth I doe honour worâ—hip love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart and am not satisfied because it is no more This I speake afore God Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true and if I were not so true in my heart it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully and untruely with their Prince yea against both Gods law and mans law The very truth is I can suffer through Gods grace all manner of wrongs injuries and slanders but to be called an hereticke against God or a Traytor against my Priâ—ce he liveth not but I will say he lyeth and will be able so to prove him if I may be reported by my workes or deedes by my conversation or living or by any thing that ever I did and I dare say as much of my self notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me But unto my purpose the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope another contrary to their Prince And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children And I poore man must be condemned and all my workes for Heresiâ— and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason And why because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend seeing that he was never no King but a Fisher All the world knoweth that Regalia belongeth to Kings and to like power of Kings Why are you noâ— rather sworne to defend Peters net and his Fisherie the which things hee both had and used and never regalls But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them But what meane you by that sentence Saving mine order why say you not saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith you may not defend these things with weapons But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this thus to delude with words all the whole world Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe there is no men sooner in Armes than you are if you call Armes Harneys Bylles and Glaves swords and gunnes and such other things Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spenser was in Armes to defend Popâ— Vrban it were but folly to recite examples In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace and the Bishops of England for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King Wherefore the King required an Oath and a confirmation of the Bishops as concerning those Articles prerogatives But answere was made of the Bishops that those prerogatives cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scripâ—o contentis were of none effect nor strength because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome unlesse the King gave licence And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popesâ— calling out of the Realme without the Kings assent And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge And because the King would heare matters as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes And because that it was against the See of Rome and the dignity of the same that a Bishop should be convented afore the King Briefely they would not be under the King but this addition should be set unto it Salvo honore Dei Ecclesiiae Romanae ordine nostro that is we will be under your grace saving the honour of God of the Church of Rome and of our order the cause why they did except these things was this as they themselves grant For Kings received their authorities and power of the Church but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops nor absolve any of them nor to judge of tithes nor of Churches neither yeâ— to forbid Bishops the handling of any spirituall cause Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince They will make it against Gods honour to obey their King and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face that his power is of them But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops or Bishops before Kings you shall finde
that God had long admitted Kings or any Bishops as you take him was thought of Doth not the Holy Ghost command that we should honour King Also in another place Let all men bâ— under the higher powers for the power is of God and he that resâ—steth resisteth the power of Gods Ordinance Here Paul saith that Kings power is of God of Bishops Furthermore what reason is it to defend the Popes Prerogative against your Princes Is not your Prince nearer and more naturall unto you then this wretch the Pope But here is a thing that maketh me to marveile When you sweare to the Pope saving your order is as much to say as you shall not use no weapons but else you shall be ready and obedient in all things But when you shall sweare to your King then saving your order is as much to say as you have authoritie to confirme Kings and to be their fellowes and neither to be obedient unto them nor yet to answere to any Justice before them but clearely to be exempted and they not to meddle with you except they will give you some worldly promotion If I would use my selfe as uncharitably against you as you have handled me doubtlesse I could make something of this that should displease you How would you cry and how would you handle me poore wretch â—f you had halfe so much against me as this is but I will let you passe God hath preserved me hitherto oâ— his infinite mercy against your insatiable malice and no doubt but he will doe the same still I will returne to your Oath It followeth I shall come to the Synod when I am called unlesse I shall be lawfully let But why doe you not sweare to compell the Pope to call a Councell seeing that it hath beene so often and so instantly required of him by many Noble Princes of Christendome yea seeing that al Christendom such was their desire of Reformation doth require with great sighes an order to be taken and set in the highest Articles of our faith but unto this you are not sworne And why because it is against your holy Pope of Rome for it there were a generall Councell both he and you doe know that there must needes follow both over him and you a streight reformation Therefore after my Counsell say that you cannot come for you be lawfully let It followeth I shall honourably entreate the Popes Logaâ— both going and comming and in his necessity I shall helpe him I pray you see and provide well that he goe not a begging as Peter did And see also that he neither preach nor teach but pill and poll with all mischiefe and unshame fastnesse And whyâ— because you are sworne this to maintaine It followeth I shall visit yearely my selfe or by some other messenger the Pope of Rome unlesse I â—e dispenced with of them I pray you what pertaineth this to the Office of a Bishop yearely to visit Rome Christ and the most of his Apostles were never at Rome and yet they were meetly good Christian men But I reade in the traditions of the Turke that certaine of them must yearely visit their Mahomet From whom I thinke you have taken this custome Your owne Law saith that unto this clause must these Bishops all onely be bound that be immediately underneath the Pope Now are not you such for you sweare an oath to the King that you will immediately take your Bishopricke of him and hold it all onely of his grace Wherefore then doe you here sweare against your owne Law And also against your Oath made to your Prince Moreover you know that there was an old custome in the dayes of King Henry the second that no Bishop should goe out of the Realme without the Kings Licence Are you not bound to keepe this custome but answere that the Pope hath dispensed with you and that you are not bound to keepe any obedience toward the acts that your Prince maketh Moreover I marvaile sore that you be all so straightly sworne of so long time and never one of you that ever went in my dayes to discharge this Oath And why because you are dispensed with But were it not as good to leave it out of your Oath at first seeing you intend not to keepe it as afterward to dispence with you for it No forsooth for then the Pope could not bind you to come to Rome at his pleasure and betray your King and all his Counsailes But in your Oath that is newly made and that you have sworne last is added that if the Pope be on this side the mountaines then you shall visite him every yeare but if he be beyond the mountaines then every three yeares Oâ—â— that knew not your practise and the circumstances of youâ— facts that hath beene done would little suspect this addition but the very truth is there is a mischievous and abominable treason in it against Princes For if it chanced the Emperour or else any temporall Prince neere unto Rome to fall at variance with the Pope then did the Pope straight runne into France that is to say on this side the Mountaines where you must visite him yearely And why because your God is in distresse and hath conceived a deadly hatred against a Prince and cannot bring it to passe without your helpe and counsell Whereâ—ore you must come yearely And also he must know through your betraying how your Prince is minded and whether he be addicted to his contrarie part or not If he be you must betray his Counsell and that yearely and why because the Pope is on this side the Mountaines But and if he be in Rome and hath all Princes neckes under his girdle yet is it sufficient that you come every third yeare For you can at once comming devise as much Treason as Princes shall avoyd in five yeares But what belongeth this unto a Bishop that the Pope is on this side the mountaines or beyond If he be bound by Gods Law yearely to visite the Pope then must you visite him wheresoever he be though he were either with God or the Devill and if you be not bound by Gods Law what a presumption is it of him to bind you yea what an over-sight is it of you to let your selfe thus to be bound and what a wickednesse is it of you so straightly to keepe this Oath to the which you are not bound by Scripture against your obedience made to your Prince which is commanded by Gods Word But I pray you what example hath either he or blessed Saint Peter to bind by vertue of an Oath the other Apostles yearely to visit him at Rome All the world may perceive that this Oath is invented of insatiable covetousnesse that the Pope and you have toward honours and dignities And that is well declared by these words that follow in your Oath The possessions of my Church I shall not sell give lay to
to the French King and the Germans to stirre them up to make warre against King Henry the 8. and to invade England though with ill successe The King thereupon requested thâ—m to send him over into England that he might proceed against him as a Traytor He was intimate with the Pope studied to advance his power and suppresse his Soveraignes stirred up his friends in England against the King by his letters whereupon the King banished both him and his mother the Countesse of Salisbury by Act of Parliament proclaymed him a Traytor whence Father Latimer in his 5. Sermon before King Edward calls him Cardinall Poole the Kings Traytor c. and after that be headed his mother and elder brother Vicount Mountacute for high treason What manner of person and Traytor this Cardinall was to his Soveraigne will appeare by a Letter written to him being at Rome by Cutbert Tonsiall Bishop of Duresme and Iohn Stokerley Bishop of London which begins thus For the good will that we have borne unto you in times past as long as you continued the Kings true subject wee cannot a little lament and mourne that you neither regarding the inestimable kindnesse of the Kings highnesse heretofore shewed unto you in your bringing up nor the honour of the house that you be come of nor the wealth of the Country that you are borne in should so decline from your duty to your Prince that you should be seduced by faire words and vaine promises of the Bishop of Rome to wind with him going about by all meanes possible to pull downe and put under foot your naturall Prince and Master to the destruction of the Country that hath brought you up and for the vain-glory of a Red Haâ— to make your selfe an instrument to set forth his malice who hath stirred up by all meanes that he could all such Christian princes as would give eares unto him to depose the Kings highnesse from his Kingdome and to offer it as a prey to them that should execute his malice and to stirre if he could his subjects against him in stirring and nourishing rebellions in his Realme where the office and duty of all good Christians and namely of us that be Priests should be to bring all commotion to tranquillity and trouble to quietnesse all discord to concord and in doing the contrary wee shew our selves to be but the Ministers of Sathan and noâ— of Christ who ordained all us that be Priests to use in all places the legation of peace and not of discord But since that cannot be undone that is done the second is to make amends and to â—ollow the doing of the Prodigall Sonne spoken of in the Gospell who returned home to his father and was well accepted as no doubâ— you might be if you will say as he said in acknowledging your folly and do as hee did in returning home againe from your wandring abroad in service of them who little care what come of you so that their purpose by you be served This Cardinals Treason ingratitude and perfidiousnesse is yet further exemplified by the same Cutbert Tonstall in his Sermon which he preached before King Henry the 8. upon Palme Sunday in the yeare of of our Lord 1538. Printed anciently by iâ— selfe in part recited by Holinshed p. 1164 1165. and more largely by Thomas Becon where he thus blazons both the Pope and him in their native colours The Bishop of Rome because he can not longer in this Realm wrongfully use his usurped power in all things as hee was wont to doe and sucke out of this Realme by avarice insatiable innumerable summes of money yearly to the great exhausting of the same hee therefore moved and repleat with furious ire and pestilent malice goeth about to stirre all Christian Nations that will give eare to his Devillish enchantments to move warre against this Realme of England giving it in prey to all those that by his instigation will invade it And the Bishop of Rome now of late to set forth his pestilent malice the more hath allured to his purpose a subject of this Realme Reginald Pole comming of a noble blood and thereby the more arrant Traytor to goe about from Prince to Prince and from Country to Country to stirre them to warre against this Realme and to destroy the same being his native country whose pestilent purpose the Princes that hee breaketh it unto have in much abomination both for that the Bishop of Rome who being a Bishop should procure peace is a stirrer of warre and because this most arrant and unkind Traytor is his minister to so devillish a purpose to destroy the Country that he was borne in which any heathen man would abhorre to doe But for all that without shame hee still goeth on exhorting thereunto all Princes that will heare him who do abhorre to see such unnaâ—uralnesse in any man as he shamelesse doth set forwards whose pernitious treasons late secretly wrought against this Realme have been by the worke of Almighty God so marvellously detected and by his owne brother without looking â—herefore so diclosed and condigne punisâ—ment ensued that hereafter God willing they shall not take any more such roote to â—he noysance of this Realme And where all Nations of Gentiles by reasons and by law of nature do preferre their Country before their Parents so that for their Country they will dye against their Parents being traytors this pestilent man worse than a Pagan is not ashamed to destroy if he could his native Country And whereas Curtius an Heathen man was content for saving of the City of Rome where he was borne to leape into a gaping of the earth which by the illusions of the devill was answered should not be shut but that it must first have one this pernicious man is contented to ruâ—ne headlong into hell so that he may destroy thereby his native country of England being in that behalfe incomparably worse than any Pagan And besides his pestilent treason his unkindnesse against the Kings Majestie who brought him up of a very child and promoted both him and likewise restored his blood being tainted to be of the Peeres of this Realme and gave him money yearly out of his coffers to maintaine him honourably at study makes his Treason much more detestable to all the world and him to be repured more wild and cruell than Tyger But for all this thou English man take courage unto thee and be nothing afraid thou hast God on thy side who hath given this Realme to the generation of Englishmen to every man in his degree after the lawes of the same thou hast a Noble Victorious and Vertuous King hardy as a Lyon who will not suffer thee to be so devoured by such wild beasts Onely take an English heart unto thee and mistrust not God but trust firmly in him and surely the ruine intended against thee shall fall on their owne neckes that intend it and â—eare not though the
rotten Corps of learned Martin Bucer Paulus Fagius Peter Martyrs wise to be digged out of their graves and burnt to ashes for Heretiques yea the common talke was that he purposed to have taken up King Henry the 8. his body at Windsor and to have burnt it yea and King Edward the 6. his Corps too as many thought I cannot here omit what his immediate sucâ—essor Matthew Parker records of him that this Cardinall being out of hope to get the Crowne of England to himselfe to which he aspired endeavoured to transferre all his right therein to King Philip leâ—t Queene Mary dying without issue Queene Elizabeth who differed from him and the Papists in matters of Religion whose life he and they had layd in waite for keeping her in long and strict imprisonment should of right injoy it to which purpose they very secretly entred into most wicked consultations concerning this matter to this effect that Mary not onely by the Common Law should be proclaimed Queene but likewise a conquerour of the Kingdome by right of warre so as by this pretext shee might change all publike and private rights and interests and give the Kingdome to whom soever she pleased But this counâ—ell though liked of at first yet because it was doubtfull and dangerous was not long approved of Wherefore rejecting it they thought it best and most expedient for the establishment of the Popes affaires that the Lady Elizabeth should be either dispatched out of the way or married to some Noble Spaniard But God providing for her and our safety dissipated all these wicked consultations and brought them to nothing And Cardinall Poole perswading Queene Mary to joyne with King Philip her husband in a warre against the French King with whom Pope Paul the fourth had confederated against the Emperour seeking to betray the Kingdome oâ— Naples to him the Pope was â—arre exasperated hereby against the Cardinall that he revoked his power Legatine imprisoned Cardinall Moron Protector of the English at Rome and Pooles speciall friend cited Poole to appeare at Rome as suspected of Heresie and created William Peter a Franciscan to be his Legate in his place The Queene hereupon intercedes for the Cardinall who having intelligence of this matter refused to have his silver Crosse the badge of his authority carried beâ—ore him till by the intercession oâ— Ormanet the Popes Dâ—tary here in England and the Queenes mediation he was at last restored to his Office In 〈◊〉 the flames of persecution consumed 5. Bishops 2â— Divines 8. Gentlemen 84. Artificers 100. Husbandmen Servants and Labourers 26. Wives 20. Widowes 9. Virgins aâ— Boyes and 2. Infants To close up all concerning him in Holmsheds words A Trayter he lived and a Traytor he dyed the same day on which Queene Mary expired the Tydings of whose deparâ—ure strucke him quite dead being sicke before of a quartane Feaver Illud autem saith his Successour ad aternam â—mmanitatis Pontificiae memoriam infamiamque contra Polum valebit quod eo Legato ac accelerante integerrimus Doctissimusque Archiepiscopus Craâ—nerus igne crematus est quod Archiepiscopo praeterea quod legimus accidit nemini sew or none of them having zeale enough to make them Martyrs pluresque in illâ— sue legationis triennio ferro staâ—maque crudeliter mactaâ—â— sunâ— quâ—m in â—uiusquam regis eorum qui post Lucium huic insulae imperabant longissimo regno Ita Cranmerum Martyrenâ— Polum tyramâ—um â—antuaria celebrat hic plumbo depressus ille cineribus atque flamma ad coelos elatus est Matthew Parker his immediate successor though a man of better temper a learned Antiquary a frequent Preacher of Gods Word not onely in his Cathedrall at Canterbury but in sundry Parish Churches was yet over-Pontificall and Princely in his buildings feasts houshold-stuffe and apparell if not an overâ—stiffe maintainer of his Jurisdiction and Ecclesiasticall Courts which grew so odious among the people that they offered violence to the Ministers and Promoters of those Courts Anno. 1566. â—eating and vexing them with clamors and out-cryes as they went along the streetes which insolency the Queene by her opportunâ— severity repressed Two yeares afâ—er Annoâ— 1568. Câ—lemâ—n Burton Hallingham Benson and others making profession of the purer Religion more zealously than was knowne before would allow of nothing but what was taken out of the Scriptnres and out of a desire of reformation not onely openly questioned but condemned the received Discipline of the Church of England with the Church Liturgie and the very calling oâ— Bishop as favouring too much of the Popish Religion protesting in the Pulpits that it was an impious thing to hold any thing Common with the Church of Rome using all diligence to have the Church of England reformed in every point according to the Rule of the Church of Geneva These the Queene by this Arch-Bishops instigation commanded to be layd by the heeles yet it is almost incredible how upon a sudden their followers increased every where knowne by the envious name of Puritanes through a kinde of obstinate perversenesse of their owne stopping their eares against all advise so Martyn though I think rather out of solide judgement and the inconveniences they saw and found in the Lordly Prelacie in thosâ— best times which â—saith hee might seeme to be helped forward also by the sloathfull connivency of the Bishops some of whom then misliked their owne calling and government and could have beene content with its dissolution and change to a better and the secret favour of some Noble men at Court whom Martyn slaunders to have gaped after the goods of the Church when as they rather did it out of the mischiefes and dislike of the Prelaticall government In his time the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland the Lord Dacres and othersâ— Anno 1569. being pressed forward by one Nicholas Martin a Romish Priest senâ— from the Bishop of Rome to pronounce Queene Elizabeth an Hereticke and therefore to have lost all Dominion and Soveraignty raised a Rebellion in the North to set up Popery and restore the Romish Religion the 5. wounds of Christ being painted in their Banners Murrey then Regent of Scotland informed the Queene that the Bishop of Rosse then in England was the Author of that Rebellionâ— whereupon he was committed to the Bishop of London and remained his prisoner And the same yeare Pope Pius the fifth by his Bull excommunicated and deprived Queene Elizabeth from her Crowne and absolved all her Nobles Subjects and people of the Realme from their Oath of allegiance or any other duty to her which Bull Iohn Felton setting up at the Bishop of Londons Palace gate was executed for his paines yet I read of no reâ—utation of it made by this Archprelate Edmund Grindall next enjoying this See a grave and pious man and a fugitive in Queene Maries raigne stood highly in Queene Elizabethsâ—avour â—avour for a long time till by
justified the complaint true taxing also the unlimited liberty of dispersing and divulging these Popish and seditious Pamplets both in Pauls Church-yard and the Universities instancing in one then lately set forth and published namely Speculum Tragicum which both his Majesty and the Lord Henry Howard Earle of North-Hampton termed a dangerous booke both for matter and intention Yea Lewis Hughes an ancient Minister writes thus of this Arch-Prelate In the later end of Queene Elizabeths raigne when shee began to be sickly and not like to live long D. Bancroft then Bishop of London knowing that King Iames was to succeed her and fearing that his Majestie would reforme things amisse in the worship and service of God and in the government of the Church did license a booke written by a Jesuite that hee kept in his house wherein was written That it was in the Popes power as a gift appropriate to Saint Peters Chaire to depose the Kings of England and to give authority to the people to elect and set up another Fifteene hundred of those bookes were printed and dispersed and being questioned for it his answer was that hee did set the Jesuites to write one against another that hee might out of their writings picke matter against them It was thought by many hee had no good meaning in licensing and suffering so many dangerous Bookes to be dispersed So hee Which sufficiently discovers this Arch-Prelates traiterly heart to his Soveraigne his affection to the Popes supremacy and disaffection to our Religion he being a great Persecutor and Silencer of hundreds of our most conscionable preaching Ministers and if I may credit other mens reports his life was ill and his death fearfull George Abbot his successor in this See though a man of a better temper and worthy praise for his frequent preaching was yet taxed by some for being over-stately to his fellow brethren and for his overmuch delight in shooting at deere which he exercised so long till at last by the unhappy glance of his arrow hee kild his keeper instead of the Bucke hee let loose at He incurred his Majesties displeasure so farre by whose means I know nor unlesse by his successors that hee was debarred accâ—sse to the Kings Court yea suspended from his oâ—fice of Arch-Bishop for a season which was executed in the interim by Commissioners He was a means of some good mens troubles in the High Commission where he caused M. Huntly a Kentish Minister to be most unjustly fined and imprisoned for denying to preach a Visitation Sermon when hee was sicke and unable to doe it and therefore sent the Arch-deacon 20s s to procure another which was refused and which is â—arre more injuâ—ious when this poore Minister after many motions was released by the Judges of the Kings Bench by an Habeas Corpus â—rom his unjust imprisonment hee and the other Prelates caused him for this very Act of seeking his just relief in a legall way to be apprehended by their pursevant immediately after the Judges had bayled him even in the face of the Court and for this very cause deprived and degraded him in the High Commission and committed him a fresh and gave his living to his Chaplaine to the great affronâ— of justice for which act he might have smarâ—ed in a high degree had hee beene but questioned I should now descend to the present Archbishop William Laud the last of this See but that I must first ascend to Auâ—tin the first Archbishop of Canterbury whom I have purposely reserved to this place the better to parallell them together The Archbishopricke of Canterbury had its originall creation from Pope Gregory the first a very traytor to his Soveraigne Mauritius and flatterer of the usurper Phocas about the yeare of our Lord. 600. This its unhappy derivation from â—uch a trecherous and rebellious parentage hath tainted the whole line of our Canterburian Arch-Prelates and infused such an occult pernicious quality into this See as hath made it a very chaire of Pestilence which hath infected all or most of those who have sate therein and made them as great Traytors and rebels to their Soveraignes of England as their Holy Fathers of Rome have proved to their liege Lordâ— the Roman Emperours and to plague our â—and with civill dissentions warres and bloodshed almost as much as the Popes have molested Italy and Germany in this kind Augustine the first Arch-Bishop of Canterbury sent from Rome by Gregory the first rather to pervert that convert our Nation to the Christian faith about 600. yeares after Christ was consecrated Bishop of the English Nation for no lesse Diocesse or title would content him by Etherius Archbishop of Arelat electing Canterbury for his Archiepiscopall See After which by the assistance of King Ethelbert in the yeare 602. hee caused the Brittish Bishops and learned men to meete together in a Synode at a place called Augustines Okâ— to dispute with them concerning the observation of Easter day and the Ceremonies of Baptisme wherein they differed from the Church of Rome to whom hee would have them conforme not onely in doctrine but even in rites and ceremonies using both perswasions prayers and threatnings to bring them under his yoke and discipline But the Britains refusing to conform to his demands at this Synode Augustine not long after caused another Synode to be sommoned Whereunto 7. British Bishops and a great number of Monkes especially of the famous Monastery of Bangor repaired who inquired of an holy Anchorite living among them whether they should submit to Austins preaching and ceremonies or no who answered If hee be a man of God then obey him They replying How shall wee know him to be such a one hee subjoyned If hee be meeke and humble it is credible that he beares the yoke of Christ and will offer it to you to beare but if he bee haughty and proud hee is not of God and therefore not to be lisâ—ned to by you But how said â—hey shall wee know this Observe quoth hee how he carrieth himselfe when hee first enters into the Synode and if hee shall rise up to yâ—u know that hee is Christs servant and obey him in all things bnt if hee shall do contrary and whereas you are many shall proudly despise you do ye neglect and contemne him againe Augustine enâ—ers first into the Synode with pride and pompe with the banner of his Apostleship a silver Crosse a Letany Procession Pageants painted Images Reliques Anthems and such like rituall trifles The British Bishops approaching neare him sitting ambitiously in his chaire he did not onely not rise up to salute them but also noâ— so much as daigne to shew them any signe of love or benevolence with his countenance or gesture The Britons observing this arrogancy of the man contradicted what ever he propounded to them and whereas hee commanded them to observe the manners and customes of the Church of Rome in all things they not
that are full of falshood of scandals such as have beene more worthy to be burnt by the hand of the Hangman in Smitâ—field as I thinke one of them was than to be admitted to come into the hands of the Kings people 10. In the tenth Article it will appeare how he having made these aproaches to Popery comes now to close and joyne more neerely with it he confederates with Priests and Jesuites He by his instruments negotiates with the Pope at Rome and hath correspondence with thâ—m that â—e authorized from Rome here He hath permitted a Romane Hierarchie to be set up in this Kinâ—dome And though he hath beene so careâ—ull that a poore man could not goe to the neighbour Parish to heare a Sermon when he had none at home could not have a Sermon repeated nor Prayer used in his owne Family but hee was a â—it subject for the High Commission Court yet the other hath beene done in all parts of the Realme and no notice taken of it by any Ecclesiasticall Judges or Courts My Lords 11. You may perceive Preaching suppressed in the eleventh divers godly and Orthodox Ministers oppressed in their persons and Estates you have the Kings loyall subjects banished out of the Kingdome not as â—limeâ—ecke to seeke for bread in forraine Countries by reason of the great scarcity which was in Israel but travelling abroad for the bread of life because they could not have iâ— at home by reason of the spirituall â—amine of Gods Word caused by this man and his partakers And by this meanes you have had the trade the Manufactury the industry of many thousands of his Majesties subjects carried out of the Land It is a miserable abuse of the spirituall Keyes to shut up the doores of heaven and to open the gates of hell to let in prophanenesse ignorance superstition and errour I shall neede say no more These things are evident and abundantly knowne to all 12. In the twelfth Article my Lords you have a division endeavoured betweene this and the forraine reformed Chur-Churches The Church of Christ is one body and the Members of Christ have a mutuall relation as members of the same body Unity with Gods true Church every where is not onely the beauty but the strength of Religion of which beauty and strength he hath sought to deprive this Church by his manifold attempts to breake this union To which purpose hee hath suppressed the priviledges granted to the Dutch and French Churches He hath denyed them to be of the same Faith and Religion with us and many other wayes hath he declared his malice to those Churches 13. In the thirteenth Article as he hath sought to make an Ecclesiasticall division or religious difference betweene us forraine Nations so he hath sought to make a Civill diffeence betweene us and his Majesties subjects of the Kingdome of Sâ—otland And this he hath promoted by many innovations there prest by himselfe and his owne authority when they were uncapable of such alteraâ—ions He advised his Majesty to use violence He hath made private and publicke Collections towards the maintenance of the warre which he might justly call his owne waâ—re And with an impudent boldnesse hath struck Tallies in the Exchequer for divers summes of money procured by himselfe Pro defensione Regni when by his Counsels the King was drawne to undertake not a Defensive but an Offnsive Warre 14. He hath lastly thought to secure himselfe and his party by seeking to undermine Parliaments and thereby hath laboured to bereave this Kingdome of the Legislaâ—ive power which can onely be used in Parliaments and that we should be left a Kingdome without that which indeede makes and constitutes a Kingdome and is the onely Meane to preserve and restore it from distempers and decayes He hath hereby endeavoured to bereave us of the highest Judicatory such a Judicatory as is necessary and essentiall to our government Some Cases of Treason and others concerning the Prerogative of the Crowne and liberty of the People It is the supreame Judicatory to which all difficult Cases resort from other Courts He hath sought to deprive the Kiâ—g of the Love and Counsell of his People of that assistance which he might have from them and likewise to deprive the People of that reliefe of grievanceâ— which they most humbly â—xpect from his Majesty My Lords The Parliament is the Cabbinet wherein the chiefest Jewels both of the Crown Kingdome are deposited The great Prerogative of the King and the liberty of the People are most effectually exercised and maintained by Parliaments Here my Lords you cannot passe by this occasion of great thankes to God and his Majesty for passing the Bill whereby the frequent course of Parliaments is established which I assure my selfe he will by experience finde to be a strong foundation both of his honour and of his Crowne This is all my Lords I have to say to the particulars of the Charge The Commons desire your Lordships that they may have the same way of Examination that they had in the Case of the Earle of Strafford That is to examine members of all kindes of your Lordships House and their owne and others as they shall see cavse And those Examinations to be kept secret and private that they may with more advantage be made use of when the matter comes to tryall They have declared that they reserve to themselves the power of making Additionall Articles by which they intend to reduce his Charge to be morâ— particular and certaine in respect of the severall times occasion and other circumstances of the Offences therein Charged And that your Lordships would bee pleased to put this Cause in such a quicke way of proceeding that these great and dangerous Crimes together with the offendors may be brought to a just Judgement To these Articles of the Commons house I might here annex those of the Scottish Commissioners against this Arch-Prelate but I reserve them to a fitter place and shall onely for a Corollary add Mr. Grymstons Printed speech in Parliament against this Arch-Bishop to Mr. Pymmes pretermitting all others of this Nature for brevitie sake Mr. Grymstones Speech in Parliament upon the accusation and impeachment of VVILLIAM LAVD Archbishop of Canterbury of High Treason Mr Speaker THere hath beene presented to â—he House a most faithfull and exact report of the conference we had with the Lords yesterday together with the opinion of the Committees that were imployed in that service That they conceived it fit the Arch-bishop of Canterbury should be sequestred I must second â—he motion and with the favour of the House I shall be bold to offer my reasons why I conceive it more necessary we should proceede a little further than the desire of a bare sequestration onely Mr. Speaker long introductions are not sutablâ— to weighty businesse we are fallen upon the great man the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury looke upon him as he is in his Highnesse and hee is the sâ—ye of
saying plainly and swearing by Saint Iohn the Evangelist for that was his common Oath that Earle Goodwine should not have his Peace till hee restored his brother Alfred alive againe unto his presence with which answer the Peeres departed in choler from Court and Goodwine towards the Coast. Comming also unto the shore and ready to take shipping hee kneeled downe in presence of his conduct to wit at Bosenham in the moneth of September from whence hee intended to saile into Flanders unto Baldwine the Earle and there wished openly before them all that if ever hee attempted any thing against the Kings person of England or his Royall estate that he might never come safe unto his Cousin nor see his Country any more but perish in this voyage and herewith he went aboard the ship that was provided for him and so from the Coast into the open Sea But see what followed hee was not yet gone a mile away from the Land before he saw the shore full of armed Souldiers sent after by the Archbishop and his friends to kill him ere he should depart and goe out of the Country which yet more incensed the hearts of the English against them Being come also to Flanders hee caused the Earle the French King and others of his friends among whom also the Emperour was one to write unto the King in his hehalfe but all in vaine for nothing could be obtained from him of which the Normanâ— had no liking whereupon the Earle and his Sonnes changed their minds obtained aid and invaded the Land in sundry places Finally joyning their powers they came by the Thames into Southwarke neere London where they lodged and looked for the King to encounter with thâ—m in the field the King seeing what was done commanded the Londonerâ— not to aide nor victuall them but the Citizens made answer how the quarrell of Goodwine was the cause of the whoâ—e Realme which hee had in a manner given over unto the spoyle of the French and thereupon they not onely victualled them abundantly but also received the Earle and his chiefe friends into the City where they lodged them at their ease till the Kings power was ready to joyne with them in battle great resort also was made unto them from all places of the Realme so that the Earles Army was wonderfully increased and the day and place chosen wherein the Battle should be fought But when the Armies met the Kings side began some to flee to the Earle other to lay downe their weapons and not a few to â—unne away outright the rest telling him plainly that they would never fight against theiâ— owne Countâ—y men to mainaine Frenchmens quarrelâ— the Normans also seeing the sequell fled away so fast as they might gallop leaving the King in the field to shift for himselfe as hâ— best might whilst they did save themselves elsewhere In the meane season the Earles Power would have set upon the King either to his slaughter or apprehension but hee stayed them saying after this manner The King is my Sonne as you all know and it is not for a father to deale so hardly with his child neither a subject with his Soveraigne It is not he thaâ— hath hurt or done mee this injury but the proud Normans that are about him wherefore to gaine a Kingdome I will doe him no violence and therewithall casting aside his battell axe hee ran to the King that stood altogether amazed and falling at his feete he craved his peace accused the Archbishop required that his cause might be heard in open assemblie of his Peeres and finally determined as truth and equity should deserve The King after hee had paused a pretty while seeing his old Father-in-Law to lie groveling at his feete and conceiving with himselfe that his suite was not unreasonable seeing also his children and the rest of the greatest Barons of the Land to kneele before him and make the like request hee listed up the Earle by the hand bad him be of good comfort pardoned all that was past and friendly having kissed hâ—m his sonnes upon the cheekes he lead them to his pallace called home the Queene and Summonned all his Lords unto a Councell wherein it is much to read how many â—ils were presented against the Bishop and his Normans some containing matter of rapes other of robbery extortion murder manslaughter high tâ—eason adultery and not a few of battery wherewith the King as a man now awaked out of sleepe was so offended that upon consultation had of these things he banished all the Normans out of the Land onely three or foure excepted whom he retained for sundry necessary causes albeit they never came more so neere him afterward as to be of his Privie Councell after this also the Earle lived almost two yeares and then falling into an apoplexie as he sate with the King at the table hee was taken up and carried into the Kings bedchamber where after a few dayes hee made an end of his life and thus much of our first broyle raised by the Clergie practice of the Archbishop I would intreat of all the like examples of Tyranny practised by the Prelates of this See against their Lords and Soveraignes but then I should rather write an History than a Description of this Iland Wherefore I referre you to those reports of Anselme and Becket sufficiently penned by other the which Anselme also making a shew as if hee had beene very unwilling to be placed in the See of Canterbury gave this answer to the Letters of such his friends as did make request unto him to take the charge upon him Secularia negotia nescio quia scire nolo c. Of secular affaires I have no skill becuase I will not know them for I even abhorre the troubles that rise about them as one that desireth to have his mind at Liberty I apply my whole endeavour to the rule of the Scriptures you lead mee to the contrary and it is to be feared lest the plough of holy Church which two strong men of equall force and both like earnest to contend unto that which is good that is the King and the Archbishop ought to draw should thereby now swarve from the right furrow by matching of an old sheepe with a wild untamed Bull. I am that old sheepe who if I might be quieâ— could peradventure shew my selfe not altogether ungratefull to some by feeding them with the milke of the word of God and covering them with wooll but if you match mee with this Bull yoâ— shall see that through want of equality in draught the plough will not goe too right c. as followeth in the processe of his Letters The said Thomas Becket was so proud that hee wrote to King Henry the second as to his Lord to his King and to his Sonne offering him his Counsell his reverence and due correction c. Others in like sort have protested that they oug't nothing to the Kings of this Land
merry after but dyed of griefe before they came In his time Vrsus Earle of Worceter had built a Castle at Worceter to some prejudice of the Monkes the Ditch of which Castle trenched somewhat upon the Church-yard and adjoyned too neere to the Monastery Aldred went unto the Earle and having demanded of him whether it were done by his appointment which hâ—e could not deny looking stedfastly on him used these insolent and uncharitable words Hightest thou Vrse Have thou Gods curse adding yea and mine too and the curse of all hollowed heads unlesse thou take away this Castle and know thou assuredly that thy posterity shall not inherit the Lands of Saint Mary which curse the Monkes say was shortly after accomplished Vrsus dying soone after and Roger his sonne flying the Realme Thurstan Arch-Bishop of â—orke about the yeare of our Lord 1100. contrary to the Kings expresse command and his owne faithfull Oath and promise to Henry the first received his Consecration from the Pope at the Councell of Rheemes whereupon the King banished him the Realme neither could he in five yeares space be entreated to restore him At last the Pope by his procurement writ a very sharpe Letter to the King signifying that he would Excommunicate both him and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury also if Thurstan were any longer kept from his See and some say he actually Excommunicated them both and interdicted as well the Province of Yorke as of Canterbury from the use of all manner of Sacraments and from the Baptisme of Infants Upon which the King to be out of trouble contrary to his solemne vow yeelded that he should be called home and soone after he was reconciled unto the King This Arch-Bishop Anno 1148. when as David King of Scots entred our borders and spoiled the Countrey as farre as the River of Teyse gathered together such a power as hee was able to raise on a sudden met them at Alverton slew 1200. of them after which hee cast off his Rochet and turned Monke at Pontfrast where hee dyed Henry Murdac Arch-Bishop of Yorke thrust into that See by the Pope against King Stephens good liking who commended his Kinsman William thereto refused to sweare fealtie to the King who thereupon was so displeased with him that the Townsmen of â—ork by his good liking shut Murdac out of the Citie and refused to receive him Murdac suspended them for this affront Eustace the Kings Sonne commanded Divine Service to be said notwithstanding as at other times hereupon divers tumults and seditions were raised in the Citie wherein an Arch-Deacon a great Friend of the Arch-Bishops was slaine two or three yeares these stirres continued till at last the Arch-Bishop submitted and reconciled himselfe to the King Geffrey Plantagenet Henry the second his base Sonne after the Arch-Bishopricke of Yorke had beene tenne yeares void and kept so long in the Kings hands was commended to that See by Richard the first and consecrated by the Arch-Bishop of Towers He tooke an oath to king Richard his Brother then going to the Holy Land not to set foot in England within 3. yeares space yet presently after he hied him over into England but upon his arrivall he was there arrested and imprisoned in a barbarous manner by William Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellour of England being drawne by the heeles from the very Altar of Saint Martins Church in Dover All the time of king Richard he had many contests with the Commons of Yorke who oft complained of him both to the king and Pope Richard dying king Iohn and this Bishop had many contentions one with the other Anno 1194. by the kings permission many grievous complaints were exhibited in Parliament against this Arch-Bishop for extortion and unjust vexations hee had practised but he passed so little thereof that he made no answer to their Bills Moreover in the second yeare of his raigne he commanded the Sheriffe of Yorkeshire to seize upon all thâ— Arch-Bishops goods and Lands and to returne them into the Exchequer for hindring the kings Officers in gathering a kinde of taxe throughout his Diocesse and refusing to saile into Noâ—mandy with him to make a marriage for his Neece and to conclude a league with the French king which command the Sheriffe executing the Arch-Bishop thereupon excommunicated not onely the Sheriffe that had done him this violence but all those in generall who were the Authors of the same and that had beene any meanes to stirre up the kings indignation against him The King hereupon suspends him from his Bishoprick to whom at last he was glad to pay 1000. pound for his restitution Holinshâ—â— writes that whereas this Arch-Bishop of Yorke had offended king Richard he pardoned and received him againe into favour Whereupon the Arch-Bishop waxed so proud that using the king reproachfully hee lost his Arch-Bishopricke the rule of Yorkeshire which he had in government as Sheriffe the favour of his Soveraigne and which was the greatest losse of all the love of God Anno 1207. this fire of contention raked up in ashes brake out againe King Iohn being at Winchester required such of the Nobilitie and Clergie as were there present that payment should be made unto him of the third part of all the moveable goods in England this motion no man gaine-saâ—d but Geffrey the Arch-Bishop who openly contradicted it After this whether it were he were guiltie of some greater attempt or that hee understood his Brother was grievously offended with him secretly hee avoided the Realmeâ— excommunicating before his departure such of his Jurisdiction as either had already paid or should hereafter presume to pay the said taxe whereupon hee was banished the Realme and lived five yeares in exile till his death Godfrey de Kinton his Successour though he had no bickerings with the king that I read of yet he fell out with the whole Citie of Yorke interdicting it in the beginning of Lent and not restoring it till the third of May following Iohn Roman Arch-Bishop of Yorke Anno 1294. excommunicated Anthony Beake Bishop of Durham or rather two of the Bishops servants being one of the kings Councell and at that time beyond the Seas in the kings Service Whereat the king being highly displeased the Arch-Bishop thought it best to put himselfe to his Mercie hee did so and was fain to redeeme the kings favour with 4000. Markes being fined so much by the whole Parliament for this his offence the griefe whereof strucke him into an incurable disease whereof he dyed Thomas de Corbridge his Successour Anno 1299. upon the Popes Commendatory Letters bestowed his Canons place of Yorke and Custoseship of the Parish of Saint Sepulcher on one Gilbert Segrave notwithstanding the King had formerly written earnestly to him in the behalfe of one Iohn Bush his Secretary which affront in preferring the Popes Clerke before him and his Secretary the King tooke so hainously that hee
then men of warre yea I am sure that many of their Mothers would have beene ashamed of so nice and wanton array Howbeit they went not to make warres but peace for ever and a day longer But to speake of the pompous apparells of my Lord himselfe and of his Chaplaines it passeth the Twelve Apostles I dare sweare that if Peter and Paul had seene them suddenly and at a blush they would have been harder in beliefe that they or any such should bee their successours then Thomas Didimus was to beleeve that Christ was risen againe from death When all was concluded betweene the king of France and ours that Thomas Wolsie had devised and when the Prelates of both parties had cast their penny-worths against all chances and devised remedies for all mischiefes then the right Reverend Father in God Thomas Cardinall and Legate would goe see the young Emperour newly chosen to the roome and have a certaine secret communication with some of his Prelates also And gat him to Bridges in Flanders where hee was received with great solemnitie as might belong to so great a pillar of Christs Church and was saluted at the entring into the Towne of a merry Fellow which said Salve Rex Regis tuì atque Regni sui Hayle both King of thy King and of his Realme And though there were never so great strife betweene the Emperour and the French king yet my Lord Cardinall jugled him favour of them both and finally brought the Emperour to Cales to the kings Grace where was great triumph and great love and amitie shewed on both parties insomuch that a certaine man marvelling at it asked the old Bishop of Durham How it might be that we were so great with the Emperor so shortly upon so strong and everlasting a peace made betweene us and the French men the Emperour and the king of France being so mortall enemies My Lord answered That it might be well enough if hee wist all but there was a certaine secret said hee whereof all men knew not yea verily they have had secrets this 800. yeares which though all the Lay-men have felt them yet few have spied them save a few Judases which for lucre have beene confederate with them to betray their owne kings and all other Then were wee indifferent and stood still and the Emperour and the French king wrastled together and Ferdinandus the Emperours Brother wan Millaine of the Frenchmen and the Emperour Turnay our great Conquest which yet after so great cost in builâ—â—â—â— a Castle we delivered up againe unto the Frenchmen in earnest and hope o a marriage betweene the Dolphine and our Princesse After that â—â—e Emperour would into Spaine and came through England where hee was received with great honour and with all that pertaineth to love and amitie The Kings Grace lent him Monie and promised him more and the Emperour should tarry a certaine time and marry our Princesse not that the Cardâ—nall intended that thou maist be sure for it was not profitable for their Kingdome but his minde was to dally with the Emperour and to keepe him without a wife insomuch as hee was young and lustie hee might have beene nozeled and entangled with Whores which is their nurturing of Kings and made so effeminate and beastly that hee should never have beene able to lift up his heart to any goodnesse or vertue that Cardinalls and Bishops might have administred his Dominions in the meane time unto our Holy Fathers profit The King of France hearing the favour that was shewed unto the Emperour sent immediately a Defiance unto our King not without our Cardinals and Bishops counsell thou mayst well witt For Frenchmen are not so foolish to have done it so unadvisedly and so rashly seeing they had too many in their tops already Then our King spake many great words that he would drive the French King out of his Realm or else the French King should drive him out of his But had he added as the Legate Pandulph taught King Ioâ—n with the Popes License his words had sounded much better For there can no vow stand in effect except the Holy Father confirmed it Wee sent out our Souldiers two Summers against the French men unto whose chiefe Captaines the Cardinall had appointed how farre they should goe and what they should doe and therefore the French king was nothing aâ—raid but brought all his power against the Emperour in other places and so hee was ever betrayed And thus the Cardinall was the Emperoâ—rs Friend openly and the French Kings secretly For at the meeting with the French King beside Caâ—es hee utterly betrayed the Emperour yet for no love that hâ—e had to France but to help the Pope and to have beene Pope happily and to save their Kingdome which treason though all the World smelled it yâ—â—â— brake not out openly to the eye till the â—â—â—ge of 〈◊〉 And the Cardinall lent the Emperour much money openly and gave the French King more secretly Hee plaid with both hands to serve their secret that all men know not as the Bish. of Durham said But whatsoever the Frenchmen did they had ever the worse notwithstanding the secret working of our holy Prelates on their side Finally unto the siege of Pavia came the French king personally with 60. thousand men of warre of which 12. thousand were horse-men and with monie enough And the Emperours host was under 20. thousand of which were but 3. thousand Horse-men with no money at all For hee trusted unto the Pope for aide of men and unto our Cardinall for Money But the Pope kept backe his men till the French-men had given them a field and our Cardinall kept backe his money for the same purpose And thus was the silly Emperour betrayed as all his predecessours have beene this 8. hundred yeares Howbeit there bee that say that the Emperours Souldiers so threatned Stace the kings Graces Embassadour that he was faine to make chevisance with Merchants for money in the kings name to pay the Souldiers withall Wherefore the Cardinall tooke from him all his promotions and played the Tormentor with him when he came home because hee presumed to doe one jot more then was in his Commission But howsoever it was the Emperours men in tarrying for helpe had spent all their Victualls Whereupon Burbon the chiefe Captaine of the Emperour said unto his under Captaines Yee see helpe commeth not and that our victuals are spent wherefore there is no remedy but to fight though wee bee unequally matched If wee winne wee shall finde meate enough if wee lose wee shall lose no more then wee must lose with hunger though we fight not And so they concluded to set upon the French-men by night The King of France and his Lords supposing that the Moon would sooner have fallen out of the skie then that the Emperours host durst have fought with them were somewhat negligent and went the same night a mumming that Burbon set upon them The
Emperours Hoste therefore with their sodaine coming upon them amazed the Frenchmen and drave them upon heapes together one on another so that they never could come in array againe and tooke the King and divers of his Lords and slew many and wanne the field And there came out all the Cardinals privy treason For in the French-Kings Tent say men were Letters found and beside that in the French-kings Treasure and in all the Hoast among the Souldiers were English Shippes found innumerable which had come sayling a thousand miles by Land But what wonder Shippes be made to sayle over the Sea and wings to flye into farre Countries and to mount to the toppe of High hills When the French King was taken wee sang Te Deum But for all that singing wee made peace with French-men And the Pope the Venetians France and England were knit together least the Emperours Army should doe any hurt in France whereby you may conjecture of what minde the Pope and the Cardinall were toward the Emperour and with what heart our spiritualty with their invisible secrets sang Te Deum And from that time hitherto the Emperour and our Cardinall have beene twaine After that when the King of France was delivered home againe and his Sonnes left in pledge many wayes were sought to bring home the sonnes also but in vaine except the French King would make good that which hee had promised the Emperour For the bringing home of these children no man more busied his wits then the Cardinall Hee would in any wise the Emperour should have sent them home and it had beene but for our Kings pleasure for the great kindnesse that he shewed him in times past Hee would have married the Kings Daughter our Princesse unto the Dolphine againe or as the voyce went among many unto the second Brother and hee should have beene Prince in England and King in time to come so that he sought alwayes to plucke us from the Emperour and joyne us unto France to make France strong enough to match the Emperour and to keepe him downe that the Pope might raigne a God alone and doe what pleaseth him without controlling of any over-seer And for the same purpose hee left nothing unprovided to bring the Mart from Anwerpe to Cales But at that time the Pope taking part with the French King had warre with the Emperour And at the last the Pope was taken which when the Cardinall heard hee wrote unto the Emperour that he should make him Pope And when hee had gotten an answer that pleased him not but according unto his deservings toward the Emperour then hee waxed furious mad and sough all meanes to displease the Emperour and imagined the divorcement betweene the King and the Queene and wrote sharply unto the Emperour with manacing Letters that if hee would not make him Pope hee would make such ruffling betweene Christian Princes as was not this hundred yeares to make the Emperour repent yea though it should cost the whole Realme of England The Lord Jesus be our shield what a fierce wrath of God is this upon us that a mishapen Monster should spring out of a Dunghill into such an height that the dread of God and man laid apart he should be so malepert not onely to defie utterly the Majestie of so mightie an Emperour whose Authoritie both Christ and all his Apostles obeyedâ— and taught all other to obey threatning damnation to them that would not But should also set so little by the whole Realme of England which hath bestowed so great cost and shed so much bloud to exalt and mainetaine such proud churlish and unthankfull Hypocrites that hee should not care to destroy it utterly for satisfying of his villanous lusts Godly Master Tyndall was so farre affected with the treacherous practises of this Cardinall that hee laid them open in two severall Discourses the one entituled The Ohedience of a Christian man the other The Practise of Popish Prelates In the last whereof after the recitall of these his perfidious actions he breakes out into this Patheticke Supplication I beseech the Kings most Noble Grace therefore to consider all the wayes by which the Cardinall and our holy Bishops have led him since hee was first King and to see whereunto all the pride pompe and vaine boast of the Cardinal is come and how God hath resisted him and our Prelates in all their wiles we who have nothing to doe at all have medled yet in all matters and have spent for our Prelats causes more then al Christendom even unto the utter beggering of our selves and have gotten nothing but rebuke and shame and hate among all Nations and a mocke and a scorne thereto of them whom wee have most holpen For the French men as the saying is of late dayes made a play or a disguising at Paris in which the Emperour danced with the Pope and the French king and wearied them the king of England sitting on a high bench and looking on And when it was asked why hee danced not it was answered that he â—ate there but to pay the Minstrels their wages only As who shoald say we payd for all mens dancing we monyed the Emperour only and gave the Frenchmen double and treble secretly and to the Pope also Yea and though Fardinanduâ— had money sent him openly to blind the world withall yet the saying is throughout all Duchland that we sent money to the King of Pole and to the Turke also and that by helpe of our money Fardinandus was driven out of Hungary which thing though it were not true yet it will breed us a scab at the last and get us with our medling more hate than we shall be able to beare if a chance come unlâ—sse that wee waxe wiser betime And I beseech his Grace also to have mercy of his owne soule and not to suffer Christ and his holy Testament to be persecuted under his name any longer that the sword of the wrath of God may be put up againe which for that cause no doubt is most chiefely drawne And I beseech his Grace to have compassion on his poore subjects which have ever bâ—ene unto his Grace both obedient loving and kinde that the Realm utterly perish not with the wicked Counsell of our pestilent Prelats So Tyndall After this the Cardinall was attainted in a praemunire wherupon the King seised on all his goods tooke away the great Seale of England from him thrust him from the Court yet left him the Arch-Bishopricke of Yorke and the Bishopricke of Winchester The Parliament exhibited sundry Articles of High-Treason against him As that hee had exercised a Legantine power here in England derived from the Pope without the Kings License contrary to the Lawes of the Realme that in all his Letters to the Pope and other â—orragne Princes he put himselfe before the King in these words I and my King that he carried the Great Seale of England over into the Low-countries with
the Earle to be sent backe to the Church Fulco Basset his next successor a man of a haughty stout spirit as he opposed the Popes exactions Rustands his Legate so he had many contâ—sts with King Hâ—nry the third and was the maine pillar of the Barons who reposed all his hope in him before such time he grew cold and remisse in standing for the publike liberties whereby hee much blemished his fame and incensed the Barons and people against him in so much that the King reviled him in these words that neither he nor any of his name were ever true unto him threatning to finde meanes to correct him for his obstinacy In the presence of some whom hee knew would tell the King of it he sticked not to use this bold and couragious speech unfitting a Pâ—elate My Bishopricke my Myter and Crosier the King and the Pope may take from me but my helmet and sword I hope they will not yet neither of these two could secure him from Gods stroke for he died of the Plague at London Anno 1258. Henry Sandwich Bishop of London tooke part with the Barons who rebelled against King Henry the third for which cause he was excommunicated by Ottobon the Popes Legate with other Bishops being the chiefe incendiaries in these warres of whom Matthew Westminster writes thus The high Priests that I say not the Pharises gathered a counsell together against the Lord and against his annoynted saying Ye see that we have profitted nothing if we let the King escape thus The Romans will come and take away our purses with the money let us therefore ordaine 24 Elders round about his Throne who excluding the Parthians Meedes Elamites and strangers of Rome and freeing Ierusalem from Egyptian bondage may governe and order all and singular the affaires of the Realme The Knights Barons and Prelates therefore meeting together at Oxford in the 42. yeare of King Henry the third his reigne the King and Edward his eldest sonne being present ordained by common consent that twelve men nominated by the King and twelve by the Barons and Prelates should governe the Realme to which order the King and his sonne for feare of perpetuall imprisonment assented all and singular the Prelates except Ethelmaâ— Bishop elect onely of Winchester the Kings brother tooke a corporall oath faithfully to observe this infidelity and a sentence of excommunication was denounced by all the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdome against the transgressors of it Moreover saith he it is not without admiration with what face these Senators that aged Bishop of Worcester and other Prelates the Fathers Iudges of mens consciences should give such free assent to take away the Kings royall power when as they had taken a corporall Oath of giving terrene honour to the said King and his Lords which they very ill observed in ordaining that they should never governeâ— but ever be governed by others After which the Lords and Knights perceiving the generall inconvenience of this Ordinance in setting up so many Kings in stead of one the Bishop of Worceter would by no means yeeld to alter it saying that this ordinance was ratefied by an Oath and that the Pope could not dispence with the Oath making conscience of this unjust Oath like Herod and of Schisme and error contrary to the Lawes and Cannons drawing many false Prophets to him to foment this his error After this the King commanded the Bishop of Hereford a great stickler against him in these rebellious courses an oppressour of his subjects apprehended imprisoned and his goods confiscatedâ— Not long after the Prelates Earles and Barons who so sediciously held their King captivated meete at London where they ordained that two Earles and one Bishop on the behalfe of the Comonalty should elect nine persons whereof three should alwayes be assisting to the King and that by the advise of those three and the other nine all things in the Kings house as well as in the Kingdome should be ordered and that the King should doe nothing without their advise at least without the consent of these three Whereupon the Earles of Lecester Worcester Glocester and the Bishop of Chechister who the day before the battell of Lewes absolved all those who fought against his Soveraigne Lord the King from all their sinnes were chosen out to be the chiefe Councellers and Captaines who eleâ—ted other nine The King for feare of perpetuall imprisonment and that they would chuse another King consented to the ordinance OMNIBVS EPISCOPIS all the Bishops Earles and Barons consenting thereunto and sealing it with their Seales The Bishops of London Winchester Worcester and other Bishops were sent to the Popes Legate Cardinall of Sabine whom they would not suffer to come into the Realme to confirme this agreement who sharply reprehended the Bishops because they consented to so great a depression of the Kings power citing them three dayes after to appeare before him at Boâ—onâ—e about the affaires of the Kingdome who neither appearing by themselves nor their Proctors the Legate thereupon suspended them excommunicated the Barons the Cinque ports the city of London and the Bishops to for hindring him from comming into England and for their default But the said Bishops and the rest not regarding this thunderbolt appealed from it to the Pope and the next generall Councell and to the Church as well Triumphant as Militant and trusting to the defence of the Martiall sword little esteemed the spirituall the Bishops presuming to be present at and to exercise divine offices notwithstanding this suspention and excommunication till Otho his comming into England who calling a Councell at Wiâ—â—minsterâ— suspended this Henry Bishop of Londonâ— Iohn Bishop of Winchester and Stephen Bishop of Chichesterâ— both from their office and Benefice who â—ostered and incouraged the part of the Kings enemies excommunicating the Bishop of Lincolne for the same cause who at last supplicated for mercy not judgement with Walter Bishop of Worcester who lying at the point of death confessed he had erred fovendâ— in fomenting and fostering the part of Simon Montford and thereupon sent Letters to the Legate desiring the benefit of absolution which he obtained and so died By which relation of Matthew Westminister seconded by the continuer of Matthew Paris and other of our Chroniclers it is most apparant that this Bishop of London and the other Prelates were the chiefe fomenters of all the warres and rebellions against the King and those that stirred up and encouraged the Barons in their unnaturall bloody wars against their Soveraigne Henry the third as Stephen Langton Archbishop of Canterbury was the principall author and contriver of those against King Iohn Anno. 1329. 1330. Richard Wentworth Bishop of London was accused by Edmond Woodstocke Earle of Kent for conspiring with him to helpe set up a new King Edward the second after his death whom Thoraas Dunhead a Fryer affirmed for cetaine by
Arch-Bishop being desirous to place his own Countrey-men in all roomes of speciall Authoritie and besides having a private grudge at Stigand for forcing him to yeeld Kentish men their ancient Liberties whereof see more in Canterbury procured him to be deprived of both his Bishoprickes upon this point that he had contrary to the Law held them both together He was deprived An. 1069. and dyed a prisoner in the Castle of Winchester soon after About the yeare 1107. King Henry the first taking upon him to bestow Bishoprickes giving investiture and possession of them by delivering the Ring and the Crosier placed divers of his Chaplaines in Bishoprickes without election commanding the Arch-bishop to consecrate them Among divers others hee appointed William Giffard Bishop of Winchester and required Anselme the Arch-bishop to consecrate him Anselme utterly denyed to afford consecration either to him or any other in the like case The King then sent unto Girard Arch-bishop of York whom he found nothing strange but Gâ—ffard saith Matthew Westminster timens rigorem sancti Anselmi spernit consecrationem ejus stood so much in awe of Saint Anselme as hee durst not but reject the offer of the others consecration The King angry hitherto with the Arch-bishop onely was now much more incensed against this Giffard and in great displeasure banished him the Realme In the end the King and the Arch-bishop grew to this agreement that the gifts of the King already passed should be ratified and his Clerkes nominated to Bishoprickes have consecration upon promise that hereafter he should not disturbe Canonicall Elections and utterly renounce his pretended priviledge So after much adoe he was consecrated togegether with divers others An. 1107. Henry de Bloys being Bishop of Winchester when King Henry the first dyed although he with the other Bishops of the Land had sworne fealtie unto Maud the Empresse yet she being absent in Normandy this Bishop doubting left some other stepping up before her arrivallâ— the Kingdome might be rent away quite from his kindred and passe to some strangerâ— by vertue of his power Legantine called a Councell of the Clergie who swayed all in those dayes and drawing Roger Bishop of Saliâ—bury to his partie easily procured his Brother Stephen Earle of Boloigne to be elected King whom they crowned and submitted to as their Soveraigne disinhereting Maud the right Heire The King not long after falling out with these two Bishops seized upon their Castles and imprisoned the Bishop of Salisbury who dyed for griefe The Bishop of Winchester summons a Counsell there to which the Bishop was cited the Case of the Bishops concerning their Castles was there long debated betweene the Pope the Bishops and those on the Kings side he would yeeld to nothing whereupon they moved the Legate to Excommunicate him who replied he durst not doe it without the Popes privitie The Kings unthankefulnesse to the Bishops who onely had set him up did so alienate them from him that thereupon they joyned with Maud the Empresse against him who by their meanes became able to make her part good with Stephen and tooke him prisoner the Bishop of Winchester and a great part of the Realme too receiving her for their Queene Hereupon this Prelate accurseth and excommuncates al the opposites of Maud the Empresse who denying him a suite in the behalfe of his Brother Eustace He thereupon revokes hâ—s Excommunication secretly falls from her stirres up the discontented Londoners against her mans divers Castles to resist her equivocates in his words and actions with her to worke her ruine fiers Winchester upon her and at last entraps her Thus this turne-coat trecherous Prelate with the rest were Traytors and Rebels on both sides of which see more in William Corbell Arch-Bishop of Canteâ—bury and Roger of Salisbury and in the Historians hereunto quoted The Pope sent a Pall to this Bishop desirous to constituâ—e a new Arch-Bishoprick at Winchester and to assigne 7. Bishops to him Peter de la Roche or de Rupibus Bishop of Winchester who was Protectour and had greatest sway in the Government of the Realme in the beginning of King Henry the 3. his Raigne by his evill Counsell to the King became the chiefe Incendiary and occasion of the Barons warres For having by his false accusations and policies wrought Hubert Earle of Kent out of the Kings favour and plotted his death that hee might solely raigne and predominate over the gentle young King The better to effect this his designe he procures him to displace the English Officers and in their roomes to surrogate Poictovines and Britons who comming over to the number of about 2000. hee stuffed his Castles with them and did as it were wholly intrust himselfe his Treasures strength and the Realme to them So that Judgements were committed to the unjust Lawes to the out-lawesâ— peace to wranglers and Justice to wrong-doers Such as would have prayed redresse for these abuses were interrupted and put off by this Bishop of Winchester Among them who were removed from their places in Court was one Sir William de Redune a Knight and Deputie Marshall to Richard Earle of Pembroke This was to the Earle very displeasant which joyned with a consideration of the publicke cause and danger hee associates to him certaine of the great Lords as was the fashion of those Lording times upon every discontent and in the company of them advanceth confidently to the Kingâ— whom in the hearing of many he reproveth for that hee had through finister advice called in the â—oictovins to the oppression of the Realme and of his naturall Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties humbly therefore hee beseecheth him that he would speedily reforme such abuses which threatned the imminent subversion both of the Crowne and Kingdome which if hee did not himselfe and other Lords would so long withdraw their attendance as hee entertained strangers The Bishop hereunto makes answer That the King might well and lawfully call in what strangers himselfe thought good for the defence of the Crowne and Realme and such and so many of them as might be able to compell his proud and rebellious people to due obedience When the Oracle would speake no otherwise they departed from Court greatly discontented firmly promising one to the other that in such a cause which did so touch them all they would like men stand together while any breath was in their bodies Those who were now most potent about the King nothing sorry for the discontentment of so great a Peere as the Earle Marshall but counting it a part of their strengths to use the Regall power towards the weakning of the English nourish in the King his aversion The Poictovins and other strangers thus bearing the swayâ— so as the Kings person went guarded with troopes of such the Earles and Barons being by the Kings command summoned to antoher Parliament at Oxford refused to come While the King was there one Robert Bacon who
used there to preach before the King and Prelates fâ—eely told him That if hee did not remove from him Peter Bishop of Winchester and Peter de Rivallis he could never be in quiet The King did hereupon a little come to himselfe and Roger Bacon a Clergie-man also of a pleasant wit did second Roberts advise telling the King that Petrae and Rupes were most dangerous things at Sea alluding to the Bishops name Petrus de Rupibus The King therefore as hee had the happinesse in his mutabilitie to change for his more securitie taking that good advise of Schollers which he would not of his Peeres summons a Parliament to be holden at VVestminster giving the World to know withall that his purpoâ—e was to amend by their advise whatsoever ought to be amended But the Barons considering that still there arrived sundry strangers men of warre with Horse and Armourâ— and not trusting the Poiâ—â—ovine faith came not but presumed to send this message to the King that if out of hand he removed not Peter Bishop of Winchester and the Poictovines out of his Courtâ— they all of them by the common consent of the Kingdome would drive him and his wicked Counsellours together out of it and consult about creating a new Soveraigne The King whom his Fathers example made more timerous could easily have beene drawne to have redeemed the love of his naturall Liege-men with the disgrace of a few strangers but the Bishop of VVinchester and his Friends infused more spirit into him Whereon to all those whom hee suspected the King sets downe a day within which they should deliver sufficient pledges to secure him of their loyalty Against that day the Lords in great numbers make repaire to London but the Earle Marshall admonished of danger by his Sister the Countesse of Cornewall â—lyes backe to VVales and chiefely for want of his presence nothing was concluded The King not long after is at Gloster with an Armie whither the Earle and his Adherents required to come refused the King therefore burnes their Mannors and gives away their inheritances to the Poictovines This Rebellion had not many great Names in it but tooke strength rather by weight then number the knowne Actors were the Earle Marshall the Lord Gilbert Basset and many of the inferiour Nobles The Bishops arts had pluckt from him the Kings brother and the two Earles of Chester and Lincolne who dishonourably sold their love for a thousand Markes and otherwise as it seemed secured the rest Neverthelesse they may well bee thought not to have borne any evill will to their now forsaken confederate the Earle Marshall who tooke himselfe to handle the common cause certainely hee handled his owne safety but ill as the event shall demonstrate The Earle hearing these things contracts strict amity with Lewelin Prince of Wales whose powers thus knit together by advantages of the Mountaines were able to counterpoise any ordinary invasion To the kings ayde Balwin de Gisnes with many Souldiers came out of Flanders The king now at Hereford in the midst of his Forces sends from thence by VVinchesters counsell the Bishop of Saint Davids to defie the Earle Marshall How farre soever the word defie extends it selfe sure it seemes that the Earle hereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation by which hee was tyed to the king and freed to make his defence the king notwithstanding after some small attempts and better considerations did promise and assume that by advise of counsell all that was amisse should at a day appointed bee rectified and amended About which time Hubert de Burgo having intelligence that the Bishop of VVinchester who was a Poictovine plotted his death escaped out of the Castle of Devises where hee was prisoner to a Neighbour Church but was haled from thence by the Castle-keepers The Bishop of Sarisbury in whose Diocesse it hapned caused him to be safe restored to the same place from whence by the Earle Marshall and a troope of armed men his friends hee was rescued and carryed into VVales The king at the day and place appointed holds his great Counsell or Conference with the Lords but nothing followed for the peace of the Realme it was not an ordinary passage of speech which hapned there betweene the Lords and Bishop of VVinchester For when the English Bishops and Barons humbly besought the king for the honour of Almightie God to take into grace his naturall Subjects whom without any tryall by their Peeres hee called Traytors the Bishop offended it seemes at Peeres takes the words out of the kings mouth and answers That there are no Peeres in England as in the Realme of France and that therefore the king of England by such Justiciars as himselfe pleaseth to ordaine may banish offenders out of the Realmeâ— and by judiciall processe condemne them The English Bishops relished his speech so sharply that with one voyce they threatned to excommunicate and accurse by name the kings principall wicked Councellours but VVinchester appealed Then they accursed all such as alienated the heart of the king from his Naturall Subjects and all others that perâ—urbed the peace of the Realme Matthew VVestminster writes of this Peter de la Roche that hee was more expert in Military than Scholasticall affaires That the king by his Counsell removed all English Officers out of his Court and precipitately cast away all his Counsellours as well Bishops as Earles Barons and other Nobles of his kingdome so as hee would beleeve none but this Bishop whom hee adored as his God and his Darling Peter de Rivales Whence it came to passe that expelling all Gardians of Castles almost through all Englandâ— the King committed all things under the custodie of this Peter Then this Prelate drew into his confederacie Stephen de Segrave too much an enemie both to the kingdome and Church who had given most detestable counsell formerly to Stephen the Popes Chaplaine to the inestimable dammage of the Church many wayes and Robert de Passelewe who with all his might and with effusion of no small summe of money had plotted treason and grievances at Rome against the king and kingdome This man kept the kings treasure under Peter de Rivalis and so it came to passe that the Reines of the whole kingdome were committed to Strangers and base persons others being rejected Yet Godwin for the honour of his Rochet magnifies this Prelate for his notable Wisdome so as the Counsell of England received a great wound by his death though it and the whole Realme received such prejudice by his life The Earle Marshall writes Speed encreasing in strength and hatred against such as were the kings reputed Seducers makes spoile and bootie on their possessions and after joyning with the power of Leoline Prince of Wales puts all to fire and sword as farre as Shrewesbury part whereof they burnt to Ashes and sackt the Residue The king then
threats of his brother Richard and of the Bishops conspiring with him to draw the King hither and thither to make him odious both to the Pope and people among whom the Bishop of Winchester was chiefe to whom power was given by the Pope to interdict the Kingdome yeelded at last to this taxe being overcome and debilitated with feare The passages whereof are more largely related by Matthew Paris together with the Popes intollerable exactions upon England William Raley the 41. Bishop of Winchester imployed in this former service for the Pope Anno. 1243. being unduly elected by the Monkes of Winchester contrary to King Henry the third his command the King hereupon commanded that no man should give him or his any victuall or lodging charging the Major and Citizens of Winchester to forbid him entrance into that city which they did the Bishop thereupon excommunicated the Major Monks and whole city and interdiâ—ted the Cathedrall for which he felt the burthen of the Kings displeasure so heavy upon him in England as he thought good to fly the Realme till at last by Boniface the Archbishops intercession and the Popes earnest Letters to the King and Queene he was restored to the Kings favour and obtained License to returne The Bishop hereupon in thankefulnesse bestowed upon the Pope 6000. markes for his fatherly care of him which hee in good nature because he would not be reputed disdainfull tooke every penny It is recorded of this Bishop that a little before his death he had the Sacrament brought unto him and perceiving the Priest to enter his Chamber with it he cried out Stay good friend let the Lord come no nearer unto me it is more fit that I be drawne to hira as a Traytor that in many things have beene a Traytor unto him His servants therefore by his commandement drew him out of his bed unto the place where the Priest was and there with teares he received the Sacrament and spent much time in prayer and soone after died at Turon the 20th of September 1249. Ethelâ—arns halfe brother unto the King a man saith Matth. Paris in respect of his orders yeares and learning utterly unsufficient was at the Kings speciall request elected next Bishop of this See he had at that time other spirituall livings equivalent in revenue to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury which that hee might keepe and yet receive all the profits likewise of the Bishopricke of Winchester he determined not to be consecrated at allâ— but to hold it by his election and so did indeede for the space of nine yeares In the meane time he and the rest of his countrymen with whom the Realme was much pestered were growne very odious as well with the Nobility as the Commons not onely for their infinite wealth and immoderate preferment much envied but much more for their pride and insolency which a man can hardly beare in his owne friend much lesse in an alien and â—tranger whom men naturally dislike much sooner then their owne countrimen Amongst the rest this Ethelmarus bare himselfe so bold upon the King his brother as he gave commandement to his servants to force a Clergy man out of the possession of a Benefice whereunto he pretended some right and if he withstood them to draw him out of his possession in contumelious manner the poore man loath to loose his living defended it so long till by my Lord Elects men he was slaine himselfe and his people so soare beaten and wounded as within few dayes one or two of them died This fact and other like complained of by the Barons to the Pope and King brought all the Poictavins into such hatred as the Realme was ready to rise against them and the rather upon this occasion Anno. Dom. 1252. a certainâ— Priest intruded himselfe by authority of this Prelate into the Hospitall in Southwerke within this Diocesse founded by Thomas Becket Eustathius de Len. Officiall to the Archbishop of Canterbury conceiving himselfe injured hereby because by reason of the patronage his consent ought to have intervened which was omitted through contemptâ— thrice admonished the said Priest to depart because his entranee was injurious and presumptuous the Priest stiled commonly the Prior of this Hospitall refuseth to doe it keeping possession The â—fficiall hereupon excommunicates him for his contumacy under which excommunication the Prior continued fortie dayes multiplying threats and revilings The Officiall not brooking such pride at last commanded this contumacious Prior to be apprehended who hearing of itâ— enters into the Church in his Priestly Vestments were he fortifieth himselfe the officers purposely sent to apprehend him spared him not because he had contemned the keyes of the Church The Officiall therefore commanded him to be carried to Maydstoneâ— a manner of the Archbishops untill it were determined what should be done hereupon thinking to keepe him there beâ—ause the Archbishop was said to be neare that place But the Bishop of Winchester hearing of it was more angry than became him as if he had sufferâ—d a great injury with disgrace presented a grievous complaint to his brethren with whose ayde and councell being puffed up he calling a band of Souldiers together with no small company following them sent them to seeke and apprehend the authors of this violence They therefore with great â—orce and tumult as in a hostile war came to Suwerke thinking to have found them there where searching all places and finding none of them they went hastily with a swift pace to Maydstone to free the Captive Prior there detained with a powerfull hand and breaking downe all that stood in the way searching all secret corners when they found not him they sought for because hee was hid they called for fire that they might burne all to ashes And after many injuries there committed when they found not him they sought for certified by some whisperers where the Officiall was they sought forâ— to wit at Lambeth neare London they all ran thither in a troope where heaving up the doores from their hinges and breaking them running in altogether in a confused troope sodainely before the houre of dinner they tooke the Officiall premeditating no such thing in a hostile and unseemely manner and haling him away they set him on a horse like a vile slave deprehended in the act of stealing to be carried whether they pleased he being not suffered so much as to touch the reâ—nes of the horses bridle that carried him O rash presumptionâ— O unexcusable â—rreverence saith Matth. Paris which so ignominiously handled and worried such an authenticall man so excellent learned so perspicuosly famous and representing the Archbishops person Moreover they inhumanly handled the Chaplaine serving in his Chappell and flying to the hornes of the Altar rayling upon him The Officiall after they had done all things which anger yea fury had perswaded they drew by the Bridle to Fâ—rnehold till they were certified of the Priors restitution detaining him violently against his will
the King and his Barons to complaine against the blanke Bulls found in the chests of Beâ—ard de Nympha the Popes agent after his death and of the many machinations of the Romanes to disquiet the Realme Iohn Gerâ—sey next Bishop of Wâ—nchester consecrated at Rome where â—e payd 6000. markes to the Pope and so much more to his Chancellour for his consecration was a great stickler in the Barons warres against King Henry the third as appeares by the forecited passages of Matthew Westminister and was excommunicated by Octobon the Popes Legate for taking part against the King in the Barons warres and forced to goe to Rome for his absolution where he died Henry Woodlocke Bishop of Winchester made request to King Edward the first for Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury whom the King had banished for high Treason in which request he called the Archbishop an arch-Traytor his good Lord which the King as he had cause tooke so hainously that he confiscated all his goods and renounced all protection of him Adam Tarleton or de Arleton Bishop of Winchester about the yeere 1327. was arrested and accused of high Treason for aiding the Mortimers against King Edward the second both with men and armour when he was brought to the barre to be arraigned for this Treason the Archbishops of Canterbury Yorke and Dublin with their suffragans came with their Crossesâ— and rescued him by force carrying him with them from the barre in such manner as I have formerly related more at large in the Acts of Walâ—er Rainolds pag. 55.56 Notwithstanding the indictment and accusation being found true his temporalities wereseized into the Kings hands untill such time as the King much deale by his imagination and devise was deposed of his Kingdome If he which had beene a traytor unto his Prince before after deserved punishment for the same would soone be intreated to joyne with other in the like attempt it is no marvell No man so forward as he in taking part with Isabell the Queene against her husband King Edward the second She wiâ—h her sonnes and army being at Oxford this good Bishop steps up into the pulpit and there taking for his Text these words My head grieved me he made a long Discourse to prove that an evill head not otherwise to be cured must be taken away applying it to the King that hee ought to be deposed A Bishoplike application Hereupon they having gotten the King into their power the Bishop fearing least if at any time recovering his liberty crowne again they might receive condigne punishment councelled the Queene to make him away good ghostly advice of a Prelate wherupon she being as ready and willing as he to have it done they writ certaine letters unto the keepers of the old King signifiing in covert termes what they desired they either not perfectly understanding their meaning or desirous of some good warrant to shew for their discharge pray them to declare in expresse words whether they would have them put the King to death or no. To which question this subtile Fox framed this answer Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonumâ—est without any point at all If you set the point betweene nolite and tâ—aere it forbiddeth if betweene nolite and bonum it â—xhorteth them to the committinng of the fact This ambiguous sentence unpointed they take for a sufficient warrant and most pittifully murthered the innocent King by thrusting an hot spit into his fundament and who then so earnest a persecuter of those murthereâ—s as this Bishop that set them a worke who when diverse of his Letters were produced and shewed to him warranting this most trayterly inhumane Act eluded and avoided them by Sophisticall interpretations and utterly denied that he was any way consenting to this hainous fact of which in truth he was the chiefe occasion How clearely he excused himselfe I â—now not But sâ—re I am he like many Arch-trayterly Prelates before himâ— who were oftner rewarded than punished for their Treasons was so farre from receiving punishment as within two moneths after he was preferred unto Hereford than to the Bishoppricke of Worceâ—er and sixe yeares after that translated to Winchester by the Popeâ— at the request of the French King whose secret friend he was which King Edward the third taking in very ill part because the French King and he were enemies detained his temporalties from him till that in Parliament at the suite of the whole Cleargie he was content to yeeld them unto him after which he became blinde in body as hee was before in minde and so died deserving to have lost his head for these his notorious Treasons and conspiracies long before he being the Archplotter of all the Treacheries against King Edward the second Anno. 10. Richard the third 1366. thirteene Lords were appointed by Parliament to have the government of the Realme under the King in diminution of his Prerogative among these Williara Edingdon Bishop of Winchester Iohn Gilbert Bishop of Hereford Lord Treasurer of England Thomas Arundle Bishop of Ely and Chancellour Nicholas Abbat of Waltham Lord Keeper of the privy Seale VVilliam Archbishop of Canterbury Alexander Archbishop of Yorke and Thomas Bishop of Exeter were chiefe and the principall contrivers of this new project which fell out to be inconvenient and pernicious both to the King and Realme the very procurers of this Act as some of the Jâ—dges afterwards resolved deserving death which resolution afterward cost some of them their livesâ— as the Stories of those times declare It seemes this Bishop made great havocke of the goods of his Church for his successor Vâ—illiam VVicham sued his Executors for dilapidations and recovered of them 1672. pound tenne shillingsâ— besides 1566. head of neate 386. Weathers 417. Ewes 3521. Lambes and 127. Swine all which stocke it seemeth belonged unto the Bishoppricke of VVinchester at that time William Wicham his next successor was a great Pluralist the yearely revenues of his spirituall promotionsâ— according as they were then rated in the Kings bookes beside his Bishoppricke amounting to 876. poundâ— thirteene shillings and foure pence besides these Ecclesiasticall preferments he held many temporall offices at the Secretariship the Keepership of the Privy Seale the Mastership of Wards the Treasurership of the Kings revenues in France and divers others Being consecrated Bishop of VVinchester in the yeare 1367. he was made soone after first Treasurer then Chancellor of England It seemes that he was a better Treasurer for himselfe than the King who though hee received hugh summes of money by the ransome of two Kings and spoile of divers large Countries abroad and by unusuall subsedyes and taxations at home much grudged at by the Commons was yet so bare as for the payment of his debts he was constrained to find new devices to raise mony whereupon a solemne complaint was framed against this Bishop for vainely wasting or falsely imbezelling the Kings
of him thinking by this meanes they should so farre obleige Stephen to them as in all likelihood it must be a meanes not onely to continue but likewise much to encrease their swaying power greatnesse and authority As for the Oath they had taken this Bishop devised an excuse that King Henry after the time they had sworne to his daughter marrying her out of the Realme without her consent had therein discharged them of that Oath However this allegation might bleare the eyes of men it could not deceive God that out of his justice turned this device to the destruction of many and the infinite trouble of all them that had any finger in the same especially of this Bishop King Stephen in the beginning of his raigne to secure himselfe the better against forraine invasions as he thought granted license unto all that would to build Castles in any part of the Realme by vertue of which grant in a short time after there were erected no lesse than 1117. new Castles This Bishop hereupon cujus opera nunquam Episcopali a fuere writes Neubrigensis built a Castle at the Devises the goodliest stateliest building in all Europe with the Castles of Shirborne and Malmesbury and new walled and repaired the Castle of Salisbury Et quoniam hujusmodi extructio Episcopalem honestatem minus decere videbatur ad tollendam illius structionis invidiam quasi expiandam maculam totidem monasteria construens collegis religiosis implevit saith the same Neubrigensis These antidotes were of so small force as there wanted not many to buzze dayly into the Kings eares that these Castles no doubt were intended to entertaine the party of the Empresse his adversary and that it much behooved him to take them from the Bishop in whose hands to leave them was neither safe nor seemely Wherefore partly out of feare and jealousie of the Bishops fidelity and partly out of a desire of the Bishops wealth as some conjecture he summons a councell at Oxford whither all the Bishops and specially Roger of Salisbury are summoned Roger would faine excuse himselâ—e by his age and indisposition of body whereunto the King answered that he could by no meanes spare him nor want his advice whereon he meant principally to relye Whereupon the Bishop presuming on the Kings â—avour who had made one of his Nephewes Chancellour another Treasurer of England bestowed on himselfe the Burrough of Malmesbury saying sometimes Let this man beg while he will for a while I will grant him halfe the Kingdome rather than say him nay and sooner shall he be weary of craving than I of granting repaired to Oxford where there grew a fray betweene some of the Kings Officers and the Bishops men about lodgings wherein two of his men were slaine and divers wounded Hereupon his men and he fled as also his son Nephews but they were all persued and taken except the Bishop of Ely who fled to the Castle of the Devises which was very well manned and provided determining to hold it out against the King who presently repaired thither with all speed carrying his Prisoners along with him whom he caused to be very hardly used shutting up the one Bishop in an Oxestall the other in a filthy black roome more loathsome than the other At his first comming he summoned the Castle entending to prove all meanes to get in rather than let this occasion slip Trying therefore many practises when no other would take successe he caused a paire of gallowes to be set up and swore he would hang Roger the Bishop if the Castle were not presently yeelded up to him The Bishop of Ely continuing obstinate in his deniall though his Uncle of Salisbury had entreated him earnestly to yeeld the halter was now about the young mans necke and he ready to be executed when his Father humbly besought the king to accept his best endeavour for the effecting of his desire and to save his Sonnes life was content to sweare he would neither eate nor drinke before the Castle were delivered to the King Hereupon the execution of the Son was stayed but it cost the Father his Life For the Bishop of Ely his Nephew notwithstanding what entreaty would be made suffered his Uncle to â—ast three whole dayes before he would give overâ— by meanes whereof the Old Bishop partly for griefe partly by so long abstinence â—ell sicke of a quartaine Ague whereof he languished and at last dyed raving and taking on like a man distract of his wits certaine dayes before his departure which death and usage of his is by our Historians reputed a just judgement of God upon him for his perjury and Treason against Mawde in dis-inheriting her of the Crowne contrary to his Oath There was found in this Castle of his 4000. Markes of silver ready coyned besides gold plate jewels and household stuffe of inestimable price all which the King layd hands on The Bishops sonne was kept in Prison and dealt earnestly withall to renounce the Empresse against whom he had formerly sided and devote himselfe to the Kings party which he constantly refused and with long suite obtained at last that hee might be banished the Realme This Act of the King in seising the Bishops Castles was variously spoken of many Some sayd the Bishops were lawfully deprived of them because they had built them without any warrant from the Canons that they ought to be Evangelists of peace not Architects of Castles which might prove a refuge to Malefactors Hugh Arch-Bishop of Rhoan alleadged these things with more ample reasons and speeches being the Kings greatest advocate and maintaining his side with all his eloquence Others held the contrary with whom Henry Bishop of Winchester sided being the Popes Legate and the Kings owne Brother whom neither his brotherly alliance nor feare of danger compelled to exorbitate from the truth who alledged that if the Bishops had transgressed the rule of Justice in any thing that the judgement hereof belonged not to the King but to the Canons and that they ought not to be deprived of any possession without a publik Ecclesiasticall Councell That the King had done this not out of a zeale of rectitude but for his owne profit who rendred not the Castles to the Churches by whose cost and on whose lands they were built but contrarily gave them to lay men and that to such who had little Religion in them speaking these things privately and also publikely before the King and calling upon him to free and restore the Bishops he lost his labour no man listning to him Wherfore determining to try the vigour of the Canons he commanded the king â—his brother immediately to appeare before him at the Councell which he was about to celebrate at Winchester where most of the Bishops of England assembling the Cardinalls Commission for his power Legatineâ— from Pope Innocent being first read he made a speech in Latine wherein he complained of the unworthy apprehending of the Bishops of Salisbury
and Lincolne both detained Prisoners affirming that it was a miserable wickednesse that the king was so farre seduced by incendiaries that he should command hands to be layd on his owne people especially on his Bishops in the peace of his Court That a Celestiall injury was hereby added to the kings dishonour that under pretence of the defaults of the Bishops Churches should be spoyled of their possessions That the kings excesse against the Law of God did so farre grieve him that he would rather suffer much losse both in his body and estate than the Episcopall celsitude should be cast downe with so great indignity that he ofâ— admonishedâ— the king to amend this same who even then refused not the calling of the Councell that therefore the Arch-bishop and the rest should consult together what was needfull to be done and hee would not be wanting to the execution of their advise neither for love of the king who was his brother nor for the losse of his possessions no nor yet for the perill of his head The King not distrusting his cause sent some Earles unto the Councell demaunding why he was summoned thither The Legate answered them in briefe that he who remembred that he had subjected himselfe to the faith of Christ ought not to be angry if he were called by Christs Ministers to make satisfaction being conscious of so great guilt as these ages had never seene For it was the act of secular Gentiles to imprison Bishops and strip them of their possessions Therefore they should tell his Brother that if he would give a willing assent to his Councell he would by Gods direction give him â—uch as neither the Church of Rome nor the Court of the king of France nor Count Theobald brother to them both should contradict but ought favourably to embrace that the king for the present should doe advisedly if either he would give an account of his fact or undergoe the judgement of the Canons for he ought of duty to favour the Church by reception into whose bosome and not by a â—and of Souldiers he was promoted to the kingdome Whereupon the Earles departing returned not long afâ—er wâ—th Albin Deâ—er an experienced Lawyer Who pleaded that Roger the Bishop had many wayes inâ—ured king Stephen that he came very seldome to his Court thaâ— his men presuming on his power had raised seditions that as often in other places so of late at Oxford they had made assaults on men and that upon Earle Alans owne Nephew and upon the Servants of Henry de Lyons a man of so great Nobility so haughty a brow that he would never upon king Henries request condescend to come into England That this injury redounded to king Stephen for whose loves sake hâ—e came that so great violence was offered to him that the Bishop of Lincolne out of his inveterate hatred against Alan had by his Servants beene the Author of Sedition that the Bishop of Salisbury secretly favoured the kings enemies dissembling his double dealing in the interim till a fiâ— occasion that the king had undoubtedly discovered this by many things and by this especially that he would not suffer Roger Mortimer with the kings Souldiers which he led in great â—eare of the Bristow men so much as to stay one night at Malmesbury that it was in every mans mouth that as soone as ever the Empresse should arrive that he with his Nâ—phewes and Castles would revolt to her that Roger was thus taken not as a Bishop but as the Kings Servant who both administred his affaires and received his wages that the King had not taken away the Castles from them by violence but that both the Bishops thankefully rendered them that they might excuse the calumny of the tumult which they had raised in the Court that the King found some money in the Castles which were lawâ—ully his owne because the Bishop had collected it out of the Rents of the Royall Exchequer in the time of King Henry his Uncle and antecessor that the Bishop for feare of his offences against the King willingly parted from them as he did from his Castles of which â—he King wanted not witnesses that therefore he desired the agreements betweene him and the Bishops should remaine firme Roger on the other side alleaged that he was never a Servant to the King nor received his wages moreover some threatnings were uttered by this generous Prelate who scorned to be dejected with mis-fortunes that if he found not justice in that Councell for the things taken from him that he would complaine thereof in the audience of a greater Court. The Legate answered mildlyâ— That they ought first to inquire as of other things so of all things which are spoken against Bishops in an Ecclesiasticall Councell by way of accusation whether they be true or not rather then to pronounce sentence against men uncondemned contrary to the decrees of the Canons let the King therefore doe that is lawfull to be done in secular judgements revest the Bishop of the things taken away by the Law of the Nations disseised men shall not plead Many things being spoken on both sides after this manner the cause at the Kings request was deferred 3. dayes longer till the Archbishop of Rhoan came Who sayd he granted that Bishops might have Castles if they could prove by the Canons that by law they ought to have them Which because they could not that it was extreame dishonesty to contend against the Canons And grant saith he that they may enjoy them yet verily because it is a suspitious time all the great men according to the custome of other Nations ought to deliver up the Keyes of their Fortresses to the Kings pleasure who ought to wage warre for the peace of all men Thus all the controversie of the Bishops was weakned For either according to the Decrees of the Canons it is unjust they should have Castles or if this be tolerated by the Kings indulgence they ought to yeeld up the keyes tâ— the necessity of the time To this Albric the Kings Lawyer added that the King was informed that the Bishops threatned among themselves and provided to send some of them to Rome against him And this saith he the King commendeth to you that none of you presume to doe it for if any one against his will and the dignity of the Kingdome of England shall goe any where from England peradventure his returne shal be difficult Moreover he because he seeth himselfe grieved of his own accord appeales you to Rome After the King partly by commending partly by way of threatning had commanded these things it was understood whither it tendedâ— Wherefore they so departed that neither he would suffer the censure of the Canons nor be judged by them neither did the Bishops thinke fit to exercise it and that for a double reason Either because it would be temerarious to excommunicate the King without the Popes privity Or else because they heard and some also
too large for one mans government that Ely were a fit place for an Episcopall See c. These Reasons amplified with golden Rhetoricke so perswaded the King as he not onely consented himselfe that this Monastery should be converted into a Cathedrall Church and the Abbot made a Bishop but also procured the Pope to confirme and allow of the same but Richard dying before his enstalement Henry the first Anno 1109. appointed this Bishopricke unto one Hervaeus that had beene Bishop of Bangor and agreeing ill with the Welchmen was faine to leave his Bishoppricke therâ— and seeke abroad for somewhat elsewhere Nigellus the second Bishop of this See by reason of his imployment in matters of State and Councell could not attend his Pastorall charge and therefore committed the managing and government of his Bishoppricke unto one Ranulphus sometime a Monke of Glastonbury that had new cast away his Cowle a covetous and wicked man King Stephen and he had many bickerings and as Matthew Paris writes hee banished him the Realme he was Nephew to Roger Bishop of Salisbury from whom in ejus pernâ—â—iem traxerat incâ—ntiuum he had drawne an incentive to his distruction but of him and his contests with this King you may read more in Roger of Salisbury his Vncle. This See continuing void five yeares without a Bishop after Nigellus death Geoffery Rydell Anno. 1174. succeeded him a very lofty and high minded man called commonly The Proud Bishop of Ely King Richard the first and he accorded so ill that he dying intestate and leaving in his coffers great store of ready money namely 3060. markes of silver and 205. pound of gold the King confiscated and converted it to his owne use William Longchamp next Bishop of this See being made Lord Chancellour of England chiefe Justice of the South part of England Protector of the Realmeby Richard the first when he went his voyage to the Holy-land set the whole Kingdome in a combustion through his strang insolence oppression pride violence For having all temporall and spirituall Jurisdiction in his hands the Pope making him his Legate here in England at the Kings request which cost him a thousand pounds in money to the great offence of the King infatuated with too much prosperity and the brightnesse of his owne good fortune he began presently to play both King and Priest nay Pope in the Realme and to doe many things not onely untowardly and undiscreetly but very arrogantly and insolenâ—ly savoring aswell of inconscionable covetousnesse and cruelty as lacke of wisedome and policy in so great a government requisite He calling a Convocation by vertue of his power Legantine at the intreaty of Hugh Novant Bishop of Chester displaced the Monkes of Coventree and put in secular Priests in their roomes Officers appointed by the King himselfe he discharged and removed putting others in their steeds He utterly rejected his fellow Justices whom the King joyned with him in Commission for government of the Realme refusing to heare their Counsell or to be advised by them Hee kept a guard of Flemmings and French about him At his Table all Noblemens children did serve and waite upon him Iohn the Kings brother and afterward King himselfe hee sought to keepe under and disgrace by all meanes possible opposing him all hee could that he might put him from the Crowne He tyrannized exceedingly over the Nobility and Commons whom he grieved with intollerable exactions oppressions extraordinary outward pomp and intollerable behaviour He was extreame burthensome one way or other to all the Cathedrall Churches of England His Offices were such prolling companions bearing themselves bold upon their Masters absolute authority as there was no sort of peaple whom they grieved not by some kinde of extortion all the wealth of the Kingdome came into their hands insomuch that scarce any ordinary person had left him a silver belt to gird him withall any woman any brooch or bracelet or any gentleman a ring to weare upon his finger Hee purchased every where apase bestowed all Temporall and Ecclesiasticall Offices and places that fell where he pleased Hee never rode with lesse than 1500. horse and commanded all the Nobility and Gentry when he went abroad to attend him lodging for the most part at some Monastery or other to their great expence having both Regall and Papall authority in his hands hee most arrogantly domineered both over the Cleargy and Layety and as it is written of a certaine man That he used both hands for a right hand so likewise hee for the more easie effecting of his designes as our Lordly Prelates doe now used both his powers one to assist the other for to compell and curbe potent Laymen if peradventure he could doe lesse than he desired by his secular power he supplied what was wanting with the censures of his Apostolicall power But if perchance any Clergy man resisted his will him without doubt alledging the Canons for himselfe in vaine he oppressed and curbed by his secular power There was no man who might hide himselfe from his heate when as he might justly feare both the rod of his Secular and the sword of his spirituall jurisdiction to be inflicted on him and no Ecclesiasticall Person could by any meanes or authority be able to defend himselfe against his royall preheminence Finally glorying of his immense power that the Metropolitane Churches which as yet did seeme to contemne his excellency might have experience of his authority he went in a terrible manner to both And first of all to Yorke to the Bishop elect whereof hee was most maliciously dispitefull And sending before him a mandate to the Clergy of the said Church that they should meete him in a solemne manner as the Legate of the Aposticke See when as they had thought to appeale against him he regarded not the appeale made to the higher power but gave the appellants their choyce that they should either fulfill his commands or be committed to prison as guilty of high Treasonâ— Being therefore thus affrighted they obeyed and not daring so much as to mutter any further against him as to one triumphing they with a counterfeit sorrow bestowed as much honor glory on him as he would himself The chiefe Chanter of that Church had gone out of the way a little before that he might not see that which he could not behold without torment of mind which the Bishop undestanding raging against this absent person as a rebell with an implacable motion by his own Sergeants spoiled him of all his goods Having preyed upon the Archbishoppricke and pursed all up into his Treasury this famous tryumpher departed And not long after he triumphed in like manner over those of Canterbury when as no man now durst to resist him Having therefore both Metropolitane Sees thus prostrate to him he used both as he pleased In a word the Lay-men in England at that time writes Neubrigensis found
him more than a King and the Clergy men more than a Pope but both of them an intollerable tyrant For by occasion of his double power hee put on a double tyrants person being onely innoxious to his complices and co-operators but equally grievous to all others not onely in his greedy desire of monies but likewise in his pleasure of domineering his pride being more than Kinglyâ— almost in all things Hee carrying himselfe above himselfe consumed much Treasure in walling about the Tower of London which he thought to have compassed with the Thames Et regem de magna parte pecuniae multipliciter damnificauit and many wayes damnified the King in mispending a great part of his money Therefore in the end he was precipitated from the top to the bottome of confusion He set over every Province rather to be destroyed than governed most wicked executioners of his covetousnes who would neither spare Clergy man nor Lay man nor Monke whereby they might the more advance the profit of the Chancellour for so was he called when as he was a Bishop the name verily of a Bishop being nothing at all or Lukewarme in him but the name of a Chancellor was famous and terrible throughout all England Hee appointed the Governours of every county under pretence of suppressing theeves to have great troopes of cruell and barbarous armed persons to ride with them every where to terrifie the people who going abroad in every place without punishment comitted both many enormities and cruelties Hoveden 〈◊〉 and Holinshed note that the King confirming this Bishop Chancellor and Lord chiefe Iustice of all England and the Bishop of Durham to be Lord chiefe Iustice from Trent Northwards when they were thus advanced to these dignities howsoever they came by them directly or indirectly that immediatly thereupon strife and discord did arise betwixt them for waxing proud and insolent they disdained each other contending which of them should beare most rule and authority insomuch that whatsoever seemed good to the one the other misliked The like hereof is noted before betweene the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke For the nature of ambition is to delight in singularity to admit no Peere to give placâ— to no superiour to acknowledge no equall as appeares by this proud Prelate Who afterward depriving Hugh of Durham of all his honour and dignity and putting the Bishop of Winchester to great trouble and doubting least the Nobles of the Realme should put him out of his place who detested him for his pride and insolencie he thereupon matched divers of his Kinswomen to them to make them true unto him promising them great preferments the rest of the Nobility hee either crushed or otherwise appeased fearing none but Iohn the Kings brother who was like to succeede him to curbe him hee sent his two brothers to the King of Scots to joyne in a firme league with him to crowne Arthur King and not Iohn in Case the King died without issue These â—everall particulars insolencies and oppressions being related to the King Wintring in Sicily he thereupon sent Walâ—er Archbishop of Rhoan a prudent and modest man with a Commission to be joyned with this Bishop in the government of the Kingdome and that nothing should be done without his consent sending Hugh Bardulfe Bishop of Durham with him to governe the Province of Yorke where the Bishops brother played Rex in a barbarous manner granting him likewise the custody of the Castle of Windsor Hugh meeting with the Bishop at the towne of Ely shewed him the Kings Letters to this purpose to which he answered that the Kings commandement should be done and so brought him with him to Euwell where he tooke him and kept him fast till hee was forced to surrender to him the Castle of Windsor and what else the King had committed to his custody and moreover was constrained to leave Henry de Putâ—nco his ownâ— sonne and Gilbert Lege for hostages of his fidelity to be true to the King and the Realme The Bishop hereupon contemned this command of the King pretending that hee knew his minde very well and that this Commission was fraudulently procured and when the Archbishop of Rhoan according to the Kings direction went to Canterbury to order that See being void this proud Chancellor aspiring to the prerogative of this See prohibited him to doe it threatning that he should dearely pay for this his presumption if he attempted to goe thither or doe any thing in that businesse so that this Archbishop continued idle in England But the Chancellor impatient of any collegue in the Kingdomes government like a â—inguler wilde beast preyed upon the Kingdome Whereupon he sends for a power from beyond the sea puts Gerardus de Cammilla from the government of Lincolne Castle his wives inheritanceâ— and commands him to resigne it into his hands he refusing to doe it repaiâ—es to Iohn the Kings brother for aide and assistance whereupon the Bishop in a rage presently goes and besiegeth the Casâ—le and seekes to force it Iohn in the meane time takes Notingham and Tikehill and sends to the Bishop to give over his siege who losing one of his hornes or hands his spirituall Legantine power by the Popes death and a little affrighted therewith by the advice of his friends he comes to a parly with Iohn and made his peace with him for the present upon the best termes and conditions hee could But hearing shortly after that the forraigne forces he had sent for to ayd him were arrived he takes courage and falls off from his Covenants protesting that he would drive Iohn or Iohn should drive him out of the Kingdome intimateing that one Kingdome was to little to containe two such great and swelling persons At last they come to new Articles of agreement soone after which Geoffery Plantagenet Archbishop of Yorke the Kings and Iohns base brother procured his consecration from the Archbishop of Towres which the Chancellour hindred and delayed all he might The Chancellour his bitter enemy and prosecutor hearing of it presently â—ends his owne Officers to Yorke invades and spoiles all the possessions of the Bishopprickâ— and what ever belonged thereto and commands all the Ports to be stopped to hinder his landing and accesse to his Church writing this Letter to the Sheriffe of Kent We command you that if the Elect of Yorke shall arrive in any Port or Haven within your Baylywicke or any Messenger of his that you cause him to be arrested and kept till you have commandement from us therein And we command you likewise to stay attach and keepe all Letters that come from the Pope or any other great man He notwithstanding arrives at Dover but found a greater storme on shore than at sea for the Captaine of Dover Castle who had married a Kinswoman of the Chancellors hindred his progresse and certified the Chancellour of his landing withall speede who no wayes dissembling the rage of his fierce minde commanded him to be stript of
a Lyon by the paw I am commanded to lay this great malefactour at your doores one who hath beene a great oppugner oâ— the life and liberty of Religion and who set a brand of infamy to use his own words upon Ipswich education In summe one who is a compleate mirrour of innovation superstition and oppressionâ— he is now in the snare of those Articles which were the workes of his owne hands The rod of Moses at a distance was a serpent it was a rod againe when it was taken into his hands this Bishop was a serpent a devouring serpent in the Diocesse of Norwich your Lordships peradventure will by handling of him make him a rod againeâ— or if not I doubt not but your Lordships will chastise him with such rods as his crimes shall deserve My Lords I am commanded by the House of Commons to desire your Lordships that this Bishop may be required to make answer to these Articles and that there may be such proceedings against him as the Course and Justice of Parliament doth admit You see by this Parlamentary impeachment what a Regulus Tyrant and Serpent this Wren hath beene I shall say no more of him but leave him to his legall triall Richard Mountague who next succeeded Bishop Wren in this Sea proceeded on in his extravagant courses and Popish innovations witnesse his strange Visitation Articles printed for the Diocesse of Norwich many whereof are directly Popish others unjust absurd and strangely ridiculous as of what Assise is â—our Surplesse What is your Surplesse or Lords Table worth if it were to be sold Is your Communion Table rayled in so as Cats and Dogges he might as well have added Rats and Mice cannot get through unto it c. This Bishop conscious to himselfe of his owne guiltinesse came not up to this last Parliament for feare of questioning and being complained of for suspending a Lecturer in Norwich without any just cause even sitting this Parliament the House thereupon made an Order that a speciall Committee should be appointed to examine all his offences old and new the newes whereof so affrighted him that within few dayes after he died to ease the Parliament of that labour of whom see more in Chichester Since his decease this See hath continued vacant and the whole Diocesse earnestly desire it may so remaine till Doomesday having beene almost ruined and infinitely vexed by their late monstrous Prelates of whom I shall now take my farewell and shape my course to Chester Diocesse The Bishops of Chester The Bishopricke of Coventry and Lichfield in former times had three Episcopall Sees Chester Coventry and Lichfield whence some of the Bishops in our Chronicles were formerly called the Bishops of Chester because they there resided of some of whose Acts I shall give you a taste Hugh Novant Bishop of Chester whom Godwin reckons among the Bishops of Coventry and Lichfield about the yeare 1188. when King Richard the first was taken prisoner by the Arch-duke of Austria joyned with Iohn Earle of Morton the Kings Brother against the King to dispossesse him of his Kingdome his brother went from this Earle and the French King to the Emperour with Letters a message promising him a great summe of money in their names to detaine the King still in Prison after the Articles for his release and ransome were concluded for which treason and conspiracy after the Kings enlargement this Bishop was indicted in a Parliament at Nottingham that he being privy to the Kings secrets had revolted from him to the King of France and Earle Iohn his enemies adhered to them plotting all mischiefe for the destruction of the King and of the Kingdome whereupon hee was peremptorily cited to appeare and answer this indictment within 40. dayes which he failing to doe was adjudged to be punished by Ecclesiasticall censures as he was a Bishop and as an Officer to the King he was also by the Laity banished the Realme and at last enforced to purchase his peace with a Fine of 5000 markes to the King Anno 211 90. he having purchased the Monastery of Coventry from the King came thither with a power of armed men to place in secular Priests in stead of the Monkes who making resistance against him he invaded them with forces chased away some lamed others of themâ— spoiled their house burnt their Charters and Evidences himselfe being wounded and that in the Church before the High Altar in this conflict to the effusion of his blood In the yeare of our Lord 1234. in the Purification of St. Mary King Henry the third came to a conference at Westminster wherein he sharpely rebuked certaine Bishops Et maximè AlexandruÌ„ Cestrensem Episâ—opum especially Alexander de Savensby Bishop of Chester that they were over-familiar with the Earle Marshall Et quòd ipsum de regni solio depellere nitebantur that they indevoured to depose him from his royall throne But this Bishop clad in his Pontificalibus when hee knew such things were objected to him and also that some had suggested to the King by way of exasperating that the Bishops favouring the party of the Marshall would create another King was exceedingly moved especially against Roger de Catelu whereupon hee incontinently excommunicated all those who imagined any such wickednesse against the King or maliciously imposed such things upon the Bishops who were altogether folicitous of the Kings honours and safety The innocency of the Bishops being thus manifested and proved and the sowers of dissention confounded Catelu held his peace being not free as it seemedâ— from the Anathema So the other Bishops who were present intervening Alexander Bâ— of Chester was pacified and his spirit quieted Nimis antè amaricatus being overmuch imbittered before Edmond Elect Archbishop of Canterbury with many of his suffragans were present at this conference who all condoling at the desolation of the King and Kingdome came to the King and as it were with one heart mind and mouth said O our Lord the King let us tell you in the Lord as your faithfull subjects that the counsell which you now have and useâ— is neither wholsome nor safe but cruell and dangerous to your selfe and to the Kingdome of England to wit the counsell of Peter Bishop of Winchester of whom before Peter de Rivallis and their complices Fiâ—st of all because they hate and contemne the English Nation calling them Traytors and causing them all to be so called and turning your minde away from the love of your owne Nation and â—hâ— hearts of your people from you as appeares in the Marshall who is the best man of your Land whom they have perverted and estranged from you by lyes they have scattered abroad of him And through this very counsell to wit by the said Bishop your Father King Iohn first lost the hearts of his people after that Normandy afterwards other lands and in the end exhausted all his treasure and almost lost the
dominion of England and had never peace afterwards By the same counsell in our times the Kingdome was troubled and the interdict came and finally the Kingdome was made tributary and the Prince of Provinces alas for griefe is brought under tribute to ignoble persons and warres begun and long protracted your father died like a banished man neither in peace of the Kingdome nor of minde and so by them he incurred a very perillous death By the same counsell the Castle of Bedford was detained against you where you lost much treasure and many valiant men by meanes whereof in the interim you lost Rochell to the ignominy of the whole Realme Item the now imminent perturbation perilous to the whole Kingdome comes to passe through their wicked counsell because if your people had beene handled according to Justice and the right Judgement or Law of the Landâ— this perturbation had not hapned and you should have had your lands undestroyed your treasure unexhausted Likewise we tell you in that allegiance wherby we are obliged to you that your counsell is not of peaceâ— but of trouble to the Land because they that seeke to thrive by the trouble of the Kingdome and the disinherison of others cannot doe it by its peace Item because they have your Caâ—tles and your forces in their handâ— as if you ought to distrust your owne people Item because they have your Exchequor and all the greaâ—est Wards and Escheates in their power such an expectation pleaseth and how they will answer you in the end wee beleeve you shall prove Item because by your Seale or Precept without the Seale of Peter de Rivallis scarce any great businesse is done in the Realme as if they accounted you not to be King Item because by the same counsell the naturall borne subjects of your Kingdome are expelled out of your Court whence wee have cause to be fearefull both of you and the Kingdome when as wee see you to be more in their power than they in yours as appeares by very many examples Item because they have a mayde out of Brittany and your sister under their power with many other noble girles and women who are marriageable with Wards and marriages which they give to their owne creatures and disparage Item because they confound and pervert the Law of the Land sworne and confirmed and ratified by Excommunication and Justice likewise whence it is to be feared least they be Excommunicated and you also by communicating with them Item because they keepe to no man either their promise faith or oath or writing neither feare they Excommunication whence they who have receded from the truth are desperateâ— as remaining diffident in feare Now these things we faithfully relate to you and wee counsell beseech and admonish you before God and man that you would remove such counsell from you and as it is the custome in other Kingdomes that you governe your Kingdomes by your faithfull and sworne men of your Realme Wee denounce to you in verity that unlesse you correct these things within a short time we will proceede against you and all other contradictors by Ecclesiasticall Censureâ— expecting nothing but the Consecration of our venerable Father the Elect of Canterbury These things being thus spoken the King humbly desired a short time of truce saying that hee could not so sodainely remove his counsell untill he had received an account of the treasure committed to him and so the conference was dissolved all men departing with confidence of a concord speedily to be obtained soone after the Archbishop being consecrated upon the fifth of Aprill the King with his Nobles being at Westminster the Archbishop taking all the Bishops and other Prelates that were present with him whereof this Bishop of Chester was one went to the King and shewed him their counsell touching the imminent desolation and danger of the Kingdome repeating the former inconveniences mentioned in the conference and denounced to the King expresly that unlesse hee would speedily reforme his error and make a peaceable composition with the faithfull men of his Kingdome he with all the Bishops who were present would incontinently in ipsum Regem sententiam ferre excommunicationis pronounce a sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe and against all others contradictors of this peace and perverters of concord The King hearing this humbly answered that hee would obey their counsels in all things Whereupon a few dayes after understanding his error moved with repentance he commanded Peter Bishop of Winchester to goe to his Bishopricke to intend the cure of soules and that from thenceforth Regiis negotiiâ— nequaquam interesset hee should by no meanes intermeddle with the Kings affaires Walter de Langton Bishop of Chester lived in great authority under King Edward the first who favoured him much but his sonne Edward the second molested disgraced him all that eyer he might His Fatherdying in the North country he â—ommanded this Bishop to conduct his corps up to London and when hee had done so for reward of his paines hee caused Sir Iohn Felton Constable of the Tower to arrest him seased upon all his goods and imprisoned him first in the Tower then in the Castle of Wallingford of which imprisonment he was not released in two yeares after In his fathers life time he had often reprehended the young Prince for his insolent and dissolute behaviour which good admonitions he taking in evill part wronged and disgraced him many wayes namely one time he brakâ— downe his Parkes spoyled and drove away his deare c. The Bishop complained of this outrage unto the King his Father who being greatly displeased therewith committed the Prince his sonne for certaine dayes And this was the cause of the grudge between the yong King and him for which he sent him from Castle to Castle as Prisoner seised his Lands Tenements into his own hands gave his moveables to Pierce Gaviston and his Lord Treasurership to Walter Reignold About the same time or I thinke a little sooner to wit in the yeare 1â—01 hee was accused of certaine hainous crimes before the Pope and compelled to answer the accusation at Rome in his owne person Though the proofes brought against him were either none or very slender yet well knowing whom they had in hand Noverant ipsum prae multis bovem valde pinguem saith Matth. Westminster they were content to detaine him there so long as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of mony yet was never a whit the nearer atlast for the Pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury and yet reserved the determination of the â—ame unto himself at last The tempests of these troubles being over-blowne the rest of his time he lived for ought I finde quietly and being happily dismissed from the Court attended onely the government of his charge This Bishop setling his See towards his later end at Litchfield I finde no mention at all of any
a great part of his Clergy and three Abbots and in full Synod excommunicated his Soveraigne Mouâ—ice King of Glamorgan for â—laying Cynetu and breaking the Covâ—nant which he had made in his presence upon the Altar of Peter the Apostâ—e and of Saint Dubricius and Telianus and then layed their Crosses to the earth and likewise intermitted Baptisme throughout his Country 〈◊〉 Communio Christiaâ—a and the Christian Communalty accursed the King and his progeny the Synod confirming it and saying Let his dayes be few and leâ— his childâ—en be Orphâ—nâ—s and his wife a wâ—ddow Whereupon the King with all his Country remained for two yeares space more under the said excommunication after which this King unable any longer to sustaine such a long lasting great excommunication seeing the perdition of his owne soule and damnation of his kingdome went to Landaffe and craved pardon of Saint Oudotius and powring out teares with his head bowed downe in the presence of three Abbots this Bishop imposed the yoake of pennance upon him according to the quality and quantity of his offence commending to him that hee should three manner of wayes amend his fault with God and the Church of Landaffe to wit with fasting Prayer and Almes whereupon this King for the redemption of his owne Soule and for the Soule of Synetu gave foure Villages to the Church of Landâ—ffe the names whereof are mentioned in that Synod Not long after another Synod was assembled by the same Bishop for the pennance and absolution of King Morâ—ant who slew Frioc his Vncle contrary to his oath they two having solemnely vowed that if one them should either kill or deceive the other that he would not redeeme himselfe either with Lands or money but would relinquish his Kingdome spenâ— his whole life in pilgrimage This K. confessing his fault before the Bishop and his Synod and craving pardon both for his perjury and Homicideâ— the whole Synod decreed least the Kingdome should be destitute of a King and of the pâ—otecting buckler of their naturall Lord that he should redeeme his Pilgrimage and â—xpiâ—te his homicide and perjury with fastings prayers and Almes which he swearing to doe they injoyned pennance to him according to his offence and his quality greatnesse and power whereupon he was restored to Christian Communion of which hee was formerly deprived by the Bishâ—p and gave three Churches with other particulars to the Church of Lâ—ndâ—ffe After this a third Synod was held under the same Bishop at Landâ—ffâ— wherein Guidneth who slew his brother Mercâ—ion in a contestation for the kingdome was excommunicated by this Bishop Synod with crosses laid downe to the ground and Cymbals overturnedâ— under which excommunication he remained three whole yeares without any Communion of Christians Afâ—er three yeares expired he asked pardon of the Bishâ—â— who granting him remission sent him in Pilgrimage to the Archbishop of Dole in Britany where he promised to continue a yeares space in exile but returning thence within the yeare this Bishop refused to absolve him and put him under the first excommunication because he performed not his first penance But this Bishop dying within a yeare after and Berthguin succeeding him king Morcant and Guadnorâ—h with many elders went to Landaffe and requested this new Bishop with one mouâ—h seeing â—he crosses yet laid downe upon the ground together with the reliques and Cymbals that he would absolve Guâ—dnorth from his excommunication by lifting up the Crosâ—es and Saints reliques from the earth After which Guednorth promising yet more to amend his life with fasting prayer and Almes and shedding teares with great devotion was thereupon absolved by the Bishop who enjoyned him plenary penance according to the manner of his fault he afterwards mindfull of the divine saying as water extinguisheth fire so alms doth sinne gave three Manors with all their liberties appurtenances to the Church of Landaffe By this kind of indirect meanes this Church got so much lands that had it now but the tenth part thereof Godwin assures us it would be one of the wealthiest Churches in Christendome Tâ—udâ—ur King of Brechiniauâ— or Brecknâ—ck sonne of Rese slew Elgistill another King of that Country treacherously after â— league solemnly sworne betweene themâ— not to lye in waite one for another and to maintaine a firme peace without deceit hereupon Gurcan the tenth Bishop of Landaffe with his Cleargy excommunicated him for his perjury and murther by uncovering the Altars of God casting the crosses and reliques to the ground and depriving him of all Christian communion whereupon Teâ—dur unable to undergoe this malediction and rigour of justice with a contrite heart and teares powred out craved pardon and submitted himselfe to the penance imposed on him according to his quality and greatnesse recompencing his wickednesse with Almes prayer and fasting and for his absolution he gave this Bishop Lan. Michâ—â—l with all its lands libâ—rties and Commons King Cloâ—ri and Lâ—ndguallaun made a solemne league before Berthgwin the 14. Bishop of Landaffe and sware to mainâ—aine fiâ—me peace betweene them in all things wâ—thout fraud or dammâ—ge And if either of them violated it he was to leave his kingdome and to goe on Pâ—lgrimage all his lifeâ— neither should he redeeme himselfe nor his kingdome with gold nor silver Aâ—ter which King Clotri breaking the league slew the other treacherously committing both homicide and pâ—rjury Which â—his Bâ—shop hearing of assembled a Synode of his Clergy at Landaffâ— and in a full Synod excommunicated the King with alâ— his progeny and kingdome by uncovering Gods Altars and casting downe the crosses to the earth and left the Country without Bâ—ptisme and the communion Whereupon the K. unable to endure so great an excommunication with great devotion submitted himselfe to the Bishop left his Kingdome went on Pilgrimage into forraigne parts from whence returning into his Countâ—y after a long â—pace by â—he intercession of King Morcant he obtained absolution from the Bishop to whose enjoyned penance he submitted thereupon he gave Helic with other lands to the Bâ—shop and his successors in the Church of Landaffe In this Bâ—shops time Gurcan the sonne of Guinâ—n kept his owne Stepmother for which the Bishop excommunicated him in such manner aâ— he did Cloâ—ri and upon his penance and absolution the Bishop wrâ—sted from him a peâ—â—e of land called Marchinis In the dayes of Cercenhir the 18. Bishâ—p of Landâ—ffâ— Houel King of Glevissig contrary to his solemne oath circumvented and slew Gallun the sonne of Cidrich whereupon the Bâ—shop summoning a Synode excommunicated him in such sort as the former Kings were almost a yeares space at which time hee coming bare foot to the Bishop implored absolution with many teares which he obtaining after publike pennance enjoyned gave three Mannors to the Bishop and his Church After which this Bishop excommunicated Coubius for murthering Câ—mauc contrary to his solemne oath and that in a publike
his mind walke in great and wonderfull matters above himselfe having a mouth speaking great things with a most vaine heart In conclusion gathering together Poore and bold men noâ— fearing the judgement of verity he gave out himselfe to be the Sonne of Count Murrey spoyled of the inheritance of his Fathers by the King of Scots that he had an intention noâ— onely to prosecute his right but likewise â—o revenge his wrongs that he desired to have them the Consorts both of his danger and fortuneâ— that iâ— was a businesse verily of some labour and danger but of great reputation and much emolument All of them therefore being animated by and sworne to his words he began cruelly to play Rex through the Neighbour Islands and he was now like Nemroth A mighty hunter before the Lord disdaining according to the duty of his Episcopall Office to be a Fisher of Men like Peter his Millitary troopes encreasing dayly amongst whom he being taller than the rest almost by the head and shoulders like a great Generall inflamed the mindes of all the rest He made excursions into the Provinces of Scotland exterminating all things with rapines and murthers and when as a royall Army was sent against him retyring himselfe into remote Forrests or â—lying backe into the Ocean he eluded all their warlike preparations and the Army retyring hee brake out againe out of his lurking places to infest the Provinces When therefore he prospered in all things and became now terrible even to the King himselfe a certaine Bishop a most simple man miâ—aculously repressed his violence for a time to whom when he denouncing warre threatned utter devastation unlesse he would pay him a tribute He answered The will of the Lord be done for by my example never shall any Bishop be made the tributary to another Bishop Therefore having exhorted his people he meetes him comming with fury onely greater than he in Faith but farre unlike him in other things and for the encouragement of his Souldiers he himselfe giving the first stroke of the battle casting a small Axe at him by Gods good pleasure prostrated the enemy marching in the front With whose fall the people being encouraged rannâ— violently upon the Robbers and slaying a great part of them compelled the most fierce captaine unmanfully to fly This hee himselfe was wont afterwards to relate among his friends with mirth as glorying That onely God could over come him by the Faith of a simple Bishop After this resuming his Forces he wasted the Iâ—lands and Provinces of Scotland as at first Whereupon the King was compelled to appease this Robber to which end using better counsell than formerly he â—esolved to deale wisely with a proud and craâ—ty enemy with whom he could not deale valiantly Therefore granting to him a certaine Province with the monastery of Fornace he suspended his excursions for a time But when as he gloriously passed through the subdued Province like a King with a powerfull army and became exceeding troublesome to the Monastery it selfe of which he had beene a Monke by the consent of the Nobles who hated either his power or his insolence some Inhabitants of the said Province laid waite for him and having gotten a convenient time when as hee followed the multitude he had sent before him to his lodging with a slow pace and a small guard they apprehending him bound him and put out both his eyes because both were wicked and cutting off the cause of a virulent race they gelt him writes my Author for the peace of the Kingdome of Scotland not for the Kingdome of Heaven This Bishop thus emasculated afterwards came to Belleland and there continued quiet many yeares till his death Yet he is reported then to have said that if he had the eye but of a Sparrow his Enemyes should no way insult off their Acts against him So Neubrigensâ—s If all our Lordly Bishops were gelt like this for the peace of the Kingdome both of Scotland and England that we might be no more troubled with this their Lordly virulent generation in â—uture ages I presume it would be as great a blessing as could befall both Kingdomes and Churches About the yeare 1230. the men of Cathnes sore offended with their Bishop named Adam for that upon refusall to pay their Tithes he had accursed and excommunicated them fel upon him within his owne house And first scourging him with Rods at length set fire upon him and burnt him within his owne kitchin Which Act being reported to the Scoâ—tish King Alexander as then sojourning at Edenburgh he hasted forth with all speed to punish the offenders not ceasing till he had taken 400â— of themâ— all which number he caused to be hanged and for that he would have no succession to come of such a wicked seed he appointed all their Sons to lose their stones The place where they were so gelded is called even to this day the Stony-hill The Eaâ—le of Cathnes for that he neither succoured the Bishop in time of need nor yet sought to punish the offenders that did this cruell deed was deprived of his Earledome and the Lands belonging to the same The Pope highly commended King Alexander for this punishment taken of them that had so cruelly murthered their Bishop Thus was one small cruelty occasioned by this Bishops covetousnesse and perversenesse punished with a farre greater yea such a one as is hardly parralleld in story and that by the instigation of the Prelates and Pope who applauded this barbarous cruelty Had all Lordly Traytorly Rebellious and Seditious Prelates beene thus gelded that no succession mighâ— spring from their wicked seed to infest both Chuâ—ch and State it had beene a more profitable and commendable action than the gelding of these poore Laymen King Iames the fourth Anno 1504. when he had formerly ministred justice so amongst his Subjects that they lived in great peace and quietnesse William Elfinstone Bishop of Aberdene one of his Counsell devised wayes to win the King great profit and gaine by calling his Barons and all those that held any Lands within this Realme to shew their evidences by way of recognition and if they had not sufficient writings to shew warrantablâ— by the antecedent Lawes of the Kingdome the Lands should remaine at the Kings pleasure But when the King perceived his people to grudge herewith and not without caâ—se as with a thing devised to disquiet his people and the whole Country of his owne courteous nature he easily agreed with the possessors of such Lands For the which he purchased great love amongst his people and the Bishop the deviser of this Ordinance wanne passing great hatred and malice Anno. 1521. A Parliament was summoned to be kept at Edenburgh the 26. of Ianuary and a generall Sommons of forâ—eiture proclaimed at the Market Crosse in Edenburgh wherein divers were sommoned to make their appearance in the said Parliament to be tryed
devotionem in pluribus est experta ut ad ipsius electionis favorem tanto amplius provocetur ejus reverentiae devotiori affectione subdantur quanto benevolentiae ipsius gratiae pignus se noverint certius assecutos Eâ— propter O charissime in Christo fili reverentiam ac devotionem quam ad Romanam te habuisse a longis retro temporibus Ecclesiam novimus attendentes praesentis scripti pagina duximus statuendum ut Scoticana Ecclesia Apostolicae sedi cujus filia specialis existit nullo mediante debeat subjacere In qua hae sedes Episcopales esse noscuntur Ecclesiae videlicet S. Andreae Glascuensis Dunkeldensis Dumblinensis Brehinensis Aberdonensis Moraviensis Rosensensis Katinensis nemini liceat nisi Romano Pontifici vel legato ab ipsius latere destinato in regnum Scotiae interdicti vel excommunicationis sententiam promulgare si promulgata fuerit decernimus non valere adjicimus ut nulli de caetero qui de regno Scoâ—iae non fuerit nisi quem Apostolica sedes propter hoc de corpore suo specialiter destinaverit licitum sit in eo ligationis officium exercere Prohibemus autem ut controversiae quae fuerint in regno illo de possessionibus ejus exortae ad examen extra regnum positorum judicum non trabantur nisi ad Romanam Ecclesiam fuerit appellatum Si qua vero scripta contra hujus libertatis statuta apparuerint impetrata vel in posterum istius concessionis mentione non habita contigerit impetrari nullum tibi vel ipsi regno circa hujus praerogativae concessionem praejudicium genereturâ— praeterea libertates immunitates tibi vel eidem regno vel Ecclesiis in eo constitutis a praedecessoribus nostris Romanis pontificibus indultas hactenus observatas ratas habemus illibatas futuris temporibus statuimus permanere Nulli ergo hominum liceat paginam nostrae constitutionis prohibitionis infringere vel ei aliquatenus contraire Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit indignationem omnipotentis Dei beatorum Petri Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum Datum Laterani tertia Idus Martii pontificatus nostri anno primo Not long after the same King procured the same Letter verbatim from Pope Coelestine in the first yeare of his Papacy But to returne to our Bishops of this See In the yeare of Grace 1306. Robert de Bruse invader of anothers kingdome and a paricide like Adonias caused himselfe to be Crowned King of Scotland in the Abbey of Schone after the manner of his Country by the Bishops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow the Abbot of Schone and other conspirators contrary to the Oath they and he had taken to King Edward the first Which was the occasion of a bloody warre as you may read more at large in our Historians Anno 1445. The Earle of Dowglas who ruled wholly about King Iames the second set the Earle of Crawford against the Bishop of Saint Andrewes called Iames Kenedy Sisters sonne to King Iames the first who tooke a great prey out of the Bishops Lands in Fiffe Whereupon the Earle of Crawford on the one part and the Earle of Huntly with the Ogilinde on the other met at Arbroth in set battle where the Earle of Crawford and 600. more on both sides were slaine King Iames the second Anno 1454. by the advise of this Bishop dispatched out of the way such as he any wayes mistrusted of which number was the Dowglasses whose puissance and authority not without cause he evermore suspected he turned the Earle of Angus and divers of the Dowglasses blood that were of their faction from them and made them to revolt from the other confederates so as in the end he had them all at his pleasureâ— Anno 1462. All things at that season were ordered by the advice and Counsell of this Bishop who governed the Realme of Scotland as well during the minority of Iames the third as also in the dayes of his Father King Iames the second And was the occasion of many tumults and warres therein The Scotsâ—eeking â—eeking meanes to rid thâ—mselves from subjection of the Bishop of Yorke who was anciently the Metropolitane of Scotland did in the yeare of Christ 1474. obtaine of the Pope that they might have a Metropolitane See within themselves by reason of the continuall warres which were betweene the two Nations during which they could neither use appellations to their Metropolitane nor have other Bishops consecraâ—ed Whereupon the Pope erected the Church of Saint Andrewes into an Arch-Bishopricke in the time of King Iames the third touching which thus writeth Lesleus li. 8. p. 317. Hoc anno which was the yeare of Christ 1474 Patricius Grahamus sedis Andreapolitanae Ecclesiae Episcopus crebris literis ac nuntiis a Papa efflagitavit ut Metropolitana potestas in divi Andreae civitate figeretur iniquum esse enim contendit ut Scoti ab Eboracensi Episcopo tanquam primate penderent cum propter crebra bella quibus se Scoti Angli mutuo lacessunt Scotis ad illum non pateretur tutus accessus nec liberum jus praesertim in appellationibus Annuit summus Pontifex ut Andreapolitano deinceps Episcopo potestas Metropolitana incumbat dies indulto Pontifici promulgandi mense Septembri dicta est atque maxima populi nobiliumque laetitia celebrata Episcopi reliqui Grahami odio flagrantes illius authoritatem repudiant Regisque animum ingenti pecunia which was as other Authours say eleven thousand Markes occupant ne Grahami partibus studeret Interea praesules Romam mittunt qui sui defensionem contra Grahamum suscipiunt But in the end they did not prevaile Graham was made Arch bishop Patricke Graham being Bishop of Saint Andrewes and the first Archbishop of that See was after his advancement to that title deprived in this sort In the yeare of Christ 1477â— Pope Xistus the fourth of that name sent a Legate called Husman into Scotland which should displace this Patricke the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes condemned by the sentence of the Pope and the Cardinals for an Heretique Schismaticke Simonicke Whereupon he was deprived of all Ecclesiasticall dignity and commanded to perpetuall Prison In whose place was William Schewes chosen to whose custody and disposition this Patricke was committed after which Graham being removed for his safe imprisonment first to Saint Colmes Isle then to Dumfermling and lastly to Lochelevine there in the end he dyed and was buryed in Saint Sarffis or Servimanus Isle in Lochelevine after that he had beene three yeares Arch Bishop William Schewes being created Archbishop of Saint Andrewes in the yeare of Christ 1478. as some have or 1479â— as others have it in the Holy-Rood House in Edenburgh in the presence of King Iames and many of the Nobility received the Pall as the ensigne of his Metropolitane power being declared Legate and
of the foresaid temporalities without any charge to the Realmâ— whereunto the King the Lords and thâ— Commons are to be invited For otherwise there seemeth to hang over our heads a great and marvellous alteration of this Relme unlesse the same be put in execution And if the secular Priests and fained religious which be Simoniacks and Hereticks which faine themselves to say Masse and yet say none at all according to the Canons which to their purpose they bring and alledge 1. q. 3. Audivimus Cap. Pudenda Cap. Schisma by which Chapter such Priests and religious doe not make the Sacrament of the Altar that then all Christians especially all the founders of such Abbies and endowers of Bishopricks Priories and Chaunteâ—ies ought to amend this fault and treason committed against their Predecessors by taking from them such secular dominions which are the maintenance of all their sinnes And also that Christian Lords and Princes are bound to take away from the Clergy such secular Dominion as nousâ—eth and nourisheth them in Hereâ—ies and ought to reduce them unto the simple and poore life of Christ Jesus and his Apostles And further that all Christian Princes if they will amend the malediction and blasphemy of the name of God ought to take away their temporalities from that shaven generation which most of all doth nourish them in such malediction And so in like wise the fat tithes from Churches appropriate to rich Monks and other religious fained by manifest lying and other unlawfull meanes likewise ought to debarre their gold to the proud Priest of Rome which doth poyson all Christendome with Simony and Heresie Further that it is a great abhomination that Bishops Monks and other Prelates be so great Lords in this World whereas Christ with his Apostles and Disciples never tooke upon them secular dominion neither did they appropriate unto them Churches as these men doe but lead a poore life and gave a good testimony of their Priesthood And therefore all Christians ought to the uttermost of their power and strength to sweare that they will reduce such shavelings to the humility and poverty of Christ and his Apostles and whosoever doth not thus consenteth to their Heresie Also that these two Chapters of the immunity of Churches are to be condemned that is Cap. Non minus Cap. Adversus Because they doe decree that temporall Lords may neither require tallages nor tenths by any ecclesiasticall persons He writes much more to the same effect The noble Martyr Sir Iohn Old Castle Lord Cobham professed That the will of God is That Priests being secluded from all worldlinesse should conforme themselves utterly to the examples of Christ and his Apostles be evermore occupied in Preaching and teaching the Scriptures purely and giving wholesome examples of good living to others being more modest loving gentle and lowly in spirit then any other sorts of people Where doe ye finde said hee to the Prelates in all Gods Law that ye should thus sit in judgement of any Christian man or yet give sentence of any other man unto death as ye doe herâ— dayly No ground have ye in all the Scriptures so Lordly to take it upon you but in Annas and Caiphas which sate thus upon Christ and upon his Apostles after his ascension Of them onely havâ— yâ— taken it to judge Christs members as ye doe and neither of Peter nor Iohn Since the venomâ— of Iuâ—as was shed into the Church Yee never followed Christ nor yet stood in the perfection of Gods Law â—y venome I meane your possessions and Lordships For then cryed an Angell in the ayre as your owne Chronicles mention Woe woe woe This day is venome shed into the Church of God Before that time all the Bishops of Rome were Martyrs in a manner and since that time we reade of very few But indeed one hath put downe another one hath cursed another â—nâ— hath poysoned another one hath slaine another and done much more mischiefe besides as all Chronicles tell And let all men consider this well that Christ was meeke and mercifull the Pope and his Prelates is proud and a Tyrant Christ was poore and forgave the Pope is rich and a malicious manslayer as his dayly acts do prove him Rome is the very nest of Antichrist and out of that nest cometh all the Disciples of him of whom Archbishops Bishopâ— Prelates Priests and Monks be the body members and these pild Friers the tayle Though Priests and Deâ—cons for preaching Gods word ministring the Sacraments with provision for the poore be grounded on Gods Law yet have these Sects no manner of ground thereof Hee that followeth Peter most nighest in pure living is next unto him in succession But your Lordly Order esteemed not greatly the behaviour of poore Peter what ever ye prate of him Pierce Plowman an anciâ—nt â—nglish Poet writes to the same effect If Knighthood and kinduite and commons by conscience Together love lelly leeveth it well ye Bishops The Lordship of Lands for ever â—all ye lese And live as Levitici as our Lord ye teacheth Deut. 8. Numb 5. per primitias Decimas c. And the Author of the same Treatise in his Plowmans complaint of the abuses of the World writes thus against the Lordlinesse and wealth of Bâ—shops and Priests Lord thou saydst Kings of the Heathen men be Lords â—ver their subjects â—nd they that usen their power be clepen well doers But Lord thou saydst it should not bee so among thy servants but he that were most should be as a servant And Lord thy Priests in the old Law had no Lordship among their brethren but houses and pastures for their beasts but Lord our Priests now have great Lordships â—nd put their brethrâ—n in greater thraldome than Lewdmen that be Lords Thus in meeknesse forsaken The deed shâ—weth well of thâ—se Masters that they desiren more maistery for their owne worship then for profit of the pâ—ople For whâ—n they be Masters they nâ— preâ—cheâ— not so often as they did before And gif they preachen commonly it is before rich men there as they mowen beare worship and also profit of their preaching But bâ—fore poore men they preachen but seldome when they bâ— Masters and so by their workes we may seene that they are but false glossers O Lord deliver the sheepe out of the ward of these Shepheards and these hired men that stondâ—n more to keep their riches that they robben of thy sheep than they stonden in keeping of thy sheep And Lord geve our King and his Lords heart to defenden thy true shepheards and sheep from out of the Wolves mouthes and grace to know thee that art the true Christ the Sonne of the heavenly Father from the Antichrist that is the Son of perdition c. Sir Geoffry Chaucer our renowned Poet writâ—s much the same effect The Emperour gaâ—e the Poet sometime So high Lordship him about That at last the sely Kyme
Apostles and Disciples to doe the semblance whatsoever Priest or Bishop will arrogate or presume upon him any such authority and will pretend the authority of the Gospel for his defenâ—e therein he doth nothing else but as in a manner as you would say crowne Christ againe with a crowne of thornes and traduceth and bringeth him forth againe with his Mantle of Purple upon his back to be mocked and scorned of the World as the Jewes did to their owne damnation c. The truth is that God constituted and ordained the authority of Christian Kings and Princes to be the most high and supreame above all other powers aâ—d Officers in this World in the regiment and government of their people c. But specially and principally to defend the faith of Christ and his Religion to conserve and maintaine the true Doctrine of Christ and all such as be true Preachers and setters forth thereof and to abolish abuses heresies and Idolatries and to punish with corporall payneâ— such as of malice be the occasion of the fame And finally to over-see and cause that the said Bishops and Priests doe executâ— their Pastorall office truly and faithfully and specially in those points which by Christ and his Apostles was given and committed unto them and in case they shall be negligent in any part thereof or would not diligently execute the same or cause them to redouble and supply their lacke and if they obstinately withstand their Princes kind motion and will not amend their faults then and in such case to put others in their roomes and places And God hath also commanded the said Bishops and Priests to obey with all humblenesse and reverence both Kings and Princes and Governours and all their Lawes not bâ—ing contrary to the Lawes of God whatsoever they be and that not onely Propter iram but also Propter conscientiam that is to say not onely for feare of punishment but also for discharge of conscience Whereby it appeareth well that this pretended Monarchy of the Bishop of Rome is not founded upon the Gospell but it is repugnant thereto And therefore it appertaineth to Christian Kings and Princes for the discharge of their office and duty toward God to endeavour themselves to reforme and reduce the same againe unto the old limits and pristine estate of that power which was given to them by Christ and used in the Primitive Church For it is out of doubt that Christs faith was then most firme and pure and the Scriptures were then best understood and vertue did then most abound and excell and thererefore it must needs follow that the customes and ordinances then used and made be more conforme and agreeable â—nto the true doctrine of Christ and more conducing unto the edifying and benefit of the Church of Christ than any custome or lawes used and made by the Bishop of Rome or any other addicâ—ed to that See and usurped power sith that time Thus all the Prelates Clergie King and Parliament in king Henry the eighth his dayes Cuthbert Tonstall Bishop of Duresme and Iohn Stokerley Bishop of London in a certaine letter sent unto Reginald Poole Cardinall then being at Rome concerâ—ing the superiority of Bishops over other Minâ—sters resolve thus Saint Cyprian saith undoubtedly all the rest of the Apostles were the same that Peter was indued with like equality of of honour and power And Saint Ierome saith thus All the Apostles received the keyes oâ— the kingdome of Heaven and upon them as indifferently and equally is the strength of the Church grounded and established Which Saint Ierome also as well in his Comentaries upon the Epistle unto Titus as in his Epistle to Evagrius sheweth that these primacies long aâ—ter Christs assention were made by the device of men where before by the common agreement of the Clergie every one of the Churches were governed yea the Patriarchall Churches The words of Saint Ierome be these Let the Bishops understand that they be greater than other Priests rather of custome than by the vertue and verity of the Lords Ordinances And in his Epistle to Evagrius hee hath like sentence and addeth thereunto Wheresoâ—ver a Bishop either at Rome or at Eugubinis or at Constantinople c. Hee is of all one worthinesse and oâ— all one Priesthood And that one was elected which should be prâ—ferred before other it was devised to the redresse of Schismes left any one challenging too much to themselves should rent the Church of Christ. These words onely of Saint Ierome be sufficient to prove that Christ by none of these three Texts which be all that you and other doe alleage for your opinion the three texts are these Thou art Peter and upon this Rocke I will build my Church Peter I have prayed for thee that â—hy faith should not faile And thou being once converted confirme thy brothers feed my Sheepe Gave not to Peter any such superiority as the bishop of Rome by them usurpeth and that Peter nor no other of ths chiefe Apostles did vindâ—cate or challenge such primacy or superiority but utterly refused it So these two popish Prelates Why then shoulld our Bishops challenge any such primary or superiority over their fellow Ministers There is a notable Dialogue intituled A disputation betweene a Clerke and a Knight or a Souldier concerning the power committed to the Prelaâ—es of the Church and to the Princes of the Earth Written by our famous Schooleman Wilâ—iâ—m Ocham about the yeare of our Lord 1330. as Iohn Bale records printed at London in Latin by Thomas Bâ—rthlet Cum Privilegâ—o in King Henry the eight hâ—s raigne Wherein the Clerk complaining that the Church which in his age was had in great honour with Kings Princes and all Nobles was now on the contrary made a prey to them aâ—l many things being exacted fâ—om them many things given by them and that if they gave not their goods by way of subsidie or supply to theâ—r Princes they were violently tâ—ken from them that theâ—r Lawes were trampled undâ—r feet their Liberties infringed c. The Knight proves first that Clergy men can make no Lawes nor Canons touching temporall things but Princes onely because they have no Dominion of temporall things and that the Pope is chiefe Vicar not to those things which Christ now doth in glory but to imitate those things which Christ did in his state of humility here on earth because those things are necessary to us That he committed to his Vicar that power which he exercised on Earth as a mortall man not that hee received being glorifiedâ— For Christ said to Pilate that his Kâ—ngdome was not of thâ—s World and that he came not to be ministred to but to minister This testimony is so manifest that it may confound the man who resisteth it and make the stiffest â—ecke to submit And when one of the multitude spake thus to Christ Master command my brother to divide the inheritance with me he
wicked Doctrine at Oxford were brought into judgement before the King and the Bishops of the kingdome who being devious from the catholique Faith and overcome in tryall Facies cauteriata notabiles cunctis exposuit qui expulsi sunt aregno they were stigmatized in the face which made them notable to all and then banished out of the kingdome VVhat this pravum dogma or wicked opinion was for which these men were thus stigmatized and exiled I finde not specified in Paris and Walsingham but Iohn Bale out of Guâ—do Perpinâ—anus de Haeresibus relates that those men were certaine Waldenses who taught That the Church of Rome was the whore of Babylon and the barren Fig-tree whom Christ himselfe had long agoe accursed and moreover said Non obediendum esse Papâ— ET EPISCOPIS Ordinesque Characteres esse magnae bestiae That men are not to obey the Pope AND BISHOPS and that Orders to wit Popish Orders are the characters of the great beast Had these Waldenses lived in our dayes they should not have beene branded onely in the face by our Lordly Prelates procurement but set â—n the Pillory and had both their eares cut off then banished into forraigne Islands and there been shut up close prisoners so strictly that neither their wives children friends should have any accesse unto them nor they enjoy so much as the use of bookes Pen Inke or Paper onely for opposing Episcopacy as we know some others have lately been for this very cause Expertus loquor So dangerous so fatall is it for any to oppose our Lordly Prelacy as these men did in their generation though â—hey smarted for it Yet this could not deterre our most learned â— Gualter Mapes Archdeacon of Oxford flourishing in king Iohns raigne about the yeare of our Lord 1210. from following their footsteps who in his Satyrs doubted not to stile Prelates Animalia bruta stercora Bruit beasts and dung and in his books Ad impios Praelatâ—s and Ad malos Pastores complaines that Alegis doctoribus Lex evacuatur Dilatatur impii regnum Pharaonis comparing the Bishops to wicked Pharaoh for their tyranny and oppression But of him before This Doctrine of his and other our Martyrs was this seconded by Sir Iohn Borthwike knight martyred in Scotland Anno 1540. as appeares by his answers in the sixth and seventh Articles objected against him by the Prelates The sixth Article Agreeable to the ancient Errors of Iohn Wickliffe and Iohn Hus Arch-Heretiques condemned in the Councell of Constance hee hath affirmed and preached That the Clergy ought not to possesse or have any temporall possessions neither to have any jurisdiction or authoritie in temporalties even over their owne subjects but that all things ought to bee taken from them as it is at this present in England Borthwicke The Lord in the eighteenth Chapter of the Booke of Numbers said thus unto Aaron Thou shalt possesse nothing in their Land neither shalt thou have any portion amongst them I am thy portion and inheritance amongst the Children of Israel for unto the sonnes of Levi I have given all the Tithes of Israel that they should possesse them for their Ministry which they doe execute in the Tabernacle of the Congregation Albeit I doe not doubt but that the Order of the Levites and of the Clergy is farre different and variable For the administration of their sacred and holy things after their death passed unto their posterity as it were by right of inheritance which happeneth not unto the posterity of our Clergy in these dayes Furthermore if any heritage be provided or gotten for them I doe not gainâ—-say but that they shall possesse it but still I doe affirme That all temporall jurisdiction should be taken from them For when as twice there arose a contention amongst the Disciples which of them should be thought the greatest Christ answered The kings of Nations have dominion over them and such which have power over them are called beneficiall you shall not doe so for hee which is greatest amongst you shall be made equall unto the youngest or least and hee which is the Prince or Ruler amongst you shall be made equall unto him that doth minister minding thereby and willing utterly to debarre the Ministers of his Word from all terrene and civill dominion and Empire For by these points he doth not onely declare that the office of a Pastor is distinct and divided from the office of a Prince and Ruler but they are in effect so much different and separate that they cannot agree or ioyne together in one man Neither is it to be thought that Christ did set or ordaine an harder Law then hee himselfe did take upon him For so much as in the twelfth of Luke certaine of the company said unto him Master command my brother that he divide his inheritance with mee Hee answered Man who made me a Judge or a divider amongst you Wee see therefore that Christ even simply did reiect and refuse the office of a Judge the which thing hee would not have done if it had beene agreeable unto his office or duty The like thing also hee did in the eighth Chapter of Iohn when as hee refused to give iudgement upon the woman taken in adultery which was brought before himâ— Whereas they doe alleage â—hat Moses did supply both offices at once I answer that it was done by a rare miracle Furthermore that it continued but for a time untill things were brought unto a better state besides that there was a certaine forme and rule prescribed him of the Lord then tooke hee upon him the civill governance and the Priesthood he was commanded to resigne unto his bâ—other and that not without good cause for it is against nature that one man should suffice both charges wherefore it was diligently fore-seene and provided for in all ages Neither was there any Bishop so long as any true face or shew of the Church did continue who once thought to usurpe the right and title of the sword whereupon in the time of Saint Ambrose this proverbe tooke his originall That Emperours did rather wish or desire the office of Priesthood then Priests any Empire For it was all mens opinions at that time that sumptuous palaces did pertaine unto Emperours and Churches unto Priests Saint Bernard also writeth many things which are agreeable unto this our opinion as is this his saying Peter could not give that which hee had not but hee gave unto his succesâ—ours that which hee had that is to say carefulnesse over the Congregation for when as the Lord and Master saith That he is not constituted or ordained Judge betweene two the servant or Disciple ought not to take it scornfully if that he may not judge all men And lest that hee might seeme in that place to speake of the spirituall judgement hee straightway annexeth therefore saith hee your power and authority shall be in offence and transgression not in possessions For
this purpose and not for the other have you received the keyes of the kingdome of Heaven why then doe you invade other mens bounds or borders The rest I will passe over for brevities cause The seventh Article Falsly and against the Honour State and reverence of the sacred Majesty of the King of Scots hee hath said holden and affirmed that our most noble King of Scots defender of the Christian faith would appropriate unto himselfe all the possessions lands and rents of the Church given and granted by his predecessors and also by himselfe and convert them unto his owne private use And for this end and purpose as hee hath many times written unto him so hath he with his whole endeavour perswaded our said noble Lord and King thereunto It is no marvell though these mad dogs doe so barke against mee whom they thinke to have counselled the Kings Majesty I would to God I had also throughly perswaded him that hee should take away from these unjust sacrilegious possessors the riches wherewith all they are fatted and â—ngreased like Swine For this is the nature of dogs if any man goe about to take away the bone out of their mouth by and by to snatch at him and teare him with their teeth It is out of all controversie unto such as have any wit at all that such men were very childish that is to say ignorant of all learning and judgement which did so fat and feed with their possessions these belly beasts For who would not judge it more then childish to bestow the Kings victuals or meate upon the bellies of the prophets of Baal and Iesabel But all they which at this present doe endowe such filthy sinks I will not call them dens of thieves with such revenues they doe follow the steps of Iesabel for what other thing doe they when as daily they are bleating and lowing before their Images burning of Incense and fall flat downe before their Altars but that which in times past the prophets of Baal did when as they transported the worship of God unto an Idoll Wherefore if Daniel and Elias were spotted with heresie when they would have destroyed the Priests of Baal I grant that I also must bee an Heretique But for so much as then hee did nothing but which was commanded him of the Lord that was able to kill the prophet which had allured the people to follow strange gods he could not truly and justly be accused of heresie so neither can my adversaries spot mee therewithall except peradventure they will condemne me that whereas Elias dealt more rigorously with the prophets of Baal for he cast them into the brooke Kidron I required or desired no more but that the riches which was wickedly bestowed upon them and their possessions might be taken from them The ninth Article He hath openly holden said and affirmed preached and taught that the Lawes of the Church that is to say the sacred Canons approved and allowed by the holy Catholique and Apostolique Church are of no force strength or effect alleadging therefore and affirming that they are made and intended contrary to the Law of God God forbid that I should say that those things which are approved by the holy Catholike Church should be of no effect or value For well I know that the holy Apostolique Church hath never been allowed ordained or taught any thing which shee hath not learned of the Lord the Apostles are witnesses therof Peter and Paul whereof the one of them dared not freely utter or speake of any of those things which Christ hath not wrought by himselfe for the obedience of the Gentiles The other exhorteth That if any man speake he should speake the praises of God but I condemne those lawes which the Bishops of Rome have made according to their owne will and mind and say that they are spirituall pertaining unto the salvation of the soule and necessarie unto everlasting life for so much as the writings of the Apostles doe evidently declare that there was no authority knowne amongst them to make or ordaine any ordinances or lawes Furthermore the Scriptures doe manifeâ—tly shew the same how oftentimes even by the Lords owne mouth this foresaid authority is taken from the Ministers of the Church so that no excuse for them remaineth but that they be plaine rebels against the Word of God how many soever doe presume or take upon them to appoint or set any new lawes upon the people of God Which thing is more manifest and evident than the light it selfe in many places of the Scripture For in the three and twentieth chapter of Ioshua it is written You shall observe and doe all that is written in the Law of Moses neither shall you swarve from that either to the right hand or to the left hand But that which is written in the â—welfth chapter of Deuteronomy ought to move them somewhat the more What soever I command saith the Lord that shall you observe and doe thereunto you shall adde nothing neither shall you take any thing from it c. This point hee there excellently prosecutes at large where yoâ— may read more at your leisure M. William Tyndall our famous Martyr in his obedience of a Christian man Printed Câ—m Privilegio at London 1573. p. 98. writes thus of Bishops and their practises God promised David a Kingdomeâ— and immediately stirred up King Saul against him to persecute him to hunt him as men do Hares with Greyhounds and to ferret him out of every hole and that for the space of many yeares to tame him to meere his lusts to make him feele other mens diseases to make him mercifull to make him understand that hee was made King to minister and to serve his brethren and that he should not thinke that his Subjects were made to minister unto his Lusts and that it were lawfull for him to take away from them life and goods at hiâ— pleasure Oh that our Kings were so nurtured nowadayes which our holy Bishops teach of a farre other manner saying your Grace shall take your pleasure yea take what pleasure you list spare nothing wee shall dispense with you wee have power wee are Gods Vicars and let us alone with the Realme wee shall take paine for them and see that nothing be well your Grace shall but defend the faith onely After which he proceeded thus Kings were ordained then as I before said and the sword put in their hands to take vengeance of evill doers that others might feare and were not ordeined to fight one against another or to rise against the Emperour to defend the false authority of the Pope that very Antichrist Bishops they onely can minister the temporall sword their office the preaching of Gods Word laid apart which they will neither do nor suffer any man to do but slay with the temporall sword which they have gotten out of the hand of all Princes them that would The preaching of
Lord as hee is my Judge I wish if his gracious pleasure so were that first the Kings Majesty and so forth all those to whom God hath given power and authority upon earth under him may throughly see and perceiveâ— how that noâ— onely the bloody Beare-Wolfe of Rome but also the most part of the other Bishops and stout sturdy Canons of Cathedrall Churchesâ— with other petty pronlers and prestigious Priests of Baalâ— his malignant members in all Realmes of Christendome especialle here in England doth yet roare abroad like hungry Lyonsâ— freâ— like angry Beares and bite as they dare like cruell wolves clustering together in corners like a swarme of Adders in a dunghill or most wily subtill serpents to uphold and preserve their filthy Father of Rome the head of their bawdy broodâ— if it may be No lesse do I iudge it than a bounden duty of all faithfull ministers to manifest their mischiefes to the universall worldâ— eveâ—y man according to his Talent given of God some with pen and some with tongue so bringing them out of their old estimation lest they should still raigne in the peoples consciences to their soules destruction An evident example have they of Christ thus to do which openly rebuked their filthy forefathers the Scribes Lawyers Phariâ—ees Doctors Priests Bishops and Hypocrites for making Gods commandements of no effecâ—â— to support their owne traditions Markâ— 8. Luk. 12. Paul also admonisheth us that after his departure should enter in among us such ravenuing wolves as should noâ— spare the flocke These spirituall manhunters are the very off-spring of Cain children of Caiphasâ— and successors of Simon Magus as their doctrine â—nd living declareth needing no fâ—rther probation most cruell enemies have they beene in a lages to the verity of God ever since the Law was first given and most fierce persecutours of Christ and his Church which hee there proves at large by severall examplesâ— â— No where could the verity be taught but these glorious gluttons were ever at hand to resist it Marvell not yee Bishopâ— and Prelates thâ—ugh I thus in the zeale of Helias and Pâ—ineas stomacke against your â—â—urdie stormes of stubbornenesse for never was any tyranny ministred upon Christâ— and his mysticall members but by your procurements and now in our dayes where are any of the Lords true Servants burned or otherwise murthered for true preaching writing glossing or interpretting the Gospell but it is by your cruell calling upon c. If you be not most wicked workers against God and his verity and most spitefull Traytors to the King and his Realme I cannot thinke there be any living upon the earth Be this onely spoken to you that maintaine such mysteries of madnesse never sent Christ such bloody Apostles nor two horned warriours but the Devils Vicar Antichrist which is the deadly destroyer of faithfull Beleevers What Christian blood hath been shed betweene Empire and Empire Kingdome and Kingdome as between Constantinople and Almaine England and France Italy and Spaine â—or the Bishops of Rome and how many cruell watres of their Priests calling on were too much either to write or to speake Alwayes have they beene working mischiefe in their idle Generation to obscure the verity of God I say yet once againe that it were very necessary for the Kings worthy Majestie with earnest eyes to marke how God hath gratiously vouchsaâ—ed to deliver both him and his people from your troublesome Termagaunt of Rome which afore made all Christian Kings his common slaves and to beware of you hollow hearted Traytors his spirituall promoters considering that your proud predecessours have alwayes so wickedly used his Graces noble Progenitors the worthy Kings of this Realme since the Conquest and aâ—ore Who overthrew King Herald subduing all his land to the Normans Who procured the death of King William Rufus and caused King Stephen to be throwne in prison Who troubled King Henry the First and most cruelly vexed King Henry the second Who subdued and poysoned Kings Iohn Who murthered King Edward the second and famished King Richard the second most unseemingly Besides that hath been wrought against the other Kings also To him that shall read and throughly marke the religious acts of Robert the Archbishop of Canterbury of old Egelwinus Anselmus Randolfe of Durham Ralfe of Chichester Alexander of Lincolne Nigelus of Ely Roger of Salisbury Thomas Becket Stephen Langhton Walter Stapleton Robert Baldocke Richard Scrope Henry Spencer Thomas Arundell and a great sort more of your anointed Antecessors Pontificiall Prelates mitâ—ed mummers mad mastry workers ringed ruâ—â—lers rocheted rutters shorne sawcy swilbols it will evidently appeare that your wicked generation hath done all that and many other mischiefes more By these your filthy â—orefathers and such oâ—her hath this Realme beene alwayes in most miserable captivity either of the Romans or Danes Saxons or Normans and now last of all under the most blasphemous Behemoth your Romish Popâ— the great Antichrist of Europe and most mighty maintainer of Sodome and Gomorrah How unchristianly your said Predecessors have used the Rulers of all other Christian Realms it were too long to write I reckon it therefore high time for all those Christian Princes which pretend to receive the Gospell of salvation and accordingly after that to live in mutuall peace and tranquillity for ever to cast you out of their privy councels and utterly to seclude you from all administrations till such time as they find you no longer wolves but faithfull feeders no destroyers but gentle teachers For as Saint Peter doth say 1 Pet. 5. Yee ought to be no Lords over the people of your Diocesse but examples of Christian meeknesse Who seeth not that in these daies your bloody Bishops of England Italy Cycell France Spaine Portugall Scotland and Ireland be the ground and originall foundation of all controversies schismes variances wars betwixt Realme and Realme at this present c. Consider your beginningâ— never came yee in with your Miters Robes and Rings by the doore as did the poore Apostles but by the window unrequired like Robbers Theeves and manquellers with Simon Magus Marcion and Menander never was your proud Pontificall power of the heavenly Fathers planting and therefore it must at the last up by the rootes yee must in the end be destroyed without hands Dan. 8. c. I thinke â—he devils in hell are not of a more perverse mind nor seek no more wayes to the soules destruction than you Yee play Pharaoh Caiphas Nero Trajanus with all tyrants parts besides Oh abominable scorners and theeves which practise nothing else but the utter destruction of soules If any thing under the Heavens hath need of Reformation let them thinke this to be one which minded any godlinesse for never did cruell Pharaoh hold the people of Israel in so wicked captivity as doth â—his superstitious sort idle Sodomites the most deerly redeemed heritage of the Lord. If they be no spirituall theeves soule murtherers heretickes of and
schismatickesâ— Church-robbers rebels and traytors to God and to man where are any to be looked for in all the world Another thing yet there is which causeth mee sore to lament the inconveniences thereupon considered And that is this although the Scriptures Chronicles Canons Constitutions Councels and private hystories with your manifest acts in our time doth declare your Foreâ—athers and you such Heretickes Theeâ—es and Traytors to the Christian Commonwealth as hath not beene upon the earth but you yet you are still taken into the privy councels both of Emperour and King But what a plague it is or miserable yoke to that Christian Realme whereas yee beare the swinge I thinke it truly unspeakable though it be not seene O eternall Faâ—her for thy infinite mercie sake graunt thy most faithfull servant the Kings Majestie our most worthy Soveraigne Lord and Governour under thee cleerly to cast out of his privie Counâ—ell House these â—echerous Locusts of Egypt and daily upholders of Sodome and Gomorrah the Popes cruell cattle tokened with his owne proper marke to the universall health of his people as thou hast now constituted him an whole compleate King and the first since the Conquest For never shall hee have of them but deceitfull workemen and hollow hearted Gentlemen and not onely that good Lord but also deprive them of their usurped authority and power restoring againe hereunto his temporall Majestraâ—es whom their proud Pope hath hitherto most tyrannously thereof deprived Finally to take from them their inordinate pompe and riches and more godly to bestow them that is to say to the aide of his poveâ—ty as for an example the noble the noble Germans have graciously done before him After a farre other sort defended the Apostles the spirituall Kingdome of Christ then they their armour was righteousnesse poverty patience mâ—eknesse tribulation contempt of the world and continuall suffering of wrongs their strong shield was faith and their sword the Word oâ— God Eph. 6. Wiâ—h the Gospell preaching drove they down all superstitions as you by your Lordlinesse have raised up againe in the glorious Church of Antichrist The Kingdome that hee â—orlooke Ioh. 6. and the Lordâ—hip that hee so straitly forbad you Luke 22. have â—ou received of the devill with that ambitious raigne of covetousnesse which hee left behind him on the high Mountaine Matth. 4. What ruinous decaâ—es hath chanced to all Christian Regionâ— and their Babylonish bâ—ood it weâ—e much to writeâ— It shall be therefore necessary for our most worâ—hâ— King to looke upon in time and both to diminish you authority and riches lest yee hereafter put all his godly enterpâ—ises in hazard For nothing else can yee doe of your spiritual naâ—ure but worke daâ—ly mischiefe As well may yee be spared in the Commonwealth as may Kites Crowes and Buzzards Pâ—lâ—ats Wesels and Rats Oâ—ters Wolves and Foxes Bodilice Fleas and Fleshflies with other devouring and noysome vermâ—ne for aâ— unprofitable are yee unto it as they and as liâ—â—le have yee in the word of God to uphold you in these vaine offices of Papistry as they This uncommodious commodity hath Enâ—land had of you alwayes when yee have beene of the Kings privie Councell and I thinke hath now at this present hower that whatsoever godly enterprize is there in doing be â—hey never so privily handled yet shall the Popish Prelates of Iâ—aly Spaine France Flanders and Scotland have sure knowledgde thereof by your secret Messengers and you againe their crafty compassings to deface it if may be Neither shall thâ—se â—ealmes conâ—inue long after without waâ—â—e specialâ—y if an earnest reformation of your sâ—â—ainefull abuses be sought there and never shall the originall grounds of that warre be known but other causes shall be laid to â—olour it with as that the King seekes his rigâ—â— his Princely honour the maintenance of his titles or the Realmes Commonwealth â—eâ—â—g nothing lesse in the end but an upholding of you in your mischiefes So long as you beare rule in Parliament Hoâ—se â—â—e Gospell shall be kept under and Christ persecuted in his â—aithâ—ull members So that no godly Acts shall come out from â—henâ—e to the glory oâ— God and Christian Commonwealth but you will so sawce them with your Romish Sorceries that they be ready to serve your turne Although the Kings Majestie haâ—h peâ—mitted us the Scriptures yet must the true Ministers thereof at your most cruell appointment either suffer most tyrannous death or else with open mouth deny Christs veriâ—y which is worse than death Thus give ye strength to his laweâ— nourish up his Kingdome whom ye say with your lips yee have refused your pestilent Pope of Rome Ye play altogether Hick-sâ—oâ—neâ— under the figure of Ironia That yee say yee hate yee lovâ— and that yee say yee love yee hate Late all faithfull men beware of such double day dreamers and hollow hearted Traytors and thinke whereas they beare the rule nothing shall come rightly forward either in faith or Commonwealth What other workes can come from the Devills working tooles than commeth from the hands of his owne malignant mischiefe who can deny the Bishops to be the instruments of satan understanding the Scriptures and beholding their daily doings Thinke yee â—here can be a greater plague to a Christian Realme than to have such Ghostly Fathers of the Kings Privie councell If wise men do judge it any other than a just plague for our sinnes and a yoke laid upon us for our unreverent receiving of that heavenly treasure the eternall Testament of Christ to have such hypocrites theeves and traytors to raigne over us truly they judge not aright If wee would earnestly therefore repent of our former being and unâ—ainedly turne to our everliving God as wee find in the Testament I would not doubt it to jeopard both my body and soule that wee should in short space bee delivered of this Popish vermine rising out of this bottomlesse pit Apoc. 9. which eateth up all that is greene upon earth or hath taken any strength of the living word of the Lord for the heart of a King is alwayes in the hands of God and at 〈◊〉 his pleasure hee may evermore turne it Prov. 21. Take mee not here that I condemne any Bishop or Priest that is godly doing those holy offices that the Scripture hath commanded them as preaching the Gospell providing for the poore and ministring the Sacraments right but against the bloody butchers that murther up Gods People aâ—d daily make havocke of Christs congregation to maintaine the Jewes Ceremonies and the Pagans Superstititions in the Christian Church Those are not Bishops but Bite-sheepes Tyrants Tormenters Termagaunts and the Devils slaughter men Christ left no such Disciples behind him to sit with cruell Caiphas at the Sessions upon life and death of his innocent members but such as in poverty preached the Gospell rebuking the wicked world for Idolatry hypocriâ—ie and false doctrine Episcopus is as much to say as an
overseer or Superintendent whose office was in the Primitive Church purely to instruct the multitude in the wayes of God and to see that they were not beastly ignorant in the holy Scripture as the most part of them are now adayes Presbyter is as much to say as a Senior or Elder whose office was also in godly Doctrine and examples of living to guide the Christian Congregation and to suffer no manner of superstition of Jew nor Gentile to raigne among them And these two offices were alone in those dayes and commonly executed of one severall person They which were thus appointed to these spirituall offices did nothing else but preach and teach the Gospell having assistants unto them inferiour officers called Deacons Act. 6. 1 Cor. 1. Rom. 3. No godly man can despise these offices neither yet condemne those that truly execute them not onely are they worthy to have a competent living 1 Cor. 9. but also double honour after the doctrine of Saint Paul 1 Tim. 5. But from inordinate excesse of riches ought they of all men to be sequestred considering that the most wicked nature of Mammon is alwayes to corrupt yea the very Elect if God were not the more mercifull Matth. 6. which might be an admonition to our Lordly Bishops when they be in their worldly pompe that they are not Gods servants beleeved they his sayings as they do nothing lesse Master Fishâ—â— in his Supplication of Beggers thus complaines to King Henry the Eight of the inconveniency of the Prelates greatnesse and sway both to himselfe and his subjects worthy his Majesties most serious consideration Oh the grievous shipwâ—acke of the Common-wealth which in ancient time before the comming of these ravenous wolves were so prosperous c. What remedy Make Lawes against them I am in doubt whether yee be able Are they not stronger in your owne Parliament house than your selfe what a number of Bishops Abbots and Priors are Lords of your Parliament Are not all the learned men of your Realme in see with them to speake in the Parliament house for them against your Crowne dignity and Common-wealth of your Realme a few of your owne learned Counsell onely excepted What Law can be made against them that they may be availeable Who is hee though hee be grieved never so sore that for the murther of his ancester ravishment of his wife of his daughter robbery trespasse maihme debt or any other offence dare lay it to their charge by way of Action and if hee doe then is he by and by by their wilinesse accused of heresie yea they will so handle him ere hee passe that except he will beare a faggot at their pleasure he shall be excommunicated and then be all his Actions dashed So captive are your Lawes unto them that no man whom they list to excommunicate may be admitted to sue any action in any of your Courts If any man in your Sessions dare be so hardy to indite a Priest of any such crime hee hath ere the yeare goe about such a yoake of heresie layd in his necke that it makâ—th him wish he had not done it Your Grace may see what a worke there is in London how the Bâ—shop rageth for indiâ—ing certaine Curates of extortion and incontinency the last yeare in the Ward-mote Quest. Had not Richard Hunne Commenced action of Premunire against a Priest hee had yet beene aliveâ— and no hereticke aâ— all but an honest man And â—his is by reason that the chiefe instrument of your Law yea the chiefe of your Counsell and hee which hath your sword in his hand to whom also all the other instruments are obedient is alwaies a spirituall man which hath ever such an inordinate love unto his owne kingdome that hee will maintaine that though all the temporall Kingdomes and Common-wealths of the world should therefore utterly be undone After which he sâ—â—wes the intolerable exactiâ—ns of the Prelates on the people and how much wealth and money they extort from their postâ—rity You have heard now the opinion of our Martyrs Prelates and godly Writers touching Episcopacie Lordly Prelates their trayterly practises Tâ—mporalties and perniciousnesse to our Church and State both before and in K. Henry the eighth his raigne in the very inâ—ancie of reformation many then desiring and earnestly writing for their utter exterpation as most pernicious instruments of mischiefe both to King Church and Kingdome I shall now proceed to give you some briefe account what hath beene â—hough of these particulars by our Writers and Martyrs in King Edward the sixth Queene Maries and Queene Elizabeths subsequent raignes Learned Martyn Bucer Professor of Divinity in the University oâ— Cambridge in King Edward the sixth his raigneâ— in his booke De Regno Christi dedicated to this King and Devi usu sancti Ministerii determines thus of Lordly Prelates and their temporall offices First I doubt not Most noble King that your Majesty discernes that this reformation of Christs Kingdome which wee require yea which the salvation oâ— us all requires Ab Episcopis nullo modo expectandum is by no meanes to be exspected from the Bishops since there are so few among them even in this Kings raigne when they were best which is worthy noting which do clearly know the power of this Kingdome and the proper offices thereof yea most of them by all meanes they may and dare do either oppugne it deferre or hinder it and thereupon hee adviseth the King not to make use of Doctors Bishops who had the greatest Titles and largest revenues in this reformation but of other godly Ministers and Lay-men wherein the knowledge and zeale of God did most abound to choose them for his Counsellours in this great worke who bâ— knew the power of Christ Kingdome and desired with all their hearts that it might prevaile and raign first in themselves then in all others And because writes he it is the duty of Bishop to govern the Churches not by their owne sole pleasure but with â—he counsell of Presbiters and Ministry of Deacons there will be a nececessity as al the offices of Churches are now dissipated and perverted to adjoyne to every one of the Bishops though never so approved a councell of Presbyters and ministry of Deacons who also ought to be most holily examined and tryed whether they have received of the Lord both ability and will to be assistant to their Bishop in the administration and procuration of the Churches the Presbyters in councell and assistance the Deacons in observance and ministration c. But now there are some of the Bishops whose service your sacred Majesty useth in the administration of the Kingdome But sith nothing in this world is commended to the care of men by the most high which ought more solicitously religiously to be looked to and managed then the procuration of religion that is of the eternall salvation oâ— the elect of God summum
Bishop Secondly that the difference is but of Accidents and Circumstances as degrees of dignity jurisdiction honour c. Thirdly that in the Primitive Church this difference was not knowne but they were meerely all one and the same Fourthly that this difference was taken up by custome consent and ordinance of the universall Church when it once began to be dispersed in all the World Fifthly that it was done for the avoiding of factions and sects that grew in the time of the Ministers equality even anon after the Primitive Church And some of them in the Apostles time But quite conâ—rary to this judgment of your Divines are all your Canonists your Divines make seven orders Et in hoc saith Angelus de Clavisio concordam communiter Theol. On this the Divines agree commonly but the Canonists hold that there are nine orders according to nine Hierarchies that is to wit the first notch or Psalmist and the order of a Bishop that the first notch is an order the text is in C. cuâ— contingit ibi do Anto. Canonistae de aeta quali or similiter quod Episcopatus est ordo quod imprimatur character judicio meo facit inconvincibiliter teâ—t in C. i. de ordinatis ab Episcopo c. And so according to the Canonists there shall be nine Orders Great adoe your Schoolemen Canonists make about this insomuch that Aerius heresie will draw very neere to one of you light on which side it shall But your selfe may hold on both sides M. Stapleton being both a Batchelor in the one and a student in the other But as for your Popish Clergy there is indeed little difference in this point or none which barrell is better herring Bishop oâ— Priest both starke nought or rather neither of them either true Priest or Bishop by Saint Pauls description Afâ—er this p. 926.929 He writes thus concerning Bishops intermedling with temporall affaires You say M. Sanders the temporall Kingdome and the heavenly did indeed once jaâ—â—e but now they agree the heavenly and the earthly Kingdomeâ— are conjoyned together Agreement is a good hearing M. Sanders but what meane you by this conjunction that the one is become the other and not still distinguished from it or that your Pope may be King and his Bishops Princes of both nay M. Sanders you finde not that agreement and conjunction For Christ hath put such a barre between them that his spiritual Ministers cannot have earthly Kingdomes nor that earthly Kings should in the estate of their earthly Kingdomes become subject in such wise to his spirituall Ministers otherwise than to yeeld their obedience to their spirituall ministry representing the power and mercy of God unto them c. The objection you made was this Whether Bishops and Pastors of the sheepe of Christ may rule temporall Kingdomes you answer properly and of it selfe in no wise but as those Kingdomes do subject themselves to the Christian faith This is a proper elusion M. Sanders thinke you to escape thus is it all one to subject their Kingdomes to the Christian faith and to subject their Kingdomes to the Bishops Good right it is that the faith should beare the chiefe rule But the objection was Whether the Bishops should or no and therefore this distinction serveth not For Christ simply without this or that respect debarreth all his spiritual ministers from ruling of temporall Kingdomes Who knoweth not that properly and of their owne nature temporall Kingdomes should not be ruled of spirituall Pastors but of Temporall Kings None is so simple to move such a fond objection but the objection is Whether the one be coincident to the other whether a Bishop to whom properly by his Bishoply office a Kingdome belongeth nor may take upon him the government of a Kingdome that properly by his Kingly office belongeth to a King this is the question And you say properly he cannot I say much lesse unproperly but properly or unproperly Christ hath cleane debarred it â—vos autem non sic But you shall not do so These words strick dead M Sanders therefore your â—nproper distinctions may goe pike him Page 931â— he writes that the deposings of Princes have not come so much by the violence of their unnaturall Subjects as by the practises of the Popish Bishops as the ensamples of King Iohn in England of Childericke in France the Henries and other in Germany and in other Countries do testifie yet were these dealings of those Bishops not allowable but detestable yea though it were granted that those Princes had deserved them and broken their faith and promâ—se which if it were a good faith and promise was no doubt an evill breach of it and God will take the vengeance of it it belongeth not to the people nor to the Bishops Vengeance is mine saith God and I will render it He saith not my Bishop shall but I will render it He addes p. 980 981.1026 Christs Kingdome is spirituall and not earthly and his Ministers may not exercise in secular causes an earthly Kings authority M. Saunders pretendeth this is to promote the Church of Christ but such promotion confounds devotion and hath poysoned the Church of God as they say a voyce was heard what time Constantine although falsely is supposed to have endowed the Church with such royall honour Hodie venenum intravit in Ecclesiam This day entred poyson into the Church But Christ hath flatly forbidden it and told his Disciples when they asked such promotion that they knew not what they asked But afterward they knew and found the saying of Christ to be true that their promotion lay in their affliction and not in their Kingly honour c. And this your owne glosse out of your owne Pope Gregory might have taught you Sicut â—isit me Pater id est ad passiones c. As my Father sent mee that is to say to troubles and afflictions so send I you to suffer persecution not to raigne like Kings and rule Kingdomes And therefore sith this sentence of Christ is true that he sent them as hee was sent and he was not sent in his humane nature to depose Kings nor to dispose of their Kingdomes nor to governe them Therefore his Disciples were not sent thereto But the Pope saith he was sent thereto and takes it upon him therefore he is neither minister of Christ nor successor of his Disciples but his Disciple that hath offered him worldly Kingdomes if hee would fall downe and worship himâ— as he hath done and sâ— hath gotten his Kingdomes c. Hofmeister one of your stoutest Champions hath these words Truly those things that have beene spoken and heard from the beginning of this Gospell do enough declare the Kingdome of Christ not to be of this world neither that hee would raigne temporally in the world sith hee taketh not souldiers that can oppugne others but Fishermen readier to suffer than to
Faith Theo. But Laymen may choose what faith they will professe and Princes may dispose of their Kingdomes though Priests and Bishops would say nay Phi. Religion they may not dispose without a Councell Theo. Not if God command Phi. How shall they know what God commandeth unlesse they have a Councell Theo. This is childish wrangling I aske if God command whether the Prince shall refuse to obey till the Clergy confirme the same Phi. You may be sure a wise and sober Clergy will not dissent from Gods precepts Theo. What they will doe is out of our matter But in case they doe to which shall the Prince hearken to God or those that beare themselves for Priests Phi. In case they doe so you need not doubt but God must be regarded and not men Theo. And hath the Prince sufficient authority to put that in â—re which God commandeth though the Priests continue their wilfulnes Phi. There is no Councell nor consent of men good against God Theo. Hold you there Then when Châ—istian Princes are instructed and resolved by learned and faithfull teachers what God requireth at their hands what need they care for the backward disposition of such false Prophets as are turned from the truth and preach lyes Phi. In England when her Majesty came to the Crowne it was not so The Bishops that dissented were grave vertuous and honourable Pastors standing in defence of the Catholicke and ancient Faith of their Fathers Theo. You say so wee say no. Phi. Those be but words Theo. You say very right and therefore the more to blame you that in both your bookes doe play on that string with your Rhetoricall and Thrasonicall fluence and never enter any point or proofe that my profiâ— your Reader you presume your selves to have such apparent right and rule over the Faith over the Church over Christian Princes and Realmes that without your consent they shall neither conclude nor consult what religion they will professe Their acts shall be disorders their Lawes injuries their correction tyranny if you mislike them This dominion and jurisdiction over all Kingdomes and Countries if your holy Father and you may have for the speaking you were not wise if you would not claime it but before we beleeve you you must bring some better ground of your Title then such magnificall and majesticall florishes The Prince and the parliament you say had no power to determine or deliberate of those mattersâ— And why so you to wit Bishops did dissent May not the Prince command for truth within her Realme except your consents be first required and had May not her Highnesse serve Christ in making Lawes for Christ without your liking Claime you that interest and prerogative that without you nothing shall be done in matters of Religion by the Lawes of God or by the liberties of this Realme By the Lawes of the Land you have no such priviledge Parliaments have beene kept by the King and his Barons the Clergy wholly excluded yet their Acts and Statutes good And when the Bishops were present their voyces from the Conquest to this day were never negative By Gods Law you have nothing to do with making Lawes for Kingdomes and commonâ—wealths you may teach you may not command Perswasion is your part compulsion is the Princes If Princes imbrace the truth you must obey them If they pursue truth you must abide them By what authority then claime you this Dominion over Princes that their Lawes for Religion shall be void unlesse you consent Phi. They be no Judges of faith Theo. No more are you It is lawfull for any Christian to reject your doctrine if he perceive it to be false though you teach it in your Churches pronounce it in your Councels to be never so true Phi. That proveth not every private mans opinion to be true Theo. Not yet to be false the greater number is not ever a sure warrant for truth And Judges of faith though Princes be not yet are they maintainers establishers and upholders of faith with publike power and positive Lawes which is the point you now withstand Phil. That they may do when a Councell is precedent to guide them Theo. What Councellâ— had Asa the King of Judah when he commanded his peoplâ— to do according to the Law and the Commandment and made a covâ—nant that whosoever would not seeke the Lord God of Israel should be slaine Phi. He had Azariah the prophet Theo. One man is no Councell and he did but encourage and commend the King and that long after hee had established Religion in his Realme What councell had Ezechiah to lead him when he restored the true worship of God throughout his land and was faine to send for the Priests and Levites and to put them in mind of their duties What Councell had Iosiah when ten yeares after his comming to the Crowne he was forced to send for direction to Huldath the Prophetesse not finding a man in Iudah that did or could undertake the charge Phi. These were Kings of the Old Testament and they had the Law of God to guide them Theo. Then since Christian Princes have the same Scriptures which they had and also the Gospell of Christ and Apostolike writings to guide them which they had not why should they not in their Kingdomes retaine the same power which you see the Kings of Judah had and used to their immorâ—all praise and joy Phi. The Christian Emperours ever called Councells before they would attempt any thing in Ecclesiasticall matters Theo. What Councell had Constantine when with his Princely power he publikely received and settled Christian religion throughout the World twenty yeares before the Fathers met at Nice What councels had Iustinian for all those Ecclesiasticall constitutions and orders which hee decreedâ— and I have often repeated What Councels had Charles for the Church Lawes and Chapters which he proposed and enjoyned as well to the Pastors as to the people of his Empire Phi. They had instruction by some godly Bishops that were about them Theo. Conference with some Bishops such as they liked they might have but councells for these causes they had none In 480. years after Christian Religion was established by Christian Laws I mean from Constantine the first to Constantine the seventh there were very neere forty Christian Emperours whose Lawes and Acts for Ecclesiasticall affaires were infinite and yet in all that time they never called but sixe generall Councels and those for the Godhead of the Sonne and the Holy Ghost and for the two distinct natures and wills in Christ. All other points of Christian Doctrine and Discipline they received established and maintained without â—ecumenicall Councels upon the private instruction of such Bishops and clerkes as they favored or trusted Theodosius as I shewed before made his owne choyce what faith he would follow had no man nor meanes to direct him unto truth but
his owne prayers unto God and private reading of those sundry confessions that were offered him c. Pag. 543. he thus proceeds Had you beene in the Primitive Church of Christ you would have gallantly disdained these other examples of Christian Kings and Countries converted and instructed by Merchants somtimes by women most times by the single perswasion of one man without all legall meanes or judiciall proceedingâ— the poore soules of very zeale imbracing the Word of life when it was first offered them and neglecting your number of voyces consent of Priestâ— and competent Courts as frivilous excâ—ptions against God and dangerous lets to their Salvationâ— Frumentius a Christian Child taken prisoner in India the farther and brought at length by Gods good Providence to beare some sway in the Realme in the non-age of the King carefully sought for such as were Christians among the Roman Merchants and gave them most free power to have assemblies in every place yeelding them whatsoever was requisite and exhorting them in sundry places to use the Christian prayers And within short time he built a Church and brought it to passe that some of the Indians were instructed in the faith and joyned with them The King of Iberia neere Pontus when he saw his wiâ—e restored to health by the prayers of a Christian Captive and himselfe delivered out of the suddaine danger that he was in onely by thinking and calling on Christ whom the Captive woman named so often to his wife sent for the woman and desired to learne the manner of her Religion and promised after that never to worship any other God but Christ The Captive woman taught him as much as a woman might and admonished him to build a Church and described the forme how it must be done whereupon the King calling the people of the whole Nation together told what had befallen the Queene and him and taught them the faith and became as it were the Apostle of this Nation though he were not yet baptized The examples of England France and other Countries are innumerable where Kings and Common wealths at the preaching of one man have submitted themselves to the faith of Christ without Councels or any Synodall or judiciall proceedings And therefore each Prince and people without these meanes have lawfull power to serve God and Christ his Sonne notwithstanding twenty Bishops as in our case or if you will twenty thousand Bishops should take exceptions to the Gospell of truth which is nothing else but to waxe mad against God by pretence of humane reason and order By all which it is evident that Parliaments may not onely be held and determine Secular matters but likewise Ecclesiasticall and Religious without the presence of Bishops which is no wayes necessary if expedient Touching the parity of Bishops Presbyters by Divine institution their difference only by custom he determins thus The title and authorithy of Arch-Bishops and Patriarkes was not ordained by the Commandment of Christ or his Apostles but the Bishops long after when the Church began to be troubled with dissentions were content to lincke themselves together and in every Province to suffer one whom they preferred for the worthines of his City and called their Metropolitane that is Bishop of the chiefe or mother City to have this prerogative in all doubts of Doctrine and Discipline to assemble the rest of his brethren or consult them absent by Letters and see that observed which the most part of them determined Before there began Schismes in Religion the Churches saith S. Hierome were governed by the Common Councill of the Seniors And therefore let the Bishops understand that they be greater than Ministers or Elders rather by custome than by any truth of the Lords appointment and that they ought to governe the Church in Common and in his Epistle to Evagrius having fully proved by the Scriptures that the Apostles called themselves but Presbyters Elders or Seniors he addeth That after their times one was chosen in every Church and preferred before the rest to have the dignity of a Bishop this was provided for a remedie against Schismes lest every man drawing some unto him should rent the Church of Christ in peeces For what doth a Bishop except ordering of others which an Elder may not doe And lest you should thinke he speaketh not as well of the chiefe as of the meaner Bishops he compareth three of the greatest Patriarkes with three of the poorest Bishops he could name A Bishop of what place soever he be either of Rome or of Eugubium or of Constantinople or of Rhegium or of Alexandria or of Tajus hath the same merit and the same function or Priesthood abundance of riches or basenesse of poâ—erty doth not make a Bishop higher or lower for they all be successours to the Apostles So that the Bishop of Rome by Commission from Christ and succession from the Apostles is no higher than the meanest Bishop in world The Superiority which he and others had as Metropolitanes in their owne Provinces came by custome as the great Councell of Nice witnesseth not by Christs institution Let the old use continue in Egypt Lybia and Pentapolis that the Bishop of Alexandria be chiefe over all those places for so much as the Bishop of Rome hath the like custome Likewise at Antioch and in other Provinces let the Churches keepe theer Prerogatives The generall Councell of Ephesus confesseth the same It seemeth good to this sacred and Oecumenicall Synod to conserve to every Province their right priviledges whole and untouched which they have had of old according to the custome that now long hath prevailed Next their authority was subject not onely to the discretion and moderation of their brethren assembled in Councell but also to the Lawes and Edicts of Christian Princes to be granted extended limited and ordered as they say cause For example the first Councell of Constantinople advanced the Bishop of that City to be the next Patriarch to the Bishop of Rome which before he was not And the Councell of Chalcedon made him equall in Ecclesiasticall honours with the Bishop of Rome and assigned him a larger Province than before he had So Iustinian gave to the City in Africa that he called after his owne name the See of an Archbishop Touching Bishops secular Jurisdiction imprisonment and temporall affaires he writes thus Bishops be no governours of Countries Princes be that is Bishops beare not the sword to reward and revenge Princes doe Bishops have no power to command and punish Princes have This appeareth by the Words of our Saviour expressely forbidding his Apostles to be Rulers of Nations and leaving it to Princes The Kings of Nations rule over their people and they that be great ones exercise authority with you it shall not be so that is you shall neither beare rule nor exercise authority over
Caesar as matters committed of trust to you by Christian Princes are nothing else but open and wifâ—ull invasions of other mens rights you changing the names and calling those things Spirituall and Ecâ—lesiasticall which indeede be civill and temporall and shouldering Priâ—ces from their cushins who first suffered Bishops to sir judges in those causes of Honour to their Persons and favour to their sunctions which on your part is but a bad requitall of their Princely graces and benefits He addes S. Paul expressely writeth of the Prince that He beareth the sword not without cause and is Gods minister to revenge him that doth evill And our Saviour severely forbiddeth Peâ—er and the rest of the Apostles to meddle with the sword All that take the sword shall perish by the sword and to them all you know that Kings of Nations raigne â—ver themâ— and they that be great exercise authority with you it shall not be so The sword is but the signe of publicke and Princely power and where the thing is not lawfull the signe is unlawfull Since then the Lord interdicteth his Apostles and messengers all Princely power it is evident the sword which is â—ut a signe thâ—reof is likewise interdicted them Thus much Bernard sticketh not to tell Pope Eugenius to his face It is the Lords voice in the Gospell Kings of Nations are Lords over them and they that have power over them are called gratious and the Lord inferreth you shall not be so It is a cleare case the Apostles are forbidden dominion Gâ— thou then saith Bernard to the Pope and usurpe if thou dâ—re either an Apostleship if thou be a Prince or dominion if thou be Apostolike Thou art expresly forbidden one of them If thou wilt have both thou shalt lose both The patterne of an Apostle is this Dominion is interdicted service is enjoyned Gird thy selfe with thy sword the sword of the spirit which is the Word of God And this Pope Nicholas fairely confesseth The Church of God hath no sword but the spirituall wherewith she quickneth shee killeth not Your owne Law saith It is easily proved of Bishops and other Clergy mâ—n whatsoever that they may not either by their owne authority or by the authority of the Bishop of Româ— take weapon in hand and excercise the materiall sword and addeth his reason For every man besides him and his authority which hath lawfull â—â—wer and which as the Apostle saith beareth the sword not without cause to whom every soule ought to be subject every man I say that without his authority taketh the sword shall perish with the sword He that beareth the sword may lawfully put malefactors to death and wage warre with his enemies when need so requireth which Bishops may not doe The weapons of our warfare are not carnall saith Saint Paul Quid Episcopis cum bello what have Bishops to doe with battle saith Athanasius and Aâ—brose Pugnâ—re non debâ—o I ought not to fight If they may not fight much lesse kill if they may do neither they cannot beare the sword which is appointed by God and received of men to do both The words of our Saviour are cleare with us for the negative My Kingdome saith hee is not of this World if then your Priests Prelates and Popes will be the servants of Christ they must challenge no worldly Kingdome as from him or in his name The servant is not above his Master If the master with his owne mouth have denyed it the servants may not affirme it or usurpe it The souldiers of Christ must not intangle themselves with secular affaires much lesse make themselves Lords and Judge of earâ—hly matters which office properly belongeth to the sword and must be sustained of all those that beare the sword The Popes themselves beâ—ore their power and pride grew so great were of this opinion with us Thus and much more Bishop Bilson to the same effect Not to trouble you with more quotations of this nature which are infinite I shall conclude onely with two more auâ—horities of men of greatest eminence and learning in our Church in Queene Elizabeths later dayes The first of them is Dr. Whitakers Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge he in his Booke Contra Duâ—eum l. 6. sect 19. Controvers 4. De Ecclesiae regimine Quest. 1. c. 1. sect 1. 2. c. 2. sect 16. Quest. 4. c. 3. sect 25 26 27 28 29 30 31. De notis Ecclesiae qu. 5. c. 6. p 509 and Contr. 2. Concil qu. 3. c. 2. p. 586 587. reciting Saint Ieromes words at large on Titus 1. and to Euagrius concludes with him That in former times Bishops and Presbyters were all one and the same that every where a Presbyter was the same that a Bishop is that ALL Churches were not under the Government of one man but were governed by the Common Counsell of their Presbyters Ecclesiae inquit Jeronymus gubernabantur c. id est VBIQVE OMNES fuit hiâ— MOS Ecclesiarum gubernandarum That this custome was not changed by the Apostles sed POST Ecclesie judicto That Bishops are greater now than Ministers not by divine institution but custome and that humano non divino jure totum â—oc discrimen constat the whole difference betweene them is by humane not by divine Law or right That by ancient and divine right a Presbyter was lesse than a Bishop NIHILO in nothing After which he proceeds thus If the Apostles had changed that order as Sanders pretendeth what had it profited Hierome with so great diligence to have collected testimonies out of the Apostles whereby to shew that they were sometimes the same It might easily come into his memory that this order was changed by the Apostles themselves after the Church was disturbed and torne with discords But wherfore then saith Hierom Before it was said I am of Paul c. the Church was Governed by the Common Councell of Presbyters c. I answer this might deceive Sanders Hierome onely alluded to the place of the Apostle that hee might shew that schismes were the cause of changing this order as hee saith elsewhere that this was done to remedy schismes But this remedy was almost worse than the disease For as at first one Presbyter was set above the rest and made a Bishop so afterwards one Bishop was preferred before the rest and so this custome brought forth the Pope with his Monarchy by little and little and brought it into the Church Ierome so openly oppugneth the Pontificall Hierarchy that the Papists know not what to determine or answere concerning Hierome Michael Medina doubts not to affirme that Ierome was an Hereticke in this kinde and that he held the very same opinion that Aerius did verily Hierome was of the same opinion with Aerius whereby we may the lesse regard that Aerius is so often objected to us AB INSULSIS HOMINIBUS
Privilegium meretur amittere qui abutitur potestate Now whereas some Object that if the Bishops were put out of the Upper House of Parliament the Clergie could not grant subsidies to the King I answere it is a most grosse mistake for the Clergie ever grant their subsidies in the Convocation not in the Lords house and if the Major part of the Clerkes in Convocation grant subsidies without the Bishops and then send their Bill by which they grant them to the Commons and Lords House to be confirmed as they usually doe if the Commons and Temporall Lords without the Bishops passe it this with the Kings Royall assent will binde all the Clergie and Bishops too So as their presence and votes in Parliament is no wayes necessary for the granting of Subsidies Wherefore they may be thence excluded without any prejudice to the King or Subject if not with great benefit unto both For the third clause of the Objection that the removall of them will breede a great confusion in the Common and Statute Law I answere first that the same Objection might have beene made for the continuance of the Pope and Popery yea against the severall Statutes for Creating estate Tayles levying of Fines Vses Devises Ioyntures and the like which bred greater alterations in the Common and former Statute Lawes than the removing of Bishops can doe Secondly that one Act of Parliament â—nabling certaine Commissioners to execute all those Legall Acts which Bishops usually did will prevent all this pretended confusion so that this part of the Objection is scarce worthy answere For the fourth clause that the King by his Coronation Oath is sworne to preserve to the Bishops and their Churches all their Canonicall priviledges and to protect and defend to his power the Bishops and Churches under his government I answere First that this Oath was at first cunningly devised and imposed on our Kings by our Bishops themselves out of a policy to engage our Princes to maintaine them in their usurped authority possessions and Jurisdictions which had no foundation in the Scripture and to captivate our Kings to their pleasures as the Popes by such a kind of Oath enthralled the Emperours to their Vassallage Secondly that this Oath was first invented by Popish Prelates and meant onely of them and their Popish Church and Priviledges and so cannot properly extend to our Prelates if Protestants Thirdly this Oath doth no way engage the King to defend and maintaine our Bishops if the Parliament see good cause to extirpate them For as the King and Judges who are obliged by their Oathes to maintaine and execute all the Lawes of the Realme are not bound by their Oath to continue former inconvenient Lawes from alteration or repeale or to execute them when repealed for then all ill Lawes should be unalterable and irrepealeable So the King by this his Oath is no wayes obleiged to defend protect and preserve the Bishops if there be good cause in point of piety and policy to suppresse them especially when any of them prove delinquents For as Bishops and other Subjects by their misdemeanours may put themselves out of the Kings Protection and forfeite both their goods lives and estates notwithstanding this Coronation Oath So by the same reason when Bishops and Bishoprickes by their misdemeanours prove intolerable grievances both to Church and State as now they have done they have thereby deprived themselves of the Kings Protection and deâ—ence specified in this Oathâ— and thereupon may be justly suppressed by the King and State without the least violation of this most solemne Oath as Abbots Monkes and Sanctuaries were Having thus removed all the principall Objections for the continuance of our Lordly Prelates I shall in the last place answere one Evasion whereby our present Lord Bishops thinke to shift off this Antipathy from themselves as having no relation at all to them They say that those Prelates whose Treasons Rebellions Seditions Oppressions and Antimonarchicall practises I have here collected were Popish Bishops Limbes of that body whose head they all abjure the fault of their wickednesse was in the Popery not in the Episcopacy in the men not the calling and so utterly unconcerneth them and haveth no reflection at all on them who are generally taxed for being excessive royalists and siding too much with the King and Court To this I answere first that most of all the premised rebellious disloyall seditious extravagant actions of our Bishops have proceeded from them onely as Lordly not Popish Prelates and issued from their Episcopacy not their Popery their Prelaticall functions not personall corruptions as the Histories themselves sufficiently demonstrate Secondly I answer that some of the recited Bishops were no Papists but Protestants who were no limbes of that body of Rome whose head our Bishops say they have abjured therefore it is evident that their Episcopall function not their Religion was the ground both of their disloyalties and extravagancies Thirdly I suppose our Prelates will not renounce Arch-Bishop Laud Bishop Wren Peirce Mountague and other of their fellow Bishops yet alive or lately dead as Popish Prelates and members of the Church of Rome as some account them yet their impious seditious oppressive prophane not trayterly Actions equall or exceede many of our Popish Arch-Bishops and Bishops as he that will but compare them may easily discerne It is not then the leaven of Popery but of the Lordly Prelacy it selfe which infected our Bishops and made them so treacherous and impious in all ages It is true indeed that Popery some of whose positions are treasonable and seditious and dependency upon the Pope hath made some of our Bishops more disloyall and Rebellious than otherwise they would have beene as is evident by the first proceeding of Stephen Langhton and his confederates against King Iohn but yet afterward when the Pope sided with King Iohn and Henry the third against Langton and the other Bishops who stirred up the Barons Warres these Bishops continued as trayterous and rebellious to these Kings as ever they were before whiles they adhered to the Pope and the Pope to them therefore their Hierarchy the cause of all these stirs not their Popery was the ground worke of their Treachery and enormities Now because our present Prelates boast so much of their loyalty to his Majestie whose absolute Civill Royall prerogative they have lately overmuch courted and endeavored to extend beyond due limits to the impeachment of the Lawes and Subjects hereditary liberties not out of any zeale to his Majesties service but onely to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction and to usurpe a more than Royall or Papall authority over all his Majesties Subjects for the present and over himselfe at last I shall make bold to present them with some particular instances whereby I shall demonstrate that all or most of our present Lordly Bishops have beene more seditious contumacious disloyall and injurious to his
Pet. 5. (r) 2 Cor. 8. (s) 1 Cor. 4. (t) Mat. 20. * Note this (v) In 6. lib. 2. dâ—sent â—â— judicata cap. pastoralis in verbâ— Homagiâ— Excuse the Bishops perjury who can * Di. 23. Qui episcopus ex concilio 4 Cartha (y) Tim. 3. Tit. 1. Who is lawfull to be Pope The Popes wickednesse described at large The Pope dotâ— practise Counsels against thâ— honorable state of Princes (z) Quest. 6. câ— Aliuâ— Hâ—re is specially to be noted the practise of Pâ—â—lates For 〈◊〉 are the doingâ— of the Holy â—â—ther of Rome that for Rebellion against Princes he would give absolution but for matter against his Popedome there was never absolution might be obtained The Popes Regals Peter was acquainted with his nets but not with Regals In verbâ—s â—â—lus 〈◊〉 These Articles be now granted and are no Heresie The Prelates cannot abide to use obedience to their Prince We have beenâ— led by blind guiders The Kings power is immediately of God 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. He that defendeth the Pope against his Soveraigne Lord or Lady is an unnaturall Subject Saving of Order hath two significations The Pope will hold a Councell when and where it pleaseth him Iu. 6. l. 1. de Majoritate obedientia Delecti â—iliâ— De Iureiuâ—ando c. Ego in verbo singulis The Prelates will obey the Pope but not the Prince A devilish Practise of Prelates The Bishops sweare to visit the Pope yearely The Pope taketh sure Order with his Bishops 12 Quest. 2. â— Quantu de Reditibus c. Mos est 12 Quest. 2. cap. Non liceat Papâ— In 6. Tit. 4. c. Ad Apost in verbo Coâ—tinâ—tar This is the clause that mâ—intaineth the Popes Pompe and glory and this is that that giveth him liberty to say and doe what he will Dist. 40. c. Non nos Gloâ—sâ— in verbo quis The Preachers of the Doctrine of Christ must needs be Heretickes for the sayd Doctrine is against the Pope 2 Joh. 7. they preach against the Pope therefore are Heretickes The writers Petition to the Kings Grace (a) Antiquit Eccles Brit. f. 346. to 380.436 Godwin p. 166. to 170. Holinshed p. 878.910 to 923. 31 WILLIAM WARHAM * For which Office of Execution he had an annuall Fee from the Arch-bishop worthy so great an Arch-bishop and so great a man Antiqu. Eccl. Briâ— p. 436. (b) Antiquit. Eccles. Brit. p. 350.351.352.436 (c) Holinshed p. 812. (d) Holinshed p. 911.912 Hall 22. H. 8. fol. 188.189 whose words are here but transcribed * Note the mischiefe of Prelates being great temporall Officers * What ever makes against the Bishops gaines be they never so unjust must be said to tend to the Churches destruction * A silly and false evasion of a Prelate (e) See these 2 Acts yet in force viz. 21. H. 8. c. 4.5 (f) 21. H. 8. c. 13. * It is no new thing for Priests to rayle against Parliaments for making good Lawes to order them (g) 22. H. â— c. 15. (h) See Fox Acts and Monuments p. 952. and in the pages before (i) Hâ—linsâ—ed p. 936 937. Hall An. 25. H. 8. f. 218. b. Speed p. 1029. 34 THOMAS CRANMER (k) Fox Acts and Monuments pag. 1703. (l) Antiq. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 381. to 405. Fox Actâ— and Monuments p. 1690. to 17â—â— (m) 31. H. 8. c. 10.37 H. 8. c. 17 〈◊〉 Acts monuments p. 1074. to 1089 99â— 1000 1001. (n) Fox Acts and Monuments pag. 1698. Antiquit. Eccles. Brit. pag. 401. (o) Holinshed p. 1090.1093 (p) Crâ—mptons Jurisdic of Courts f. 12. b. (q) Holinshed p. 1091. (r) See Fox Acts and Monuments in their histories (s) Speed history p. 1033. (t) Thomas Cranmer (u) Iohn Fisher. (x) Iohn Longâ—and (s) Acts and monuments p. 1472 old edition (t) Halls Chronicle 31. H. 8. f. 234. Holinshed p. 946. Speed p. 1044 1045. (u) Acts Monuments p. â— 586 587.589.1289.1472 old edition (x) Antiq. Eccl. Brit. p. 389 390.396 (y) 32. H. 8. c. 10.35 H. 8. c. 5.6 (z) â— Antiq Eccles Brit. p. 403â— 404. â— (a) Fox Acts and Monuments vol. 3. p. 666 667. in the last edition Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 403. (b) Holinshed p. 1089. (c) Fox Acts and monuments old Edition p. 881.884 885. Speed p. 1223. 35 CARDINAL POOLE (d) Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 405. to 424. Godwin p. 171 172. Speed p. 1143 1144. fol. 60 61. (f) Recorded in M. Fox Acts and monumens pag. 972. and Thomas Bacons reports of certaine men volâ— f. 266.267 The manifold ingratitude of Pâ—â—le (g) In his reports of certaine men vol. 3. f. 279 280. The madnesse of the Pope against England Reginald Pole his unnaturalnesse to the Realme of England The Pope mover of waâ—res Breakers of peace and sowers of discord are the children of the devill (h) Antâ—q Eccles. Brit. p. 408. (i) 〈…〉 (k) Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. qua suprâ—â— (l) Godâ—â—â— pag. 124. to 129. See Speed p. 1143 1144. Martinâ— Hist p. 397 to 401. (m) 1. 2. Phil. Mary ch 8. See Holinshed p. â—1â—2 1123. The submission of the whole Realme to the Pope Schisme and disobedience against the Seâ— Apostolike 25. H. 8. c. 19.21.26 H. 8. c. 1.3.27 H. 8. c. 15.28 H. 8. c. 7.10.31 H. 8. c. 10.14.32 H. 8. c. 22 24 26.33 H. 8. c. 29.34 35. H. 8. c. 17.19.35 H. 8. c. 1.3.37 H. 8. â— 17. * More care is here taken for the Popes than Queenes supremacy * Restored here to their jurisdiction together with the Pope as members of his body * See the Brâ—viate of the Prelates Encroachments c. p. 106 107â— 114 115.125.1â—6.127.91 to 100â— * Fox Acts and monuments in the old Edition p. 684 689.924â—690 In that of 1610. p. 1294.1495 * Fox Acts and Monuments old Edition p. p. 9â—4 * Fox Acts and Monuments p. 927. * See the Hiâ—â—ory the Councill of Trent p 339. to 3â—5 Sir Iohn Davis Irish Reports f. 97.98 See the Brâ—viaâ—â— p. 91. to 100. Cooke Caâ—dries Case f. â— * See I new discovery of the Prelates tyranny p. 34. c. * Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 422. Fox Acts and Monuments p. 1537. in the old Edition * Antiq. Ecclesiae Brit. p. 420.421 * Holinsâ—ed p. 1134. Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 422. * See Martins Chronicle p. 415.416 Gâ—dwin p. 125 126.12â— * Speedes History p. 1145. * Hollinshed p. 1165. * Speed p. 1153. Godwin p. 128. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 423. 36 MATTHEW PARKER * Antiqâ— Eccles. Brit. p. 427. c. 436.437 Martinâ— History p. 508. â—â—â— * Martiâ—s History p. 548.549.550.552 * Spâ—â—d p. 1170. to 1176. Martins Chron. p. 557. to 560. 37 EDMVND GRINDALL * Martyns History p. 662.654 655. Continuation of Holinshâ—d pag. 1322. to 1329. 38 IOHN WHITEGIFT * See Sr Gâ—orge Paul in the life of Whitegift Martyns Hist. p. 663.676.761 762.780 781 782 783. Iohn Penry his supplication to the Parliament the Petition to Qu. Elizabeth The Registerâ— The
King hereupon moved with pitty sends forth his Proclamations That all such as were out-lawed or proscribed should be at Glocester upon a certaine day there to be received into the Kings favour againe and to have restitution of their inheritancesâ— but least they might suspect any evill measure it was ordered that they should be in the Churches protection and come under the safe conduct of the Archbishop and the other Prelatesâ— Thither at the time and place limitted doth Hubert de Burgo Earle of Kent and lately chiefe Justicier of England repaire upon whom by mediation of the Bishop the compassionate King lookes graciously receiving him in his armesâ— with the kisse of peace In like sort was the Lord Gilbert Basset and all others of that fellowship received into favour their severall livings and rights fully restored and both Hubert and Basset admitted to be of his Councell Vpon this reconcilement the practise by which the late great Marshall was destroyed and his possessions dismembred came to light the coppy of the Letters which had beene sent into Ireland being by commandement of the Archbishop of Canterbury openly read in the presence of the King the Prelates Earles and Barons It moved teares in all of them the King with an Oath affirming that he knew not the Contents of the said Letters though by the urging of the Bishop of Winchester Rivallis Segrave Passeletu with other of his Councell hee had caused his Seale to be put unto them At the sound of Summons to make their severall appearances the Malefactors take Sanctuary the Bishop and Peter de Rivallis in Winchester Church Segrave in Leicester Abby Passeleiu in the new Temple and others otherwhere And some write that the King commanded Winchester utterly to depart the Court and to repaire to his Bishopricke and there to give himselfe intirely to the cure of soules If such a precept were now given by his Majesty to all our Court Prelates it would be but just In the end upon the intercession of Edraond Archbishop of Canterbury who piously endeavoured to extinguish all occasions of further dissention in the Kingdome and undertooke they should have a lawfull triall the delinquents appeared at Westminster before the King who sate in person with his Justiciers upon the Bench Peter de Rivallis was first called for the Bishop came not whom the King shot through with an angry eye saying O thou Traytor by thy wicked advise I was drawne to set my Seale to these treacherous Letters for the destruction of the Earle Marshall the contents whereof were to me unknowne and by thine and such like councell I banished my naturall Subjects and turned their rainds and hearts from me By thy bad councell and thy complices I was moved to make warre upon them to my irreparable losse and the dishonour of ray Realme In which enterprize I wasted my treasure and lost many worthy persons together with much of my royall respect therefore I exact of thee an account as well of my treasure as of the custodies of wards together with many other profits and escheats belonging to my Crowne Peter denying none of the accusations but falling to the ground thus besought him My Soveraigne Lord and King I have beene nourished by you and made rich in worldly substance confound not you owne creature but at least wise grant me a time of deliberation that I may render a competent reason for such poynts as I am charged with Thou shalt said the King be carried to the Tower of London there to deliberate till I am satisfied he was so Stepâ—en de Segrave the Lord chiefe Justice whom the King also called most wicked Traytor had time till Michaelmas to make his accounts at the Archbishops and other Bishops humble intreaty and for other matters hee shifted them of from himselfe by laying the blame upon such as were higher in place than he into whose office of chiefe Justice Hugh de Pateshull is advanced The like evasion Robert Passeleu hadâ— by leaving the fault upon Walter Bishop of Carleil who was above him in the Exchequer And thus were these civill enormities reformed not without reducing store of coyne to the King this Bishop of VVinchester being the chiefe Author of all these warres and mischiefes which thus molested King State and People at that time Anno. 1238. Otho the Popes Legate lodging at Osnie Abby some of his servants abusing the Schollers of Oxford that came thither to see him they thereupon falling together by the eares slew the Legates Cooke and hurt other of his servants reviling the Legate and stiling him a wicked wretch a Robber of England the gulfe of Roman avarice c. Hereupon the Legate fled up into the Towne for feare and sent to the King to Abindon to rescue him the next day he publikely excommunicated all who had assaulted him depriving them both from their office and benefice and pronouncing them irregular interdicted all the Churches in Oxford and suspended the Schollers from studying there the which Sentence was by this Bishop of VVinchester solemnely denounced and executed before all the Clergy and people assembled together for that purpose at S. Frideswids in Oxford and so all that Summer the Schollers were dissipated their study at Oxford was suspended At length the Abbot and Canons of Osnie and regent Masters of Oxford comming bare foote to the Legate with their heads uncovered and their upper garments put off and rent oft times humbly craved pardon of himâ— and so at last going through the midst of the Citty of London to the Bishop of Durhams house they with much adoe obtained pardon whereupon the Schollers were restored to their Study at Oxford and released from their said sentences An. 1246. The Pope writ to William Bishop of VVinchester and the Bishop of Lincolne that they should levy 6000. markes of the Cleargy to his use They thereupon began to execute this mandate of the Pope but are prohibited by the King to proceede under paine of proscription The Cleargy now interposed betweene the King Pope and terrified with both their threatsâ— were uncertaine what to doe but perceiving the Kings inconstancy and fearing least his courage failing he should at last as he often had done before yeeld to the Popeâ— many of them paying their money secretly avoided both the Kings and Popes indignation To prevent these exactions messengers were sent to the Pope from the King Peeres Prelates and Commons of England these the Pope reviles and repels as Schismaticks saying The King of England who now turnes his heeles against me and Frederizeth hath his Councell but I have mine With which scornefull words the King was so moved that he proclaimed through England That no man should pay any thing to the Pope But the Pope growing more angry hereat threatned the Prelates with all kinde of punishment that they should pay the foresaid summe to his Nuncio in the new Temple very spedily The King terrified with the
thereof he termes a sore law and much declaimes against them Chap. 8. Though after the determination of Doctors a man is not an hereticke for that onely that hee erreth but for that hee opinatively defendeth his errour and that neverthelesse the spiritualty as a common voyce goeth among the people have in time past punished many for heresie upon light causes and offences whereupon many people have grudged and that grudge hath beene another occasion of this Division Chap. 9. That the partiality that hath beene shewed upon suits taken in the Spirituall Court by spirituall men hath beene another cause of this Division Chap. 10. That the extreme and covetous demeanour of some Curates with their Parishioners hath beene another cause of this Division Chap. 11. That the granting of pardons for money as it were to some Charitable use that hath not after followed hath raised another grudge among the people which hath beene another occasion of this Division Chap. 12. That making of Lawes by the Church which they had no authority to make hath beene another occasion of this Division In which Chapter he cites divers Lawes made by the Clergie and executed contrary to the Lawes of the Realme touching Tythes of wood exemption of Clerkes from secular jurisdiction and the like which lawes while spirituall men sticke fast to and stifly maintaine temporall men by reason of common use and custome that they have seene to the contrary have resisted them whereupon have risen great strife and variances and expences in the spirituall Law Chap. 13. The lacke of good visitations hath beene another occasion of this Division wherein hee shewes that Bishops keepe their visitations onely to gaine money and procurations not to refraine vices Chap. 14. That the great multitude of Licenses and dispensations made by the spiritualty for money upon light suggestions hath beene another cause of this division Chap. 15. That the great laxenesse and worldly pleasures of religious persons whereby the people hath beene greatly offended hath beene another occasion of this Division Chap. 16. Then for a conclusion of this Treatise it is somewhat touched how good it is to have a zeale of Soules and how perilous it is to do any thing whereby they might be hurt And that if zeale of Soules pitty good doctrine and devout prayer were abundantly in this world mist specially in Prelates and spirituall Rulers that then a new light of grace and tractability would shortly shew and shine among the people The summe of the whole Treatise is to prove that the Bishops and Prelates are the authors of much division trouble and dissention both in Church and State and that by their Episcopall practises and unjust usurpations lawes and proceedings William Wraughton who wrote about the same time In his Rescuing of the Romish Fox Dedicated to King Henry the 8. writes thus Wee have put downe some of your orders of the world there remaine yet two orders of the world in England That is the order of pompous and Popish bishops and Gray Fryers Which if they were put downe as well as the other put downe before I reckon that there should be no Kingdome wherein Christ should more raigne than in England And there hee proves at large the Canon Law to be the Popes law and that as long as the Bishops maintaine it in England they maintaine the Pope in his soveraignty and Legislative power in England and that the reading of this Law makes men papists Roderickâ—â—ors sometimes a Gray Fryer in his Complaint to the Parliament house of England about the 37. yeare of King Henry the eight Chap. 23 24. writes thus of our Prelates No doubt one Bishop one Deane one Colledge or House of Canons hath ever done more mischiefe against Gods Word and sought more the hinderance of the same than tenne houses of Monkes Fryers Canons or Nunnes The Kings Grace began well to weed the Garden of England but yet hath he lest standing the more pitty the most fowlest and stinking weedes which had most need to be first plucked up by the rootes that is to say the pricking thistles and stinging nettles which still standing what helpeth the deposing of the petty members of the Pope and to leave his whole body behind which are the pompous Bishops Canons oâ— Colledges Deanes and such other Surely it helpeth as much as to say I will goe kill all the Foxes in Saint Iohns wood because I would have no more Foxes breed in England Which well pondered wee may say and lye not that the Pope remaineth wholly still in England save onely that his name is banished For why his body which be Bishops and oâ—her shavellings doâ—h not onely remaine but also his tayle which be his filâ—hy Traditions wicked Lawes and beggerly ceremonies as Saint Paul calleth them yea and the whole body of his pestiferous Canon Law according to which judgement is given throughout the Realmeâ— So that we be still in Egâ—pt and remain in capâ—ivity most grievously laden by observing and walking in his most â—ilhy drosse aforesaid which is a mistie and endlesse maze And so long as yee walke in those wicked lawes of Antichrist the Pope and maintaine his Knights the Bishops in such inordinate riches and unlawfull authority so long say I yee shall never baniâ—â— that monstrous beast the Pope out of Englandâ— yea and it shall be a meanes in processe of time to bring us into temporall bondage also againe to have him raigne as he hatâ— done like a God and that know our forked caps right well which thing maketh â—hem so boldly and shamelesly to right in their gods quarrell against Christ and his Word c. The Bishops by their subtilâ—es and most crafty wiles make the people to abhorâ—e the name of the Pope of Rome for a face and compell them to walke in all his wicked lawes and the Word of God which wee say we have received is not nor cannot be suffered to be preached aâ—â—â—aught purely and sincerely without mixing it with their invâ—nted traditions and service Wherefore to open the conclusion oâ— this little lamentation â—f â—ee will banish for ever the Antichrist the Pope out of this Realme yee must fell downe to the ground those rotten poasts the Bishops which be clouds withouâ— moystureâ— and utterly abandon all and every of his ungodly Lawes traditions and ceremonies Now will I speake no further against the particular Pope for as much as every Bishop is now a Pope and yee may plainly see by all the premises that the proud Prelates the Bishops I meane be very Antichrists as is their Father of Rome So he and much more Henry Stalbridge in his Exhoâ—tatory Epistle to his deerly beloved Country of England against the pompous Popish Bishops thereof as yet the true members of their filthy Father the great Antichrist of Rome Printed at Basill in King Henry the eighth his dayes thus seconds him I say yet once againe and that in the seale of the