involved in their Cause which may be more fully manifested but that I would not stir too much in the Evils of times past All these and many mâ—re concurring perswaded me that it was Sinfull to be Neutrals and Treachâ—rous to be against the Parliament in that Cause It were a wonder if so many humble honest Christians fearful of sinning and Praying for Direction should be all mistaken in so weighty a Case and so many Damme's all in the Right pa. 481. Ba. Very Learnedly apply'd But do not I say Pa. 437 That if a Parliament would wrong a King and depose him Unjustly and change the Government for which they have no Power the Body of the Nation may refuse to serve them in it yea may forcibly restrayn them If they Notâ—riously betray their Trust not in some Tolerable matters but in the Fundamentalls or Points that the Common Good dependeth on and engage in a Cause that would destroy the Happynesse of the Common-wealth It is then the Peoples duty to forsake them anâ— cleave to the King against them if they be Enemies to the Common-wealth Pag. 438. Ri. Now I beseech ye Mr. Baxter be pleased to Compare pa. 43â— with pa. 424. where you lay down This Thesâ—â— Though some injâ—ry to the King be the Occasion of the War it is the Duty of all the Pâ—â—ple to defend the Common-wealth against him Yâ—t so as thâ—t tâ—â—y protest against That Injury Ba. But what say ye all this while to the Case of making Coâ—nt to an Usurper When it is Notorious say I that where a maâ— has no Right to Govern People are not bound to Obey him unlesse by Accident Thesis 339. Ri. We detest their Oâ—inion who think that a strong and prâ—sperous Vsurper may be defended against the King or that the Kiâ—g is not to be defâ—ndâ—d against him to the hazzard of our Estates 〈◊〉 Lives Non-Conf 2d part Pa. 77. Meer Conquest withâ—â—â— Consent is no Just Title Ibid. P. 108. And again Vsâ—rpâ—â— have no True Power nor do their Commands bind anb one in Conscâ—ence to formal Obedience nor may they be set up and defended agaiâ—â—â— the Lawfull Governour Pa. 55. And Those are Vsurpers 〈◊〉 by Force or Fraud depose the Lawfull Governour and take his place Ibid. If Vsurpers claim the Crown the Suâ—ject must Iudge whâ—â— is their King and must defend his Right Non-Con Plea 70. Ba. But what if the People shall Miss-Judge All things are not destructive to the Common-wealth that are Judg'd so by Dissenting Subjects Holy Com. Pref. Nor are Subjeâ—ts allow'd to Resist whenever they are consident that Rulers would destroy the Common-wealth Ibid. Oh how happy would the best of Nations under Heaven be If they had the Rulers that our Ingratitude hath cast off Our old Constitution was King Lords and Commons which we were sworn and sworn and sworn again to be faithfull to and to Defend The King with-drawing the Lords and Commons Ruled alone though they Attempted not the Change of the Species of Government Next This we had the Major part of the House of Commons in the Exercise of Sovereign Power the Corrupt Majority as the Army call'd them being cast out Ibid. c. 'T is no matter for the Following Revolutions To resist or depose the Best Governours in all the world that have the Supremacy is forbidden to Subjects on point of Damnation Ibid. Ri. Pray'e hold your hand a little Mr. Baxter If the Government was iâ— King Lords and Commons how came the Two Houses â—o Rule Alone with an Vsurpation And without changing the Species of the Government or how came we that you say were sworn over and over to all Three to depose the Head and Submit to the other Two and to let the Government sink from a Monaâ—chy into aâ— Aristocracy and why might not the Commons cast out the Lords and the Army the Commons as well as the Two Houses cast off the King Especially by your own Comment upon Let every Soul be Subject to the Higher Powers Ho. Com. 3E9 Where you expound the Higher Power to be Intended of the Governours in Actual Possession What hindred this Aâ—gument from holding when the King was in Actual Possession Ba. A people may give an Honourary Title to the Prince and not give the same to Others that have part in the Sovereignty So that Names are not the only Notes of Sovereignty Wherefore one must not Judge of the Power of Princes by their Titles or Names Ho. Com. Pa. 432. The Law saith the King shall have the Power of the Militia supposing it to be against Enemies and not against the Common-wealth nor them that have part of the Sovereignty with him To Resist him here is not to Resist Power but Usurpation and Private Will In such a Case the Parliament is no more to be Resisted then he because they are also the Higher Power Ho. Com. Pa. 431. And there 's more in 't yet If a Prince be statedly made a Begger or forsaken or Ejected by a Conqueror and so Uncapable of Governing if it be but pro Tempore the Subjects for That time that have no opportunity to Restore him are disobliged from his Actual Government Pa. 139. Ri. So that the Sâ—izing of a Prince's Revenue deposes him from 〈◊〉 Soverâ—ignty and descharges his Subjects of their Obedience But I took Inferior Magistrates to be Subjects of the King as well as the meanest men and to have no more Power to Depose or take up Armâ— against him then other Subjects Non-Con Plea 2d part p. 5â— And In all the times of Vsurpation and since I said and wrote that the Kings Person is Inviolable and to be Iudg'd by none either Peâ—r or Parliament and that it is none but Subjects that they mâ—y call to Account Iudge and Punish Pref. Ba. I shall leave Others to Judge in what Cases Subjeâ—â—s may Resist Kings by Arms We shall only Conclude that no Humane Power can Abrogate the Law of Nature Non-Câ—â— Plea 2 d. Part Pa. 57. Ri. And may not the Two Houses be Resisted by the Law of Nature as well as they oppoâ—â—â— the King Modâ—â—â— Subjâ—cts should rather study what Laws God hath made for Themselves then what 〈◊〉 he hath made for Kings and what 〈…〉 Own duty thâ—â— whâ—t iâ— the Kings Thâ—ugh 〈…〉 are not bound to be 〈◊〉 Non-Con Plea 2 d. Part. Pa. 48. Ba. Nay I am as little for Restraining of Sovereign Power as any â—lesh breathing It is not saâ—e or Lawfull for the People to Limit or Restrain the Sovereign Power from disposâ—â—g so far of the Estates of All as is necessary to the safety of Aâ—l which is the End of Government Thesis 115. Nay A Governour cannot Lawâ—ully be Restrayned by the People from preserving them Thes. 120. For the Multitude are Covetous Tenacious Injudicious and Incompetent Judges of the Necessities
Instrument of Approbation and all that are Tolerated an Instrument of Toleration and let no man be a chuser or a Ruler that holdeth not Communion with an Approved or Tolerated Church and is not signify'd under the Pastors hand to be a Member thereof Thes. 219. Mo. A most excellent Invention to advance the Empire of Presbytery and enslave all other degrees and Perswasions of men whatsoever Ba. The Humble Petition and Advice determineth that under the Penalty of a Thousand pounds and Imprisonment till it be paid no person be Elected and sit in Parliament but Such as are persons of known Integrity fear God and of Good Conversation They are sworn also for Fidelity to the Protector c. A more excellent Act hath not been made for the happynesse of England concerning Parliaments at least since the Reformation Ho. Com. 257.258 Mo. But what is it that you mean by this Known Integrity or who are to be the Iudges of it I take That man that Publickly Sacrifices his Life his Fortune his Family and his Freedome to the service of his Prince and Countrey according to the Law to be a man of Known Integrity and him that Acts in opposition to the Law and to his duty to be clearly the contrary I take the Publican that smites his breast and crys Lord be merciful unto me a sinner to have more of the Fear of God in him then the Pharisee that Prays in the Market Place and thanks God that he is not as Other men are And I take him to be of as Good a Conversation that submits quietly to the Rules of the Government Reverences Authority and contents himself with his Lawful Lot As he is that values himself upon Out-braving Publique Order Reviling his Betters Living upon the spoil and devouring the Bread of the Oppressed What would you say now to the turning of the Tables and setting up of your Qualifications on the other side and to the Kings excluding of the Non-Conformists by an Oath of Fidelity to himself as your Richard excluded delinquents in the late Eections Ho. Com. P. 244. So that the People durst not go according otheir Inclinations Ibid. But why do I argue from your Practises when your Positions do naturally leade to the same undutyfull Ends Ba. My dull Brain could never find out any one point of difference in Theology about the Power of Kings and the Duty of Obedience in the People between the Divines called Presbyterians and Episcopal If you know any name them me and tell me your Proofs R. B's Letter to Mr. Hinckly Pa. 26. Ri. 'T is a Confounding of your Metaphysicks methinks with your Politiques to talk of Points of Theology in matters of Civil Power and Obedience without distinguishing between our Credenda and Agenda Notion and Practice Supernaturall Truths and Moral Duties And why The Divines CALLED Presbyterians and not rather the Presbyterian Divines For they are not ALL Presbyterians that are so CALLED and there 's a great deal of difference betwixt the Principles of Presbyterian Divines as Presbyterian and the 〈◊〉 of those very Presbyterians as they are rangeâ— undâ—r â—he Bâ—nner of a Civil Interest But over and above all Thiâ— you have carry'd it a great deal â—oo far to say that the Episcopal and the Presbyterian Divines hold the same Principles in the Point of King and Subject You shâ—uld rather have acknowledg'd the disagreements and maintain'd the Pâ—iâ—ciple We hold 1. Thâ—t the Parliament by the Constitution have part of the Sovereâ—â—â—tâ— Ho. Com. Pa. 457. 2. That the Sovereignty is joyntly iâ— Kâ—â—g Lords and Commons as Three Estates 465. 3. The Parliaâ—ent have a Power of Enacting Laws as well as of â—roposing them Pa. 462. Whereas The Episcopal Party pronoâ—â—ce the Sovereignty to be only in the King 2. They assert the Kings sole Supremacy in all Causes and over all Persons whatsoever as well Ecclesiastical as Civill and 3. That the two Houses have no share at all in the Sanction We hold likewise that It was Treason to resist the Parliament as the Enemy did apparently in Order to their Subversion Ho. Com. 478. That the Parliament was the highest Interpreter of Laws that was then Existent in the Division Ibid. And so we find that every step of the Parliamentary War was Iustify'd by the Assembly and the whole Current of the Presbyterian-Divines The Episcopal Clergy Vnanimously declaring themselves to the contrary Who but the Assembly July 19. 43. in the Names of Themselves and Others to call for the Execution of Iustice on All delinquents Husband 2d Vol. of Collections 241. And who again Aug. 10. 1643. but The Divines of the Assembly that are Reâ—iants of the Associated Counties and now Attending the Assembly are desired to go down into their several Counties to stir up the people in Those severall Counties to rise for their Defence Ibid. 285. So that in the Main we differ upon the very Constitution of the Government the Power of the Prince the Duty of the Subject and upon every point of the Parliamentary War And we are no lesse divided upon the Scheme of Forms and Ceremonies Ba. Prove that I or any of my Acquaintance ever practised Ejecting Silencing ruining men for things Unnecessary yea or for Greater things Whom did we ever forbid to Preach the Truth Whom did we cast out of all Church-Maintenance Whom did we Imprison R. R's Answ. to Dr. Stillingfleet Pa. 97. Ri. You forget your self Brother and I am for speaking the Truth though I shame the Devill Pray look into Mercurius Rusticus his Accompt of the London Clergy that were Ejected Silenced and Ruin'd by Order of Parliament See his Querela Cantabrigiensis for the Heads Fellows and Students of Colledges that were There Ejected Plunder'd Imprison'd or Banish'd for their Affections to the King and the Establish'd Religion Consider thâ—â— You your self took the liberty to Graze upon another mans Pastâ—re And all these Violence were carry'd on by your Encouragement Influenced by your Approbation and the Principal directors of theâ— extold to the Skyes as the Best Governours for Wisdome aâ—d Holynesse Ho. Com. Pref. under the Cope of Heaven Ba. But however Either they must prove that we hold Rebellious Principles or they shew that they do but in Plot accuse us I know very well that The Transproser Rehearsed Pa. 48. saith Mr. Baxter in his Holy Common-wealth mayntainteth that he the King may be called to Account by any Single Peer Must we say nothing to such bloudly slanders Never such a Thought was in my mind nor word spoken or Written by me But all is a meer False-Fiction Nay in all the times of Usurpation and Since I said and Wrote that the Kings Person is Inviolable and to be Judg'd by none either Peer or Parliament and that it is none but Subjects that they may call to accompt and Judge and Punish and
make it Lawfull But if it it be a thing that is only Inconvenient or Unlawful by some Lesser accident then the Command of Authority may pre-ponderate as a more weighty Accident R. B's Church-Divisions P. 194. Nay Many a Ruler sinneth in his Commands when it is no Sin but a Duty of the Inferior to Obey them As if a Magistrate Command Religious Duties in meer Policy or if he force a Lawful Command with Unlawful Penalties and Yet it will be the Subjects Duty to Obey Ibid. Nor is any Ruler bound to suspect and prevent such Unusual Dangers of mens Sin or Ruine as fall out beyond all Rational Foresight or Expectation of whose Probable Event or Possible at least there was no just Evidence R. B's Non-Conformists Iudgment P. 60. Mo. Your Argument Mr. Richard has cut off all Magistracy at a Blow For there is not any Command Imaginable that falls not within the Reach of your Exception And Mr. Baxter is in the Right on 't But what do ye think now Gentlemen of the Operation or further Extent of such a Power Ri. If you mean as to matters concerning Religion No man 〈◊〉 any Authority to make Laws about Gods Worship but 〈◊〉 Christ hath given him Non-Conformists Plea 2d Part. P. 28. Ba. Pray'e hold me a little Excus'd There too for we renounce the Opinion of them that hold that Circa Sacra the King hath no Power to Command the Circumstances of Worship Nâ—â—-Conformists Plea Part 2 d. P. 73. Mo. There is but a Right and a Wrong in the case my Masters and you have hit them both again I make no doubt on 't but your Circa Sacra comprehends Liturgies Ceremonies and other Circumstances of Order relating to the Church pray'e tell me how your Consciences stand affected that way Not as to the Merits of the Cause for the world is allready clogg'd with That Controversy but I would willingly know what thoughts You and the Party you plead for entertain of our Ecclesiastical matters Ri. When the King call'd us to signify our desires in 1660. the Ministers of London were commonly invited to come to Sion Colledge that their Common Consent might be known And There we agreed to desire or offer nothing for Church-Government but A.B. Ushers Modell of the Primitive Episcopal Government When his Majesty would not grant us That Modell nor the Bishops once Treat about it he was pleased in his Gratious Declaration about Ecclesiastical Affairs to offer and prescribe the Episcopacy of England as it stood with little alteration c. A Government says his Majesty Fol. 10. Which is established by Law and with which the Monarchy hath flourished through so many Ages and which is in truth as ancient in this Island as the Christian Monarchy thereof This Declaration we Ioyfully and thankfully accepted as a â—opefull means of a Common Conformity and Concord Non-Con's Plea 2d Part Pref. Ba. The English Prelacy I tell you is the product of proud Ambition and Arrogancy and contrary to the expresse Command of Christ. R. B's Five Disputations P. 45. Bishops are Thorns and Thistles and the Military Instruments of the Devil R. B's Concord P. 122. How could you â—ustify then a Submission to such a Prelacy Mo. If an Angel from Heaven I perceive were employ'd to bring 〈◊〉 two to an Agreement he shoulâ— lose his Laboâ—r Foâ— That which is highly acceptable to the One and the hopefull Foundation of a Common Concord is Antâ—christian Diaboliâ—al and Unsâ—fferable to the Other You aâ—e up I find at every Turn with the 〈◊〉 Projectpunc and in such a manner too as if the most â—â—â—â—onable thing in the World â—ad been offer'd oâ— the One 〈◊〉 and refused on the Other Whereat That 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 accommodated to the â—ard 〈…〉 the Kings Affairs at the time of Framing 〈…〉 any man in a case of Extremity 〈…〉 of an Arm â—r a Leg for the 〈…〉 yet he a very strange request to ask a man in a state of Freedome and Safety to part with a Leg or an Arm from his Body And as wild a thing on the other side to Grant it But the very offer at it under a pretense of Conscience was highly disingenuous especially when upon the Issue the Scruple was remov'd by the Refâ—sal and This Satisfaction given to the world by your own Acknowledgment that Conformity and Episcopacy may stand well enough together when you please Ri. I câ—nnot deny but that maâ—y proposed to have yiâ—lded to Prelacy Liturgy and Ceremonies Non-Con Plea Part I. P. 136. Ba. Why truly a Certain Episcopacy may be yielded to for the Peace if not for the Right Order of the Church But the Diocesan Episcopacy which was lately in England and is now laid by may not be lawfully reassumed or readmitted as a means for the Right Order or Peace of the Church R. B's Five Disputation P. 2. 1659. A Government which gratifâ—eth the Devil and wicked men Ibid. P. 36. Mo. Still upon the Contradiction But if they were so well dispos'd to come In what was it I beseech you that put them off again Ri. When they saw the New Act for Uniformity thâ—ir Deliberations were at an End Ibid. P. 26. Ba. After proving Prelacy to be against the â—ill of Christ and the Wellfare of the Churches Five Disp. Pref. 1â— and contrary to the word of God and Apostolical Institution Ibid P. 51. what need was there then of any further Disswasion Mo. Pray'e tell me Mr. Richard Was Prelacy Lawfull Before the Act for Uniformity and not After You are Angry at the One and therefore you Renounce the Other for it was no longer Prelacy Liturgy or Ceremonies it seems that you boggled at but the New Act. Now since you your selves were convinc'd that such a Conformity as aforesaid would have been Warrantable and only transfer'd your Exceptions to the New Act how comes it that you go on still decrying the State Rites and Offices of the Church to the Multitude and make That a matter of Conscience in One breath which you left at Liberty in Another The Uniformity does not alter the case one jot to the Common People but the Layety may as lawfully submit to Prelacy Liturgy and Ceremonies After the Act as they did before Ri. The People who now adhere to the Non-Conformists who were at age before the Wars had very hard thoughts of the Bishops Persons and some of Episcopacy it self because of the Silencing of Ministers and ruining of Honest men about Sundays-sports Reading That Book and other suâ—h things beside Nonconformity c. Non-Con Plea Part I. P. 139. Mo. the Bishops and Episcopacy it self you say were thought hardly of partly for Sâ—lencing your Miâ—isters Which was yet a way of proceeding Conformable to the directions of the Law and in part among Other Provocations for the Book of Sports upon the Lords day Be it spoken
these Twenty years against the King or State Unless it be our Crime to live under Reproach and Scorn and Poverty and sometime Imprisonments and never once so much as Petition a Parliament either to Pitty us or to Hear us once Speak for our Selves c. Ibid. If any Odd persons or whosoever have said or done any thing against the King or Kingdome or their Neighbours Right or Peace or have been Guilty of any Fraud Drunkennesse Perjury or Immorality besides their Vnavoidable Non-conformity let them be punisht as the Law requires but let not the Innocent yea Thousands be Slandered and Designed to Destruction for Them Ibid. Mo. If you Speak of the Nonconformists they have justifi'd from Sixty to Eighty all the Indignities that were put upon the Government from Forty to Sixty and there is not any one Seditious or Schismatical Principle of the Old Stamp which they have not afresh Reviv'd and Recommended to the People And for the Moderation you boast of I dare be answerable to produce almost as many Hundreds of Clamorous Libels against Aâ—thority from the Dissenting Party as you reckon Years of Silence and Forbearance But these are ODD Persons you say and so is every Dissenter in the Kingdom for Ten Millions of men are but as so many Individuals when disencorporate and Lâ—pp'd off from the Body If I durst be so bold Sir I should venture to say that Mr. Baxter himself is one of the ODDEST persons that I know in the whole Party You have First a Perswasion to your self for you are neither a Presbyterian nor an Independent nor an Anabaptist nor of any Tribe of the Division that ever yet had a Namâ— to be known by but a pure Original and a â—â—ristian of your own making You have Secondly as Peculiar a Conscience too that had rather leap a Precipice then keep the Kings high-way It rises and falls like a Weather-Glasse upon Change of Ayre and makes St. Paul blow Hot or Cold at pleasâ—re Let every soul be Subject to the Higher Powers requires Obedience to Dick Cromwell upon pain of Damnation and Disobedience to Charles the First upon the same penalty as we have had it already And then you have this further Advantage Sir that you are your own King and your own Pope you Prescribe your own Laws and Grant your own Pardons Ba. You may prate as long as you will I am against the Imposing of Mystical Ceremonies as Crossing or Surplice c. Five Disp. Pa. 467. For to Impose new Symbolicall Rites upon the Church which Christ hath not Imposed doth seem to me an Vsurpation of his Sovereign Power Ibid. And to accuse Christ of Ignorance or Negligence in that he himself hath not Imposed them And so doth it Imply an Accusation of his Laws and of the Holy Scriptures as if they were Insufficient Ibid. 468. And These Impositions seem to be plain Violations â—f These Prohibitions of God in which we are forbidden to Add to his Worship or diminish FROM IT 469. And moreover God hath allready given us so perfect a Directory for his Worship that there is nothing more that we can reasonably desire Ib. 481. Ri. Now for my part I am for the Amiable way Christians should not be Over-busy in Prying into the work of their Governours nor too forward to suspect their dâ—terminations The Duty of Obeying them being Certain and the Sinfulnesse of the thing Commanded being Uncertain and Unknown and only Suspected we must go on the surer side Ibid. 484. In disobeying the Lawfull Commands of our Superiours we disobey Christ. Ibid. 485. Beside that Disobedience in matters of Circumstance will exclude and Overthrow the Substance of the Worship it self Pa. 486. POSTSCRIPT To the Reader MR. Baxter has certainly given in this Extract the 〈◊〉 blow to the Non-conformists that ever they 〈◊〉 For there are no Arguments against That Party like their 〈…〉 against Themselves To the clearest Evidences of 〈◊〉 and Reason they 'le oppose Clamour and Passion 〈◊〉 make a shift to wriggle themselves Off and On with 〈◊〉 drawn Texts and Riddling distinctions But when the very 〈◊〉 of That Interest comes to play Fast and Loose and shift 〈◊〉 Conscience with the Season the Masque is then taken off 〈◊〉 there can be no Denyal of the Fact so there can be no 〈◊〉 the Hypocrisy How comes Toleration to be a Sin under 〈◊〉 Presbyterians and a Duty under the Bishops How comes it 〈◊〉 be Damnation in the case of the Late King and Richard 〈◊〉 well to Obey the Former and destroy the Latter Even 〈◊〉 to Mr. Baxters own Exposition which is that by St. 〈◊〉 Higher Powers is Intended Those in Actual Possâ—ssion How 〈◊〉 Bishops to be Antichristian at one time and Warrantable at 〈◊〉 Or the Civil Magistrate to have more power in 〈◊〉 matters under an Vsurper then under a Lawful 〈◊〉 How comes an Episcopal Vniformity to be more a Persecution 〈◊〉 a Presbyterian Or a Common Prayer-Book more Intolerable 〈◊〉 a Directory What can more expose the Credit of the 〈◊〉 then this double-dealing in the Foreman of the Party to 〈◊〉 Mr. Baxter Lye down in One Opinion and Rise in Another 〈◊〉 Accomodating his Scruples to every Crisis of State And Consummate the Iniquity of the Pretense He has no sooneâ— veigled the People into a Schisme but he presently 〈◊〉 with a Plat-form of Sedition and having wrought a 〈◊〉 from the Ecclesiastical he falls to work in his Cases and 〈◊〉 upon the Foundations of the Civill Government The End The Proposition at the Savoy about the command of lawful Superiours Richards Resolution â—â—â—â—er his hand Baxter of another opinion Many Commands anlawful which the subject ought yet to obey No Ruleâ— is bound â—o provide against Events not to be foreseen Magistracy cut off at a blow The Civil Power must not make Laws about Gods Worship But Baxter says that Circa Sacra he may Richard and Baxter still at variance Richards Account of the Savoy-Conference Vshers Primitive Episcopacy offer'd but rejected The English Episcopacy submitted to by Richard c But held Antichristian and Diabolicaâ— by Baxter Richard and Baxter never 〈◊〉 â—e reconcil'd The Ground of A.B. Vsher Project of Episcopacy Many would have yielded to Prelacy c The Diocesan Episcopacy gratifies the Devil says Baxter and not to be re-admitted R. and B. still Clashing The New Uniformity spoil d all Prelacy Unlawful in it sâ—lf says Baxter Why not Prelacy as â—awful after the Act as before It is the same case still to the People Hard thoughts of Epiâ—copacy and Bishops and upon what grounâ—â— A Grâ—â—ter Scandall to trâ—vell upon the Lords day then to give theKing baâ—â—le Richard Confesses that the Miniâ—ters guâ—ded the peoâ—le and says that the Non-conformists undertook for the next Bishops good behaviour The Quarrel not to the Office of Bishops but to the persons Richardâ— Reasons why the People sell from the Chuâ—ch again The
Baxtâ—rs Unfeigneâ— Repenâ—ance Mr. Baxter consulted the Word of God about Opposing the King Mr Baxter would be the same man if another King were to be Depos'd and Murthered Mr. Baxter very cautious of Treason against the two Houses Baxter fails foul upon Richard The Moderator interposes Baxter vindicates Oliver A prudent pious Faithful Prince Baxter prays that Richard Cromwell may Inherit the Piety of his Father The Presbyterians Disarm'd the King and the Independents Kill'd him Baxter repenâ—s and then â—epents of his Repentance Baxter thanks God for his Blessings upon this Nation in consequence of the Rebellion The Blessed Difference betwixt the Government of the Late King of Cromwell Baxters Comfortable Effects of a Civill War The Blessed Times we had till the Army got the better of the Two Houses London-Ministeâ—s Letter to the Lord-General Ian 18. 1648. The Armies Crime waâ— the opposing of the Parliament and Imprisoning tâ—e King without Leave Only a Sâ—izure of the Kings Person But an Vnparallâ—l'd Violenâ—e upon tâ—e Members of the House Being men of Eminent Worth and Inâ—egâ—ity A Factious Reâ—nant thâ— Magistraâ—es which God hâ—tâ— set oveâ— us The London· Ministers Mediation little lesse then Treason Gods Ordinance violated when Magistrâ—cy is oppos'd The Divines fear ull of opposing God in an Ordinance of the Two Houses None of these scruples in the case of the King Thâ— Presbyterians â—rue to the Faction from the beginnâ—ng The Standard of the Presbyteâ—ian Loyalty why not as tender of a breach of Trust according to Law as against it There was no Intent to divest the King of hiâ— Legal Right But he had a Righâ— to nothing then for tâ—eâ—â—ook all away The Presbyterians â—ell us they are no Jesâ—itâ— Not one word for the King in the whole Letter The Army in Gods way wâ—ile they joyn'd with the Presbyâ—erians Sworn to preserve his Majesties· Persoâ— and Priviledges of Parliament Wâ—o absolv'd the Presbyteriâ—ns of their former Oaths If Baxtâ—r had serv'd the king he had been a Traytor Baxters Holy Com. wealth to â—e taken as Non-Scriptus A shâ—ft not a Recantation For the Aphoâ—isms â—ere â—eâ—el'd directly against the King Baâ—teâ—â— Recantation A Repentance that will passe neither upon God nor Man Baxter Reâ—sons why his Repenâ—ance is not Particular Mr. Baxters Piâ— Fraus A Jesuitism For fear of too Much or too Little Mr. Baâ—ter confesses just nothing at all Mr. Baxter proceeds in â—is repentance He ever opposeth what he sometimes encouraged A Baxterism â—'s very Repentances are Calumnies He Repents and Relapses in the same breath Prophanness in Habit and in Conspiracy A Covenanting Prophannesse worse then a Personal He repents that he did not advise with Lawyers An Invidious Refleâ—ion upon Hooker Jesuitical Dodging Why could not Hooker set him Right to the Church as well as wrong to the State Hookers popular poâ—er nothing to Co-ordination Baxters Writings aâ—e a direct Satyr upon Government B's quarrel to the Visible Church The Reasons of B's Unkindness to the Visible Church He makes Dissenters the Invisible Church and Conformists the Visibâ—â— Presbyterians began the War A State Faction as well as a Schisme B's Implicite Repentance B's account soon cast up A General Particular Repentance Rebellion and Peevishnesse B. Repents of being too mealy-mouth'd A Repentance wiâ—hout a Confession And an abuse upon Both Parties Mr. Baxter's Test. Mr Baxter's Challenge Richard takes him up and proves him guilty as â—o the Kings Person An Opposer of the Kings Power And the Fundamental Constitution He acknowlâ—dgeth the Protectors Soveraignty And blesseth the Providences that brought Richard to the Government Richard had his Principles from Baxter Baxter makeâ— the Protectâ—rs Title as good as the Kings Baxters Addresses to Richard Protector Baâ—ters Resolution in â—â—ree Cases expresly to keep out the King Baxters Incapaciâ—ies for Government Dominion is founded in Grace Want of Power deposes a Prince A Case against his Majesties â—estauration Cases of Forfeiture Baxter asserts Obedience at all hazzards Baxter against the King though the Parliament had been in the wrong â— does nâ—â— love to rub old sores Neutrality a sin and Treachery â—o servâ— the King Tâ—e praying Rebels against the Loyall Damme's A just way of Deposing a King imply'd A Parliament may betray their Trust 100. Tho a Prince be injur'd the people may joyn with his Enemies No Obedience due to an Usurper Usurpr rsmust be oppos'd They have no true power Who are Usurpers The people to be Judges The people may mis-judge Baxt. laments the losse of the late Ruleâ—s Sworn and sworn to King Lords â—nd Commons The Lords Commons rule alone and â—he Government not changed Baxter charg'd wiâ—h conâ—radiction The Higher Poâ—ers 〈◊〉 the Goveâ—norâ— in possession 'T is not thâ— Nâ—me thâ—t makes the King The peopâ—e Judges of the King and oâ— the Law Seize the Kings Revenue and â—e is no longer a King Inferiour Magistrâ—tes still Subjeâ—â—s Richard eâ—er True to tâ—e Crown The Law of Natuâ—e iâ— above the Law of the Land Modest Subjects study their own Duty not tâ—e Kings Sovereign Power not to be reâ—trâ—ined by tâ—e people The Multitude no Judges of Government The Secluâ—ed Members and the â—wo Crâ—mwells tâ—e beâ—t Governors Rebellion to oppose the sâ—preme Rulers The Parâ—iameâ—â— toâ—d us our danger And we weâ—e bâ—und to 〈◊〉 with Their Eyes TheKing himselâ— opposed and Baxteâ— â—eâ—oâ—ved to jusâ—ify it A Fundamental deâ—troy'd Baxter defends it Parliaments may be corrupt Instances of Parliamentary Coâ—ruptions Votes may be câ—rried by Faction Aâ— appeâ—rs to our cost The major part of Electors are ill meâ— And will chuse others like themsâ—lves Baxter's model for Regâ—lation of Elections The Peoples Right of Election taken away by partial qualifications A Faction packt under he name of a Parliament The People are disoblig'd and not trusted with chusing their own Representative The peoâ—le sick of their Representative The Pastors to approve of the Electors The Empire of Presbytery The Petition and Advice concerning Elections Baxters admirable Expedient ☞ His qualifications accepted The Pharisee and the Publican What if the King should take upon him so Baxtâ—r fâ—â—des Presbyterian and Episcopal Loyalty the same Baxter confounds hisMâ—taphsiycks with his Poliâ—icks Presbyterian Positions Episcopal Positions Presbyt Posit Episc. Posit The Assembly crys out for bloud And stir up the people Mr. â—axter never wrong'd any man Richard refreshes his memory Mr. Baxters Governours A Plot upon the Presbyteâ—ians A bloudy slander Alas the Ho. Com. a most Innocent Book Mr. Baxter lies under horrid Accusations Mr. Baxter transported Any Government but the Right A King is a name of Respect not Power The Kings Authority made precarious And under several Incapacities Baxters Horrid Accusation His Character of ouâ— Church-men Baxters damnable Cases of Conscience Baxt. dreams of a Plot upon him The Cart before the Horse Votes for Uniformity Reasons against Toâ—eration ☜ Mr Baxters Ingratitude How to understand the Presbyterians Words Practises Words Practises Words Practises Words Practises Words Practises Words Practises Words Practisâ—s The War charg'd upon the King Treason to serve the King Words The 19. Deposing Propositions Words Practises Words Practâ—ses Their Professions In the presence of the Almighty A Rebellion in tâ—eName of the everlasting God Covenant Loyalty Slanders upon â—he haâ—m esâ— Presbyterians Presbyteâ—iâ—ns Positions Mr. Baxters best Goâ—ernors in the world The Innocent Non-Conformists The principles of the Late Rebellion revived Mr. â—axters Odd persons He Himselâ— One. Mr. Baxter his oâ—n King and Popâ— Baxters Agument against Ceâ—â—monies The Câ—se wâ—ll Resolved
The Casuist Uncas'd IN A DIALOGUE Betwixt RICHARD AND BAXTER With a MODERATOR Between Them For QUIETNESSE Sake By Roger L' Estrange The Second Edition LONDON â—rinted for H. Brome at the Signe of the Gun in S. Pauls Church-yard 1680. upon the Manners as well as the Services of the Royall Party What can I do better then to face him with the Acts of the Assembly and the Proceedings of the Two Houses to the Contrary And to produce his own Act and Deed in evidence against his Profession On the One hand you have Mr. Baxter valuing himself upâ—â— his Principles of Loyalty and Obedience And on the Other haâ—â— you have the very same Mr. Baxter according to the Outward Man not only pleading the Cause but Celebrating the Justice and Canonizing as in his Saints Rest Pa. 101. of the Old Editions the Prime Directors and Instruments of The Late Rebellion Asserting the very Doctrine of Those Positions whereupon it was founded When Mr. Baxter Sets up for a Toleration whâ—â— can be fairer then to shew him his own Arguments against it Or to ask him how HE a kinde of Heteroclite in his opinions that has Chalk'd out so singular a Plat-Form of Church-Regiment 〈◊〉 himself comes now to be a Common Advocate for all the Dissenting Parties Take him in One Mood as in his Five Disputations and elsewhere and he tells ye that a Diocesan Prelacy is plainly Antichristian and Intolerable And yet in his Noâ—-Conformists Plea and other parts of his Writings he tells ye agaâ—n that the Nonconformists would have submitted to it Now if the Constitution was so Abominable why should they submit to it And if it was not so why does Mr. Baxter say that it was Anâ— why does he still persist in Debauching and Alienating the heaâ—â— of the People from their Rulers in matters which he himself acknowledges to be Warrantable and Established by Law And so for 〈◊〉 Liturgy and Ceremonies he 's at the same Variance with himself about the Lawfulnesse or Vnlawfulnesse of Those Points also Now since Mr. Baxter has been pleased to take upon himself the Patronage of the Non-Conformists Cause and to put forth his Plea and his Plea again for That Interest what can be more Obâ—iging then to take him at his word and consider him under the Publick Character of Their Representative At This Rate Mr. Baxters Works will be as good as a Non-conformists Dictionary to us and assist the World toward the Vnderstanding of the Holy Dialect iâ— a Wonderful manner For the Purity of the Gospell the ways of Christ the Ordinances of the Lord the Power of Godlynesse the Foundations of Faith the Holy Discipline A Blessed Reformation c. These are Words and Expressions that signify quite another thing to Them then they do to Us. Faithful Pastors Laborious Ministers Heavenly Guides Zealous Protestants The Upright in the Land Humble Petitioners Just Priviledges Higher Powers Glorious Kings Holy Covenanting unto the Lord c. This is not to be taken now as the Language Câ—rrant of the Nation but only as a Privy Cypher of Intelligence betwixt Themselves and the Cant or Jargon of the Party Nay they fly from us in their Speech their Manners their Meaning as well as in their Profession The very Christ-Crosse in the Horn-Book is as much a Scandal to them as the Crosse in Baptisme and they make it a point of Honour to maintain the Freedome of their Own Tongue in token that they are not as yet a Conquer'd Nation But are the Non-conformists agreed upon it or not that Mr. Baxter shall be their Speaker and that what he delivers in Their Name shall be taken and deemed as the sense of the Party If it be so we have no more to do then to Consult Mr. Baxter himself and from his oâ—n Writings which I have here Cited and Apply'd with exact Faith and Justice to take our Measures of the Dissenting Brethren No man presses Obedience to the HIGHER POWERS more Imperiously then He does But then he makes Those Higher Powers to be still the Usurpers one after another as they get into ACTUAL POSSESSION Prove says he in the Preface to his Holy Common-Wealth that the KING was the HIGHEST POWER in the time of Division and I will offer my Head to Justice as a Rebell His meaning must Inevitably be This Either that the King had no Right to the Crown before the Divisions or that he forfeited his Title by the Rebellion which is an Admirable way of Transition from rank Treason to Lawfull Authority But in all Thâ—se Cases he has still a Recourse for a Salvo to his Box of Distinctions and tells ye that they Shot at CHARLES STUART in the Field for the Honour and Safety of the KING in the Two Houses And then Good Lord How he runs himself out of Breath with Detesting and Renouncing and Renouncing and Detesting KING-KILLING And yet upon Occasion when Oliver the King-killer falls in his Way How does he lay himself out in Euloyges upon the PIOUS Defunct Praying as the highest Instance of the Veneration he had for That Usurper that the Spirit of the Father might descend upon the Son We pray says he to Richard that you may INHERIT a tender care of the Cause of Christ Key for Catholicks Ep. Ded. But then in another Fit he shall advance ye into his Politicks with a Troop of Aphorismes Lay Principalities and Powers Levell with the Ground and tear up the very Ordinance it self of Government by the Roots If Providence Says he STATEDLY disable him that was the Governour c. Ho. Com. Thes. 136. And yet he does not down-Right â—vow the Doctrine of King-Killing He does indeed approve of giving Battle to the Kings WILL but whether to aym at it in his Maiestys HEAD or in his HEART is not as yet STATEDLY determin'd Now tâ— moderate the matter The Presbyterians only cut off his Majestys Hands and Feet so that he could neither Help nor Shift for himself and then gave him Sold him I should say to the Independents Who cut off his Head If Mr. Baxter speaks the Sence of the Non-Consormists as he pretends to do then must This serve for an Exposition of their Loyalty But if not Why does not the Party either disown or take away his Commission This is it which the Restlesse and Implacable Adversaries of our Common Repose make such a noyse in the World with as the work of the spirit of Persecution the Enflaming of Differences the Widening of Breaches and the Violation of the Act of Oblivion Whereas in Truth there 's nothing in it of a Spiteful Invective but on the other side it is only a playn and a necessary defence Mr. Baxter in his Non-Conformists Pleas delivers in his way a kind of Deduction of the War Particularly under the Head of Matters of Fact to be fore-known to the True Understanding of the Cause 2d Part. Pag. 120. In This Chapter from the Question of the
Church and State your Lives Liberties and Estates the Peace Honour and Well being of Three Kingdoms and all This in Exchange for Infamy Beggery and Bondage and yet reckon your self a Gainer by the Bargain Ri. The Common-wealths-men persecuted me and Others so far as to make Orders to Sequester us for not taking the Engagemeâ—â— and for not keeping their Fasts and Thanksgivings for the 〈◊〉 â—â—gainst Scotland R. B's 2d Admonition to Bagshaw p. 9â— Ba. It is a dreadfull Observation to see so much of the Spirit of Malignity possessing those that once said they sought against Malignants and that the â—inisters and Servants of the Lord are rayled at by 〈…〉 as â—ormeâ—ly they were by the worst of Those 〈…〉 â—esâ—royed and with this dâ—â—â—dfull Aggravation that Then it â—as but Some that were Reviled and now wiâ—h many 〈◊〉 is All. Thâ—â— it was but under the Name of Puritanâ— and Rounâ—â—eads and Now it is openly as Ministers under the Name of Priests and Black-Câ—ats and Presbyters and Pulpiteers Sâ—lf-dâ—â—yal Ep. Monitory Mo. This is to Intimate that the Pâ—â—sbyterians were under a Persecution Who were the Persecutors I beseech ye Even Your own Ioâ—rney men who when they had wrought Seditâ—â—n long enough under you took the Tradâ— into their Own hands and set up for Themselves And that you may not value your selves upon the Merits of your sufferings Pray'e what was it that you suffer'd for Presbytery is too Tyrannical for the spirit of an Indepeâ—dent to bear The Stomack of That Party would not brook it and so they cast it up again For there is though a Licentious yet somewhat of a Practical and Accomodable Generosity in that Party But are not you aware Gentlemen that the worse you speak of these people the greater is your Condemnation for making the Episcopal Party still more Insupportable then These at the very Worst Ri. Was it not Persecution when many Anabaptists and Separatists made such work in England Scotland and Ireland in Cromwells time and after as they did when so many were turn'd out of the Universities for not Engaging and so many out of the Magistracy and Corporation-Priviledges And when an Ordinance was made to cast out all Ministers who would not pray for the success of the Wars against Scotland or that would not give God thanks for their Victories When I have heard them proâ—ess that there were many Thousand Godly men that were kill'd at Dunba◠〈◊〉 instance in no other and yet WE were all by their Ordinance to be cast out that would not give God thanks for This. Ch. Div. Pa. 256. 1668. What more harsh kinde of Persecution could there be then to force men to go Hypocritically to God against their Consciences and take on them to beg for the Success of a War which they Iudg'd Vnlawfull and to return him a Publick Counterfeit Thanks for Bloodshed yea for the bloud of Thousands c. Ibid. Ba. Only See to This Brethren that none of you suffer as an evill-doer as a busy-Body in other mens Matters as a Resister of the Commands of Lawfull Authority as Ungratefull to Those that have been Instruments of our Good as evill-Speakers against Dignities as Opposers of the Discipline and Ordinances of Christ as Scornfull Revilers of youâ— Christian Brethren as Reproachers of a Laborious Judicious Conscientious Ministry c. Saints Rest. Pa. 131. Mo. You do not speak I suppose of the Seven or Eight and Twenty Cathedralls that were Defaced The 115. Ministers forced out of their Livings within the Bills of Mortality nor of the History of Querela Cantabrigiensis You accounted it no Persecution the forcing of men to Pray for the Successe of a Rebellion against their Sovereign and to give God thanks for the Victories over the King and the Loyal Assertors of his Majesties and the Churches Rights and Government As for you Mr. Baxter your Counsell is very good if it were not that in the Dignities and Lawfull Powers you have plac'd the Crown upon the wrong head and directed an Obedience to the Faction in stead of the King after your usual Method of Crushing the One to Advance the Other But it will be a hard matter I believe to convince you that the Presbyterians destroy'd the King and that they did it as Presbyterians too though I reckon it to be very easily Probable both from their Practises and Positions And Tâ—is I should not at This time have made the Question but that your self Mr. Baxter have been pleased to bring it upon the Carpet Ba. The Generality of the Orthodox Sober Ministers and Godly people of This Nation did never consent to King-Killing and Resisting Sovereign Power nor to the Change of the Antient Government of this Land But they have been True to their Allegiance and Detesters of Unfaithfullness and Ambition in Subjects and Resisters of Heresy and Schisme in the Church and of Anarchy and Democraticall Confusions in the Common-wealth R.B. Sermon before the Commons Anno. â—0 1660. Pa. 44. Ri. It is most certain Brother that we did never directly consent as you say But Vnhappily there hath been a difference among us which is the higher Power when Those that have their Share in the Sovereignty are divided But whether we should be Subject to the higher Power is no question with us Ibid. 45. Mo. If by your Orthodox Sober Ministers you mean the Episcopal Divines your Assertion holds good or in a Litterall Construction either but if you intend the Non-Conformists under these Two Epithets of Orthodox and Sober What do ye think of Mr Manton Calamy Case Douglas Burton Herle Goodwyn Woodcock Brooks Bridges Marshall Cockayn Faircloath Saltmarsh Sterry Strictland Newcomen And for Brevity sake I. O. W. I. and R. B. shall make them up an even score I could shew ye how these Reverend Authors have traced the King killing Cause from the very Egg to the Apple as they say Preach'd the Lawfullness of the War the People into a Rebellion the Kings Head to the Block and then Justify'd all when they had done And yet who but these men of Bloud to Quarrell with the Government because they cannot get themselves Priviledg'd above the Peaceable and Obedient Sons of the Church What do ye think of the Author of CELEUSMA that told the Commons in a Sermon Sept. 25. 1656. That the Remove of Prelatical Innovations Countervail'd for the Bloud and Treasure shed and spent in the Late Distractions Is not this person now with his Clamor ad Coelum a very hopefull Solicitor for a Second Reformation He that has Solemnly declared that If the Re-Imposing of Ceremonies could have brought the Late King to Life again he would never have yielded to it At the Rate of Computation why shall not a Ceremony at this day out-weigh the Life of the Son as Formerly it did That of the Father But what needs more proof then the
very Order of Aug. 10. 1643. For the Assembly-Divines to 〈◊〉 the People to rise for their Defence There is another person also who is engaged iâ— This present Controversy to whom I would gladly Recommend a due Consideration of this following Extract When Kings Command Unrighteous things and people suit them with willing Commplyance none doubts but the destruction of them both is Just and Righteous A Fast Sermon to the House of Commons Ian. 31. 1648. Pa. 5. He that is Entrusted with the Sword and dares not do Justice on every one that dares do Jnjustice is affraid of the Creature but makes very bold with the Creator Pa. 15. The Kings of the Eaâ—th have given their Power to Anti Christ. How have they earn'd their Titles Eldest Son of the Chuach The Catholick and most Christian King Defender of the Faith and the Like Hath it not been by the Bloud of Saints is there not in every corner of These Kingdomes the Slain and the Banish'd ones of Christ to Answer for A Fast Sermon of Apr. 19. 1649. Pa. 22. Do not the Kings of all these Nations stand up in the Room of their Progenitors with the same Implacable Enmity to the Power of the Gospel Pa. 22. There are Great and Mighty Works in hand in this Nation Tyrants are punish'd the Jaws of Oppressors are broken bloudy Revengefull people in Wars disappointed A Thanksgiving Sermon for the Scots defeat at Worcester Octo 24. 1651. P. 2. What is This Prelacy A meer Antichristian Encroachment upon the Inheritance of Christ Pa. 5. A Monarchy of some hundred years continuance allways affecting and at length wholly degenerated into Tyranny destroy'd pull'd down Swallow'd up a great mighty Potentate that had caused terrour in the Land of the Living and laid his Sword under his head brought to Punishment for Blood P. 6. If any persons in the World had cause to sing the Song of Moses and the Lamb We have this day The Bondage prepared for us was both in Spirituals and Temporalls about a Tyrant full of Revenge and a Discipline full of Persecution hath been our Contest whether the Yoke of the One and the Other should by the Sword and Violence be put upon our Necks and Consciences is our Controversy Pa. 7. Is it not a Prodigious boldness for such Spirits as These to obtrude themselves either upon the Government or the People as men of Scruple and the most competent Agents for the Promoting of Vnity and Peace And you your self Mr. Baxter have not been out neither at this great work of Reforming Confusion as your own Confessions in some measure but your Conversation and Writings do Abundantly bear Witness Mr. Richard here I must confess furnishes you with a Salvo that Ignatious Loyola himself would have blush'd at You were ever True to the King you say but you did not know Who was King Some would have him to be where he was NOT and Others would not allow him to be where he WAS. Sir This doctrine might have done well enough in a Pulpit at Coventry when you were helping the Lord against the Mighty but from such a Restauration Sermon the Lord deliver us There is first not one word of Restoring the King in 't though it was a Fast that had a Particular Regard to That Debate 2. It Asserts the Loyalty of the Presbyterians and yet at the same time supposes the Supreme Power in the Two Houses which in few words makes the Late King both a Subject and with Reverence a Rebell 3. The Setling of the Presbytery for that 's allways the English of their SOUND DOCTRINE and CHURCH GOVERNMENT Pa. 46. is violently prest as the first thing to be done Give FIRST to God the Things that are Gods 43. with a Pharisaical Ostentation of the Conscionable Prudent Godly People of the Land Pa. 46. in opposition to the Prophane You could not do any thing in the world more to obstruct his Majestys Return and yet you are pleased to make this Sermon an Instance of your Zeal to advance it Ri· The Parliament did not raise War against the Person or Authority of the King nor did I ever serve them on any such Account but to defend themselves against the Kings Mis-guided will Holy Common-Wealth Pa. 476. Their Commissions all that ever I saw were for King and Parliament We had Two Protestations and a Solemn League and Covenant Impos'd upon the Nation to be for King and Parliament And if Dâ—claâ—ations Professions Commissions and National Oaths and Covenants will not tell us what the cause of the War was thâ—n there is no Discovery Ibid. Pa. 477. Mo. These Commissions Oathes and Covenants tell you the Pretext of the War but you must go to their Proceedings and Practices to find the Cause of it The Two Houses Seize the Kings Towns Magazins Forts and Shipping They violently take the Militia into their own hands Vote an Ordinance of Both Houses as binding as an Act of Parliament Declare his Majestys Commissions Voyd Issue out Orders for Securing the Kingdome Vote the Maintaining of a War and the Seizing of his Majestys Magazins Sequester the Church and Crown Revenues and justify all these Injuries as done in pursuance of their Protestations and Covenants and This is your way now of being FOR the King Suppose that any man had beaten you and Plundred ye and Imprison'd ye and abus'd your Friends for your sake and a body should tell you all this while that this man was FOR Mr. Baxter If you were really for the King why would not For the King according to the Oath of Allegiance do the businesse as well as For the King according to the Covenant Or how came you to Alienate your self from his Majesties Iurisdictino and to turh Subject to the Two Houses Who Absolv'd you from the One Oath or who Authoris'd you in the Other or when you found that the King in the Covenant clash'd with the King in the Oath of Allegeance why did you not rather comply with the Law then with the Usurpation For it is Impossible to be True to both Interests under so manifest an Opposition You see the Colour of the War and I shall not need to tell you that the Cause of it was Ambition of Dominion which was exercised to the highest degree of Tyranny Ri. If a People that by Oath and Duty are obliged to a Sovereign shall sinfully dispossess him and contrary to their Covenants chuse and Covenant with Another they may be obliged by their Latter Covenants notwithstanding the Former Holy-Common-Wealth Pag. 188. Ba. That cannot be my Friend for we hold it Impious and Papal to pretend to absolve Subjects from their Oaths to their Sovereign Holy Com. Pa. 359. It is not in Subjects Power by Vows to with-draw themselves from Obedience to Authority Non-Confor Plea P. 213. Mo. But why can ye not now
dispense with your Covenants as well as you did formerly with the Oath of Allegeance Ri. Part of This Covenant is against Popery Superstition and Profaneness and all that is against Sound Doctrine and Godlinesse c. which the Non-Conformists take to be Lawful and Necessary things Non-Conf Plea 1st Part. P. 142. But the Controversy is not This and That but whether as a Vow made to God it binde to things Necessary P. 143. Ba. Soft a little This that you speak of is the League and Covenant not the Vow and Covenant The Latter was only a Bond of Confederacy to assist the Parliaments Forces against the King and taken by the Lords ane Commons Iun. 6. 1673. and then Ordred Iun. 27. to be taken all over the Kingdome But the Other was Composed afterwards and upon closing with the Scots accomodated to the Scottish Model and Order'd Feb. 2. 1643. to be taken throughout England and Wales and Entitled For Râ—formation and Dâ—fence of Reliâ—ion the Honour and Happiness of the KING c. By this Covenant you are bound not only to an Extirpation of Bishops but to endeavouâ— the Introducing of a Scottish Presbytery How can you then dispence with an Admittance of the Primates Episcopacy as you propounded in Contradiction to the Terms of that Engagement Mo. Favour me with a word I pray'e Did ye not Covenant to preserve and defend the Kings Majestys Person and Authority Ri. Yes in the Preservation and Defence of the True Religion Ba. But in case of the Kings Opposing it we are still Obliged to continue therein against all Opposition and â—o promote the samâ— according to our Power against all Lets and Impediments whatsoever See the Covenant Mo. Let it suffice Gentlemen that your Party destroy'd the King it is no great matter How Ri. As to the Death of the King I have in the times of Vsurpation proved that the Presbyterians detestâ—d it That it was a Proud Conquering Army by the Contrivance of Ol. Cromwell and the applause of a Few Phanatiques that did it by the consent of a small care of the Old Parliament called the Rump that durst not trust the King in Power Non-Conf Plea part 2. Preface Ba. Prethee Dick Speak truth and shame the Devil What did we raise Armyes for And Attaque the King himself in the Head of his Troops Wee 'l maintain That by our Principles and Aphorisms War is not an Act of Government but Hostility Men are not in Reason to be supposed to Intend their Enemies Good if they fight we are to bâ—lieve they would Kill and Nature believeth not Killing to be an Act of Friendship Holy Common-Wealth Pa. 422. â— do Unfeignedly Repent that I did no more for â—eace in my Place then I did and that I did not pray more heartily againâ—t Conâ—â—ntion and Wâ—r bâ—forâ— it camâ— and spake no more against it thâ—n I 〈…〉 that I spaâ—e so much to blow the Coals For â—his 〈…〉 forâ—ivenâ—sse of the Lord through the Pretious bâ—oâ—d of tâ—â— Grâ—â—t Reconciler The hatred of strife and War aâ—d Love of Pâ—aâ—e and Obsâ—rvation of the Lamentable Miscariages siâ—ce have call'd me often to search my heart and try my ways by the word of God whether I did Lawfully engage in That War or not which I was confident then was the Greatest outward service that ever I performed to God And whether I Lawfully encouraged so many Thousands to it Holy Common-Wealth Pa. 485.486 But yet I cannot see that I was mistaken in the main Cause nor dare I repent of it nor forbear the same if it were to do again in the same State of Things I should do all I could to prevent such a War but if it could not be prevented I must take the same side as then I did And my Judgment tells me that if I should do otherwise I should be Guilty of Treason or disloyalty against the SOVEREIGN POWER of the Land and of Perâ—idiousnesse to the Common-Wealth and of preferring Offending Subjects before the Laws and Justice and the Will of the King above the safety of the Common-wealth and consequently above his own Wellfare Ibid And then for you so Impudently and Impertinently Mo. Nay let 's have none of this Gentlemen I beseech ye why You Two are Old Acquaintances Fellow-Labourers Fellow-Sufferers and One Womans Children as we say Ba. I shall not eat my words I assure ye I may forget my self perhaps but I am not a man for Recantations I say again that it was Impudently and Impertinâ—â—tly done to reflect upon Oliver Cromwell as if he had done an Ill thing My Holy Common-wealth was written while the Lord Protâ—ctor â—rudently Piously Faithfully to his Immortal Horrour how ill soever you have used him did Exercise the Government Holy Common wealth Preface to the Army And I have forborn to change any One Word of it all that you may see the worst of my Intendments And that True Principles will stand in all Times and Changes though to the shame of those Changes that make bad Times Ibid. These are my own words and do you think that I would ever have bestowed upon a detestable wretch the Epithetes of PRUDENT PIOUS and FAITHFUL And again If Oliver had not been a Religious and Gratious Prince can you Imagine that I should ever have treated his Son Richard with this Complement We pray that you may INHERIT a Tender care of the Cause of Christ. Key for Catholiques Ep. Ded. which shews both that Oliver had a Tendernesse for Christs Cause and necessarily Implys that the Cause he Managed was the Cause of Christ. And then you shuffle it again upon the Phanatiques and the Rump that durst not trust the King with Power Why prethee what Power did we allow him We took away his Arms and his Men and his Money and his Credit and his Towns and his Ships and his Laws and his Liberty and all the Ensignes of Royalty and the Maxims whereupon we supported our Proceedings did his besinesse The Two Houses and the Army were no more then the Gun and the Ball The one gave fire and the other kill'd him Mo. Mr. Baxter I as you say you do Vnfeignedly Repent that you spake so much Formerly to blow the Coals Why are ye blowing of them again You carry'd Thousands you say into the War and Engâ—ged in it your self and would do the same thing over again upon the like Occâ—sion And your Judgment tells you that it were Treason against the Sovereign Power of the Land to do otherwise According to This Doctrine a Remnant of the Lords and Commons may do as much to This Kâ—â—g as they did to his Father and the Presbyterians Pulpiâ—s shall justify the Proocâ—eding You do Generously however to own your Positions But yet methinks you should have some regard to the dismal Consequences that have â—nsu'd upon this Controversy Ba. It were too great
Concerning the opposing of Magistrates by Private persons and the Murthering of Kings by any though under the most specious and Colourable Pretenses Pa. 11. This is All which upon that desperate Crisis of State was said for that Pious and unfortunate Prince the saving of the King being if any Incomparably the least part of the Ministers business Beside that the dethroning of him was more Criminal then the beheading of him And in such a case it would have been no longer a Murther when they should once have voted the Fact to be an Execution of Justice We desire Say they that you would not be too Confident on former successes If God have made you prosper while you were in his way this can be no Warrant for you to walk in ways of your Own P. 12. So that the Old Cause is Gods still to this very day And besides you have eâ—gaged your selves by an Oath to preserve his Majestys Person and the Priviledges of Parliament and This is most clear that no Necessity can justify Perjury or dispense with Lawfull Oaths Pa. 15. I should be glad to know now how you came to be absolv'd of the Oath of Allegiance or how you can honestly pretend to Stand up for any Interest that renders the King Accountable to his Subjects Ba. Yet if I had taken up Arms against the Parliament in That War my Conscience tells me I had been a Traytor and Guilty of Resisting the Highest Powers Holy Com. Pa. 433. Mo. At This Rate the King was a Traytor on the other side Ba. Why do you cite the Holy Common Wealth so often for I have desired that the Book be taken as non Scriptus Non-Con â—lea 2 d part Pref. Mo. And would not any Malefactor that were deprehended in the manner say as much as this amounts to and wish that the thing might be taken as Non Factum This is rather a Shift then a Retractation And then again it is a wonderfull thing that you should overshoot your self so much upon a Subject that was expresly Suited to the demands and doubts of Thâ—se Timâ—s Holy Com. Pa. 102. That is to say The Restoring of the King was the point then in Agitation and out comes your Book of Aphorisâ—s expresly to possesse the People against it Ba. If you would have a Recantation more in Form I do here freely Profess that I repent of all that â—â—er I thougâ—t Sayd Wrote or did since I was Born against the â—â—ace of Church or State Against the King his Person or â—â—thority as Sâ—preme in himself or as Dâ—â—â—vative in any of his Officers Mâ—gistrats or any Commissioned by him 2 d Admonition to Bagshaw Pa. 52. Mo. This Mock Repentance is a Trick that will not pass either upon God or Man The Kings Headsman might have Sayd as much and yet account that execrable Office a meritorious work You are at your Fast Sermon again Always Obedient to the Highest Powers but divided somewhere about the Receptacle of the Sovereignty You ask God forgivenesse for all that ever you Thought Sayd Wrote or Did against the King and the Publick-Peace And what signifies This Repentance so long as you persist in maintaining that all the violences acted upon the Person Crown and Dignity of his Sacred Majesty in the Name of the King and Parliament were not AGAINST the King but FOR him This is All but the Hypothesis of a Transgression Lord forgive me all that ever I did amiss That is to say if ever I did any thing amiss But I charge my self with no Particulars Why do ye not Touch the Thesis that you condemn and say This That and tother Aphorisme I Renounce Nay why do ye not Reform and Correct your mistakes and state the matter aright toward the bringing of These people into their Wits again that have been Intoxicated by your false Doctrine and Poyson'd from your very Pulpit Ba. If you Quarrell with my Repentance as not In Particulars enow I answer you that as in the Revocation of the Book I thought it best to Revoke the whole though not as Retracting all the Doctrine of it because if I had named the Particular Passages some would have said I had mentioned too Few and some too many and few would have been satisfi'd Admon to Bagshaw Pag. 53. Mo. You have Mark'd Revoke and Retract with an Emphatical Character to give to Understand that you do not Retract though you do Revoke and you have put them in Italique to shew that there lies a stresse upon Those two Words You Revoke the whole Book you say not as Retracting all the Doctrine of it If by Revoke you mean Call in or Supprâ—ss you might as well call back your Breath again as the venome that was diffused by those Aphorisms And then to say that you do not Retract All the Doctrine of it does not necessarily Imply that you Retract any part of it Or if you do your Repentance is yet Frivolous for want of distinguishing the Right from the Wrong that your Disciples may not take the One from the Other Your Apprehension indeed of saying too much or too little if you should come to Particulars is very Reasonable For to please the Lovers to their Prince Church and Countrey you must not leave one Seditious or Schismatical Principle behind ye But then on the other side if you come to pronounce the Levying of Arms the making of a Great Seal and Exercising other Acts of Sovereignty without and against the Kings Commission to be High Treason by the Established Law you are lost to all Intents and Purposes with your own Party So that for fear of disobliging the One side or the Other by Confessing too much or too little you have resolved upon the middle way of confessing just nothing at all Ba. I do Repent again that I no more discouraged the spirit of pâ—evish Quarrelling with Superiours and Church-Orders and though I ever disliked and opposed it yet that I somâ—times did too much Encourage such as were of this Temper by speaking too sharply against Those things which I thought to be Church-Corruptions and was too loth to displease the Contentious for fear of being Uncapable of doing them good knowing the Prophane to be much worse then They and meeting with too few Religious persons that were not too much pleased with such Invectives Ibid. Mo. This Clause of Repentance is every jot as much a Riddle to me as the former You did not sufficiently discourage the spirit of Quarrelling with Superiours Which spirit you your self Raised You were a little too sharp upon what you thought to be Church-Corruptions So that here 's a Bit and a Knock You were a little too sharp but it was against Corrupâ—ions in the Church Your very Repentances are Calumnies But you were willing to oblige a Contentious Religious Party that was pleased with Invectives you could have done
the Republican Faction in England pay them their wages and call them their Dear Brethren for their pains And then the Presbyterian war was denounc'd in the Pulpiâ— and in the Parliament-house too long before the Republican broke out openly in the Field What if the first Publick Sticklers were not at that time Declar'd Presbyterians They were yet in the Conspiracy against Bishops though under another Notion and quickly after they Listed themselves under That very Profession as the best cover in nature for their purpose for That Schisme was never without a State-faction in the Belly on 't But nothing is more Notorious then the Intelligence that was held from the Beginning betwixt the Republican Caball and the Presbyterian Divines The one drew the Bellowes and the Other Play'd the Tune And take notice likewise That Presbyterian was a mark of the Faction rather then a note of the Religion and used in Contradistinction to Royallist But Pray'e finish your Repentance Ba. For All the rest of my Sins in this business which I know not of Particularly I do Implicitly and generally Repeâ—â— of and ask of God to give me a particular Conversion c. Ibid 53. Mo. If you have told all the Particulars you know of yoâ—â— Account Mr. Baxter is soon cast up You begin with a Genâ—rall Supposition All that ever I Thouâ—â—â— Said c. without any One Instance or Acknowledgement If you had sayd I have committed many Sins of This kinde and 〈◊〉 That it had been something Your Second Branch of Repentance is for no more discouragiâ—â— Peevishnesse toward Superiours and Then sometimes too 〈◊〉 Encouraging it by being too Sharp your self against what yoâ— took to be Church Corruptions Why Sorry for no MORE discouraging when you were so far from discouraging at all thâ—â— on the Contrary you Repent in the same Period for too 〈◊〉 Encouraging This is at the best but a Lame and a Geneâ—â—â— Particular Repentance That which you make no more of thâ—â— the Spirit of Peevish Quarrelling as if the people had only 〈◊〉 upon a Nettle you should have spoken out and call'd it the Spirit of Contumacy and Rebellion And what is it that yoâ— charge upon your self here more then that you were a little too Mealy-mouth'd But wher 's your Vindication of the Châ—râ—â—-Orders you mention where 's your Determination which 〈◊〉 the Right Superiours Why do ye not tell the People that yoâ— were mistaken in the Opinion of our Church-Corruptions and Instruct them in their Duties of Obedience to God and the King Without so doing That which you call Repentance is oâ—lâ— a Snare to the Multitude and a Scandal to the Government Your next Pang of Repentance is for not Consulting tâ—e best Lawyers that were against the Parliament more Impartially and dilligently then you did Is This the Repentance Mr. Baxter of a Confessor A Râ—pentance without a Confession an arrant peice of Artifice aâ—d Design to put on the Disguise of a Recantation and withoâ—â— any charge or discharge of Conscience to keep in with Boâ—h Parties The Sin does not Ly in your not Advising with Lawyers concerning the State of the Controversy but in Plungiâ—g your self and Others into Bloud hand over head contrary to the Laws of God and man without so much as consulting the grounds of the Quarrell To the Royallists it looks like an excuse of your Disloyalty to the King as who should say 'T is true I was to blame It was a Poynt of Law and I should have taken better Advise upon 't And if the Other Side accuse you as a desertor of the Cause you can acquit your self There too that you have not Repented of any one Poynt to their Prejudice If it be not as I say and that you mean Good Faith do but publish your Loyalty to the World in the manner or to the effect Following and I 'le ask your Pardon I Do Declare that the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament are still the Kings Subjects and that it is not Lawfull for them to exercise any Act of Sovereign Power without or Against the Kings Command or Consent I do lâ—kewise declare that the War Raised by the pretended Authority of the Lords and Commons in 1642. with all their Orders Ordinances and Impositions in pursuance thereof were also unlawfull And that All Acts of Hostility done by Them or their Order against the King or the Party Commssioned by hâ—m during the Command of the Earl of Essex were Acts of disloyalty and Rebellion If you be really the man that you would be thought to be you 'le never Boggle at This Test But if This will not down with ye let me tell you Sir that to my knowledge worse then this has you will make me think of the Lady in the Proverbs that Eateth and wipeth her Mouth and saith I have done no Wicâ—ednesse Ba. You Reflect in These Reproaches either upon my Particular Principles or upon the Principles of the Party or upon Both. As to my self If any man can prove that I was Guilty of hurt to the Person or destruction of the Power of the King or of Changing the Fundamental Constitution of the Common-Wealth c. Holy Com. Pa. 489.490 I will never gain-sâ—y him if he call me a most persidious Rebell and tell me that I am Guilty of far greater Sin then Murther Whoredome Drunkenesse or such like Ibid. Or if they can solidly Confute my Grounds I will thaâ—â— them and Confesse my Sin to all the World Ibid. Ri. Nay Brother Baxter you must give Me leave to put in â— Word now and first to your Practice then to your Grounds Diâ— not you animate the Party that was in Arms against the King 〈◊〉 much as any man and was That no hurt to his Person Rememâ—â— say you to the Army how far I have gone with you in the Wâ—â— And shall I be affraid of my Old most Intimate Friends c. Holy Com. Pref. Will you have it now that This Army your Oâ—â— and intimate Friends did no Hurt to his Majesties Person Aâ—â— now bethink your self of your Challenge in the Preface to your Hoâ—â— Common wealth Prove that the King was the Highest Powâ—â— in the time of Divisions and that he had Power to make 〈◊〉 War which he made and I will offer my Head to Iustice as a â—â—bell Is not This Destructive of the Kings Power And is not 〈◊〉 a Change of the Fundamental Constitution of the Common-weaâ—â—◠〈◊〉 say that the Members of Parliament considered disjunctly 〈…〉 Subjects but that Conjunctly as a House or Body they 〈◊〉 the Sovereignty Holy Com. Pa. 433. And again pa. 462. Teâ—â— the Parliament hath a part of the Legislative Power eve◠〈◊〉 ENACTING and not only of Proposing is undoubted Ba. Nay if you go to That Richard I shall call You to Aâ—compt for your Practises and Propositions too Do not you
remember a certain Dedicatory Epistle to Richard Protector iâ— your Key for Catholiques where you have these words Giâ—â— not leave to every seducer to do his worst to damn mens Soâ—lâ— when you will not Tolerate every Traytor to draw your Amâ—ieâ— or PEOPLE into Rebellion And again This is one thâ—t rejoyceth in the present happiness of England and honoureth all the Providences of God by which we have been brought 〈◊〉 what we are Do not you here acknowledge Richard the Prâ—tectors Sovereignty and blesse all the Providences that have brought matters so Comfortably about Ri. Ay Ay Baxter That 's a Doctrine you taught me in your Commonwealth I am bound to submit to the Present Government as set over us by God and to Obey for Conscience-sakâ— and to behave my self as a Loyal Subject towards Them For a Full and Free Parliament hath own'd it and so there is notoriously the Consent of the People which is the Evidence that former Princes had to Iustify their Best Titles Pa. 484. Whereas in Truth neither was This a Free Parliament nor any Parliament at all neither wâ—s your submission to the present Power an Act of Conscience for the same Conscience would have oblig'd you as well to the King upon the same Grounds Ba. In good time Mr. Richard And who taught ye I wonder your Complements to Prince Richard in the Five disputations Where you Addresse your self To His Highnesse Richard Lord Protectour of the Common-Wealth of England Scotland and Ireland Ep. Ded. And further Your Zeal for God will kindle in your SUBJECTS a zeal for you The more your Life Government is Divine the more Divine will you appear and therefore the more Amiable and Honourable to the Good and Reverend to the Evill Parliaments will Love and honour you and abhor the Motions that tend to a Division or your Iust Displeasure Ministers will heartily pray for you and prayse the Lord for his Mercies by you and Teach all the People to Love Honour and Obey you The People will Rejoyce in you and you will be lov'd or Fear'd of All. Such Happinesse attendeth Serious Piety when Impiety selfishnesse and Neglect of Christ is the shame and Ruine of Prince and People I crave your Highnesse Pardon for this Boldness and your Favourable Acceptance of the Tender'd Service of A Faithfull Subject to your Highness as you are an Officer of the Universal King Richard Baxter Ri. I' keep still to my Old Master Doctour of the Aphorisms If a Person enter into a military State against the People and by Them be Conquered they are not obliged to Restore him unless there be some other Special Obligation upon them beside their Allegeance Thes. 145. And moreover If the Person dispossest though it were Vnjustly do afterward become Vncapable of Government It is not the Subjects duâ—y to seek his Restitution Thes. 146. And yet again Whosoever expâ—lls the Sovereign though Injuriâ—usly and resolves to revive the Common-Wealth rather then he shall be restored and if the Common-Wealth may prosper without his Restauration It is the Duty of such an Injur'd Prince for the Common Good to resign his Government and if he wâ—ll not the People ought to Iudge him as mâ—de Incable by Providence and not to seek his Restitution to the Apparent Ruine of the Common-Wealth Thes. 147. Mo. Praye let me put in a Word betwixt ye What do you call Incapacitys Ba. When Providence depriveth a man of his VNDERSTANDING He is Materia Indisposita and Vncapable of Government though not of the Name Thes. 135. If God permits Princes to turn so WICKED as to be Uncapable of Governing So as is consisâ—ent with the Ends of Government he permits them to depose Themselves Thes. 136. Again If Providence Statedly disable him that was the Sovereign from the executing of Laws Protecting the Just and other Ends of Government it maketh him an Uncapable Subject of the Power and so deposeth him For a Government so Impotent is None A capacity for the Work and Ends is necessary in the Person and when That ceaseth the Power ceaseth Hâ—l Comm. Pag. 137.138 Ri. And then you say further Thes. 153. That Any thing that is a sufficient Sign of the Will of God that This is the Person by whom we should be Governed is enough as Ioyned to Gods Laws to oblige us to Consent and Obey him as our Governour Vpon which Ground you your self do Iustify all that I have either said or doâ—e in submission to Richard And so you do likewise in your Thesis 149. If the Rightfull Governour be so long dispossest that the Common-Wealth can be no longer be without Government but to the apparâ—nt hazzard of it's Ruine we ought to Iudge that Providence has dispâ—â—sest the Former and presently consent to another We must not say that because we cannot have such a man wee 'l have none but be Vngoverned This is to break an Express Commandement and to cast off the Order and Ordinance of God for a Persons sake P. 162. And then there 's another thing You put all the Cases that ever you could muster up against the Kings Return If a King you say dissolves the Government he can be no Governour If an Enemy no King A destroyer cannot be a Ruler and Defender He proclaimeth Hostility and is Therefore not to be Trusted Pa. 539. Ba. Well well Richard If you had pleased you might have found out some other Aphorismes where I have done as much Right I 'm sure to Sovereign Power as any man living Do not I say Thes. 326. That It is the Subjects Duty to defend their Prince with their Strength and hazzard of their Lives against all Forreign and Domestique Enemies that seek his Life or Ruine Ri. If you speak This to the Cause in Question how will you come off where you say If I had known that the Parliament had been the Beginners and in most faâ—â—t yet the Ruine of our Trustees and Representives and so of all the Security of the Nation is a Punishment greater then any fault of theirs against a King can from him deserve and That Their saulâ—s cannot disoblige me from defending the Common-Wealth â— Owned not all that ever they did but I took it to be my Duty to look to the mayn End And I knâ—w that the King had all his Power for the Common Good and therefore had none against it and Therefore that no Cause can Warrant him to make the Common-Wealth the Party which he shall exercise Hostility against Ho. Com. Pa. 480. All this sâ—â—med plain to me And When I found so many things Conjunct as Two of the Three Estates against the Will of the King Alone the Kingdoms Representatives and Trustees assaulted in the Guarding of our Liberties and the Highest Court defending them against offending Subjects and seâ—king to bring them to a Legal Tryal and the Kingdoms Safety and the Common Good
that neither the King may destroy or hurt the Kingdome nor the Kingdome the King much lesse a Peer but their Union is the Kingdomes Life And the very Book Accused goeth on such Principles and hath not a word meet to tempt a man in his Witts to This Accusation Judge now by this one Instance and by the Cry of the Plotters now against Us Catilina Cethegum seeking our destruction and the Parliaments as supposed to favour us which for ought I know never did any thing for our Relief or Ease whether it be meet that I should dye in silence under such horrid Accusations Against which I appeal to the Great and Righteous Judge before whom I am shortly to appear begging his Pardon and Reforming Conviction whereever I Erre Apr. 16. 1680. Non-Con Plea 2 d Part. Preface last Page Mo. Be not so Transported Mr Baxter at the bloudy Slander as you call it for the very excusing of your self after This Manner falls heavier upon you then the Accusation it self There was a Gentleman of a Good Family that had Stol'n a Silver-Spoon and it was layd home to him as a mighty Aggravation of the Crime tâ—at a man of his Quality could let himself so low as to pilfer for such a Trifle Ay Sir Says he you say very Right if That had been All But in good Faith Sir my Aym was at the Great Tankard If it had been a Single Peer it had been indeed a bloudy Slander But your Ayme was the calling of the King to an Account by the Authority of the Two Houses And then you are pleased to blesse God for the next Change that call'd Them to Account too for you give the Two Vsurpers much better Words then any you could afford to the Lords Annoynted You call Them the Higher Powers and enjoyn Obedience to Them upon the pain of Damnation which is a Favour you would never allow to his Late Majesty Any Government but the Right will down with ye and Still That which was a Rebellion in the Enterprize proves to be a Providence in the Execution But do you say Mt Baxter that you have allways asserted the Kings Person to be Inviolable c. and that the very Boâ—â— accused goeth on such Pronciples Why then it is no hurt to the King to be Assaulted despoyl'd of his Regalitys Deposed Imprisoned Try'd Condemn'd and Executed For the King you say is but a Title of Respect not a Character of Power a Nominal Empty businesse A kinde of Dignity Party-perpale Half-Prince half-Subject and 't is but taking him on the Popular side and you may do what you will with him This is the Chimera of a Prince according to your Aphorismes A kind of Mock-Majesâ—â— set up for every Seditious Libertine to throw a Cudgell at You make his Authority to be so Conditional and Precarious that he is upon his good behaviour for his Crown If his Administration be not answerable to the Ends of Government If he wants either Power or Money or Grace or Vnderstanding or which is worst of All If the Licentious Rabble will but say that he wants This or That hee 's gone and Deposed â—pso facto as an Unqualifi'd Person For according to your Thesâ— The Multitude are to be the Judges of These Incapacities Iâ— is a hardy Adventure M. Baxter unless you can make Almâ—nacks to set up such Positions as These at This time of day 'T is True They were printed in Fifty-nine But they are noâ— Resum'd and Avow'd in Eighty But your Patience yet a little further Sir Is it such a Horrid Accusation to say that Mr Baxter Mâ—iâ—tains the King may be call'd to Account by a Single Peer Consâ—der first that it is a Church-man charges it upon you and yoâ— are before-hand with him for you have over and over set forth Those of the Church-way without exception either of King Lords or Commons to be a Crew of Superstitious Formâ—l Prophane Wretches that out of a meer Enmity to Godlynesse set themselves in Opposition to the ways of Christ. Take notice again if you have not deliver'd the Doctrine aforesaid in expresse Termes It is already made appear that you have said as much as That amounts to And over and above the Whymsâ—â— of your Aphorismes your Thirteenth Chapter of the Late Wars is one of the Rudest and the falsest pieces of Calumny against the Late King that I know anywhere Extant Your Appeal upon This One Instance as you call it for Equity of Iudgement and Liberty of Speech would move the very Stones in the Walls to give you a Hearing And yet if I had been of your Counsell Mr. Baxter you should have bethought your self before you Exclaim'd whether the Enquiry into the Subject-matter of your Complaint might not possibly lay open something that was worse As undoubtedly it has for This Holy Commonwealth of yours is a kind of send me well deliver'd of the Word a kind of Theologico-Political Whole-Sale Shop and furnished with Cases of all Sorts and Sizes for the Consciences of the Weak and the Pretentions of the Malitious In One Case the King is Dispossest by Providence In another he is deposed for Incapacity In a Third he must not so much as dare to Return even if the Door wer set open to him In Such or such a case the People are bound not to Re-admit him and in such another they may if they please but they are not oblig'd to 't and every one of These Cases Calculated for this very Poynt which was at That Time in Agitation Insomuch that the Application of your Arguments was yet more Criminal then the Errour of them But what do ye mean I beseech ye by the Cry of the Plotters against ye As if they knew their Friends no better then So. Their business is the Subversion of the Government and of the Protestant Religion that falls with it What should they cry out for against the Separatists that are all this while doing the Papists business to their hands The Kings Wittnesses Speak no such matter but on the Contrary that the Priests and Jesuits make use of the Schismatiques toward our Common Ruine So that by Plotters in This place Mr. Baxter it is Intended I presume according to your Wonted Benignity not the Popish Plotters but the Episcopal Plotters against ye which as you would gladly have the World to believe Seek your Destruction and the Parliaments as supposed to Favour ye c. Now to my thinking the Parliaments Destruction and Ours would have run every jot as well as Our Destruction and the Parliaments Beside that it is not yet come to That Pass I hope that Parliaments and Schismatiques must Stand or fall together Neither can I Imagine why This Parliament should be suppos'd more Inclinable to favour ye then former Parliaments have been The Reasons for Vniformity are the same now that ever they were and the same Here as in
Uniformiâ—y made Episcopacy and Common-pâ—ayer unlawfâ—ll 'T is the Law that Silences anâ— not the Bishops Non-Conformists silence themselves Berter particulars suffer then 〈◊〉 Order oâ—â—â—vernment be dissolved Richard agâ—ees with Dr Reynolds 〈◊〉 conform'd Richard pleads altogether for Love Baâ—ters way of eâ—pressing â—ichard against rash â—â—nsuring 〈…〉 Baxter agâ—inst Richâ—rd Mr Baâ—ters Chaâ—ity to the Clergy and discipâ—ine of â—he Chuâ—ch His brotherly Love Church ann State arraign d. Richard and Baxter of two quite different spirits The persecuted are the perssecutors Be sure first of what spirit â—he Non-Confoâ—mists are The spirit of the Non-Conformists His Late Majesties Judgement Experience upon it The spirit that Richard plâ—ads â—or Richards â—oleration Who are the Judges the Government or the People Modest Dissenters deserve pity The Dispute is not Scruple but Power Plain dealing Richard puts the Case of a Saint and a Schismatick Baxters Saints Baxter sully resolved to go to them that dy'd in Rebellion He joys to think what Company he shall have Baxter says that Professors will rail and lye c. But that neither Perjury drunkennesse Incest Concubines nor Idols can make them dotoriously ungodly The Saints that are cast out for hereticks Either Tolerate All or None but upon a Penalty No men must be Tolerated if no Errour Baxter shews the Inconveniences of Toleration Pride makes one mans Religion Faction anotheâ—s Which ends in bloud And yet passâ—â— for doing God good service And the motion of the spirit Enthusiastick zeaâ— Dotageâ—â—aâ—en foâ— Reâ—elations Scripture the Ruâ—e But who must expound it One mans Faith must not Impose upon anotâ—ers Mistake will not justifie the Errour nor exâ—use a Disobedience Men will be zealous even in Errour More zeal then understanding is not good None so fierce and bold as â—he Ignorant Even Teachers themselves are false Guides Mâ— Baxter himself has been mistaken Ill luck with his Aphorisms How Richard was wheedled in i. e. he was reconci ' d to the Church Richards best Christians found to â—e Schismaticks Great mâ—n misled and why not 〈…〉 Believe not every spirit Tâ—e Dissenters Cause is still Gods cause Their false Prophets Tâ—e Kings death directed by a Revelation Sedgwicks day of Judgment Vavasâ—r Poweâ—s Prophecy of no more Kings or Taxeâ— Rather the Law of the Land then the Humour of the people A Fear of sinning ought to be cherished even in a mistake Dangerous trusting to scruples Who would have thought it Thâ— Episcopal Clergy Simeon and Levi. O the force of a misguided Conâ—cience The very Case of the seduced muâ—â—iâ—ude The Name of Libeâ—ty does moâ—e â—â—en â—he consideâ—atio◠〈◊〉 Heaven it self Baxtâ—r against Liberty And Toleration Liberty the way to set up Popery Mr. Richard an Improper Advocate for Toleration Richard is a Conformist Mr. Baxters Sermon that brought the King in Presbytery for the Lords sake Oh the happy times when Presbyterians rul'd Have a care of scandalous Inventions The Ignorant Church-Tyrants Richard not absolutely against the Cross. â—axters a Loyallist Errour is no eâ—cuse for disobedience The Preâ—eoce of Natuâ—e and true Reason avoids â—ll Law A Popuâ—ar Fallacy The Presbyâ—eriâ—n way of bâ—inâ—ing in â—he King Richards challenge In justification oâ— the Non-Conformisâ—s The Non-Conformists charge A Presbyterian defin'd Presbyterians swallow ap all otheâ— Sectâ— at â—irst and tâ—en spâ—w theâ— up agâ—in Richard sayâ— that the Episcâ—pal mâ—n bâ—gan â—he war Tâ—e two Housâ—s Lord â—ieuâ—eâ—â—nâ—s Oâ—â—icâ—r Civil and Miâ—iâ—â—â—y Assembâ—y 〈◊〉 Divineâ— aâ—mâ—st all Episcopâ—l mâ—n The Kings â—â—gag'd Enemâ—â—â—â—ere all 〈◊〉 〈…〉 The Parliament bâ—ought in the Scots Few worthier Assemblies since the Apostles days Their good naâ—uâ—e toward the Independents The Guild-Hall haâ—â—ngue◠〈◊〉 brought in the Scots His Majesties Proclamation against the Assembly of Divines Jun 22. 1643. Painful Able Laborious Ministers The Loyall Presbyterians The 〈…〉 Kings Proclamation A Dutiful Proposition The Worthy 〈◊〉 The 〈…〉 An Abuse put upon the Nation An Extract of Parâ—iament Proceedings 1643. The Assembly stir up the people to rise Prov'd to he a Presbyterian War Richard says the War began about Religion Baxter says it began about matter of Law Richard says 't was about the Militia Baxter says the War was made for Reformation A lewd scandal upon the late Kings Government Râ—câ—ard will not allow of war â—ot Religion Baxter iâ— for a Reâ—igious Wer. They are fools that think â—ther 〈◊〉 In caâ—â— oâ— pâ—râ—secutiâ—â— we fighâ—â—or our own and our posâ—eriâ—â—â—â—â—alâ—ation The late Kings sâ—ffeâ—ings forgot en among gâ—eater 〈…〉 Pryn Burton and Bastwick lamented but not a word â—f the Royal Marâ—yr Presbytery not setled sayâ— Richâ—rd Baxter contradicts hiâ— And coâ—foâ—â—s himselâ— with comparing 〈◊〉 day of Richard Pâ—otector wiâ—h Charle â— Ten 〈◊〉 Hypocrites Now 〈◊〉 One 〈◊〉 Baxters Compâ—eâ—enâ— to the Sons of the 〈◊〉 1659 Richard Cromwells faitâ—full Subiects Mr. Baxters Political Aphorismes composed expresly to keep out the King Poor Râ—chard like 〈…〉 and prâ—ying againâ—t the Scots The spirit of Malignity has taken 〈◊〉 the Army The Presbyterians Perâ—ecuted The Presbyterians Journey-men the Army seâ— up for themselves Somewhat of an accomoda-Generosiâ—y in the Independents The poor Presbyterians persecuted by the Army for not joyning against the Scots Oh the persecution oâ— forcing men against their Conscienâ—es But so long as â—hey do not suffer as evil-doers No persecution to oppresse the Church and all that love it Mr. Baxtâ—r places the Crown upon the wrong Head The King destroy'd by Presbyterians as Presbyterians The Loyalty of â—axters Orthodox sober Ministers Richard subject to the Higher power but not resolv'd which it is An Even score of Orthodox sober Divines The last Kings bloud not valu'd at a Ceremony ☞ The Kings Murther justify'd the day after it was committed All Christian Kings Anti-Christianiz'd ☜ A Reflection upon â—is Majesâ—y aâ—â—er his Deâ—eâ—t at Woâ—cester Prelacy Anti-Christian A Pedant triumphing over Charles the II. and Monarchy it self And calling the King Tyrant Are These Fit Agents for Unity and Peace Richard True to the King but he mistook the King Baxters Reâ—stauration Sermon Asserts the Presbyterian Loyalty Makes the King a Subject and worse Pleads for Presbytery without a word of restoring the King The War raisâ—d for King and Parâ—iaâ—ent Their Oaths Covenants were fast and loose at pleasure The pretext of the War Religion the Cause Ambition The Loyal Presbyteâ—ians usurp Sovereign Power The Two Houses were the King in the Covenant No Reconciling of the Covenant King the Legal Richard holds Oaths to Princes to be Dispensable Baxter holds Oaths of Allegiance to be Indispensable Richard will hate the Covenant binding as it is a Vow The League and Covenant and Vow and Covenant The League and Covenant Impos d. Baxter is his own onâ—essor â—nd bsolves himseâ—f The Covenanâ— for the King qualify'd for Reâ—igion If the King be against Religion the Covenant is against him Richard lays the Death of the King to Oliver The Baxterians attack'd the King And they foughâ— to kill