OF GOVERNMENT AND OBEDIENCE As they stand Directed and Determined BY SCRIPTURE AND REASON Four Books BY JOHN HALL Of RICHMOND LONDON Printed By T. Newcomb for J. Kirton A. Roper G. Bedell and G. Sawbridge and are to be sold at their Shops in St. Pauls Church-yard Ludgate-hil and Fleet-street 1654. The Preface TO have undertaken a work of this nature was once as little in my thoughts as the occasion of it the sad distraction of my Nation But as they say of him that was born dumb that he burst into speech against those he saw ready to murther his Father even so the past and feared desolations of my native Country come with such pressing horror upon my soul that neither my general dumbness and insufficiency in all things else nor the particular difficulty of this can keep my natural affection in longer silence that is from endeavouring to warn posterity to avoid the like inconvenience for the future by discovery of both rise and cure of that which is introductive thereof namely disrespect and contempt of the present Soveraign power For they shall finde it plain that from the time that Subjects shall be taught and permitted rudely to press within those secret vails of Authority which their wiser Progenitors had set up for its support and defense that their ignorance not letting them see throughly the cause of these different respects given to Superiors more then others they shall like Cham no sooner see then despise their fathers nakedness And as with them it fareth that through remoteness and want of reading know of their King no otherwise then by report as of someting of Power Riches c. above that which is incident to ordinary men to apprehend him to be some other thing then man also even so when ambitious men finding Authority oppose them have for the peoples engagement laid open to publike view That he is but as other men are and it may be worse too that this power and greatness he hath above the people he had it but from them and for them They then begin to be so much ashamed of their old ignorance and so much taken with this new insinuating lesson that their industry and practise thereupon is not to be wondred at And as themselves are now pleased with these Schollies as matters of high discovery so each one is ready to stretch his fancy therein and in a kinde of pride we all take to seem more wise then ordinary these discourses are told and enlarged to his yet loyal neighbour with no little glory of his new illumination He looks on himself in his past ignorance and on others not yet apprehensive of so much light but as little Children admiring those Babies which themselves had drest up For he comes now to think all those Prerogatives ornaments and Ceremonies given to Majesty nay Majesty it self to be but a sort of Pageantry and shew to please the ignorant sort with And as Bell and the Dragon were sometimes made terrible that as in their names and right others might be the more superstitiously cozened by those that attended them so to no other end as they suppose was all this obedience and expence by some Polititians and Courtiers called for as of duty to this one but that themselves under colour of his name and Authority might make their private uses thereof Whenas by these and the like practises the sinews and foundation of Government and Authority shall be let loose and dissolved and men once precipitated in a course of stubbornness and insubjection all those usual Arguments and Discourses made of that respect which is to Monarchy it self due and how it was not an office and power of yesterdays devising but had the confirmation of Antiquity and Law or the like will all of them prove ineffectual to give a stop to these proceedings Even because most of the writers of this kinde to win readier belief did still argue under the same supposition of derivation of power from the people and so to Princes by Paction by force vvhereof they thought they might defend him and his Authority as in Justice against any violent or injurious attempt whence it proved that want of building on the true and sure ground made their labour unsuccessful and instead of conviction did for the most part but prompt with farther Arguments upon the same foundation to encrease perfect that structure they had already begun And although they again did strengthen their Arguments from the particular Laws and usages of the kingdom it self yet not diving deeper into the ground thereof and shewing that what is there done is but upon the general reason of Government and good of Obedience common to it with all places else the success was little For the people being once confident that power came al from them it must be supposed by them intrusted for their good and that when they saw it otherwise they might reassume it for else say they it was a dry Right without a remedy What if their Progenitors for their folly or cowardise herein had been punished with deserved slavery they would make use of the blessed opportunity to recover their native freedom with the same resolution courage that others had oppressed it before And as for Law the interpretation thereof was not in the King but them as was the Legislative power also That the sin of Rebellion was falsly imputed to them they were the supreme power and above Kings the whole people cannot rebel against the Prince more then the greater against the less In this case since Antiquity cannot be taken upon her bare word but that the reason why it was so formerly done must be also given unto men now there is no remedy but to let them see how that which hath been herein formerly appointed was for and will prove if observed the onely general good by which means people seeing their obedience to be their benefit as well as their duty cannot I conceive but more readily follow it So that now being forced to dig even to the very root of Government which could have no subsistance but by Religion nor that again without a Deity this drew us on in the first place to make some proof and discourse thereof and of that work of Creation to which Providence necessarily succeeding as Gods way of Government in all things besides was needful in some things to be here also treated of not onely as having man himself so considerable a part of it but as partly imitable in the Government of Kingdoms also For as the Laws and Rules of Nature are but for the establishment and security of Creatures in general so those for Peace and Unity in Kingdoms are for men in particular those are to make and keep all Creatures in their species serviceable one to another these to do the like between man and man Then being to consider men as linked in society it was expedient I should first search out what mans natural end
now you will say that nurture and education after birth is voluntary and so obligatory And truely so say I too because in nature as to her equity it is in the mothers power to expose it if she will yet it is not so in Religion for direct precept obligeth the parents to nurture and education of them thereby proving the duty more positive then natural And then what shall we say of children as they are usually nursed elsewhere what shall their duty go to the nurse No you will say the nurse is paid by the parent if so then if this education and nurture be not done as a duty from the parent in respect of Gods precept there lies an obligation but for so much as the cost is But then againe if an exposed or other acquired infant be adopted and taken in and instead of being nourished for money is it may be bought from the parent with money to which parent lies the greater obligation If any speak of the affection of parents to the young this is strong indeed in the female but not lasting enough to make a family of But if the male have any thing hereof it is increased as the conceit of his propriety is For males of other Creatures use it not because the female onely knoweth her brood and men love their children not as they are really so but as they believe them so wherein no revealing natural sympathy leads them but opinion which many times deceives them as shall be more fully discoursed in the title of property But what is this to the natural duty of children to parents Truely this affection runs so coldly upwards and so differently that if God the Law and the Parents authority kept them not in duty when they were of equal power they might naturally enough if the example of other Creatures might be trusted use force against any assault For as each individual is by nature furnished as aforesaid with competent ability to preserve and maintain it self therefore the youngling that as yet wants strength and understanding so to do is in natures account not fully separate from the individual of the female but this being now effected it is then by natural course to follow self-guidance as the parent did before And lastly as for the power of a Master over his Servants if they be hired none will I presume doubt but that it is political and pactional Indeed the government over slaves is natural depending on force and here pactional or political precepts meddle not leaving them to the Lords dispose in as high a degree of propriety as any other goods But now while we have been thus vindicating Monarchy against such as would not have one in a Commonwealth to be as natural a government as that of one in a family if any should think what hath hitherto been spoken is to take off the reputation and authority of the Father or Master of the Family or to weaken the obedience of any under him they quite mistake our intent for our aime is to strengthen it that therewith the other having the same end and foundation and that more general and strong might be therewith strengthened also For as all power is from God so all obedience must run in respect of his commands either express to himself or such as he hath delegated and though he gave to Kings and Fathers so large a portion of his power as to enable them in their governments here to be assisting unto him in the course of humane providence yet they are not to Idolize themselves but to think that since they are no otherwayes set up then by his authority that therefore those under them are not subjected in that degree by nature but by his precepts for as all things should refer to his glory so the neerer we come in our expressions of it the better Whereupon I conceive that the Master of a Family challenging obedience by Gods direct and many precepts to that purpose given is upon more warrantable ground then relying on nature and referring to God from thence as at greater distance And as this will be if well considered a stronger obligation to duty for wives children servants c. so it will be therewithal more noble also if when as voluntary Agents they may expect reward of their performances from God that enjoyned them then if out of innate brutish principles common to them with other Creatures their reward went not higher then their direction We therefore say that the head of the family hath the true power of a Monarch in himself and where he is out the jurisdiction of anothers Soveraignity is a Soveraign himself and may judge sentence and execute according to Gods and his own laws wife children or servants as truely as the greatest Prince For as some Families may be greater then some kingdomes so the same person at the same time may be a Monarch or Soveraign and yet but head of one family even as Abraham though he might want unction Coronation or other Ceremonies to entitle him a King yet had the same authority at home and force abroad as had those other four victorious Kings which he with his own military servants overcame Therefore we will now compare the power and exercise of this government to Monarchy as hereafter we shall that of Monarchy to this The father we will compare to the King and so he is to have all those royal prerogatives where he is absolute and independent that enable a Governor in chief namely the Office of supream Judge with its attendants the power of making and interpreting his own Laws that is to have aswell the power to instruct and direct what to do as the sword of Justice to punish those that shall do otherwise and in all these cases to have the last appeal c. For if wife children or servants or a faction of them shall take upon them to decide controversies or to make interpret or execute laws to that purpose without or beside him and not allowing any their fellows of the family liberty to appeal to him as supream the unity peace and government of that family is broken and lost Then as the Monarch makes Magistrates so the Master hath power to appoint what Stewards Bailiffs Receivers and other Officers he thinks good without the leave of any of the same family Then as the King lets out the stock and wealth of his Kingdom in several properties for the good of the whole kingdome that is for encrease of the publike stock by private managery so the Master entrusts the wife children or servants as he sees occasion taking of them as the use of the family requires such proportions as he thinks fit whether it be tenth or twentieth part of the encrease which answers the taxes in kingdomes So lastly hath he power over their liberties and personal services for his own or the families occasions But these and other similitudes of jurisdiction will be spoken of more largely
while it was pure For even then by right of Creation Providence and Protection man with other Creatures stood subject and had in the very state of innocence a Law to observe and well had it been for him to have had more regard to this power but now lapsed and depraved as we are our acknowledgement and subjection to this power and soveraignty will agree more both with our benefit and duty then before Nor can we think because our present distempers need or call for this coercive power that therefore we are the radical cause thereof no more then the sick patient can reckon himself the cause of cure or of the Physicians skill Whereupon since power cannot own its original to impotency we must derive it from its onely Author namely God and therefore the judgement which kings give is by God owned as his and he is called Gods Minister If power were from the people Democrity were the best form of government and Monarchy the worst as farthest from its patern and original but on the contrary we finde it on all hands confessed that Monarchy is best as having in it most apparent unity and coming neerest to its paterne and fountain God Almighty Again supposing power at first from the multitude it must be from each person according to that Maxim quisque nascitur liber and then if all be free by birth as each one must or none must how can the children of contractors be bound to the compacts of their fathers more then they were to theirs before or why have they not power of alteration aswel as they for if universal consent makes it it is a thing which never was nor never can be had women children servants and many people more under one arbitrary qualification or other made by such as bare sway being secluded And therefore the persons of Electors decaying and others of equal birth-right daily succeeding if general consent makes governors lawful the question must be daily asked Nay if major Votes of these Electors may in equity pretend to binde the other then no power can be of any continuance without new capitulation because part of the old Major Voters will be still dying and so a number of non-consenters now succeeding they must be still asking consent anew or else it may be doubted that these new ones added to the old minor vote of non-consenters may make the major number and so make it to be no lawful government And so farther by this maxime how can conquest or succession have any right which it hath by confession of all Again since rebellion is a resistance made by a less rightful power against a more for so disobedience and stuborness comes to be called Rebellion against God why should we not call Kings rebels to the people if his power be from them aswel as call them rebels to him acknowledging hereby all power of right in him We may further finde that God to express his own propriety in conferring the power of kingship taketh often to him the title of King as of the supream and high power amongst men and never of any Aristocratick or Democratick compellation sometimes putting it before and above his own name of power as if it were most highly emphatick to express the original thereof as when farther to set forth himself as a great God he adds and a great King above all Gods importing that as he had made them Elohims to men so would he still keep his own paramont right in being a Melech over them And so Moses for a greater honor and grace is called King as inferring none but such to have indubitable power to make Laws for it is said that Moses commanded in a Law even the inheritance of the congregation of Jacob and he was King in Jesurun when the people and tribes were gathered together that is he had power before and not from their assemblies And so againe God for the farther enabling and honoring of Kings usually gives unto them of his own titles of kingdome power might majesty honor c. which he doth not to any but these his own Lieutenants whom in the Psalms he most particularly owns as his second self and under the appellation of Gods there given them shews that their power must be acknowlegded from him onely I have said ye are Gods and all of you children of the most high And as this his so saying confers on them the stampe of his power so keeps he to himself the sole prerogative of being God of Gods and great King above all Gods for he judgeth among the Gods to see if they deliver the poor and needy rid them out of the hand of the oppressor And these texts of the 82 Psalm are by our Saviour thought so clear for proof not onely of Kings derived power from God but also of their neer representation of other his honorable attributes that he makes it the only Scripture argument to prove the assumption of Divinity to himself warrantable if he called them Gods unto whom the word of God came and the Scripture cannot be broken how say ye of him whom the Father hath sanctified and sent into the world thou blasphemest because I said I am the Son of God Wherein he proves that since Kings being but adopted children of the most High ought to be acknowledged Gods how much more he that being expresly by the Father sanctified and sent into the world might truely assume and say I am the Son of God and that he was eminently above others this natural Son of God he there attests his works which although the stronger proof abolisheth not the strength of the proof of the Kings power namely the word of God the Scripture that cannot be broken And for that exception of Kings unlikeness to God in regard of immortality But ye shall die like men and fall like one of the princes it makes their resemblance of God in power c. while they live yet more clear as being thence to be concluded as far above the ordinary sort of men and Magistrates also in their life time as now in death like unto them And by that differencing those there called Gods from an inferior ranke of Princes it must signifie that supream office of kingship onely because on earth Princes are under none else And therefore is Monarchical government there acknowledged the foundation of the earth for complaining of their present injustice it is said all the foundations of the earth are out of course Nay so far are people or subjects from having any authority to confer these high places or of having from God any rightful power over one another that they have it not wholly over themselves so that no man can kill or destroy himself but he is so far-forth culpable as a transgressor of the Laws of God and nature For as the measure of our good abearing to others is from presumption of our good inclinations to our selves
consent be neâ—â—ssary And therefore those that would wrest those words of humane Creature to import that all kindes of Regiment and power which men exercise one over another is but of humane Authority and institution would make the Apostle contrary to himself for it is plain that he writing to the converted Jews amongst other admonitions to good behavior to observe this of submission to Authority could not be imagined to have made that an Argument thereunto which should have been quite destructive thereof For if the Argument had run thus You are to submit your selves to all such forms of Government as you shall be under inasmuch as they being all but things of humane device and having no power but what they as a new sort of humane Creatures had received from those many deities their own Subjects it is therefore Reason that you should submit your selves unto them for the Lords sake even because your selves as setters of them up have power above them No certainly it is best to interpret humane Creature or Man in the general to imply and be put by way of excellence for man in particular that is for that supreme and eminent person in each Country who as the representer of all men therein had Authority to command every humane creature in his jurisdiction For we are to submit our selves to every Ordinance of man thus vertually and collectively considered and not to every Ordinance of every man else that should take upon him to command us Because this were to confound the persons submitting with those to be submitted unto and to make the injunction useless if to be fulfilled by what we as men did enjoyn to our selves or impossible if bound to submit to every man besides Whereupon we may conceive that by way of pre-occupation those words of humane Creature or humane Ordinance are put in with that latitude by St. Peter Namely the better to fasten their subjection who having had amongst themselves the office and race of their Kings so expresly designed from God himself might else have bogled at the submission to kingship elsewhere as thinking them but of humane device and power And therefore we may interpret him admonishing them who were now to have their conversation honest amongst the Gentiles to be subject to these higher powers although no such express divine designation did so appear but that their offices powers might seem but of humane Creation For they were to know that those powers were of God and that therefore they were to submit themselves for the Lords sake that was the Author of every just derived power Which words for the Lords sake as they may serve to explain the power to be of God however humane device or custom be intervenient so will they serve to restrain the generality of the object of our submission formerly set down by conferring it onely on such as can claim it for the Lords sake namely to Kings as supreme or to governors as sent of him of which more hereafter So that then our submission one to another shall be made good by giving it to our Elders or to such as from the Lord have power to require it even as also the way to honor all men which would have seemed a strange as well as difficult precept is in the same verse explained by Honor the King For by honoring him above other humane Creatures and by honoring others as he appoints I can onely rightly honor all men and give every one their due For as by fearing God above all I give fear to whom fear so by honoring the King I give honor to whom honor So that lastly by this restriction of all humane Ordinance and Authority unto Kings as supreme we may note St. Peter to be explanatory of his brother Paul who in his Epistles as he had many things hard to be understood and which the unlearned and unstable did wrest to their own destruction so this wresting and the damnation or destruction thereupon following was nowhere to be so much feared as by interpreting that those higher Powers he appoints us to be subject unto are but such as are indeed the lowest powers being but such as are ordained of our selves and not such as are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rightfully derived powers from the true I am or original Being himself and so given by him to one Deacon or Minister here below viz. to the King to whom therefore we are to be subject for the Lords sake that is in acknowledgement of Gods power abiding in him so far as to authorize him in this his Office And therefore it will now appear a most unreasonable supposition that any should give what they never had for from whom had the people this power Why should we confound or substract their relation as subjects and instead of a capacity to be governed think they had power of governing Or if they had who was then the governed For take away one relation the other will also fall Or will you suppose in them a vain power that should never be brought into act in them as in the hands it was first put Why should we think God so unnecessary in his dispensations Is it not more agreeable with reason and truth to put this power directly into the hands of the persons that should manage it then by such long deviations first to give it to the people that the people may give it to the Prince that the Prince may again give and make use of it unto and upon the people and all to no other end but by this reciprocal dependency to be at last both of them independent on the true Author of all power which is God himself But this opinion of the Prince his dependent power on the Peoples grows usually from the observation men make of the different powers which Princes have over their Subjects in comparison of one another as thereupon concluding that if this power belong to the Office and to Kings as Kings and that from God who is no respecter of persons but gives to every man and so to Kings what is due and necessary for their callings how comes one King to be less absolute then another Is it not say they from the different stipulations with their people at their Coronations and Elections when by them they are tyed to the observation of such Laws and Customs as do more or less streighten them By which means changing the former Argument about derivation of Kingly power it self into the manner or measure of its execution they think to obtain their conclusion But the Question is not whether the proprietors of any thing by the Law of God or Nature not being particulary restrained may suspend or dispose of part of their rights or not but it is whether Princes be hereof proprietors or not And they that think Princes are impowered from their subjects have their mistake hereof because from these obtrusions or Pactions
Representatives and as common relation bindes him to be King of the whole that is of major as well as minor so must he be also over them both And accordingly the practice of these Kings ran for so David commands and is obeyed by Joab and the Rulers or Representatives of the people in numbring of them though themselves knew it to be unlawful and that it would be a trespass or harm to Israel or the whole people And although there were neither necessity nor countenance of Law for the deed yet the Kings word prevailed against Joab and the â—lders of the people and so remains as a maxim to Solomon his son who saith where the word of a King is there is power and who may say unto him what doest thou By which words we may discover not onely the high unquestionable power of Kingship but also that it had its derivation from God inasmuch as that last phrase What doest Thou Is in Scripture onely applyed to God himself Whereby we may also note that although the Scripture do sometimes at least before Kings were give this appellation of Elohim or Judiciary power to other persons in earthly power or to inferior Magistrates yet because since that time they are or should be under this greater Earthly Elohim as sent of him they never have this phrase given them nor have they ever like him any of those appellations proper to Christ given them as of Messiah Christ or Anointed or of Saviour they being to Kings his immediate Vicegerents in the first place due And when they are any where given to other persons it is upon their receit of some extraordinary power from God and if they have them in right of their Offices then it may be observed to be ascribed to such Offices which were anciently annexed to Monarchy paterno jure to wit Priesthood and Prophesie as shall more fully appear hereafter So that then you may see the Office and Authority of a King is not separable from his person nor is it lawful for people after a kinde of idolatry to pay obedience to any other kinde of resemblance For so at last having by these strange resemblances of Authority made in our fancies blotted out the knowledge and fear of the true Object and rejecting his personal Will to be of force at all without the Authority of Law and this Law of our interpreting also we necessarily again fall into Anarchy having no Will or Understanding but our own to direct us No David and Solomon knew too well this kingly Prerogative to be beguiled with the seeming shew of Authority in or from the people and followed not the example of Saul their Predecessor to lose their power by complying and submitting it to the Vote of the people and therefore it proved an unvaluable excuse which he made to Samuel saying I have sinned for I have transgressed the Commandment of the Lord and thy word because I feared the people and obeyed their voice But he should have remembred that he was set over the people and not they over him That as it was one of his Prerogatives to be for the people to Godward as Moses was or to have none above or between God and him so there would an account by God be exposed from him onely as being his next Vicegerent and as God on earth entrusted with sufficient power And if he had not had power over the people how could God in justice punish him for obedience to them that might command Nor was this fear of the people a fained pretence for if it had Samuel would not have spared to tell him so Therefore when these people took of the spoil sheep and oxen and the chief of the things that should have been utterly destroyed to sacrifice to the Lord he might have withstood their major Vote by his denyal and have told them as Samuel did him Obedience is beter then sacrifice For as it was a vain imagination in him to think that God would excuse his disobedience in this through this pretence of doing him better service otherways so it is also from Subjects to Kings when they withdraw their obedience upon like pretences For rebellion is like the sin of witchcraft and stubbornness as idolatry that is whilst we stand bewitched with our own fancies of Gods will and thereupon shew our disobedience to the Authority he appoints we do by that example shake off obedience to all Law whatever and whilst we do thus set up a will-worship of our own in the state by denying any Authority in the will of the Soveraign and by making nothing right or just but what shall be consonant to our own Reasons do we not hereby lose the general and whole benefit of society which is gotten by obedience and by relying again upon our own understandings and interpretations of Law and Right fall consequently into Anarchy For not onely Soveraignty it self but all kinde of Rule and power else cannot derive any other foundation of Authority then what is from above as was well noted in our Saviours answer to Pilate nor can these below them be in any respect so above them as to give or refuse command For when an unjust command is put upon us and we appeal from one power to a higher this is not done as out of any power of ours below but by the power and permission of the party above those we appeal from subordinate persons being in no sort capable to be superior or insubjected as of power from themselves When the Master of a Family hath his Authority in any thing justly disobeyed the power of so doing is not in Children or Servants but from the Prince or Magistrate above to whom the Master himself is subject who else if not restrained by Laws from the Prince his Superior would have as absolute Soveraignty over his Family as the Prince hath over the whole people that is in all things wherein he is not retrained by the Laws of God And when it is affirmed that power is in the people it would be known whether that word include the Magistrates also if it do where is the relation between governing and governed and if it do not include them then is the people above and the Magistrate beneath or else according to truth the Magistrate hath power to govern and the people onely power that is ability to obey For if this supreme indisputable Power of Kings had not been taken as a real and confessed truth but that the people or their Major Vote should have in themselves the highest Soveraignty and Command and he onely be as a titular thing to countenance their acts then how should it be a wo to a Land when their king shall be a childe that is want ability to govern in his own personal capacity No sure that condition must by this rule render such Lands most happy inasmuch as he having discretion enough to tell one two
he should therefore not have his heart lifted up above them by nation his brethren and by nature his equals but the consideration hereof imprinting the sense of compassion and fellow-feeling in him it might restraine all exorbitance in the exercise of this high power so far as not to insult or afflict beyond measure And this is the cause why succession of Princes and continuance in the same stock is so generally preferred before election namely that they are then sure to have one of their own nation or brethren Even so again by forbidding him to multiply horses or much silver and gold to himself there also expressed it was not simply to forbid him these things as unlawful for the two next and greatest Kings of eminency David and Solomon had them in great abundance without blame but to give another like caveat against pride that is least presuming upon these advantages he might be brought to forget God his strength and think to keep under his subjects more by the fear of tyranny then the love of a brother And also to admonish him that he should not put his people to unnecessary charges in supplying him beyond publike use And to cleer this by instance in multiplying horses we shall finde the prohibition point particularly towards Egypt as a prophetick admonition against their leaning of the strength of that staffe which should run into their hands which was afterwards verified in Hosea and Zedekiah who put vain trust in these Egyptian forces and the 24 and 43 Chapters of Jeremiah are full of disswasions from this Egyptian confidence and from returning again thither And as that people were extreamly inclined to set their faces towards that place so could not these admonitions but be very necessary for their King both to keep them from so doing and to forbear making flesh his arme himself To which purpose Isaiah is very full Wo to them that go down to Egypt for help and stay on horses and trust in Chariots because they are many and in horsemen because they are strong but they look not unto the holy one of Israel neither seek unto the Lord. As for the law there mentioned it cannot be understood of any particular one made for his restraint and so proper to him as King but of those general Laws of Moses given for all men to live by And therefore it is enjoyned him write it out of that which was before the Priest to whom he is now to succeed in the chief charge thereof In which charge although he differed from others yet that the Law was the same appears by the intent thereof there mentioned common to him with the rest namely that He might learn to fear the Lord his God and to keep the word of this law and statutes to do them He is not bidden you see to be affraid of his People Representative or Collective nor are they or any one earth hereby authorised to look unto his performance of this law or to resist or punish him in case he transgress the which is the thing in question and not whether Kings are subject to God and his Laws or no for none will deny but they are and are also for many considerations more obliged to keep and press these laws then any of their subjects As none on the other side will I hope say that his subjects are to be to him in Gods stead so as to judge and punish him if he do not But then it may be answered that the people have a dry right without a remedy They have a right indeed to be free from oppression but such an one as serves to no stead since it may be taken from them at the pleasure of another What shall we call an appeal to God no remedy or shall we say there is no remedy or justice for subjects but when and where themselves shall be judges and executioners in it for if so what use of this common judiciary power when one part of the people may still have power to judge of another It was the partiallity and injustice incident to this way of proceeding that made it reasonable for people to subject themselves to a common umpire or judge whose sentence should alwayes be taken as indifferent Because else they did nothing and are yet but in the same first state of Anarchy they were For he that is not supreme in all causes and things but onely such as the people shall assent unto is not truely supreme in any thing forasmuch as their judgement coming after his as of power to confirme or disanull they will still be without a supreme and their Major vote allowing his affirmative or rejecting his negative sentence will at last conclude the whole definitive sentence to be come into their hands No if rulers of policy peace and government be maintained the King onely as aforesaid can be supreme and all other of his subjects can have but derivative powers that is aâ— sent of him The complaint of misusage must still run to the higher the people cannot appeal to the people when the King their onely supreme Judge on earth hath oppressed them They have in this condition none but God above him to appeal unto he is the onely King of Kings and to him onely in this case vengeance doth belong All which was well intimated in Samuels reply foreshewing that these oppressions should irremediably happen sometimes In that day shall ye cry unto the Lord but he shall not hear you So that then after all these warnings and threats the people chusing to submit to this government and power it makes their resignation of power and trust to him to be implicite and for better or worse It makes it appear that they had considered before hand of these things as mischiefs that might sometimes befall them the which patience and sufferance not rebellion and resistance were to remedy And so far were they from pretending or desiring any caution against it that their reply Nay but me will have a King over us that we also may be like all the nations and that our King may Judge us and go out before us and fight our battailes imports an acknowledgement of his unquestionable supremacy over them and that aswell in Civil as Martial affairs which is meant by judging them and fighting their battailes And then by their proposing herein to be like other Nations whose Kings it is well known had at that time absolute Soveraignty the condition of perfect subjection will be farther manifest And again in desiring a King in the place of Judges who already had supreme authority as far as positive law went must farther imply their acknowledgements of an extraordinary obedience to this new and extraordinary power For when Samuel tells them that now God was their King meaning that in all extraordinary and urgent occasions his advice and direction was to be sought and they notwithstanding this chusing to have a King it makes that absolute
or stock of any place to be ten hundred thousand pound and that the present Polarchs may in their several proprieties contain the half thereof it must fall out that although in that respect they shall know the loss or good of the whole will involve that of their particulars yet it happening that in all Publike debates some part of the whole is more concerned then another they must consequently be induced to favour that part most wherein their particulars are most involved and they will generally chuse rather to have their half encreased by one third part out of their subjects wealth then to have their subjects wealth to be generally encreased one third part more then it was by any foraign acquisition whereof themselves have no share And this because they being but separate persons cannot have whole interest In which regard also each one amongst them will again be ready to joyn in faction against others of his fellows rather desire to have his own private stock of riches or honor to be encreased one third part out of theirs then to assent to any thing that may double that of all the rest of his fellows or of the whole people without encrease of his own From which it plainly appears that men are but deluded with this notion of a Commonwealth as thinking there can be under Polarchy of any sort such an unity of interest or agreement as really to make but one Commonwealth Whereas in truth there are to be found in all places and countries governed under the name of Republikes or Commonwealths as many Commonwealths and Republiks as there are parties and factions whilst each of them is taking to it self the name of the whole and pursuing their more distinct interests under that notion Which things can never happen unto an unlimited Monarch whose honor and riches being in the whole and inseparably subsisting by and increasing and diminishing with that of his people in general it must follow that his care will be led to respect the whole good as having his and that convertible in such sort that he cannot lose any part of his whole kingdom but he will himself be a proportionable loser Whereas the Polarchs proprieties and interests being no higher in the whole then in reference to their part they cannot but respect this their part in the first place and the whole but in order thereunto But the truest ground for Scholastical mens entertaining this opinion is that they have derived it as also that other opinion of paction from the Grecian Philosophers who being all of them born and bred in Republikes it is no wonder if we finde them in self-regard so ready to commend something these forms as not daring to gainsay the practice of their own country From whom therefore we receiving in a manner all our Philosophy and opinions and this amongst the rest it is no marvail if from thence and the general hope of share of power hence arising as formerly noted we are so inclinable to the defence thereof Yet truely unto any that considers with what prejudice the Greek and Roman Authors were to be supposed to write in theâ—e things the preferment of Monarchy even by some of the chief of them is an argument undeniably concluding that the sufferance of the other was from necessity and not choice For although they durst not reprove it as a fault in that kind of government yet doubtless the many sad examplâ—s of those ungrateful and fatal rewards and usages by them continually practised towards such of their own Citizens and subjects as have been most eminent in any kind of vertue or most deserving or serviceable to their country could not but in conscience and reason make them resolve that it must naturally arise from that form of administration For their form of policy subsisting by and openly aiming at parity and equality in honor and power whilst each one in it was yet arrogating to himself they must necessarily stomack any pre-eminence that shall be given to any one above themselves as justly fearing he might thereupon take advantage of making himself their Master Who again if out of cautionary compliance he shall never so lowly makes his acknowledgements and submission to the whole Senate yet if he do not so also to such particular men as be leaders and such as do speak for and uphold him he will still be subject to envy and ruine Nay if he do it not to such also as do not appear for him he will be hazarded by their revenge also So that in truth vertue and merit have herein no longer security then the party can protect himself by secret bribery of their Factious leaders and by popular and base flattery and compliance which can yet serve his turn but for a time His surest course to prevent their malice ill being to advance himself above their power and to make use of those forces to defend himself against them with which he hath so often defended them against others And except it be by this course I know not that any one famous servant to any Polarchy hath been recorded to scape censure and punishment for his reward the surest way not to suffer like Scipio being to act like Caesar. But to this kind of Scholy some are so ignorantly inclined as finding the tearms and notions of government usually imployed about these devised forms and that in their best sense they come to think them no where due and proper but there For so they think that true policy is from its name and derivation to import not the government of a kingdome by a King but of a City and that by Citizens in equal authority Not well considering that in ancient times each territory or kingdom took its usual name from its City as that did again from its most eminent King or founder and that as each City had its King and was Monarchical onely so the notion of Citizen signified but the same with another subject and not power and rule Nay it should seem to infer greater subjection as to those who by their habitation were more civilized by Laws and obedience then to those in villages called therefore Pagans The like misapprehension ariseth from the notions of people and Magistrates which have different values in Republikes over they have in Monarchies But however these Greeks before mentioned having cast off Kings and the acknowledgement of all power above themselves they must next found it on themselves that is in the community or people from whom also they must suppose even Kings to arise Hereupon the title of Anarchy came to want difinition and existence For to say it was in the Community was to overthrow that main end for which this notion of a community was invented namely to pact and consent for conferring of power For how can men in that condition be general or free pacters or consenters If they say men are not to be supposed born unanimous like Aunts of a
the peoples performance For though Kings extreamly differ from God in degree of superioriry yet as superiors they have both the same reason for exercise thereof And on the behalf of both of them it must seem a thing aswell unreasonable as ungrateful for inferiors and receivers to make the good deeds of those above them in power and office to serve as a means of their deprivation Nor can that Paction but be invallid where superior and inferior treating as such should Covenant to destroy those relations whilst they yet pretend thereby to estate and settle them So if a man in his wooing promise the wife freedom of restraint or command other then what shall be to her liking or to have power to execute or manage her own or the affairs of the family independent of him this though it might induce her marriage or putting her self into his power yet it cannot take away any power necessarily belonging to his office for the good and quiet of the family but rather as the promise shewed an extraordinary affection towards her it should the more obliege her to obedience Nor can she or children or servants have any freedom against him but what a power superior to him allows For so far as law restrains his arbitrary power and doth for instance design in what cases joyntures portions and degrees of servitude shall rest in compact with him this must be derived from power of a superior and not from a power below and in themselves For they being appellants to law and a higher power shew they can have no power above him and that this superior power and not themselves alone can restrain him No more can after Pactions between Prince and people given by his free grant and promise or forced by their rebellions prevaile more to the disinvesting him of any just power then the after indulgent promises to wife children or servants for non-restraint can deprive the Master of what power is by law left him and useful in the execution of his office because as their power is given from above so can it be onely restrained from above The Master cannot give away the power that makes the office and yet continue the office nor they assume power beyond the degree of children and servants and yet continue such For when wife children or servants refuse any command of the Master they do it not as they stand in these relalations to him but as they are joynt subjects to a command superior and so this is not liberty from his power otherwise then as thraldome to anothers So when Princes command any thing contrary to Gods law the subjects suspension to do it is not to disobey him but to obey God unto whom both stand subject who if he shall own and protect them therein they are so far discharged of their obedience otherwise not Whereupon in all capitulations between Prince and people the case will have great difference from that wherein wives or servants before they are such do stand considered as Pactors with their husbands or masters because these alwayes have a present immediate superior to them both namely the Prince or his Magistrate unto whom they joyntly relating as Subjects have a ready means for decision of any differences that shall arise between them about breach of Articles if they had not the Law it self Else their stipulations would prove but the ready disturbers of that peace and charity which they intended to establish even by adding those new occasions of quarrels that should arise to them hereabouts to those formerly incident to them as men Even as we finde that amongst such as do not acknowledge God to have any present magistrate settled here above themselves to decide differences and demand obedience the like continual breaches daily to arise about the meaning of his Laws But it will plainly appear that this plot of paction was but of late times devised by sons of Beliall or such as would not be under restraint to serve their own ends and not truths if we consider that we finde not any one urging for the Jews right in chosing and impowering of their Judges And all because men being not now under the authority of such temporary officers are not so careful to devise wayes and maxims for taking to themselves power to set them up and make their restrictions by But that which is the truth herein is that since it is never urged that the Jews did challenge a right of setting up these lesser powers it proves that their meaning is mistaken by those that think they had right to set up the greater For if they could not set over them Moses Joshua and the rest why should they have power to confer the office of Kingship If they could not or did not make Moses King of Jesurun how came they to have right to make David And therefore to sum up all kingly office being by Divine institution the power necessary for execution thereof is not by Paction from inferiors but by gift from God above When Princes upon occasion promise the imparting of any power to magistrates or others of his people this as coming from a rightful superior is on them bestowed as of grace and gift and not any way arguing that the power remaining is from Inferiors to Superiors by capitulation For though those Monarchical Judges and High-Priests that ruled while Kings came had not so much power as Kings yet because they were straightned from above onely by Gods continuing King upon great and extraordinary occasions that Government was a Monarchy no otherwise then those still continue Families where Laws of superiors streighten the power of the Master most by taking the cognizance and judgement of those under him as in the relation of Subjects Therefore when Government as in neither of these cases is not straitned by power from below it continues right Government because nothing of subjection is remitted For that power the Father exerciseth not the Prince doth and what the Prince doth not nor cannot is done by God who is onely above him And again although the governeds obedience be to more then one as touching their general subjection yet since in each particular command they have but one determinate Commander and have but one in chief to appeal to their Government is still right and Monarchical CHAP. XI Of Magistrates Councellors c. AS we have hitherto declared the necessity of Government and confined it to one person so it must be supposed that so great a charge cannot be managed by any single man without the assistance of others Whereupon these assistants being in many thing the immediate executioners of power and commands in and upon the Subjects it comes many times to pass that the original of power is forgotten and the very right of Soveraignty it self usurped by and imputed to these subordinate Ministers This chiefly appears in those useful Ministers in each Kingdom to wit Councellors and Magistrates by whose help the single eys
that they may as having power therein from God both refuse his commands and also subject him to the obedience of their own Authorities and Offices they should doe well to consider that God can have but one supreme Magistrate namely the King and that all others can have power but as sent of him They should consider that God hath made him Keeper of both Tables so as to preside over us in all things as well of Religious as Civill cognisance In which respects we can no more divide him in his entire Trust and delegation in these things then we can divide the author of these Trusts in his sole Power therein also Now it might be demanded of these men That since these Magistrates and intrusted Officers had their places from the Prince onely and since without Commission and power from him they could not have had Power in any thing outwardly to be exercised more then other ordinary Subjects how should it therefore come to pass that by vertue of a Deputation to serve and be subordinately assisting unto him they can claim right and power to be unsubjected and in any thing above him But we shall here somewhat examine the usuall ground of this stubbornness which is by distinguishing at their pleasures Religious and Civil duties one from another and then making men obliged to obedience in the first sort to Gods precepts onely with this farther supposition that themselves or such are they fancy are to be obeyed as his Magistrates therein And they then stint the Princes power to be onely exercised in what they refuse and shall call Civil matters of which distinction of duties we shall speak more fully anon In the mean time because the conceit of Magistrates distinct and unsubordinate power hath arisen from belief of this distinction of duties we are to consider in brief that being now Christians we cannot at our private pleasures renounce and take off that general relation and say that in such and such particulars we act as natural men in such as civil men and in such onely as Christians but since now all unrighteousness is sin and a sin against God too even to the degree of an idle word so hath God united the high trust and oversight of all these things to this his onely supreme Magistrate And this in so neer a tye of obedience as where he is not divided in himself that is to say differenced from us in Religion but is a Christian as well as we there we cannot more divide from his Authority in our Christian obedience then we can in our Civil without dividing Christ that gave him this Office and separating him likewise from his right of Kingship over us and so affirm that we are to obey Kings as Gods deputies in the State but not as Christs in the Church For albeit in some Assemblies of Christian Subjects where persons in holy Orders do more particularly appear and preside as being an Assembly by the Prince constituted for more neer examination and stating what in the Scripture is more particularly contayned or what is more expresly tending to Gods Worship and Service Princes may be thought thereupon secluded yet since they are still Christians Subjects as others and have as we said their whole Assembly and their particular powers therein authorized from the same head that other Assemblies have we may conclude that each Kingdom is as well such a Church as such a Kingdom And as Christ is head of the Church and King of Kings too so is each King under him head of both also and while he continues a Christian Magistrate he must be always so obeyed and acknowledged And although where the Prince or Supreme Magistrate is no Christian as in the infancie of Christianity it fared the saying is useful of giving to Caesar the things that are Caesars and to God the things that are Gods and of obeying God rather then man because in that case the Magistrate not undertaking to be Gods or Christs Vicegerent at all so as to promote their honor and worship but it may be the contrary it were strange to give him the power of the Church which he will not own but rather refuseth Therefore he refusing to act as a Christian Magistrate in matters of Divine Precept we must have recourse to Gods command our selves or to such representation as any Assembly of the Church at that time can have But where the supreme Magistrate is a Christian there as in all his relations he is supreme to the rest of his Subjects so is he in all his commands to be obeyed as a Christian Magistrate For if that rule of giving to Caesar c. be taken litterally and expresly so as to exclude Kings as Kings from being Gods Ministers and Magistrates in Church matters it must again exclude God from medling in secular affairs or matters of the Commonwealth doing thereby not so much wrong to Kings as to God himself For since without a Magistrate nothing can be done in the Law-makers absence all Laws of Religion must then remain arbitrary and useless and God would by consequent be as well thrust out of religious power as directly hereby excluded out of the Civil So that when that or the Precept of obeying God rather then man is to be taken of direct use and force it must be when Subjects stand subjected as aforesaid or else as we said in the case of new express command from God or Christ himself received who as the higher power must then be obeyed as in that particular case wherein this sentence was spoken may appear For Christ having himself particularly and expresly said to his Apostles Go teach all Nations for them to have obeyed Magistrates forbidding them to teach any more in his Name had been expresly to have obeyed man rather then God and to have put them in danger of Woe if they preach not Even as on the other side to hearken to such Precepts as come to be invented and pressed by private men contrary to the sense of Gods publike Minister and without express revelation therein from God which he is evidently to prove is as done against Gods command to obey man rather then God also And this not onely whether the doers be private persons or else subordinate Magistrates For all power being in the King and they deriving theirs as sent of him as they cannot claim obedience from others but by Authority from him so they must as private persons in respect of him give obedience to him by whose power under God they had this their jurisdiction CHAP. XII Of the Right of Dominion HAving hitherto spoken of the duty of subjection and particularly to Kings it will farther be necessary to say something in designation of the persons that so the stubborn may be without excuse and the Consciencious have direction and satisfaction as far as may be what to follow We must now again therefore consider that as mans obligation of Praise
is the right and Justice of Dominion between two contending Princes to depend as to manifestation thereof to subjects on the determination of the Lord of hosts manifested by victory The which undoubtedly in order to humane preservation and establishment of the peace of kingdoms may satisfie the Consciences of Subjects so far as to claim a just right to their submission and obedience however the Conquerer himself cannot farther expect peace in his own Conscience nor a blessing to himself or posterity from God then as he hath been just and Consciencious in his Claim and Conquest It faring in this case with subjects in general towards their Prince as with the Tenants of any particular Landlord For as these are to pay their Rents and Acknowledgements to him that by the present Judiciary power is put into possession without being bound to examine whether he be a deseisor or not or did by bribery or other fraud thrust out the former owner even so subjects being to pay their Obedience and Acknowledgements to their Prince as Gods Minister must likewise acknowledge him for such whom they finde by the usual way of Providence put into possession And further also as the Tenant hath no avoidance against encrease of Rent or Service at the Will of his present Lord but by leaving his Land and quitting his Tenancy even so is each subject lyable to such encrease of Taxes and personal duties as his present Prince shall impose whilst he is remaining within his Territories and Protection And as natural Reason will thus finde cause to submit to Gods rule of Providence now used for the establishment of the person of the conquering King so will the same reason lead them to suffer it to descend to his heir left they should again subject themselves to new Civil wars which is ever incident to Elective Monarchies And therefore this ought to be avoided by the observation of the Law of Primogeniture in these Offices now succeeding in paternal right of power upon the same consideration that this fixed Law of birth-right was instituted namely to avoid the like diffention and quarrel in succession to the heirship of the Family while this power was formerly seated in the natural Father thereof Nay this right of inheritance not onely follows in Reason but as graffed also and comprised in the right of meer natural possession For as the elder brother as aforesaid was to be presumed most natural heir to the Fathers Dominion in regard of his more probable degree of strength so also it is to be presumed that as being born he will have advantage of the natural way of right which is first seisure Upon which score if there were no Precepts for hereditary Monarchy natural Right as well as Reason would settle it in the possessors issue and particularly on the elder brother as heir to his Fathers acquisitions The which rule we shall finde approved by Saint Paul and upon the like words as God gave Cain the power of Eldership he confirms this right to the man over the woman saying Adam was first formed and then Eve Upon which grounds the lawfulness to Elect Monarchs or institute Poliarchies will be taken away inasmuch as the Office and Possession of Kingship in right of the Father and elder Brother having first Seisure before any other it must follow that none can have just right but God against him or his heir And if the beginnings and first rises of Kings be examined towards the proof of settlement by Conquest they will come so far short of deriving themselves from Adam in a natural line as it will appear how their Ancestors from a small stock have by success and encrease of force risen to that present height And even by this scale of Providence did David himself climbe although God had determined him the kingdom That is first by some magnanimous act to gain reputation and thereby some few friends and followers to assist upon occasion with these to encrease by degrees till he become so formidable that people had rather submit to his Government then adventure their lives in opposition In which case their power of Election is not so large as to choose him or not or him or another but whether they will take him on such terms as he proposeth or put lives liberties and all to the hazard of war In which condition since fear was their guide how are people more free before Election then afterwards when Princes for fear of punishment are obeyed in then Governments and commands And why should not fear be a wiser Passion then love For they that are governed in their choice by love consult not of dangers or inconveniences that may happen for this fear is against the nature of love and therfore the loved hath always power over the loving and not on the contrary And none do so usually curb the people as those that through flattery of the noise of liberty have gotten to be their darlings and so come to have sole trust and power at which time discretion bids him hold the streight reins of power upon their wavering affections lest by another using his policy he should be again supplanted When as all Princes entrances which are made through fear are made with as great deliberation and policy as may be at least with as much as the adverse Faction hath present power to use And it is probable that he that findes himself afterwards thus streightned through the peoples fearing him in his entrance will as in order to his own honor and release of fear seek as far as he may to gain their love And the truth is Princes cannot well rule without both the great difficulty resting when to use one when another And if any Prince should be by people elected into a Government hereditary out of particular love and affection to his person yet since his person and those Electors could not always have it alike or were sure at least to have sufficient degree of power and respect there might be occasion for him but much more for his successor to have power and force in readiness to make use of if reason should offer For as there might be reasons of mutual trust between the first Prince and people so of distrust in the other because nothing is more giddy or uncertain then popular liking So that although the present Prince his vertues were equal or alike to the others at first setled by them yet they being not the same people or having changed their mindes it is not reason he should be so much their enemy as not by force to keep them from forcible alteration and injuring themselves by Civil war And as for such Princes as come in by Conquest I see not why force in the continuance should not be as lawful as in acquisition more necessary to him I am sure it is at least to have it in readiness And this not onely in respect of custody answerable to that common rational maxim that
under the tye of religion also to be entirely obeyed by all that acknowledg his Christian jurisdiction we being no more duely able to divide the supremacy of the one then of the other And therfore the mistake and inconvenience of their opinion will plainly appear that would from a short and groundless distinction of the several objects and ends of our obedience deduce a several and distinct tye whereby the same person in the performance of this duty to lawful authority should stand diversly obliged As if because the good of men and humane Society were the next ayme of my forbearance to defraud or oppress c. it were therefore the last end and not rather Gods glory as heretofore shewed Whereupon since I as a Christian had light sufficient given me to discover how God is herein served by this my advancement of the good of my brother cannot thereupon but account my self as well serving God When I do any thing as a subject to the Prince out of general tye of conscience to Gods precept that commandeth obedience to the higher powers then it is or should have been if I had done it in obedience to the perticular precepts of thou shalt not steal or thou shalt not covet And had Cato or Scipio had the like advantage of instruction with us so as to have seen through to Gods glory and their owne salvation as the great and last end and reward of all our actions as they had been obliged in conscience so they would no doubt out of respect and love to God and their owne future good have performed all those Heroick acts which for want thereof could not have in them higher consideration then temporary benefits of themselves or country and so come to be imputed unto them as bare moral vertues and duties having in their conceipts neither direction nor intention higher But for farther clearing the understanding of these things we will instance in a particular most common amongst us namely our food What the vegetative appetite as necessary to growth and nourishment doth herein covet the same being in sensitive Creatures controlled and judged by their pallats and tasts is ascribed as an action done by such or such a sensitive And in the same food again the pallat being for choice and quantity as all other senses controlable by reason for what we do therein we are accountable as men onely and not as beasts And so lastly when in this particular of food a higher authority then our owne doth command we must be then reckoned in all we do therein but as in relation and subordinate to that last and highest authority For as Christ is above them all so is our relation as Christiaâ—s to include and involve that of men or subjects So that if I now follow too much my vegetative appetite or sensative taste and also transgress reason so as to be drunken and glutonise this being done by me that am a Christian is a sin endangering punishment hereafter and not singly a moral or civil vice as transgressing onely in regard to my health or the rule of society And so farther againe when abstinence from any or all sort of food is by lawful authority enjoyned whereby the use of what was indifferent to us in respect of any direct former Christian precept comes to be streigthened we are then tyed in conscience to the obedience thereof and that not onely when a Lent or Fast day shall be enjoyned for an explicite religious end but also when abstinence shall be publickly commanded without such end expressed at all or although the preservation of Cattel or the like be the known end thereof And this because the person commanding being the same and alwayes Gods Minister where our ability of performance is equall our sin of disobedience must be equal also and that without thought of dividing his jurisdiction and authority and so disobeying the Prince as as oft as we please by taking on us as Priests in a separat jurisdiction the sole interpretation of Gods law Whereupon as every Master of a family is Priest also so far as concerns his jurisdiction so the appellations of Princes and Priests are in many places of Scripture used as equipollent But as the King in regard of the multitude under him is to use Magistrates to help him in civil administrations so Priests also in matters of the Church and religion How far this their power is to extend and how and by what order of them to be managed will be a proper discourse when the Kings part in government and peace shall be treated of Therefore now to return by the name of Church we are not to conceive there can be any congregation of Christian subjects by order so distnct from others as to have immediat power from God over the fortunes or persons of their fellows without or against the Soveraigns leave For since the time manner place and other things essential to the constituting the meeting it self must as heretofore noted depend on the leave and direction of the governour in chief and their authority as an assembly can be but subordinate to that from whence they derived it it cannot in no wise be collected that their power should be independent They of the Romish Clergy that would clayme a divine right to succeed the Apostles in the exercise of external jurisdiction and power by vertue of an uninterrupted ordination from them at first derived after the same manner as those ancient Romans were superstitious to place the vestal virgins for keeping in of their holy fire in their temple and would have the Office and power of high Priest or Bishop in the Catholike or each particular Church depend on like uninterrupted succession to his predecessor under the Gospel no otherwise then the high Priestship did descend amongst the Jewes had no doubt an ayme by this peculiar way of puting one another into authority not only to set up themselves in Apostolical power but to exclude Kings or Masters of families from having any divine right at all since no such uninterrupted derivation of succession can be on their side brought But as they cannot find any text to warrant any claim hereby so they are to consider that as to the Iewes their particular Church was the same with the Catholike so in order to Gods care for direction and government of that particular onely Church he did appoint as well a distinct family and linage for their Kingship as he did for their Priesthood it being as unlawful to alter the line of David as that of Aaron But under the Gospel where like appointment was not made nor outward prosperity was not promised as to the Jewes it will be very severe to censure any particular Church as untrue and her Pastors unlawful upon the hazard of having some interruption in succession or for want of intention or the like whereby having had some ineffectual ordination administred all ordinations succeeding and jurisdiction grounded thereupon should come
being so over righteous and overwise That is to say by private useing and applying the rules of do as thou wouldest be done unto and love thy Neighbour as thy self not left unto him by the higher power Whereupon being over wise that is wise in his owne conceit he neglects the precept that said Honour thy Father and thy Mother and thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thy self and so doth not as he would be done unto And againe he that hath not these charitable rules deep enough in his heart but shall act contrary in things remitted to him or shall strain the letter of the law to countenance his malice or private interest onely he is over much wicked and a fool and offending against charity puts himself into the same danger also For although obedience be in it self matter of Apostolical precept and rejoycing yet should we be wise unto that whis is good and simple concerning evil For alas the uncharitable designes of self interest do so often intermingle in what we do even in order to superiour command that we shall not need to fear men will not have sins enough to answer for We are all of us God knows so far the sons of Adam as to be too prone to yeild to the temptatiof tasting of the forbiddin fruit of good and evil in what is commanded whereby we lose the innocence of doves and not to be wise enough again in doing that good to our Neighbour which is left and referred to our owne discretion and power whereby we fail of the wisdome of Serpents But however if we will be innocent it must be by casting of our owne wisdome and by implicite following Christs precepts for obedience and charity to our neighbour and for what we have done otherwise we must re-estate our selves in innocence by repentance even to the degree of little children who we know obey implicitely and act without malice And this is the scope of Christs thanks giving that these things were hid from the wise and prudent that is such as trusted in their moral righteousness and were revealed unto Babes that is to such as considering the load of legal precepts should like men regenerate again in Christ take his easie yoke upon them and by lowliness and meekness the two concomitants of obedience find rest for their souls And this is the effect of our new birth whereby being as the sons of God in Christ restored to a state of innocence we come to be freed of the old leaven and that guilt of morality incurred by the old Adam And in this sence are all those and the like places to be understood how the children of God sin not Whosoever is borne of God doth not commit sin for his seed remaineth in him and he cannot sin because he is born of God Which places may well allude unto and are explained by our Saviour himself in his answer to the Pharisees a people that use to mak religious pretences to discountenance lawful obedience and would have made their unauthorised interpretations of the law in superstitious observation of the Sabboth and some other things act their militious designes against Christs honour and their neighbours good If ye were blinde saith Christ ye would have no sin but now ye say we see therefore your sin remaineth if they had not opposed their owne prying humour in the literal morality of the law against Christs authority obedience had kept them innocent but going about to establish their owne righteousness have not submitted themselves to the righteousness of God For by means of their insubjection unto that manner of judgement for the which Christ came into the world they trusting to their own may of seeing came to be made blind whereas others that pretended not to see of themselves through obedience to him were made to see And if the forementioned places of Saint Matthew be well consulted we shall find the interpretation and guidance of religious precepts and duties left wholly to the supream Magistrate and that Christ by this liberty in the great legal injunction of the Sabboth shews that offices of Charity or judgment mercy and faith are the end or weightier matters of the law mercy better then sacrifice And therefore although he aver his owne authority in Church matters as being greater then the Temple yet he saith the Son of man Lord also of the Sabboth If he had said the Son of God had been Lord thereof it had been but to assert what was not questioned but as he here calls himself Son of man to countenance his deputies and stop the mouths of such as under colour of the weakness of humane authority would deny the supream Magistrates power herein so he did before instance what men they are that have it that is Kings personated in David and Priests alluded unto in Abiathar in whose dayes it was done both of them having sole trust of law And therefore as they in the law so he as a great King and Priest in the Gospel had this power also Whereupon since the observation of legal precepts as barely such cannot have as from us alone any such exact performance as to be justifiable and meritorious but this being done by Christ the morality of our works can be justified but as through him that is as done in obedience to his authority who hath bin fully meritorious therein already Hereupon it must be plicite where direct precept is or according to the general precepts of love in things remitted to us And this was the great mystery of Godliness God manifest in the flesh through obedience to which manifestation we come to be justified in the Spirit For Christ saith of himself as long as I am in the world I am the light of the world but being we are bidden to be obedient to our Superiour Masters in the flesh as unto Christ and in the Lord that is in his stead it follows that he that dispiseth them dispiseth him that sent them And therefore Christians in their obedience and discipleship to Christ are compared to sheep a creature best setting forth their duty of obedience by their ready simple and implicite following their Shephard and also the general duty of Christian love and charity by their inoffensive and harmless deportments one towards another And to prove that this obedience to Christs Minister is to be the pre-required condition that should justifie men in their Christian deportments we shall finde that the Apostles and such as he was to delegate as his Ambassadours are by Christ not onely called the lights of the world a City on a hill and the like to shew the largeness of their illumination but farther to shew the necessity of the conformity of our outward deportments to their directions they are also by Christ appointed to be the salt of the earth And he expresly sayes that every one shall be salted with fire that
needful to keep of mutual injury through interfering desires But yet some kinde of guardians there must be to provide food and things necessary to cram down these appetite-less innocents lest their reward of preserving others should turn to their own destruction But if we cannot fancy desiring and not desiring equal but must acknowledge appetites the wheels of the soul then is there no way left but to admit of degrees of command amongst men themselves for our orderly enjoying those stocks of blessings by God afforded us and to keep us at unity and from the common destruction of one another To this end God placeth man at first in a state of subjection to one head so that no doubt had Adam lived he had been as natural Father so King of all mankinde But his death being sentenced left brethren as in equality should contend this power of one mans command over another was the established due of birthright for else we cannot think it personally indulged to Cain over one so much better then himself By this course if observed men should have continued in due quiet and subjection until the numerousness of the several subject families might make the common head of them assume another Title And therefore we find that where God promiseth to any person a great encrease of race and posterity he promiseth withal as a compleating of that blessing that Kings should be born of them But after such time as Ambition Covetousness Revenge and the like began so to prevail amongst men that neither Gods Precepts nor fellow-feeling of the miseries of rebellion could keep them in obedience how just is it with God to make our own stubbornness our punishments So that if we impartially look amongst all those desolations of Nations they are but the issues of their own Civil wars and contentions which had their first rise from popular discontent and insurrection An Argument more popular and pleasing I know it had been to have extolled such Kings as measured their power by Justice and their Laws but I being not now to write to Kings but to subjects and in what concerned them in order to peace shall respit that till the Kings part in order to Peace and Prenty shall be treated of Therefore writing to such onely I chose to prefer their certain benefit by obedience before Discourses that should flatter them to their ruine by insinuating unto them a power they can never make use of without the mischief of disagreement and Civil war For there is certainly a vulgar and popular flattery as well as there is a flattery which is personal and this is doubtless the most dangerous of the two as having more to seduce The which kinde of insinuation is but too apparent in many writers of this kinde wherein men considering that those that are to be their Readers and from whom they expect encouragement and applause are such as stand interessed in the relation of subjects they do thereupon deal with them in their discourses of freedom power or the like as those do that tell black women they are fair that is to be wholly respective to those their own private interects and designs to be by this courtship gained and not at all to the truth of things themselves or to the benefit of those they pretend to instruct whom they do really abuse by this their unfriendly information As for example whensoever this unhappy controversie between Prerogative on the one hand and Liberty on the other shall for decision be by both King and people referred to Law for no Kings nor no people do professedly decline them who then shall be the Judge shall the King No he is a party and to be ruled by them Well then we will suppose the Subjects no parties nor to be ruled by them but to interpret and perchance make and alter them as they shall finde cause what shall follow but that they thereupon divide into Factions again some putting the power into I know not what and how many Magistrates and some into such and such Representatives all of them as far from truth as differing from one another But as in either case they set the Law above the King so they set the Subject above the Law dealing in the one as preposterously as the other But in this as in all other cases the natural tie of self interest and respect doth so blinde and byass us in our judgement and practise that we will bring in as reasonable and practicale in the Kingdom and Commonwealth what we think highly unfit to be exercised towards our selves in our own Families that is not onely to think it lawful and convenient that more then one should be there governing at once because our selves may happily be one of that number but also we are always ready to entertain and practise all rules of restraint whereby under colour of Divine or Humane Law all that live under him as Subjects may make themselves otherwise when they please upon allegation that the Laws and rules of Justice and Reason are to be in the first place obeyed Whereas if the children or servants of our own Family should in our Government and Commands demean themselves with like stubbornness either by disputing the soleness or arbitrariness of our power in general or by scrupling their obedience to each command in particular until they finde it by God or their Prince Authorized how would we then cry out against this sin of disobedience in them when as yet we think it but duty in us that the Obedience we owe to our King the Father of our Country should be answered with such demurrers pride and prejudice always equally prepossessing us to bring down and level all power that is above as well as to subject and keep under that which is already below But say men what they will Obedience as obedience must be implicite and he that in any command of lawful Authority obeys no farther then he findes reason so to do obeys but himself and not another And yet are Princes and Governors the less to wonder at this stubborn inquisitivenes in subjectâ— since it is no other then what hath been and is daily offered to God himself in prying into the reasonableness and morality of his Laws and Justice even from our first Parents to this very hour A thing of well known advantage to that proto-Rebel whereby to rule in the Children of disobedience For if once we come so far to arrogate as to believe the reasons of Gods Actions and Councels are apparent to ours his will as of course must be submitted to ours also Therefore as then it was hath God said you shal not eat so every day still it is such and such Commands and Laws are but for such and such ends and whether those ends were expressed by Cod or no every man is ready according to his own interpretation to obey or not obey or so far and no farther even to a perpetual distraction in Religion and
disturbance of one another where a supreme definitive sentence is not kept up And as we usually thus search into his Councels for the Reason of his Laws so set we up models of equity of our own for measuring his Justice Insomuch as upon every extraordinary and remarkable event how peremptory are we to assign this or this for a cause each one judging his own apprehensions of right and wrong as the onely necessary patterns for Gods proceedings and intentions herein Which whilest they shall differ so much one from another and can be but one true if any be must they not charge God foolishly For example amongst us that have now felt in so high measure his deserved hand those that are of the Romish opinion say This late revolt is in Justice for our Kings deserting his Obedience to that See and our particular Schisms the punishment of our grand Schism from them and the more particular pressure thereof lighting on the Nobility and Gentry are the punishments of their ingrossing the Churches Patrimony which like the coal from the Altar hath almost consumed their nests These looking upon this kingdom as the head and pillar of Protestantism say That as Reformation of Religion was first set up by our Princes out of State designs of alteration of Government and of being independent on the power of Rome so are they now but justly punished with the same pretensions by their own Subjects who in their risings they presume have as great Authority to interpret Scripture against their Civil Governors now as formerly against their spiritual head And they farther say That as to gain strength and general assistance from the Laity was the onely reason we first made the Scriptures vulgar and common that under the obliegingness of so high a favor whereby their abilities seemed to be flattered to an equal pitch with the Clergy they might be gained to that side that therefore our present requital from popular wresting these Scriptures again to publik disturbance amongst our selves is but just also Others that are from them in opinion most contrary so are their reasons also They tell you that Popery and Superstion were here too much and too long countenanced and abetted they tell you that the Clergy were yet too high and powerful and their maintenance too great and unbecoming that things have thus happened because the true sense of Scriptures and thorough Reformation from Rome were too little regarded Others that it may be regard neither of those extreams but look on things as polititians will tell you That the assistance of the Scots formerly against their Queen the assistance of the Dutch and Rocheller against their Kings were the just causes of insurrection now and they will tell you also that the beheading of the Queen of Scots was ominous to the like fatal blow Believing it a Vice against common prudence for Princes out of consideration of any mischief to one another to do that which should be destructive to all as well as it is a sin against Religion neglecting the rule of Do as thou wouldst be done unto By all which and many more instances which might be given of like nature being first bewitched with our Understandings and then idolizing our own justice to be the same with Gods we do cause Rebellion to creep on us as the sin of witchcraft and stubbornness as Idolatry That is we will then onely begin to serve God and obey his Laws when we have first interpreted them to serve our own turns which is in effect never to obey them more Whereas that more remarkable token of Obedience that was to Abraham imputed for righteousness was in fact seeming as contradictory to justice and goodness so far as humane ability could reach as it was to the stream of his own particular affection For my own part I am not more in love with those four letters that spell King then with the rest of the Alphabet And could I see probable hope how that thirst of governing might be satisfied to general liking and agreement by that soveraignty which each subject should by this means have over the common vassal the King I should have rest contented with my share therein and have rather given encouragement to this so common a benefit where first all of us should have had our contents by being real governor of this one and then that one contented again with the titles formalities and shews of his Government also then have made my self subject to so much labour and censure But as in all works that are to be done there must be the worker the work and the instruments whereby he brings it to pass the which in order to the work must be at the workmans appointment and choice so in this work of Polity and Government the commanding are workers the commanded the work and the Law Magistracy Councellors c. are the instruments for effecting it Whether Prince or people shall be workmen I will not here say onely thus much is evident that Laws Magistrates c. must be at the choice and dispose of such as rule and also above the ruled as holding necessarily a middle term to unite and agree them in the work it self If as considering how things are now practised and the many opinions to the contrary I shall be by any hastily condemned of ungrounded novelty for that not contenting my self in the modest and equal way of commending Monarchy above other Governments I have quite cast Aristocraty and Democraty out of the right number and reckoned of them but as Anarchies I shall entreat them to consider that I onely undertake to look into Government and its forms as they stand authorized in Scripture or Reason and not as they stood in humane device or practise and therefore I hold my self no further blamable then failing hereof For unto my strictest enquiry there could not be found one Text amongst those we call Canonical countenancing and mentioning any other form not so much as one word of the power of People or Nobility Parliaments Senate c. which the restless wits of men have since devised as in derogation to the other Nay when God means to express himself by titles of power common to men it is either of King or Father which as the greater and lesser Monarchs have alone divine Authority to command over mens persons And I believe all knowing men will confess that as onely God expresly appointed this form so nature also at least at first in her golden age and whilst she was at the best insomuch as for some thousands of yeers it is by all concluded there was no one sort of people otherwise governed then by Kings And therefore by that same rule of strangeness and wonder where with others may behold my Positions in condemning I may behold theirs in approving them even that a sort of men there should be that pretending their utmost and onely subjection to Gods word should yet contemn the power of Kings
so often and so expresly warranted thereby as given from God the Fountain of power and on the contrary settle it on such devised Orders and Degrees as neither for number or office had direct Authority or Example from thence But it is usual with the opposers of Monarchy to take their advantage against the evidence of Texts of this kinde as in Civil matters men are wont to do against those they contend with about any property or title For if they know the letter and plain sense of the Law run on the side of him they oppose they then finde no such ready way for his defeat as to entitle the King or some eminent superior thereunto Even so shall we finde Kings now adays used in the interpretation of many of those places of Scripture which make so plainly on their side that is when the power and perpetuity of this Office is anywhere set forth they then would have the whole sense and scope thereof to imply Christ himself and not this his immediate Deputy By which kinde of proceeding they do by fact evidently prove themselves guilty of that pride and arrogance they would reprehend in another and that it is not Christs honor that is hereby sought otherwise then in order to their own For since they do allow him to have his deputed Officers amongst us for declaration and execution of his Will will it not therefore follow that the greater the honor and power of this person thus substituted is by so much will the honor of Christ whom he doth herein represent be encreased It is not therefore to be believed that subjects of any sort would have thus justled with their Prince for precedence and going next to Christ had they not more considered their own honors to be thereby gained then his to be thereby lost But as the light of Scripture shines undeniably cleer every-where on the face of Monarchy so doth it in record and practise also And therefore we shall finde that when God appears for the setling the first moral Laws for men to live by there was not nor had not been in the world any but Monarchical government setled When again the King of Kings and Prince of Peace Christ himself appears as the old imposters in Oracles became silent so all Republikes and States had hid their heads under one Monarchy or another And that which may be observable in other stories is that the Greeks themselves who in restless wits were the ring leaders in Doctrines and Examples for all these Civil alterations as well as in a manner for all heresies in Religion and upon no other ground then with an affected pride to express their power and freedom in both above the rest of the world who in regard of themselves they stiled barbarous are at this day and so have long continued the examples of highest slavery and oppression in both kindes Besides these high Authorities and Examples that so evidently declare for Monarchy alone I could never tell how to settle my Reason on any other foundation being unable to fancy how Soveraignty could have been divided without dividing Obedience how unity could proceed from plurality aâ—d how Peace could be amongst Subjects when the Peace-makers themselves must be still in danger of variance with one another And farther I could by no means conceive but that proportionably as one man could not serve two Masters with equal duty and respect so on the other side that many Masters could not command or govern one or many servants with equal power and affection And therefore laying down for my ground that as death was the worst of evils to a man as a man and so also that Civil war was the worst of evils to men as sociable it was reason I should seclude these inventions as failing of that main end of Government and reckon them at best but plausible pretenders thereunto And the same reason I must also give for declining that fancyed way of founding Government and Authority on Paction For while Prince and People are hereby put to a continual question what these Pactions were as in a thing of no more evidence it must needs happen there will be produced instead of Peace and Agreement a perpetual ground to intestine dissention and rebellion In the survey of all which or any thing else delivered if any shall make objections of inconveniencies in that degree of arbitrariness I have assigned unto Princes I desire to be understood as not thinking any Government can be by men in this life exercised where no mischiefs shall sometimes happen but leaving that hope till we come to the government of God himself if the inconveniences hence probably arising proceed not from the form but the persons if they be such as are not onely to that but much more to others incident and if after and beside side all it stil appears that this form is onely of divine institution and example and so also more naturally and necessarily procuring peace the end of Government then any other I shall then confess I have arrived at the end of my whole labour which was to settle publike peace and good by obedience to Authority without reflection on the private benefit of any person therein likely to bear sway But being to write in an age wherein all men stand not only divided under that different sense of loyalty which Alexander once wittily observed in his two followers Ephestion and Craterus namely that one loved Alexander the other the King but also being to write in a Nation wherein Monarchy it self stands wholly approved or rejected as the persons therein likely to rule are differently considered as friends or enemies I cannot therefore but expect that from these so different and contrary interests of others these my writings themselves should also be obnoxious to as contrary censures that is of having reflected too much or too little towards the praise or dispraise of that person whom they according to their several engagements would have had more openly commended or disproved Whereas I who from sense of the calamities of our civil broils had been drawn to be of Craterus opinion as the best remedie I could devise thought it neither proper nor reasonable to deliver my self in any Ephestion like expression or to appear as Foe or Advocate to any man but to set down and handle the whole Argument as a Christian Philosopher in a general Treatise and Discourse of government according to Doctrines or Examples drawn from Scripture or Reason without reflection or censure of any one Nation in particular as will easily I hope appear by that which follows A TABLE Of the several Chapters contained in this following TREATISE BOOK I. CHAP. I. OF Deity p. 1. CHAP. II. Of Providence and its rule in general p. 3. CHAP. III. Of particular or self-Providence p. 5. CHAP. IV. Of Government as it stands in natural Reason and it s reputed Original p. 8. CHAP. V. Of each mans private End or Felicity
to be had as being part of his right and as from the abliest Judgeto value the deserts of others herein For whilest it remaines in the peoples acclamations it is like bullion but when God or his Vicegerent have stampt it the people know what quantity of respect or gratitude each honourable person must have Else as bullion according to different esteems would be valued by some more by some less so that no use could be of it so honor also without this coynage would come at last to be quite deprived of its worth They that placed mens felicity in good vertue and contemplation might have regard to this intellectual pleasure for if reason through its confirmation of the attainableness and lastingness of that object of pleasure which my appetite chooseth hath made it good the very use of this good doth through familiarity insinuate it self and so become pleasure also So vertuous actions that have political pleasure their end or make way to their own pleasure by promoting that of others and contemplation which hath pleasure of any kinde for its aime do from custome to attain pleasurable subjects become the objects of pleasure themselves This makes Religious and Civil duties to be performed with delight no otherwise then as men used to hunting do not onely place content in the end of it namely the catching some creature for use or pleasure but this very labour exercise and toile in catching it comes to be pleasure it self and the cry and barking of Dogs comes to be like musick Hence also it comes that the covetous desire of riches makes even those wayes to attain them to lose their usual relish of care and labour and become content and pleasure According to the answer of a rich father that being told by way of reproof of his sons whole delight in spending what with such great affliction he had gotten he answered He had more delight in getting then his son could have in spending For pleasure that depends not on the bodily sense but on the fancy can have no judge but the fancy and then being made up of use and custome pleasure must differ according thereunto therefore that which is most honourable in estimation of others is so with me For as my sense cannot err in judging of things pleasurable to me so cannot the opinion of others in matters of opinion or knowledge of what themselves enjoy So then this estimation is either of things or persons As for things all the rate they usually have above necessary use ariseth from hence and they can be no otherwise rateable then by common esteem But this common esteem arose at first from the particular esteem and use of them by persons of honor which had also its encouragement from scarcity whereby the appropriation might be more firme and entire For as the honouring do in outward regard make and constitute the persons honourable even so also the honourable persons make the honorable things So that then all pleasure may be comprehended under these two maine heads that is either pleasure of the sense proper to the body or of honour proper to the minde The last is the greater and more sought as carrying with it the interpretation of vertue and merit by beneficial actions to others which the more communicable the more good and hath again degrees according to the resentment of pleasure in the receiver and according to the generality of that acknowledgement which gives it esteem Whereas pleasure of sense looking only at private satisfaction gives way to this at least in publike competition hides it self and is judged onely by the sense of the particular party whether it be pleasure or no. Yet it seemeth that this pleasure of sense is more true natural and necessary For first the other being founded but on opinion of others hath not like evidence to sense which as more natural is common to all men with other Sensitives and is so necessary that it is the promoter of all actions nay of honor it self if it be marked For the reason why honor is had or expected is from knowledge or opinion of something done beneficial to others which benefit could not have been or perceived but in such things as were pleasurably received elsewhere even by testimony of sense For so shall we finde the highest marks of honor affixed to such as invented the means of mens living in greater security and delight things which have respect to all For should we make honor depending on it self onely as of a race or stock which we call Gentry this is to countenance pride and obstruct the way to vertue by suffering such to assume honor who will not go the way to it themselves and do by possession of the reward discourage such as would Truly to be of good parentage is of great advantage and encouragement to vertue but we see it ordinarily to fall out otherwise and then when the antiquity of Arms and true Discent is all that can be bragged of I would first ask since these Arms are derived as from their Fathers and so on from father to father what assurance in such length of time that no one of the Wives played not foul play Which happening to any one the advantage of blood is to all that follow I will then again as in favour to their side suppose those Arms they now bear were not bought or gotten by other indirect course but as a reward of some notable service to the Commonweal or Prince the life thereof were bestowed on their first Ancestor to remain as in memory of this vertue to posterity And then I shall ask how they that come from his stock and derive their honor as from him can be more honorable then he more then a stream be greater then the fountain If not how is this usual brag of of antiquity Again if the fountain of their Gentry were the best man though the first of his stock they then plainly place true honor in vertue It is therefore worthy notice that since every thing is best preserved by the same means it was first begun the best and onely way to keep up or increase the reputation of their house is in imitation or increase of their progenitors vertue and native or hereditary honor serves but as Ciphers in Arithmetick that is to add so much more honor or shame to all the parties actions as his ranke gives him advantage of power above other men Not but that honor is due to Nobility that have Offices by birth as Dukes Counts c. for this being given to them by Kings as to hereditary Officers in such places which always make them publikely honorable as having thereby power and designation of serving the Commonweal above others remains due to such Else the honor of a race is but negative that is absence of the shame of ignominious birth Whereupon it may appear that honor is gained by advancing sensitive pleasure and honor being the end is more worthy then
beneficial actions the chief are Kings for these in their several Dominions are as under him fountains of power so of honor also For they in Gods stead are the onely able and authorized Judges of the reality and generallity of publike benefits insomuch as if receivers should be sole Judges they as parties would but regard their own satisfactions onely and call that publike which was but private benefit For these are subject both to flatter and mistake but he having the publike in his peculiar trust and looking on all with like interest can as the representative whole or common Sensory best and most impartially judge of common utilities and to him onely it must therefore belong to confer honor and the marks thereof for else while ambitious and proud persons were seeking and arrogating as they like true honor would not be and while people did through continual strife and slaughter of one another set up such as should be still undertaking their greater benefit they should lose as in the Fable their bone for a shadow We must therefore as before said reckon honor as it is in the subjects or people but as Bullion of no use to them nor to those that have it and that the value of it must be according to the coynage of that Prince whose image and authority it bears Hence we may observe that in Republikes and where Monarchies are not setled honors are not neither For there is onely applause estimation or the like momentany and uncertain shadows because with them honoring and honored are the same in degree honor signifying pre-excellence must needs be to none when it is equal to all or at least equally divided amongst so many And then how shall they confer on others what they have not themselves And as upon this ground honor can be onely in Monarchy so must it also follow from what hath hitherto been spoken that it must therein also flow from him to the people and not from the people to him as some would construe that maxime That honor is in the honoring and not in the honored For since as before noted the honorable or beneficial act must precede the honor or thanks thereof as the cause must precede the effect even so the honorable person which must again precede as the cause of that act must also much more precede and be the cause of the honor that follows thereupon And in this respect the subjects or people are so far from being originals of honor that they can therein at most but carry the force of an Eccho in the return and report of that voice or rate of honor which must come from above to wit from God or such as from him have benefits to give As for example when all the people said God save King Solomon as they could not be understood thereby radically and primarily to confer the Office and power it self so neither to be fountains and originals of the honor then given but the power and pleasure of David testified by the presence of his own servants and other attestations of his approbation and assent must be looked upon as efficient causes of this honor and the people but as subservient and instrumental therein Even as also that honor which Mordecai received by being brought on horse back through the street of the City was originally to be ascribed to Abasuerus that had commanded it to be so done to the man whom the King would honor and in testimony that this honor was derived from and authorized by him the fountain of honor and that the people were but to be the reporters and publishers thereof had also commanded him to be attended with some of his own royal retinue and some ensigns of honor and estate proper to himself And as thus the honorable must precede the honoring in time so must they in dignity too as the cause doth the effect For although as to the present act wherein the cause and the effect stand as relatives they are alike in time and constitute equally one another as all Relatives do so that one cannot as to that relation be set or substracted without establishment or overthrow of the other yet if we measure excellency by that power vertue and force whereby any act is maintained between two relatives we may well in that regard account the Agent before the Patient even because he was first and more eminent in the action by which the relation was effected as the father is before and more excellent then the son although as to the relation it self he was not a father till he had a son So in Monarchy although there cannot be a King till there be Subjects because as they stand in the relation of governour and governed one must constitute another yet because even in that very act of Government the Monarch or King must as the Agent precede both in time and dignity any vertue or worth that can come from the subjects he must be accounted original of the power thereto belonging and not they who can be onely passive and that at most in proportion answerable to the power of him that rules For if his power and force therein be never so little yet cannot they in their relation of obedience exceed it whereas they may very often be defective in the ability of their performance of what he doth command Whereupon as the command must precede the execution so must the Commander precede the commanded both in time and dignity even so far as to be the constitutive and efficient cause thereof that is as to the whole relation although in the single and separate acts they may stand reciprocally and equally constituted Nay although in respect of each single act honor may be said to be in the honoring first as the ball projected for the rebound sake must as to that rebound proceed from the place it was thrown against before it can come to the projectors self yet because this rebound took beginning from the ability and intention of the projector even as the honorable act did at first from the honored person we must therefore confess the honored to be the original of the honor thence arising and not they that are passive For so far as the peoples honor shall proceed without or beyond consideration of approved desert so far it is flattery and not honor And therefore upon the same reason that the Creator may be said to precede the Creature even in that very work of Creation although he were not as to that relation Creator till there were a Creature and as again the Father doth precede in time and dignity the son even in reference to that very constitution of sonship although he were not a Father till he had a son so for conclusion the Monarch and Governor is so far from receiving his essential honor and power from the subjects and governed as he may on the otherside be accounted constitutive of them even in that very relation and must
and entertaining of laws for all men to live by if they be such as have that proportion and agreement with my reason as it can discern their goodness I shall then for their own and not for their authors sake accept them But what law can be so framed as to finde universal acceptance or if some could yet so many as for number and use are fit for the goverment of whole nations in all kinds amidst so great variety what agreement can be hoped for in their receipt Are not men usually in this case found rather inclinable to rules of their own invention then obedient to the directions of others Who till they are by some supernatural natural power differenced must be presumed in command but equal and in that respect want that authority which is unto all Law-makers requisite And hence it is that the most famous founders of Common weals have still avouched a God for their Author Whereupon since the force of law must depend on the authority of the Maker and that according to our belief of his sufficiency in himself and interest in us our obedience to his commands will proceed it pleased our All-seeing God in the first Table to settle our reverence and attention to himself He first tells us he is God and that we must have none but him for untill we be brought from the condition of Athiesm what authority can precepts from Divinity have or if other Deities should have equal or better place in our esteem then him our obedience to his commands would not proceed with due readiness And secondly By denying us the making of Images the usual expression of other Deities he doth remove a great bait to this alienation of minde both to them and also the fear of placing our devotions on Creatures or second causes whereby in regard of their unworthiness to him having his presence and authority by their means lessened in our sight our observance to his laws would necessarily fall And as his credit should not be impaired by mingling so neither by perjury nor by common and unnecessary discourse of him as of a person of ordinary esteem therefore thirdly under the prohibition Of taking of his name in vain our highest respect to his honour is challenged upon which the more due observation of his laws will follow And as this duty of reverential obedience is in Scripture commonly known by the name of fear So to implant it and draw on the peoples obedience the better God in giving these fundamental Laws appears more plainly and majestically then ever before or since himself then talking with them from heaven That his fear might be before their faces that they sin not that is break not his laws And fourthly knowing the weakness of our capacities in conceit remembrance of things so sublime and that by practice and iteration we are best wonn to approve keep these things in our mind he appointed a seventh part of our time to be kept holy to that purpose In which last command that seems most strictly enjoyned yet we may observe him to point out that the end of all laws was more ours then his service and therfore he indulgeth not only the cure and other necessary works for the good safety of men but the pulling of an Ox or Ass out of the pit our Saviour concluding in this command as in behalf of all others That the Sabbath was made for man and not man for it And God having thus given fit and sufficient rules for fastning his own authority in our belief he comes to those main precepts which establish our preservation and mutual peace and begins with the foundation of society and government to wit obedience to superiours and that under the notion of the most common and unquestionable relation of that kinde which is parentall For should he have setled obedience under any other relation it could not have been so universally known and binding because all could not be wives nor servants so as the authorities of husbands and masters might be universally inclusive Nor could all yet be subjects inasmuch as there were yet many Independent families not grown so great as that the Master should take on him the title of King and particularly the Jews themselves were yet such It was therefore under this notion the straightest and most universal obligation to obedience because none could be exempt inasmuch as having every one fathers and mothers of their own they were thereupon as under the notion of an officer of power also enjoyned to obedience to the publike father of their country And therefore the observation of this precept being so necessary it is observed to be the first commandment with promise and the end and benefit of it is plainly annexed That our dayes may be long in the land For if slighting the honor and respect due to them and their commands we trust to our private Rules and Wills for publike guidance what will follow but civil discention blood and slaughter which in the sixth and next command he expresly forbids saying Thou shalt not kill a crime so foul that nothing but the life of the offender can satisfie it And then seventhly To prevent occasions of quarrel and murther most commonly arising about propriety he by saying Thou shalt not commit adultery removes it in the chief rise thereof our wives and posterity For to what other use almost labour we the possession of all other things but to furnish and transmit unto them but if my issue be not mine or uncertain with what heart shall I bestow labour for them And then if this parental love and care shall cease shall not nature and providence want one of her maine supports whilst these younglings unable to provide for or help themselves are left in danger of perishing Again suppose them all brought up yet when with the strength of body the knowledge of their different begettings doth come to appear what will follow but scorns derisions and slaughters Therefore as marriage was to be a means to unite families one to another and was therefore forbidden in the same kindred as having this union already made so doth the due observation of wedlock especially on the womans part unite each family in it self and is the most excellent means to peace and agreement Whereas adultery administers occasions of quarrels of parents and families one with another and of the same family in it self And therefore we finde however tendeâ— God is of the life of man the breach of this command is punished with death And then eighthly to steal is to destroy propriety directly and thereby unity when as on the contrary aright to give witness and information in our neighbours business and between party and party is the likeliest way to settle it and peace amongst us which is ninthly commanded when the Bearing false witness against our neighbour is forbidden And lastly Having given us
Where by Judgement and Justice we must suppose the Power of life and death meant and included as other Nations have formerly granted it to Fathers also According to which power formerly given Gen. 9.5 we finde Judah sentencing his daughter-in-Law to be burnt upon suspicion of whoredome which he did both as Father to his own Family and also by the Prerogative of Elder Brother as being every mans Brother in his own Family By which power he afterwards again acquitted her knowing himself to be the man involved in equal guilt even as the adopted elder Brother David did afterwards upon like occasion Therefore for Abraham to have killed his son was not to have exceeded his rightful power for had it so been God would not have commanded and Abraham not knowing any intention of diverting him might have bogled at it But for more full explanation why one person and no more should have power in each Family the reasons being the same shall be discoursed in the title of Soveraignty and other places of Government Monarchical For this Dominion being scarce anywhere absolute in that relation but all Families being included in other Soveraignties the duties of those subordinate thereunto cannot be determined otherwise then by saying they owe their obedience to him in all things not prohibited by such as are superior unto them both Against those that make the institution of the family the eldest as fitting best that ancient thinness of people we shall not contend much though we might instance in the Government of God himself and that of Michael the Arch-Angel among the good and of the devil as Prince among the bad as also that Adam before he had family was by God made Monarch of all Creatures below and of Eve also But for answer to such as hold it barely natural or at least more natural or reasonable then that of Kings I shall first say That if by most natural they mean that practice which is common to men and sensitives also they shall finde the contrary in many instances For when there is any association of Birds Beasts or Fishes it is always under one remarkable Commander of that Flock Herd or Shoal And as for that Government of Family it is among none of them nor can be for except some sorts of Fowl they have not their proper Females and so must want the propriety of the young whereby to make their family And Fowl we see as soon as their brood can flye beat off them and part with one another all becoming strangers And from the coupling and payring of the Fowle we cannot conclude for marriage unless therewith we say that the having more then one wife is unnatural And then for the natural subjection of the females many kindes of them speak the contrary Insomuch as the designation of number and the power over Wives is not natural and constant but political and differing And as for the Males equal care of the yong ones nurture practised in some Fowl it ariseth from his extraordinary assurance of propriety in the brood for from the time of their first congression to her hatching he is never so absent from his Hen as to endanger his jealousie Yet all those Cocks that have more Hens then one though there be no other Cock in the company to cause suspition beat and hate the young And then as for the way of being a servant appropriate to one another in any sort no Creature knows it Come we now to men we hear of Nations practising and some men of reputation propounding the natural community of Wives and so overthrowing Families both which do yet entertain Monarchy The like we may say of the Amazons who have no Families and yet have Monarchy But now if by saying the Government of a Family under one head is natural they mean thereby reasonable we agree and that for the reason heretofore and hereafter to be given namely for unity of Government in Commonwealths which Reasons are most of them so agreeing to both that they shall not need recital And truly when I have impartially considered how both of them have foundation from Divine Authority and political prudence I can lay the mistake of this partiality onely to this that such as write hereof are usually themselves Fathers of Children Masters of Servants or Husbands or likely to be so and then to strengthen the duties of all those relations as in order to themselves we may finde good reason And therefore are not onely all those Texts of Scripture looking that way taken in without any to oppose them but Nature is also brought as its first groundwork so confidently that one would think God Almighty might have spared his Precepts But on the other side Kings are not themselves writers and if they did as in justification of their own Power and subjects Duty it would be called partiality because so many have interest against him And if any of the Subjects out of Conscience of Truth and for the subjects good too if they well considered it write in defence of Monarchy and its power not onely such as have prejudice by being under other forms but other subjects also that have all of them their particular interests and hopes by encrease of liberty will accuse him of flattery For a Monarch is a head above them and so remains the object of continual envy and trouble as eclipsing them all which if away they in democratick equalities if some of them be not more ambitious might be all Monarchs both absolute over their own families and as they could make faction over others also whereas now they of their family and others may appeale in case of oppression Another prejudice against Monarchs is for that their subjects being numerous they must trust the guidance of them in many things to others against whose pride as knowing them to be but their fellow subjects the repine is greater then if the Prince as the Master should act himself all whose miscarriages comes ever to be laid to the fault of the Government it self by such as would be rid of it Which unjust censures or revilings come again through secresie of offendors amongst a multitude or through multitude of offenders as considered in themselves to be unespied or unpunished by the Prince whereas the paucity in the Family enables the Master to act by his own knowledge and quickly to discover complaints which you may well think he will for his credit sake by power or craft smother at least you may think that if he do write or speak of the Masters duty it shall not be in a language as to involve or tax himself As thus in Government of persons so in matter of propriety there is another great prejudice arising to the Monarch above the Master of the Family and that from the same inconvenience in number of subjects also Which is that the Master in regard of his smaller charge can hold all the distributions of his fortune that are alotted to the
under Monarchy Some have thought that a family could not be rightly called so under such a number of persons that is five at least and that in it there must he all relations that is of wife children and servants They might also have aswel put down servants of all sorts that is slaves too because most families in other Countries have them but I considering a family as to preservation of mankind by government and not as to the encrease of it barely say that the sole power of each family as a family belongs to the head thereof and that in the relation of Master too And I do farther conceive that as wife and children are commanded as members of the family where they are so if they dye or depart the family the Master doth still remaine the head of the family although he be now neither husband nor father and that although it be but over two servants aswel as before For although his power be not so extensive over few yet it is as absolute And the same is to be judged againe though he have none but children or none but wives for though these may alter his relation to those under him yet having sole power he continues in the full right of government as Master of the family for considering them in their general relation of governors and governed though the Master from their differing relations that are under him may differ in notion or title yet the power is of God and not from their relations as inferiours If the wife before marriage and being yet free make paction for part of his power yet she is so far from constituting the power belonging to his office that he when he shall judge it necessary may reassume this for ought she as of proper power can hinder The like may be said of children and servants unto whom by promise or without he may suspend or remit the execution of his power as he shall judge fit and yet cannot he be said to have derived power from them Let us now proceed to resemble their orders and relations and then speak of the Anarchy or overthrow of a Family The Master himself we have compared to the King and now his Wife we will compare to the Order of Priesthood in the Kingdom which is to be ruled more by love then fear and yet is to be subject to the same head The Children we may compare to the Nobility and Magistrates who standing in degree between Monarch and people or Master and Servants serve as the Ministers and conveyers of Justice and protection downwards and by their sole dependance of the good of the Monarch or Master serve as Bulwarks against any forcible attempt The servants in the Family do resemble the other subjects in a Kingdom Now this Government in a Family is changed through remisness or weakness in the Master as is the Kingdom through the like in the King for if he act onely by others the acknowledgement will follow the power and themselves through contempt lose or hazard their Soveraignty As if the Master be uxorious then as the undertaking Clergy can make Religious Cognizance stretch as far as they please so the Wife as incident to Women being grown proud of Government will as it were now her own right take all upon her to general discontent But if he be indulgent and trust his power to Children then they neglecting all above them that is power Civil and Ecclesiastical fall a trampling on all the Servants as ambitious Nobles in a Kingdom till the Subjects be Rebels or Slaves And lastly if as making himself equal with his servants he affect popularity too much he thereby loseth his bulwarks of Nobility and Religion things of no esteem with them and lies as a deserved prey to his servants and subjects next violent attempt Let us now see their likeness in their Anarchies If in the weakness or absence of the Master or infancie of the heir the power be exercised partly by the Wife followed with one part of the servants and by the Children followed with others of the Servants so that there is division by factions Anarchy is begun If the Wife prevail as in title to her Husband or as Protector to her son and heir Monarchy is not in much danger because she and the Clergy have great interest in the Crown But if Master and heir dye in the contest and the Children prevail and Govern joyntly then it is one sort of setled Anarchy which is Aristocracy If the servants that took the part with the Masters Title prevail against the Children or the Childrens insolence shall make the servants that followed them desert and joyn with others against them so as to overcome them and rule themselves then it is the other sort of Anarchy namely Democracy both which are upon the same reason as opposite to Government in a Family as in a Kingdom But now although there be more mutterings and repinings in each Family that is against the exercise of the Government of the present Master thereof then is in a Monarchy having consideration to their proportionable numbers yet to set up such standing Factions or to prosecute them so far as to overthrow the form of Government thereof cannot be in like manner subject to the Family as Kingdom and this because the Master or his heirs interest is by Superiors Laws still upheld and then the Masters of all other Families having concern in the example do so order things that the Faction of one Family can never have force enough to prevail by president against so many Whereas in the Monarchy discontented parties having made a Faction so great as to overpower the appointed head therein there is not another present superior fear to keep them from destructive proceedings for other Monarchs will rather help it for gain to themselves and other heads of Families will forward it out of consideration of their share in Government when this one is taken away And none can doubt but that Children and Servants are throughout as desirous and covetous of the Fathers and Masters power and riches as the factious Subjects are of these of a King and would as assuredly make their associations to deprive him thereof and also joyn in confederacy to enjoy them amongst themselves as the other do if they had but equal hopes of prevailing and of being unopposed And could these of a Family secure themselves in their narrow bounds against the Prince and his Laws and the disturbance and intermedling of the Masters of other Families as well as Republikes can fortifie against other Monarchs we should soon finde more Anarchical Families then Kingdoms I mean number for number For since we all know that the Fathers estate is more often and with more covetousness sought then the Kings if Fathers had nothing but their sons Consciences for their defence as Kings have they would often fall into worse fortune But Monarchs wanting first present undertakers of their common
indulgent Father and one that hath never so much as said to them why do you so but hath suffered them to rule and sway over the servants as of their own right by his too great trust to them given these I say are apt to forget the joynt and common interest they have in their Fathers support and thereupon to be drawn into these insurrections But when the Father shall now finde himself despised and shall discover that they as contemning his Authority are begining to make factions amongst his servants as seeking their own interest and ends and thereupon would now begin to curb them and it may be according to Solomons advice put wise servants over these his sons that cause his shame how will they begin to cry out on their slavery when strangers and servants shall be made favorites How ill natured is his own children to his Peers But it is no marvail they tell the rest of the Family and people that they are so used for it is for their sakes and onely because they have ever held up against such as would enslave them for if they would flatter him in such a course they might have preferment and favor enough No no their Conscience and zeal to the publike would not let them be of this Bed-chamber and Court-Junto they are publike spirited and all for the common liberty and good and will maintain the Families or peoples liberties and properties and above all the true Religion If the Father finding his Wife more true do particularly use her assistance or advice Oh what scorn will they cast upon their mother What shall they be ruled by the distaff Are women fit for such employment What shall they be Priest-ridden Let women on Gods Name spin and govern their own maids have they not Callings of their own As if there could not be a greater injury offered them then to tell them that they must be subject to any other precepts of Religion but what was of their own contrivance But all other clamorous maxims come far short of those used by the ordinary servants being now left with none above them the Children and Nobility being dead or disheartned by long contention and others now content to joyn with them in their heady alterations Now come they to conceive and cry out That since the main body of the Family or Kingdom consists of the servants or subjects that therefore their good and advice should be most taken into concern The Master had no other power over them then what he had by paction they by that made him to be a Master and since they entered thereinto but in order to their own good why should they be hindered at any other mans pleasure for the future No since they are now restored to their own just natural freedom again they will not be subject to any sort of rule but what shall be for their own good yea and at their own choice Which once resolved what strange fancies and models of Government do they at once contrive practise over one another What a many of play-days will they make till under the notion of slavery all necessary ways to sustain the Family be neglected How are the names of Tyranny Slavery Liberty Freedom c. tossed up and down like Tennis-balls And because their weakness and inexperience cannot let them see what proportion of Liberty just Government will admit they for fear of want are still crying out Liberty Liberty and as amongst Children there is a contest by way of sport for saying some word or sentence oftenest in a breath so amongst them these that in their Proposals of Government can name and promise Liberty most and can put the other political railing terms of Tyranny Slavery Oppression c. oftenest upon others are concluded to have most infallibly found out the best Government for them to follow In the passed discourse of the power of the Father and Master of the Family and of the subjection and obedience which those that are under them do owe it will not I hope be expected I should enter into the particulars of his duty again in the government of them or of things belonging to the Family more then I shall afterwards set forth the manner of kingly administration therefore upon the reasons before given leaving the Masters part towards his Family to be treated of when I shall speak of the Kings towards his Subjects what hath been said will I conceive be sufficient to set forth the ground and right of the Masters power so far as to estate the obedience of all under him and the inferences thereupon will I hope prove pertinent by their likeness to encourage our subjection and disprove our insurrection against Kings to which end this Discourse was chiefly intended CHAP. IX Of Soveraignty and its Original and of Monarchy or Kingly power BY what hath been delivered both in explaining those many particular Laws from God himself and those many Documents deduceable from the light of Nature for the establishment of Government we cannot in reason now own its Original or that power whereby it is made and foundâ—d to any other then him For in respect the thing it self is of so great honor we may well think God to relate to the particular glory of conferring hereof when upon occasion of impowring the King of Kings he saith My glory will I not give to another For God that hath all power belonging to him having resigned this Scepter into the hands of Chriâ—t to set judgement in the earth and cause the Isles to wait for his Law it is not for men to set up to themselves such Images of Authority as are of their own graving and contrivance lest we be found resisting and opposing him in these his proper attributes of kingdom power and glory even by refusing or opposing such Ministers and forms of Administration as are by him to this end appointed amongst us Insomuch that if any should think it of humane production and argue that because the good and preservation of the people was the cause of this power in Princes that therefore these people must be the originals thereof also they would by this assertion rob God of his due For although they and their good are partly the final cause yet are they so passive therein as it cannot be reasonably conceived how they shall be able to act above or upon that power they must suffer under and their good again being subservient and much inferior to a higher and better end Gods glory it will follow that this as the more worthy must upon the same ground prove the final cause also and the other remain but as a means thereunto And if the people be thus weak herein what claim shall they lay to be efficient causes How can they be brought to bestow what they had not Or shall we think that now in corrupted Nature men have farther power to order and govern themselves then
if we proceed by such self-injuries how shall the damage of our neighbour be avoided in whose and our destruction there will happen a diminution to Gods general property in mankinde by loss of so many individuals Upon which ground we see that Kings as Gods Vicegerents and under him proprietors of their whole territories must for the enabling them in their account have account given them for the life of each one of his subjects which although destroyed by himself is yet murther and the party culpable as Felo de se. So then There is no power but of God and the powers that are are ordained of him he it is that taketh away kings and setteth up Kings a God of Gods and Lord of Kings he is and he himself by paramount right beareth rule over the kingdoms of men and giveth them to whom he will The which to deny and to ascribe this gift and power to any earthly derivation is with Nebuchadnezzar to have the â—eart and understanding of a beast onely not of a reasonable creature And Daniel farther tells Baltshazar The most high God gave thy father a kingdom and majesty and honor and glory and for the majesty that he gave him all people nations and languages trembled and feared before him he put to death whom he would and whom he would he set up and whom he would he put down all which as it shews the original of power so being spoken of heathen kings what can more directly point out the largeness of authority necessarily belonging to that office as derived from God to whom all the kingdoms of the earth belong and whose Lieutenants they are Could the law of nature or any other unknown prerogative of one man over another have otherwise made the taking of mans life away other then murther had not a power herein been thus gotten from God who onely had it to be exercised by his Vicegerent to enable him as before said to put to death whom he would Which general power of the sword of justice we may find given to Kings at the same time God gave over the immediate managery thereof himself for so are we to understand the words at the hand of every mans brother will I require the life of man namely to denote unto us that Officer who is appointed to the execution of this power For although God will have mans blood now punished by man himself yet it is not to be done by every one but by such an one as should personate and represent every man as being every mans brother so that by the words hand and brother in the singular number we are to understand that this power of life and death is hereby put into the trust of this publike and general person now the adopted elder brother under and after the law as it was in the natural elder brother before the law And that this verse was not idlely added to the former but to signifie this common person the King will most plainly appear by comparing it with that description of Kingly office particularly given to the Jews in which this officer is there specified under that relation of brother three times and under no notion else one from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee thou mayest not set a stranger over thee which is not thy brother and againe it is there said that his heart be not lift up above his brethren In which places since the relation of brotherhood is so often used and not any other word or relation as of bidding them choose one of their own nation country kindred religion c. it must shew it to be a direct paraphrase on this place And that which will yet most of all clear it will be the observation that this first prediction and appointment of Kingship by God all the world over was upon the same occasion with this prophesie and appointment of kingship by Moses amongst the Jews because that in both places the relation and notion of brother is set down by occasion of the establishment of the like chief mark of their office namely supream judicature For as in this place this publike officer and judge was appointed upon occasion of Gods first setting down positive laws for men to be governed by so in this place of Moses it is set down after and upon occasion of setling the power of supreme judicature between blood and blood c. in one judge amongst that people Some have thought the judiciary power and the designation of magistracy not to be set down till the sixth verse and that in the most general terms of who so sheddeth c. But I conceive that verse to contain a general recital of Gods care of humane preservation by the vindicative prosecution of the causers of his death whither man or beast both which had been before particularly spoken to For that chap. containing expressions of Gods providence for man and beast after their former destruction we may note that as the forbidding to eat blood was sacramentally delivered to teach men clemency and abstinence in that their indulgence for dominion and food over beasts so on the other side to shew us that God careth for men too it is next added and the blood of your lives will I require at the hand of every beast By which words since we cannot conceive how beasts should be otherwise in that kind responsible to God then by his Minister of justice amongst us we must therefore conclude the requiring hereof at the hand of every beast and at the hand of every man is to be made good by that judiciary authority of every mans brother next following All which will plainly appear to be the sense hereof by the 21 Chap. of â—xodus where laws are set down for men and beasts in that kind offending which are to be exercised by the present judiciary power and not left to every man in the literal sense But to return to the other part of kingly power according to Daniels description By setting up and pulling down whom he pleasâ—th we may see the subordination of all estates orders and degrees of subjects unto him inasmuch as the power of all other magistrates must be reckoned but as derived from him as supreme and their power but as parts and slips of his entire trust And this was well denoted when God took part of Moses spirit to enable the subordinate Ministers to exercise their functions for although God had sufficient of his own to give as yet unbestowed yet to shew the necessity of their dependance and subordination for establishment of government he grants them portions onely of what had been entirely conferred on one before that so agreement and unity might be preserved by this unity of spirit and bond of peace which would else be distracted by plurality of persons And to this end were these persons to be at Moses choice also for the Lord said unto Moses Gather
unto me seventy men of the Elders of Israel whom thou knowest to be Elders of the people c. and I will come down and talk with thee and will take of the spirit which is upon thee and will put it upon them and they shall bear the burthen of the people with thee that thou bear it not thy self alone Which places plainly shew that although God at Moses suit did give others power to bear part of the burthen yet is their manner of constitution so ordered as to minde them of subordination to the Monarch and again there is nothing of popular consent herein All which would be well considered by such as are so credulous of the soveraign power of the Sanhedrim This delegation of power from God to Kings was usually conferred under the name of Unction for so saith Samuel in annointing Saul is it not because the Lord hath annointed thee to be Captain over his inheritance plainly implying the power and office to be conferred with the unction and that also as coming from God the Lord hath annointed thee And therefore under this incommunicable and sacred title of Gods anointed their protection is again by God more expresly owned then of other persons This unction or mark of power is in the first place due and proper to Christ thereupon called the Christ or the annointed of God Hereupon all the kingdoms of the earth are our Lords and he also is King of kings and Lord of lords and prince of the Kings of the earth Moreover he being the eternal wisdom of his father by and under him it is that kings raign and princes decree justice nay the very heathen are his inheritance and the utmost ends of the earth his possession And as in acknowledgement of derivation of office and power from Christ Kings as anointed under him do waer his cross on their Crowns so by vertue of this Unction as by a kinde of Sacrament it is that their persons have ever been held so sacred that none have ever yet found out a way or dared to practice the annihilation of the stile it self of King more then that of Father from the same persons that were really so as in other officers set up by humane authority is usually done by way of degradation The which amongst Christians hath been chiefly confirmed by the example of Davids usage towards Saul and Ishbosheth both of them his open and professed enemies Against the first of which although there might be high faults objected and that against God also who did thereupon by Samuel make so much known of his will of rejecting him that the people could not be ignorant thereof yet because they wanted express warrant from God to be actors therein as Jehu had they durst not presume to lift up their hands against the Lords annointed Nay David himself durst not do it although his advantage by his overthrow and his oportunity to do it were most apparant and who also had as high provocations from Saul as might have tempted any ordinary humor of revenge and had farther beyond the pretence of any ordinary subject or any order of them as great a presumption of insubjection as could be because of his own Unction by Gods appointment and from his knowdledge of Sauls rejection Yet he in proof of derivation of kingly Power from God only findes nothing but express authority from that God that hath set them up to be warrantable for the pulling them down they were the Lords anointed not the peoples It was therefore his part and much more is it the part of others now to permit that powerful hand that brought this rod upon them to have liberty to remove it in a way and time of his own For how can they do it as subjects and from whence should they derive insubjection If then they be Gods anointed the rightful power to govern accordingly must be therewith conferred or else the Unction were vaine and in a mockery of God If the politick corporation confer the power let the charter and seal of Office that speaks it be produced let us see the hands and seals of those that conferred this power as also their Commissions and authorities for so doing that we may be satisfied with the just derivation thereof But now as donations and assignations of humane interests use to pass and be conferred from one party to another by such like wayes of conveyance and none else so this passing by anointing it must shew it to be confessedly of a different nature But to give a cleerer light to the comprehension and distinction of Divine Right and Authority in these things we shall here take leave a little to digress As to deny God Almighty to be the prime and supreme cause of all things and of those vertues and abilities whereby each thing is effected is perfect Atheism so on the other hand to submit and fasten on him as immediate Agent those operations which by the ordinary course of his Providence he hath appointed to be the productions of natural causes doth as strongly argue ignorance but if in those effects and productions which may to our sense be observed to come to pass by the interposition of such second Agents as neither by any naturalness in themselves nor observation of ours could be reasonably concluded the causes of them in that case again to deny divine power and ascribe to Nature and second Agents what is above their reach is both Athiesm and folly too To ascribe the hardening of the Clay to God Almighty and not to the Sun or Fire is to be foolishly derogatory to him even as it is also to deny him to be the cause of that heat and vertue in the Sun or Fire whereby it came to pass And no less then so it is to ascribe to the vertue of the Clay that Cure which our Saviour wrought on the blinde man for neither any known naturalness in that Agent nor observation of the like elswhere could reasonably warrant such presumption therein As thus in Inanimates and the general course of Providence there ought to be a discreet distinction made by us in the setting down of what operations are immediately Divine and what Natural so much more in those things which are wrought by Creatures reasonable and where as well the Agent as Patient are voluntary as in Matters of Government and instruction it fareth In which respect since there cannot be any natural Reason or Cause assigned why the will of one should be efficatious to the Government of the will of another as in it self it must follow that that constant course and setled way of so doing must be attributed to Divine Authority only Constant and setled way I say for that there may many humane contrivances be made to introduce temporary subjection and agreement which cannot lay claim to be of divine institution and because again although this Monarchical Government be alone Jure Divino and so onely
constant as to the way and form yet through humane frailty it may many times fail in the measure and end of its efficacy The Officers that are to claim their Functions and Authority as Jure Divino are first the King or Monarch who is from and under God himself established as well in causes Ecclesiastical as Civil supreme Governor And then Fathers Masters and Husbands as Civil Governors And then those of the Clergy as spiritual guides and directors under this their chief guide and director unless it be where and when this Master or Father of the Family is insubjected and independent at which time he being himself a supreme Monarch hath as Elder Brother those Priest-like and Civil Offices of instruction and coertion by the Law of God united in the same unsubordinate person even as amongst those great and more ancient Families it fared before Nations came to be under kingship or that the Priesthood was divided from the Civil power Nor doth matter of Reason alone as already and hereafter to be shewed prove the Authority of these Functions to be Divine but the express precepts by God himself to that purpose given do beyond dispute settle these Officers and none else as of Divine right immediately to them derived for authorising them in their acts of Government and Power By which words of immediately derived we may know how to put a difference between that Power and Authority which is exercised by Kings themselves who hold of none but God above them and that which others their Magistrates perform who being ordained in their power by the Prince cannot be said to hold their powers otherwise then as immediately received from him But although in this regard of subordination it may be in some sense true that the Priest and Master of the Family may be also said to derive their power from the King where Kingship is even because in the exercise thereof they may be by him directed or limited yet is there a great difference to be put between them and Magistrates in respect of claim to divine right in performance of their Functions The Magistrate as he is positively affirmatively impowred by the Prince so is he also negatively under him in the execution thereof the Priest and Master of the Family on the other side have all their positive power of instruction and jurisdiction from God alone derived being negatively onely restrainable by the Monarch in the outward act and execution thereof whereas to the King himself it is alone peculiar as to be by none but God affirmatively impowered so to be by none but him negatively restrainable But then again although in each independent family the offices of instruction and coercion be united in chief in the person of the same Master yet between the Authorities which those of the Priesthood and the Masters of Families do severally execute where they are not united there is unto the Order of Priesthood a greater honor annexed in respect of divine Claym and Authority then to the other and that not onely because instruction must be supposed to precede coercion in time and order but also in dignity in respect or the different dignities of those that are to be the objects of their Authorities the Priestly Function presupposing always a more noble Object namely such an one as is indued with understanding and wit whereas bare coercion can reach unto neither of them And under the Gospel again a farther addition of honor and divine Authority will arise from the observation of that more spiritual charge and Function they inwardly claim towards the promotion and exercise of Gods kingdom in our hearts whereas amongst the Jews the drift of the Priests instructions had for objects the outward acts and Ceremonies chiefly In which regard of instruction and preaching the Fundamentals of Christianity taken as Gospel duties they stand by means of special ordination thereto not onely separately distinguished and enabled above other humane power as the persons to instruct and teach Gods will are distinct and in that respect above those that are to obey but also whilst they meddle not with such things as have tendency to civil Peace and Duty they are unsubordinate to the Prince himself nay above him too as his spiritual Fathers and as having their efficacy and holding their authority herein immediately from Christ as his Ministers and not of the political head of the Commonweal The Father and Master of the family enter upon their authorities and function according to natural course and equity without personal designation and appointment from the Prince and his power and are afterwards restrainable in all things as he shall think good but those of the Priesthood although they were by the laws and authority of the prince personally ordained to stand as Gods Ministers yet are they on the other side as Gods immediate Ambassadors and prophets subordinate to none And this Gospel duty of preaching besides publike prayers and administrations of the Sacraments are to remaine as the proper duties of persons in holy orders without exemption of the prince himself For although to each prince in order to peace and government the chief and general care of instruction in the wayes of righteousness doth appertain as it doth also in each family to the Master thereof yet doth the office and efficacy of instruction in the mysteries of Gods inward kingdome depend on the authority of none but God himself But these things are to be understood of the Clergy in their spiritual Functions onely and as they relate to one another as equally Gods Ministers and not as they are differenced amongst themselves in reference to that distinct proportion of external jurisdiction and power alotted them for peace and order sake For as in the first respect they are under none but God so in the second they are wholly subjected to the Prince he being as great Bishop and overseer of the whole Church to preside over the Bishops of the particular Diocesses thereof upon the same Reason and divine Authority that the Diocesan doth preside over the Parochial Minister And upon the same ground that the Prince as great and general Father and Master of the whole kingdom doth preside in the Government of each Family by means of that civil Magistracy which is exercised under him in like manner doth he as head of the Church preside over the whole Clergy in Ecclesiastical administrations by means of this Episcopal jurisdiction which is to be by him directed or restrained of all which more hereafter Having thus far premised in the declaration and distinction of Officers and Functions of Divine right for the better understanding the present Question as well as many other discourses which will hereafter follow where the same shall be farther proved by Scripture I hope it will to all unprejudiced men appear That although God doth not now as sometimes formerly so immediately expresly operate in the unction and designation of particular persons or
that there is not now any special Ordinances sent from Heaven by the Ministery of Angels or Prophets as amongst the Jews sometimes it was yet can we not hence infer that their power can now arise from nothing else amongst Christians but the pactions and agreements of such and such politick Corporations unless they will also say that nothing is to be acknowledged as from God but where himself or his express Messenger is seen But they should observe the difference of Gods pleasure in the degrees of his manifestations to us under the Gospel over it was to them of former times and how that since God was manifest in the flesh those former and more express extraordinary ways for setting up of Kings have ceased amongst other things For God who at sundry times and in divers manners spake in times past unto the Fathers by the Prophets hath in these last days spoken unto us by his son whom he hath appointed heir of all things by whom as God made the world so doth he now uphold all things by the word of his power A great part of which power is that power of Kingship whereby as God hath committed all power to the son so Christ again being ascended on high amongst other gifts he gave unto men this of power of Government was one And in Christs hand it shall alone continue till the end of the world at which time the son also himself shall be subject unto him that put all things under him that God might be all in all that is may personally and immediately again govern that new Heaven and new earth wherein dwelleth righteousness whereas the iniquities and violence of men in this world had by degrees caused him to make this his recess from appearing in their government himself as we shall in brief declare In the first age God appears as in person and speaks by lively voice in the emergencies of mans directions for so appears he to Adam in his instructions and although he hide himself for fear of guilt yet his acknowledging to have heard his voice in the Garden shews plainly he was used thereunto And that this appearance was not streightned to Paradise or good men alone may appear by Gods Colloquy with Cain who was not at all we see feared or startled at any unexpected strangeness but answers very familiarly Am I my brothers keeper But at such time as all flesh had corrupted their way and that God saw the immaginations of mans heart was evil and that continually he resolved his Spirit should no more strive with man that is he would not so immediately undertake his government here whereby to be provoked to any other repenting that he made man a Creature so polluted that he must be washed by a flood After the flood God begins to give standing directions for mans guidance and submits the execution of them to man also God will not longer immediately reprove and punish as in the case of Abel but whosoever sheddeth mans blood by man shall his blood be shed Which Precept as we may not as before noted conceive given that murther should be punished with murther by leaving every person power to kill in revenge as he saw cause so we may farther gather what was the Officer designed hereunto by that blessing which God gave unto Abraham the person he next appeared unto when he said I will make Nations of thee and Kings shall come out of thee After this promise we shall finde that Gods next appearance to Abraham is by Angels not by himself as formerly to him and others he may be noted to have onely done and in this way of manifestation he ordinarily continued till Moses after whom another sort of messengers succeeded of a lower allay namely Prophets The which as they served to give divine direction in that particular kingdom of the Jews during its time of Theocrity so did they cease at the coming of our Saviour and calling of the Gentiles for they prophesied but till John who may be said to conclude these appearances for direction in our Government which should come from that person of the God-head that made the world and to foreshew all power to be managed by that person that redeemed it that is by Christ by whose Authority and Precepts we were to be outwardly governed as well as to be inwardly guided by those of the Holy Ghost of which more in the Discourse of Religion as also of the surcease of miraculous appearances Christ being thus become King of Kings we are not to expect him expresly putting in these his several Deputies no more then while he is doing any thing else It is enough that he hath left us his own and his Apostles many Precepts for obedience unto them which surely he would never have done if such an office were not to have still continued It is enough we have Moses and the Prophets setting forth this succession of kingship as Gods Vicegerents if through stubbornness We will not believe them neither will we believe though one should rise from the dead Therefore as Christ was to succeed his Father in his Regency of men here below so doth he not alter the way and form of administration thereof by Kings formerly used nor yet the substance and general scope of those former Precepts by God given to that purpose but leaving the one as well as the other to stand in force by his not repealing them he may then be supposed also to have made his recess from personal administration for our good upon the same ground that God himself did before to wit that those frequent repetitions of impiety oppression and other sins which we hourly commit might not be continually provoking divine Justice to our destruction For so we finde God saying to the Israelites Exod. 33 3. I will not go up in the midst of thee for thou art a stiff-necked people lest I consume thee in the way And as this was by God spoken after the promulgation of the Law and just upon his promise of sending an Angel or chief governor like Joshua before them as is set down in the verse before so may we finde Christ also after he had for the space of forty days spoken of the things pertaining to the kingdom of God and that to the Apostles his then supreme Deputies to make his recess likewise from immediate administration in the things of this world reteining to himself still his high prerogative of King of Kings his actual Session at the right hand of God far above all principalities and powers And so far should this delegation be from lessening Gods or Christs just power in our esteem as it will upon due consideration increase it for omnipotency should not be omnipotency if potency of any kind were excluded And therefore as in the general course of Providence his Almightiness is the more apparent by enabling second causes and weak instruments to produce and
execute effects proper to deity onely so in this particular of Government by delegation to authorise and enable others which of themselves could otherwise claim neither power nor right herein it doth by conferring one another without diminution in himself so far by addition imply an augmentation of power inasmuch as self-ability simply considered is not so large as when unconfinedly all things or any thing can be made susceptible of this strength In which doing the weakness of the instrument will also increase the reputation of the Agent by having his strength made perfect and apparent in weakness when from so low a degree its honor and power shall be so advanced that it shall be as it were a second deity able to act things proper to deity onely as in right of government and that without all just pretence of arrogating to themselves or derogating from him So that now we ought rather to admire and magnifie the ways of Gods government amongst us then by such reprobate and Athiestical Tenents seek to dethrone him and set up our selves in his stead For if our Pactions and Associations here below can once make us independent on him what will they be but Conjurations and Conspiracies against Heaven and so upon the matter must he be subject to our apprehensions and appetites and either in the way of government operate as expresly and personally as in former times or else must we conclude it reasonable to deny his care or interest therein at all As if because God was onely known more immediately to create the first man therefore all now must owe their Creation to their Parents only as not having in our sense any other cause of production then the known way of generation common to us with all other things Or because God doth not now rain Manna Quails or other things from Heaven as to the Jews he sometimes did but that the Sun the Earth and other Elements together with mans industry are the onely sensible immediate conveyers and causes of all our food and other benefits we enjoy it is therefore reason that our ignorance in his ways of dispensation should forthwith exclude our acknowledgement of his care and providence and make the usual returns of thanks we give for such things appear rather to proceed from complement then duty By this Doctrine we may as well also conclude against mans right of Dominion over other Creatures because the first Dominion was immediately given to Adam and Noah onely when yet by priviledge of birth we have right to inherit also whatsoever belonged to them as men this being a natural and common and not a personal prerogative onely The like we must hold of heirship to the government of a Family not making its power dependant on the Will or any consent to be derived from Wife Children or Servants but he exercising and enjoying it as proper to the Office And what were this Doctrine but to overthrow and walk quite contrary to the Doctrine of Christianity which constitutes and commends Faith where present sense is wanting and in matters of divine doctrine or example pronounceth him happy that shall not see and yet believe For if God muâ—t be always tyed to evident demonstrations in the manifold dispensations of his Spirit and of every good and perfect gift from him proceeding then must miracles be continual as that of the fiery tongues otherwise in such spiritual donations how shall sense be sâ—tisfied we are receivers at all Or if no such manifestation now be must we thereupon make answer that we know not so much as whether there be a Holy Ghost or no or because there is now no such manifest breathings used nor no persons of equal authority to Christ or his Apostles to confer ordination must we say therefore that that power whereby Priests and Ministers exercise their spiritual Functions is meerly humane and from them onely received that are immediate workers therein What were this but as before we had thrust God out of Government and superintendency of the state by reckoning his Vicegerent as the peoples so now to interdict him any particular care or Authority of the Church also by accounting his Ministers our own But in sum this power of Kings belongs to them as Kings and by vertue of these their Offices it is that God owns the very Heathen as servants and Deputies to himself for so Nebuchadnezzar Cyrus c. held and exercised their Authorities and yet had no special revelation or Ministery for their enthroning as had Saul or David or different from other Princes And indeed if this power came not by office then are all hereditary Princes but usurpers and falsly said to reign in their fathers stead for how could they reign without power and have power without special ministration As for example Solomon held his Kingdom from God and by as good right as his Father and that by force of his Office and Unction although ministred but in the ordinary way and at his Fathers command onely he held it not from any paction of the people who rather looked on Adoniah as the true heir and accordingly joyned with him in rebellion And if any think that it was in regard of some special occasion God was to employ Nebuchadnezzar c. that they were thus particularly owned this is not denyed but the question is whether that extraordinary power or that ordinary one over their Subjects common to them with other Princes came by any extraordinary revelation or designation from Heaven so as both to enable their subjects to elect and appoint those individual persons without regard to their right otherwise and then those persons also to act and execute accordingly But although nothing extraordinarily appeared yet do these Kings confess their power from God and we finde it the custom for all Kings to write themselves Dei Gratia and acknowledge the holding their kingdoms and powers from God onely To this purpose amongst Christians especially their Crowns Scepters Swords c. as Emblems of power are first offered and then received from the Altar by the last act acknowledging their power from God onely by the other offering it to his glory and service the main end of policy And therefore though Jephtah had an ordinary way of entrance to the Government namely by making Association he was brought in by the faction and assistance of the Gileadites yet is he reckoned sent of God as well as Jerubaal Bedan and Samuel who had extraordinary ministration So that although God do leave those intervenient actions of Succession Election Conquest c. to the same ordinary event of Providence with other things in mens choice and dispose which may therefore in a sort be called a humane Creature yet the collation of power is from him onely no otherwise then in marriage the Husbands power over the Wife depends of it self and not on any resignation from 〈◊〉 although for her greater obligation toobedience her
they think them to have their power when instead of giving they are but restrictions and abatements thereof for so upon good heed it wil be found and that these liberties of people have arisen but from the grants of former Princes and not Princes power from them even thereby acknowledging all power to spring from its proper root So that when people lay claim to any Priviledge the Charter or Grant of such and such a Prince is alledged as its ground and Authority wherein they then being petitioners and â—â—il stiling themselves subjects there is no more reason why the indulgence of former Princes or Rebellion or Force of Subjects should be of more avail to despoil Princes of their just power and Soveraignty then for Wife or Children in any Association of theirs by way of Fact to take on them the rights and power of Master of the Family For although in different Countries and places the Marital or Paternal power is more or less and so also Bishops Pastors c. are in some places restrained more then in others in Ordaining Preaching Baptizing and also in jurisdiction and government shall we therefore conclude their Offices and Powers was not at first founded and so to continue as from God but is at the liberty of Wife Children or People both how far and whether it shall be so or no. And to come yet neerer because they are usually esteemed the greatest Princes that have greatest store of Subjects it should be thence thought that their power was from people because encreased according to their power and number What shall we then think of such as have power encreased from their wealth from their Forts Magazines Arms Navy or by the valour and military discipline of their people What is power therefore first in these things and from them derived to Princes doth the Artificer receive the power or skill belonging to him as Artificer from the instruments can they make no difference between having power over and receiving power from What do Princes Treasures Militia c. convene in their underived Majesties and freely elect also have Military subjects double or treble Votes because they have more power Nay are not Princes to derive all their power from them for they usually set them up and uphold them nothing less reasonable For as that Father that hath none but weak or indigent Children is yet as much and truely a Father as he that hath rich and potent ones even so these additions do not constitute formally the power or office of any King or Monarch but are onely accessory qualifications to difference them in their comparative powers from one another And therefore although in the glory of such actions of Children or Subjects that flow not formally from their relations as such and do yet reach to the honoring of their Father or Prince it may be said that honor is in the honoring and not in the honored meaning that it is in the honoring first yet can neither they nor any subordinate Corelate as heretofore noted be truely said to be originals of any honor or power formally in them by vertue of that relation wherein Father Prince or other Superiors stood to them as principle but on the other side since they voluntarily entred not into these relations nor had been Sons or Subjects had not the intervenient acts of Generation Conquest c. made them such it must follow that what was the Author and Cause of that relation must be Author and Original of that Honor which is thereby caused and may consequently challenge the propriety and disposal thereof Whereupon we may infer that such Concessions of predecessors are no more binding then the presidents of an indulgent Parent ought of right to take from the heir that power which afterwards as Father of a Family shall come to be necessary and due unto him but as forceable Entries are in Law and Equity held invalid towards the disseisin of a true proprietor the like must be held in these usurpations and encroachments on the Soveraignty And therefore as they supposing power in the people do thence infer that as they are trusters so they are to re-assume as they think good so it now truly appearing that power is from the Soveraign if he or his predecessors have indulged more then he findes will now stand with publike good he may rightfully reassume also From all which premises we may conclude Soveraignty to be a Power deputed from God to one person for the Government of such or such a Kingdom or Society From God I call it because as elsewhere shewed all power is from him onely and to one person it must be because as the original of power affects unity in himself so was he never found equally to distribute or entrust it otherways If you will you may call Soveraignty the puissance of any Society united in one person for the attaining political ends Where by Puissance is understood that natural Force Vertue Vigor or Ability which the Subjects had before to operate externally which doth now come by this congression as the sticks of a Faggot by the band according to the usual tale or allusion of the old man to his Children for Unity to receive such augmentation of strength as to accomplish and subdue those ends and difficulties which divided were not to be done so that as without it the Major part took on them as the representative whole uncontrolable power over the Minor so the Prince being no more truely the whole hath irresistable power also By external operations is meant the prosecution of such desires as may be of a forraign concern onely or that have influence or respect beyond the party acting for otherwise my own will is still director But where loss or gain cannot be wholly centred in my self rules of association do require that application and direction be made and sought from the common center of a Commonwealth Therefore although in natural strength and bodily force the Prince continue still but of equal ability to others yet through this resignation by submission having more then all he is of power to act against all opposition according as reason and political good shall dictate Political ends or the good of association is either that of Peace or that of Plenty the one made by submitting our own several powers of decision unto the determination of one uncontrolable Judge the other by his distributing as from a Center again to people the circumference the assurances of propriety protection other benefits consistent with political utility justice This vigor is not onely gotten by way of addition or accumulation as when for the removal of the strength or opposition of a powerful faction he is assisted with the strength of others but sometimes by suspention of vigor in the subjects whereby his power comes to be more by their having less or by their obedience he grows able to command If you will have a larger description Soveraignty which
to inherit and when he giveth you rest from all your enemies round about so that ye dwell in safety which they had not nor did not at their election of Saul then there shall be a place which the Lord your God shall coohse to cause his name to dwell there That is more eminently to dwell there in respect of the greater glory of this one place and this one deputy so much more lively representing the unity and glory of him that thus miraculously procured their rest and safety therein It savoured of ingratitude to Samuel also who now grown old in their service they might have patiently attended to have let him honorably end his dayes in the government And besides that Gods granting it makes the having of a King lawful they that then refused or slighted the Office saying How shall this man save us are called sons of Belial that is men without yoak or rebels And we may farther conclude Gods decree for establishment of this Office in that is was before promised as a dignity and reward to Samuel himself that he should walk before Gods anointed for ever which must express the Office of a King shortly to ensue for Judges were not anointed even as it must also import that it should be an honor for him to attend him They that would urge this expression of they have not rejected thee but me they have rejected to import their direct abandoning Gods regency as God and not their desire onely of the change of the Function and Officer he had before deputed over them and so think that now Princes had not their power from God as his Ministers but were to derive it from the peoples pactions should rather methinks have grounded their opinion on the Israelites former expression at their election and submission to their first earthly governor in chief Moses For thereby a refusal of God and Paction with Moses may be rather inferred Speak thou with us and we will hear but let not God speak with us least we dye Here the people are set down as expresly declining Gods immediate government and as choosing and treating with another for the exercise thereof Whereas in this place they object nothing against Gods more immediate medling with them at all And therefore this phrase of rejected me is to be construed as in relation to their disobedience and rejecting of Gods commands onely and not of his person but as by consequence In which way of interpretation there are many places of Scripture that may warrant us but none that can instance where the Jews or any of the Gentile Churches or people did either wholly or at all so abandon Gods or Christs regency as to choose or submit to any absolute or Independent Prince or governor and not rather as to Gods Deputy and Minister think themselves obliged to obedience unto him aswel in conscience as for fear of wrath and bare political respect And if any think these expressions I will set a King over me like c. and again him thou shalt set over thee c. do import that therefore their power is from the people they may observe the people to come to Samuel to make a King over them and although he delayed it yet they knowing of no such power of themselves come to him again inasmuch as Samuel said unall Israel Behold I have hearkened unto your voice in all that you said unto me and have made a King over you and verse the 13 it is said Behold the Lord hath set a King over you as truely shewing whence his power came for however as aforesaid circumstances made it evil as good things may be evilly done yet their having and desiring a King were both from God And that the Office was given to them as a blessing may be farther noted from Gods speech to Samuel To morrow about this time I will send thee a man out of the land Benjamin and thou shalt anoint him to be Captain over my people Israel that he may save my people out of the hand of the Philistines for I have looked upon my people because their cry is come unto me Which last words do plainly declare the intended end and benefit of this Kingly Function and they may well prove Gods designation thereof as the means even as he had designed the end the safety and good of his people And as these words prove the constitution of the Office and that in kindeness although their hasty demand might make the person given as a punishment even so the former part of the verse Thou shalt anoint him to be Captain over my people must shew both his supreme power and from whence the Authority of this Officer was derived that is from God not from the People A farther proof that the desire of Kingship was not a fault in the Jews is that neither David nor Stephen nor any else reckoning up the faults of that Nation committed from time to time against God did account this for one Nay this particular person and his power were from God in such sort that it was no more in their power to refuse then to steal or murther and yet be innocent and therefore we must interpret that which is called the renewing of the kingdom at Gilgal with him and the Covenanting of the Israelites with David to be nothing else but to shew to the people the person whom God had chosen that they might continue in obedience to him and his stock Whereupon as this was necessary in Saul and David because the first of their Families so was it after left off in their Children who still raigned in their stead that is in their right onely according to Gods promise to David to establish the Throne upon his seed for ever And therefore I hope it was not in the peoples power as in right of their paramount Soveraignty to refuse this Family or take another if it had sure God did them great wrong to settle it thus without their just consents So that Gods not shewing them these Kings till himself had determinately anointed and appointed them that Power and Office shews he acknowledged no Negative voice of Government to reside in them but onely the duty of subjection to which end their Oaths and Promises of Alleageance were to be made before him as is signified by the offering Sacrifice at Gilgal of which more hereafter And as the fore-cited Prophecy and Direction of Moses did plainly shew Kingship to follow this first setling the Jewish Nation in safety and honor so almost all the Prophesies of their restauration do again run in the same manner But because we shall speak of some of the rest elsewhere we will here onely speak of that set forth in these eight last Chapters of Ezechiel which is undeniably pregnant and express herein There this Office of kingship is so particularly described that the usual gloss of Antimonarchical men in attributing to
Christ that power and honor which in some places is given to Kings finds no colorable shift in this place because it is said And my Prince shall no more oppress my people Which Oppression being not to be feared from Christ himself and the admonition being in the plural number it cannot be thought congruous for him as on the otherside the assignation of a certain portion of Land for his maintenance not to be alienated or encroached by any of his servants but to remain to his Children only must intend Kings not Christ. And so must shew also both the designation and setled perpetuity of that Office who as the supreme Officer of power and honor is in this recess of God to retain the Image of his Authority and be acknowledged as in his stead As may most plainly appear by that command of keeping the Eastgate for him only saying This gate shall be shut it shall not be opened and no man shall enter by it because the Lord the God of Israel hath entred by it therefore it shall be shut it is for the Prince the Prince he shall sit in it to eat bread before the Lord he shall enter by way of the porch of that gate and shall go out by way of the same Nor can we by Prince understand chief Priest as some would because they neither had this power of Oppression and also were distinguished from the Prince under the notion of the sons of Zadock and so had Lands distinct assigned for their maintenance And therefore again although the Priests are there appointed to put difference between Holy and Prophane and to judge in the Assemblies of God they are still to be supposed as under the Prince herein being presently appointed to be the sons of Zadock which are to be presumed Loyal as having been by the King put into that ministration for that very reason when Abiathar for joyning in rebellion with the rest of Israel was by the King thrust out So that the Priests here spoken of being always set under the notion of sons of Zadock it seemed needless to set down that in this or other things they should be subordinate to the Prince for this Zadock and his successors representing the Evangelical Priesthood were by Gods appointment 1 Sam. 2.35 to have a sure house built them and to walk before Gods anointed for ever the last words signifying at once the perpetuity of both Christian Kingship and Priesthood as well as priestly subordination to succeed And if we shall take these chapters as prophetick to set forth the state and pattern of the Christian Church as usually is done by Christians and not as literall to the Jews onely as they usually do then nothing can remain more luculent and cleer then the divine direction hereof for the perpetuity of this Office in the Christian Church in order to other Prophecies elsewhere mentioned of having Kings to be their nursing Fathers and Queens their Nurses and of the Churches having sons whom they may set as Princes in all Lands Which Office as it is undeniably therein appointed so to make it farther appear to be prophesied as necessary to compleat the Church in a state of perfection and happiness we shall finde that it is to be shewed to the Jews as an unquestionable plot to that purpose and to be promised them upon their good abbearance saying If they be ashamed of all they have done shew them the form of the house and the fashion thereof c. that they may keep the whole form thereof and all the Ordinances thereof and do them By which we may finde that in policies established according to the pattern in the Mount Kingship and Priesthood must be and that the one can be no more omitted then the other How this Office of Kingship was ordained to accompany and compleat the flourishing estate of the Jewish Church and to precede and be instrumental in building the Temple will be more fully discoursed hereafter when we shall have occasion to speak of such places of Scripture as contain a connexion of promises to that purpose as 2 Sam. 10.11 c. 2 Chr. 17.9 10 11 c. and other places All of them plainly shewing that Jerusalem or the Church is or ought to be builded as a City that is compact together or is at unity in it self that is hath an inward principle and ground-work of Unity and Peace in it self from this Divine appointment of one Governor to preside therein even by setting there the Thrones of judgement the Thrones of the house of David and not as left to a plain way of dis-union and division by means of any poliarchical contrivance to judge and govern without a Throne whereby their Compaction or Union should not proceed from any naturalness in the form and means within but from contingency and fear without But because some Anti-Monarchical men do believe that it was no more lawful for the people to desire a King afterwards then at that time and are very urgent that the words I gave thee a King in mine Anger should be interpreted as though the Office of Kingship were so given without considering also that he was taken away in wrath and so rightly construing the absence of the Office to be a greater punishment then the imposition it is to be noted that these and many other expressions uttered in reference to Saul had relation to him as a person hastily demanded and so given as a punishment and not as to one on whom and his posterity the flowrishing estate of that Church was to be setled For that promise we shall finde annexed to the Tribe of Judah as before noted of whose lynage also our Saviour was to come whereas Saul being a Benjamite it could not be thought that he was the person to be setled herein Nay so much himself doth acknowledge to Samuel while Samuel is telling him of his Election viz. Am not I a Benjamite of the smallest of the Tribes of Israel c. Wherefore then speakest thou so to me But then it may be asked how we shall make good those expressions which Samuel used unto him that God would have established his kingdom upon Israel for ever Why this might have been fulfilled by means of his lynage in a feminine line matched into the Tribe of Judah as was that match of Michal to David But you will answer that Michal was made childless for a fault of her own and not other Fathers It is true she committed a fault to deserve this punishment but it hinders not but the same punishment was in pursuance of a former fault of the Family also as we â—inde many presidents in Scripture and in particular one done about the same time namely the punishment of Elies house which will come home to this For we shall finde Solomon thrusting out Abiathar from the Priesthood to punish his personal act of disloyalty to his Father
and yet it was by Gods secret appointment ordered to be done to make good the threat against Elies house namely to fulfil the word of the Lord concerning the house of Elie even so we may interpret the punishment of Sauls first fault that is the cutting off his blood from the Crown to be accomplished in Michal and his other fault in sparing Agag threatned to be punished in the rejection of his person to be made good by his untimely slaughter And the due observation of these Stories will also instruct us how that the building of the Temple signifying the glory of the Church and the settlement of Kingship and Priesthood were all accomplished together and how Kingship was the leader in this Chorus of happiness as Gods chief Instrument for compleating of them For so are we instructed by the direction which Moses gave concerning matters of Appeals wherein the expression of the Judge that shall be in those dayes not only denotes another manner of Judge then formerly but the Priests and he and the place which the Lord should choose being conjoyned must signifie their contemporary establishment for perpetuity for to none of the other Judges God had said Why have yee not built me an house nor was Kingship nor Preisthood setled but in Solomon and Zadock the sons of David and Samuel and immediate instruments in building this Temple the figure of the Christian Church to succeed Nay this Office and power of kingship is so cleer in Scripture that it is usual with the abetters of Polarchies now adays to balk it in the plain sense thereof and to hearken to Philo Josephus and I know not what Antichristian Authors to learn from them the Authority of the people of the Sanhedrim and such like Magistrates not considering the interest and prejudice wherewith these men writ For they designing to bring their Writings and Nation into the more esteem amongst the learned persons of those times and having so long lived and been so well entertained the first among the Grecians and the other amongst the Romans as to be affected with their humors and way of learning they had the same reason to commend those other Forms and to depress this Kingly Office and Power as they had to commend thereby their own writings and Country And as in Kings all power is thus united so he alone it is that is the true Representative whole and whose actions may binde the people without their consent but not theirs without his And so much is often by God acknowledged making the good or ill of the King and Kingdom all one Thus Abimilechs particular detaining of Sarai is by him apprehended as an evil threatning his whole kingdom and we finde Sauls particular act against the Gibeonites punished with the peoples famine as Davids numbring the people afterward was punished with their Pestilence And in that whole story we may observe the punishment or reward the good or ill of the people still to answer and be proportioned with the Vertues or Vices of their Princes and that though the people did offer in the high places or had not prepared their hearts to seek the God of their Fathers or the like yet if this general Representative person was upright before God even for his sake a blessing did ensue which is nowhere observed to be done in respect of any subjects piety And this may seem less strange since we finde that Adam being made Monarch of all Creatures should have the violence of his race imputed and charged on them so as to involve them in the same guilt and destruction by flood Nor is this degree of power before spoken of much more then what before was practised by Moses himself according to the advice of his Father-in-Law as we read Exod. 18.20 namely to make Laws and Ordinances for them to live by and where Law was already made by God to reserve to himself the interpretation thereof as also all appeals and all difficult and important causes and for the better dispatch sake to refer common causes to subordinate Judges All which is again farther expressed Deut. 19 to the 18. where he owns the making Judges and last appeal Our of all which it may be found that the most material marks of Soveraignty were in many of these temporary Judges as the power of making some Laws and interpreting them the last appeal and supreme decision of controversies especially in Moses because he was a King too as formerly noted and so made by God and not by the people And unto Ioshua next as made by Moses for on him by Gods appointment was he by imposition of hands to put some of his honor that all the Congregation of Israel might be obedient that is that he by receit of this justly derived power from God his Vicegerent might have full power to command them And therefore are they also called Kings as in the inte-rregnum when there was no Judge it is said there was no King in Israel and yet was these Judges power inferior to that of Kings coming after This soveraign power of Kings we may finde implyed in that answer of Samuel to the people of the manner or power of a King which had it but been equal to that of their former Judges what needed it have been told the people And they that will not have the things there set down to be in his power but that he was to give account thereof or that his actions were controleable by any order or body of the people do yet commit a greater absurdity for then to what purpose should Samuel go about to fright the people with a thing of no danger and which was in their power to remedy For so it follows that they should cry out in that day because of their King and the Lord should not hear them meaning that they had none but God in that case to appeal to by whose forbearance to hear them therein they had no lawful remedy left them For had his words imported no more terror to their understanding but what they had right and power to remedy they might have answered Nay but we will have a King under us and not over us No he shall be onely King of the less number of the people and their Representatives but unto the major part or Vote he shall be subject upon all occasions they shall think good and so making our selves Soveraigns over our Soveraign we shall prevent those threats for thereby having upon the matter no King we shall do but what unto every one seems good in his own eys And by the expression over thee so often there used must be meant over the whole people being the same thee that should choose him so that if his election were by the major part or such as stood for them as so it must be or elese it could be no Election his power must be above the major part or their
and three and so to discover the Major Vote in his subjects assemblies must be supposed to be still ready without any thwarting presumption of his own understanding to cry implicitly So be it to all that his subjects shall command But if people in that condition be under a woe it is because of their Prince his disability to judge and act in his own person for surely his resemblance of Children in innocence cannot be a woe it must follow that the more the Prince is made a childe by his Subjects and hath his power eclipsed the more woe will that kingdom proportionably have And they that yet think the whole or major part of the people above the King and not subject to his commands let them consider even the power given to Ieroboam himself from God to reign according to all his soul desired Let them also that think the generality or major part of the subjects cannot in case of resistance be called Rebels again consider the censure God gave to the Representative whole body of the people when they rejected Rehoboam and followed Ieroboam saying And Israel rebelled against the house of David unto this day neither the major Vote of eleven Tribes to one nor their pretention of oppression under Solomon could excuse them of the guilt of this imputation nay although the action were but in pursuance of what was before appointed by God in punishment of Solomon his Fathers fault Which was the reason why Rehoboam was forbidden to take vengeance on these Rebels as his Grandfather David had before on these major numbers and representative bodies of the people gathered against him in Absolom and Adonijahs rebellions therefore is he and the people with him bidden to return to their houses Yet because the eleven Tribes had no direct warrant from him who alone is above Kings this crime of rebellion is not to be wiped off but on the contrary disavowed by God as concerning the fact it self for it is there said That the Priest and Levites and all whose hearts were right set to serve God returned from following Ieroboam And therefore that expression of all Israels coming to Sechem to make Rehoboam King must be understood not as having power to elect another but as summoned by Rehoboams command to pass their fealties and acknowledgements to him that was already in actual possession of his Father Solomons Throne for so we shall finde it noted in the verse foregoing the recital of this story And Solomon slept with his Fathers and Rehoboam his son reigned in his stead And so also after this revolt did he continue reigning over Judah without any mention of popular confirmation For it seems those of Judah had acknowledged their Alleageances unto him already without any such dispute which being ordinarily done to him and others may seem the reason of the remarkable record of this denial And we may yet more plainly see what this phrase of the peoples making of Kings doth import by the like expression used at the time of their acknowledgements to Solomon his Father for although the people had no hand of Authority in it but that as David made Solomon his son King over Israel yet David then summoning all the Princes of Israel the Priests and the Levites to take notice of this and other his directions about the Temple and so concluding with a Sacrifice as was usual at the peoples promise of Fealty and Alleageance it is said that they did eat and drink before the Lord with great gladness and they made Solomon the son of David King the second time and anointed him to be chief Governor to the Lord and Zadock to be Priest Which words second time must relate to their first making of him when being anointed King by Zadock at the command of David all that the people did to the making of him or conferring his power was but as in acknowledging him made already with saying God save King Solomon or the like which as it was fit for that ordinary rank of people assembled at his first making so in this solemn convention of the great ones Princes c. we may suppose some actual Fealty to pass unto this chief Governor unto the Lord both when that Congregation did bow their heads and worship the Lord and the King and also when it is said all the Princes and the mighty men and the sons likewise of King David submitted themselves unto Solomon the King that is acknowledged him their King by such personal outward acts of homage as were usual amongst that people for so the word submitted doth bear in the original Besides it is likely that at this time also they took their Oaths of Alleageance in other places implyed under the name of Covenants Which Oaths are alluded unto in that precept of Solomon My son I councel thee to keep the Kings command and that in respect of the Oath of God And as for the expression of the peoples annointing of Solomon used before and to other Kings it is not to be understood as if they had right to confer the power belonging to Kingly Office on any for they had it no more then they had right to confer the power of Priestly Office And therefore Zadock being joyned in this their anointing who it is well known was put in by Solomon before shews that the phrase was but equivalent with acknowedging And that because at Solomons first establishment the greater part of the people were absent as being sharers in Adonijahs Rebellion Who indeed if he had thriven might have been called a King of the peoples making as to his personal election whereas Solomon and other Kings are to own their Thrones and power from God And therefore it is said That Solomon sat on the Throne of the Lord as King c. and all Israel obeyed him that is obeyed him as in Gods Throne and not in theirs And that it is God onely that doth constitute the power of this Office appears by that which follows viz. The Lord magnified Solomon exceedingly in the sight of all Israel and bestowed upon him such royal Majesty as had not been on any King before him But let us examine more neerly those places that seem most to restrain Soveraignty as the last verse of Deut. 17. That his heart be not lifted up above his brethren which may seem to imply that he had no absolute power over them But it was not to forbid him any necessary power and authority over them for punishment of vice or maintenance of peace nor of any external honor or jurisdiction above them for then had the Office been useless but as a caveat to humility and that he should consider that however he were thus advanced it was more in relation to the good of the people then his own and that since his supreme authority over them was to make them happy by unity and not him proud by preferment
degree of submission yet more apparent which was to be given to this high Officer who should succeed in this Divine place of Authority which as it might subject them to many unavoidable miseries when evil Kings came so on the other hand they might foresee much benefit to ensue when good ones came as it proved shortly after in the days of David and Solomon So that untill this latter age of the world that men through vulgar and popular flattery could be brought both to forget Gods precepts and their own reason such Maximes and positions as are now frequent in the mouths of some seditious persons would have been abandoned as undutiful aswell as scorned as ridiculous It would have sounded strange in their ears to have heard men affirm That they had contrived a way of limitation for Kings whereby he should yet have all power left him to do good unto his people but none at all to hurt them and yet such is our present aversion to government that the hasty and inconsiderate swallowing down of such like Maxims for the limitation of Monarchical Power hath been the cause of all our publike disturbances All which right reason must say we are ever in danger of whilst Soveraignty is not entire and perfect in the person it ought to be For what shall he have such power of doing good as it shall not be in the power of others to hinder it if so then supposing him a voluntary Agent you must also suppose that if he think fit he hath power of forbearing it and so doth ill by not doing good Or if he work as an instrument and necessary Agent by the force and impulsion of another then is the power of doing good to be properly ascribed where this direction is because the Ministerial Vertue or Power of the instrument may be thereby implyed other wayes or not at all And so if you make him to carry the same force in the work of government as the Carpenters chizel doth in all his work then how shall a voluntary Agent be imagined such or what is the difference of the Kings power from that of the meanest subject when he must do so as he is directed and no otherwise And so lastly how can that be called good which is done necessarily and unwillingly But these things will be best seen by instance The power of each kingdom is in the Militia now as he that hath power hereof may benefit the kingdom by the invasion of another or by defence of his own and as he may use the same at home in maintenance of laws and equity against opposers so may he thereby do the contrary Whereupon Reason and Experience tells us how ridiculous this their device is For since the Militia must be somwhere and of absolute power if it be not in one mans hand it will be in more What will they then be the neer will they now set some in trust over these again to the end that as those were trusted above the King to hinder him from doing wrong so these again shall have power to be over them that they abuse not that their power which they before had over the King when will they have done setting of watchmen upon watchmen and must they not be men still that they shall so entrust In which respect being alike subject to transgress will they not necessarily be more in danger of injury being now under the power of many then they were before while under one And truely they that thus can fancy a possibility of stating a person in such a condition as he should alwayes have power to do good must next contrive him such a will as he shall be doing it also or else this power is but vain because he may do ill in forbearing it And they again that on the other side would take from him all power to do evil and yet think he may be all this while a voluntary Agent do in both respects seem to me to condemn God Almighty of imprudence or injustice in not governing all men in the world as these would do some in kingdoms That is not knowing how thus to take from men the power of doing ill without taking from them thereby also the power of doing well but suffering sin thus needlesly to raigne in the world Out of what hath been hitherto spoken we may gather the reason both for the establishment of Monarchy and also for annexing unto it those absolute degrees of Soveraignty not to be wrested or alienated from the person of the Prince by any of his subjects who cannot without overthrow of Monarchy be such sharers or engrossers of the Soveraignty as under pretence of bridling him from evil To say unto him what dost thou because he hath power by his Office to do whatsoever pleaseth him To which end we may also see the reason why Oaths of obedience and subjection are by subjects taken as for other ends so in case of resistance to take their part against all others The people being for this very subjection sake called the subjects of such and such Kings And this Oath in regard it is made in Gods name and presence and in regard it is the tye and obligation to maintaine policy and peace and thereby humane preservation the end of God also it is called the Oath of God as aforesaid And therefore to Kings are we to give obedience not onely for wrath but for conscience sake for so Solomon directs it the fear of a King is as the roaring of a Lyon he that provoketh him to anger sinneth against his own soul it is not a crime in policy onely to disobey and resist him whose wrath is as messengers of death but a sin also against Religion And least any should use their Christian liberty for a cloak to their maliciousness and the better to act their own revenge or ambition pretend that in unlawful commands obedience is not due which once granted how easie would it be to make any thing unlawful we had no minde to obey we are enjoyned to be subject Not onely to the good and gentle superiors but also to the froward for this is thank worthy if a man for conscience towards God endure grief suffering wrongfully for what glory is it if when we be buffeted for our faults we take it patiently but if when we do well and suffer for it we take it patiently this is acceptible with God for even hereunto were we called because Christ also suffered as leaving us an example that we should follow his steps who did no sin neither was guile found in his mouth who when he was reviled reviled not again when he suffered threatned not but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously What could have been more expresly and rationally said for perfect submission to our superiors then here for first whereas the glory of God consists as amongst other things in the prâ—servation of man and that againe by
submission to authority they are to submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake or as they render Gods glory or their own good And then least any factious pretence should alienate their duties in the true object of their allegeance it is appointed unto Kings as supreme and unto other governors as to such as are sent of him for such was the will of God and their well doing that hereby they should put to silence the ignorance and foolishness of men even of such men as not knowing that the foundation of Society was laid upon the united and irresistable authority of the person had under pretence of liberty vented their maliciousness and countenanced rebellion in favouring some subordinate authority against the supreme And then lastly least any should object that because as aforesaid these governors were but for the punishment of evildoers and praise of them that do well therefore if they should do the contrary as their Commission or authority would fail so their obedience to him might faile also We shall farther finde him giving precepts of suffering patiently though they knew it wrongfully And this he confirms by the example of our Saviour himself who as he vvas infinitely more innocent so vvas his usage more hard and unjust and thaâ— many times from under Kings that had neither natural nor rightful authority over him As for one instance in the case of paying tribute for although as appears by Peters ansvver it vvas but vvhat he had used to do he makes an expostulation purposly to cleer all doubt that might be made Of whom said he do the Kings of the earth take custome or tribute of their own children or of strangers Peter saith unto him of strangers Jesus saith unto him then are the children free notwithstanding least we should offend tâ—em go thou to the sea and cast an hook and take up the fish that cometh first and when thou hast opened his mouth thou shalt finde a piece of money that take and give unto them for me and thee So that you see rather then he vvill offend them that is resist authority and give occasion to rebellion by standing out and refusing as he proved he might have done in this illegal command he vvorks a miracle to perform it and doth it for Peter also of vvhom it vvas not demanded Nor vvas this done out of fear as vvanting povver to resist if resistance had been lavvful For he was able to have commanded more then twelve Legions of Angels a povver sufficient to have mastered any oppossion But he like a Prince of peace left us this example not to promote rebellion against the supreme authority but to commit all to him that judgeth righteously even to God to vvhom alone Kings are accountable and therefore to him alone vengeance in that kinde especially doth belong For as God vvas the alone author of their povver and Office so vvill he be the onely judge of their defaults therein according to that of David against thee onely have I sinned as if lying vvith another mans vvife vvere no wrong or trespass to her husband vvhich that it vvas so is cleerly evinced in that parable made by Nathan of the taking of the Evv-lamb and in Davids answer acknowledging it an offence and making a censure thereupon namely The man that hath done this shall surely dye and make restitution But although David had power thus to punish any of his subjects as having from God rightful jurisdiction over them yet when he understands himself to be the man he concludes none on earth above him but that he is subject to God onely in the said words Against thee only have I sinned Marke also the use of this kingly power in enforcing or abateing the rigor of the law For restitution was by Gods law onely set down as a punishment of theft which was the onely fault and not adultery which appeared in the parable of the Lamb but he for the punishment of a fault so aggravated by circumstances though fit to have death added and should no doubt have been therein by his subjects obeyed without imputation of guilt for using arbitrary power no more then when he took the shewbread altered the courses of the Priests erected new Offices amongst them brought in Musick and other Ceremonies into the Temple without particular direction from God or Moses law and when he commanded the numbering of the people as beforesaid and again made that law for the shares of such as stayed with the stuff both of them not onely without but against his present peoples liking To conclude therefore Soveraignty is the supreme judge and disposer of Publike interest where by â—ublike is meant whatever may be of general concern between that Kingdom and another or of mutual concern to others in the same kingdom although the same be kept as a propriety in private hands The particulars of this authority we will briefly here set down The chief is that so largely heretofore spoken of namely the sword of Justice or the last appeal aswel in Religious as Civil Causes and is inseparable and incommunicable The next is the power of making and interpreting of laws The next is to lay taxes and grant privilidges and exemptions and therefore had David and Solomon both their tribute Masters and so Saul also out of his known prerogative promised to them that should slay Goliah to make his fathers house free in Israel which power to free must suppose a power to impose The next is to make Magistrates and state officers for he having delegation from God and being the common Fountain and Center of power their power must be but derivative and part of his The next is to make peace and war all of them comprehended under those general terms of submission mentioned in the Jews first election of their Kings namely to judge them and fight their battailes And as for the other more separable and communicable markes of receiving homage coynage and valuing the mony weights and measures to grant Letters of Mart to have Crown and Scepter to have titles additions and donations of honor as they may be sometimes but complemental so may they be comprehended under some of the more general and express markes before spoken for if he have the last appeal and be in all causes and over all persons and estates in his dominions supream head and governor it will follow that he is so also in these Although in the passed Treatise the name of King be only commonly used yet what is spoken of him is to be applied unto Monarchy in general under what other title of Emperor Prince Duke Lord c. so they be free and holding of God onely For unto the Monarch in right of his Office and not to the name is the Power and Soveraignty due even as the head of the family is in relation to his wife called husband to his children
father to his servants Master and yet is the same person so if a Duke or Lord as those of Edom and the Philistins sometimes were be absolute their smalness of territory debars not their right to Monarchy more then the Master of a less Family to be in his Office of government as absolute as he that hath a greater And the like may be said of a Soveraign Officer in a Commonwealth also if he be supreme and not accountable to any one earth for his actions as was that famous Cesar and other the dictators in Rome For whosoever hath the sole independent prerogative of Kan-ning from which the word King is derived he is truely a King also but so far as he hath not his soveraignty is so far defective and Anarchy introduced which shall be our next discourse THE SECOND BOOK OF GOVERNMENT AND Its Ground and Foundation according to VULGAR POSITIONS The Introduction IN pursuance of my first Proposal for establishment of publike Peace and good I have in the passed Book brought Monarchy to its just height and that from such general and obvious Arguments from Reason and Scripture as do to my thinking point directly to that end and no way else But being to write in an age where contrary prejudice will not ordinarily give men ability or leisure to attend the discovery it fareth therefore with me as with that Artificer who having brought something unexpectedly to pass is forced for the farther confirmation of the thing it self to submit it to the handling and tryal of the spectators in their own way And because it may again be objected to what purpose all this ado since these very ends are or may as well be attained by the ways already approved of and that by men of great Eminence and Learning amongst us It seems therefore now again needful to take all this Structure of Government in pieces and to examine it farther part by part according to that Fabrick and those materials which are usually brought to the constitution thereof In which Discourse having first cleered and rectified those vulgar political Maxims from their former rubbish and disguise I shall then prove that so much of each of them as is compatible with just Government and the ends thereof are to be appropriate to Monarchy onely In this my undertaking in the defence of Gods true Vicegerent amongst us there seems to lye on my part the like task as there did formerly on Moses in the manifestation of God himself that is not onely to prove the Monarch to be so by way of plain demonstration but also to extend this Reason to the eating up of all those serpentine shews wherewith these Janni and Jambri the rebellious Enchanters of our times have hitherto deceived the people and thereby kept them in a kinde of an Egyptian darkness And in this course I shall begin first with â—he head thereof the fained unity in Aristocracies and Democracies CHAP. I. Of Anarchy THey that suppose the word to imply onely that state and condition of men where no Government at all is exercised will much to seek to finde out any instance or example for proof of their Assertion or indeed any possibility how it should at all come to pass Therefore that which hath hitherto been spoken of the original of Government in the fourth chapter of the precedent book must be understood onely as supposing it to have its Reason in Nature and that thereby it might have been known although the same had been by no other light or positive Law found out and appointed and not as determining that ever men were or could be left by a careful God in such a confused condition where like a brood of Cadmus wanting all manner of Breeding and Instruction they should fall to the slaughter of one another till their bleeding wounds and not his Precepts or Providence had taught them rules of Subjection No it would be too plain and great compliance with Athiesm to think Gods Omniscience in foreseeing or his Goodness in preventing so small or slack as to leave man a Creature upon whom above all the rest he had bestowed such workmanship and care to the common hazard and condition of that which was meanest Leaving therefore these fancies aside that think men should like swarms of Bees be brought to choice of Policy without any foregone experience or knowledge of Government we must make Government the elder brother to Anarchy For so we finde that while there were but two persons in the world the woman by special appointment was to have her desires subject to her husbands and he was to rule over her And as Wives so Children and Servants were subject to the Father of the Family in such sort that no man but being either Head or Member of a Family by one relation or another either had or yeilded subjection And even before Kings to finde an Ex Lex or person like Caine under no protection and consequently under no Government was a vain attempt And this prime or more natural Prerogative of Primo-geniture and Father of the Family although it had not the name yet it had the truth and reality of Monarchy and that as well in the Authority as Unity of the person as by that phrase the father of the Moabites and Amonites to this day may appear which must signifie succcession of these Monarchical Governors in right of the firâ—t Father So that now under the name of King there is but a continuance and restitution of that ancient form by change of the name from Pater Familiae to Pater Patriae importing a continuance of Power and Office notwithstanding the encrease of tâ—rritory and number of Subjects For the length of life that gave these Ancients advantage to see many Families peopled out of their own loyns gave them also right of Government in chief But this common Parent now dead Pride Covetousness Ambition c. quickly clouded the respect due by birthright to the elder brother who by the Law of God should rule over the other and have their desires subject to him and so through stubbornness did break that course which if it had been observed would have made Monarchy perpetual but not being so Anarchies succeed For the divided Families finde many occasions of controversie amongst themselves which they in their reputed equality of Jurisdiction knew not how to determine because not submitting to that hereditary right before spoken of by the which Isaac had appointed Esau as servant to Jacob as apprehending him the elder and which Jacob also for Peace-sake gave to Judah amongst the Tribes of Israel namely to be perpetual Law-giver discord and dissention quickly broke in upon them And this no doubt was the state of the old world before the flood for we read not of any Monarchs but that as men began to multiply in the earth so began they for want of restraint to be ruled onely by their own likings which the heads of
desperate as directly to profess to introduce the one by destroying the other but deceived sometimes themselves are and always they strive to deceive others by shew of Liberty and Freedom either from suffering some evil or for attaining some forbidden content For say they the more general good and content is ever to be preferred to the more particular which is the good of the whole people to that of the Rulers For look into Nature she made them equal intending no more the satisfaction of one then another And the very end and aim of Society it self was primarily the good of the governed and of the Governors but in order thereunto That hereupon all or most people subject not themselves to the arbitrary rule of the Prince but unto the known and established Law by which onely according to his oath and compact he is bound to govern For could men say they be imagined to have parted with their native freedom of Will and debar themselves of the many pleasures of life to no other end but hereby to advance to a state of felicity some one or more men unto whom they could in nothing acknowledge themselves inferior No since Kings and Rulers were set up and had obedience given unto them for the onely good of the people for of them is the whole power derived and they may at pleasure settle what Government they please and as they think fit to restrain or enlarge it therefore when they shall be found to fail of this trust and turn their power to their peoples hurt they might with good reason re-assume their own strength and imploy it to the attainment of those benefits which by the wilfulness or foolishness of the other is crossed or neglected And if in pursuance of this course civil war and slaughter do follow it must be imputed to the stubbornness of them in Authority which then must be endured as a cure to the state when as by a momentany suffering of some mens loss the perpetual hazard of all mens slavery is avoided and is no other then like tolerating a less evil to avoid a greater And this power of resistance say they must be in all limited Monarchies else the limitation is nothing but he remains as absolute as the other But because these and the like propositions have for the most part been bred and countenanced by some of the Romish and Jesuited Clergy we will by the way look thereunto leaving the farther censure of their intermedling to another place and also referring the full answer and satisfaction in other things to the ensuing chapters wherein under the titles of Liberty Slavery Property c. shall be shewed how Faction and Rebellion have unjustly laid claim to any justification under these notion A great Argument and associate of mans frailty it is that even from our best and most holy performances advantages to sin and impiety have been taken Arising chiefly from the malice of that wicked one always ready if the sowing of the Wheat cannot be wholly hindred by his Agents to cause such Tares to spring amongst and from it that for their very sakes the other might have none or at least less use and esteem For who would else have thought that that very height of Piety Religion and Devotion that caused the first nursing Fathers of the Church as in honor and duty to God to bestow divers great Priviledges and Powers upon the at that time well-deserving Clergy should by a strange and inconsiderate ingratitude prove the readiest Feathers with which the shafts were made for their own destruction For so we finde when Popes became inheritors onely of the Revenue and Prerogative of the Church and not at all of their predecessors devotion or humility they first begin to seat themselves above Kings and all that is called God and thinking they could never bring low enough that power whose due height they had just cause to fear would be a curb to their pride they not onely tread on their necks themselves but by their Agents and Factors they everywhere teach and authorise the Princes own Subjects to do the like Telling them that all civil power is originally in the people and that from them and their underived majesty it was that Kings had their Soveraignties which as they might be by them streightened as they saw occasion so were they to judge of his defaults in case of tyranny or oppression And then reserving to themselves the power of deposing and sentencing them in case of heresie or schism and of defining what they were they had poor Kings they thought beneath them low enough even as far as man is beneath God Kings being the peoples but themselves as jure divino Gods Deputies These things seem not so to be wondred at in a time when implicit devotion and superstition had caused such general ignorance that any thing almost would take but for a sort of men undertaking to reform all errors even according to Gods Word and professing such great hatred to Popery as to cast off some harmless things onely because they think them popish for these I say to contradict a thing so expresly taught in Scripture and on the contrary to assert a thing onely fraudulently brought in and by none taught but Jesuits can have no other ground but that they agree in common aim the aim of ambition and insubjection For so as the Pope puts Kings under the people to advance himself in his room as in Gods stead so do Presbyters put him under too that themselves in their consistories may dethrone and be above him as in Christs stead By which means Christ being no longer King of Kings but King of Presbyters we should for advancement of our Liberties have besides the domineering consistories a King and a Pope in every Parish Concerning the sum of which Doctrine namely that all power and that of Kings is from God onely we have already spoken but because I finde that divers learned men favorers to neither of these sects but lovers of Monarchy did yet hold by consequent the same opinions it will not be amiss to speak something hereof and of the inconveniencies absurdities arising from that conceit of derivation of power from Paction and consent leaving the more particular handling of the Nature and reality of Paction it self to its proper place These though they thought that notwithstanding this Concession they would still evince all active resistance to be unlawful even because it broke a Paction made between I know not what King and their people and so I also sometimes thought from the plausibleness of the scholly yet upon stricter enquiry an error on one hand or other cannot be avoided That is either acknowledging that this is a thing useless and serving the people to no purpose or else all those consequences of Rebellion will naturally flow from it For you admitting it the peoples right they put you to shew where you finde that they by any Paction utterly resigned
in the particulars in each kind Gods goodness and power should not have been so remarkably set forth as now Nay this very Office of Kingship will not be lost by his subjection for its chief duty being protection this will be alwayes residing more or less in his power so far as by such redresses of oppression amongst men or other creatures as shall be the occasional objects of his pity he shall prove himself actually a King herein and also so much more resembling God then he as he shall be more ready and propense thereto rateable to his small degree of power And the same order may creatures below us go untill they come to inanimates on which the lowest of sensitives taking its pleasure and content as it is thereby provoked to rejoyce which is in its kinde to thank and praise â—is Maker so that inanimate or vegetive again being not sensible of any pain or injury continues in its kinde still obliged as before For as power can be no where in perfection but in God himself so to make it subsistent in other things as approaching him it must be in making them so only in comparison of one another And as the original of power is one so the more it is diffused the more weak and unworthy it is For if all men should have power over all men after a Democratick supposition as all men have power over all other creatures or as all Lyons or other Species of creatures have power over other Species below them also how would power come to nothing for want of eminence for being thus levelled he that should have most power having but what the meanest would have had in the degree of subordination and so he that hath least having still but what he hath above other things for over his fellows he must be supposed to have none he of the lowest rank is not increased in his obligation and all the other orders are decreased in theirs So that then if there were not the necessity of subordination as for peace and government sake yet as to perfection and approach to Divine resemblance by bringing the diffused power in perfect creatures to unity and existence it would be needful to men as with Angels that from the lowest order of all it should be gathered to fewer in the next rank and so on to fewer still till after the Divine examplar it were centred in one Whereby as man is the perfection and Epitome of all other creatures and as Adam contained all men so should he or some other if our fall had not crossed have stood as the more worthy for receit of Divine favor in himself and distribution of it to others with no small advantage to the whole race even as now we finde it come to pass by that fountain of mercy but in a far higher degree since the dignifying of our nature by that one person of our Saviour and so by him having access we come to be capable of those benefits which without him could not be expected In which respect we may finde him so often expressing himself under the notion of the Son of man even as one who having taken on him the Semen or original element of our kinde should to our undoubted comfort thereby make the whole race capable of dignity and bliss also And this not only in respect of our future condition as Jesus being that fundamental Corn of wheat by whose Resurrection and exaltation the several Individual graines of mankinde should be drawn unto him but also in respect of many temporal advantages arising to us here as Christ and King In order to the receit of which temporal advantages Christ himself having in the several parts of his Church his particular deputed Christs by means of them and their representing of him amongst us it comes to pass that each particular man is again made capable of the benefit of Divine protection at least so far as concerns society and government as shall be more fully declared in the next book And therefore we may observe that when God appears in kindness it is to one at once and that he never makes a general manifestation of himself but in judgement and terror as to those stubborn Israelites who thereupon said Let God speak no more to us least we die Meaning that they would have some worthy and eminent person like Moses to beare their person and represent them to Godward The which people again although as they were then Gods peculiar Church and people and had all other nations blessed or punished as they were to them benigne or averse yet was that very love and favor God cast towards them both at first placed and afterwards continued from that more eminent love and favor setled in their first father and original In such sort that after their rejection of their and our Saviour a remnant according to the election of grace should come still to be beloved for the Fathers sakes by that God who out of particular kindness had once stiled himself the God of Abraham And so we shall again finde favors and blessings promised them even for his servant Davids sake the King and representer of that Church and people From all which it will be evident that subordination in power is from God and for the good of the people it is that one is by his providence thus set over them who should as their Representative stand for them to Godward But to come neerer to shew what that power or liberty is which is requisite or proper in political constitutions we must consider each man as having an appetite and end to follow But then inasmuch as before shewed in the attaining and pursuit of these our ends we did often cross and interfere one upon another it was necessary that Laws and Rules of Government should be setled to accommodate our actions to Peace and Agreement For the same Liberty we might before justly claim as men and due to us by Nature we cannot now expect as Subjects linked in politique Societies because as I then acted for my self onely I needed no prohibitions from evil or invitations to good but now common concern makes Liberty suspensible to common approbation And because this first natural Liberty was by our fall forfeited and would if by our corrupted wills put in full use prove our destruction it was necessary the same should by his power and Laws and such as he should therewith intrust for Society and Government sake be so far restrained as the mutual good and peace of the whole should be advanced and not the wanton affected Liberty of any part of the State or Kingdom in prejudice thereof regarded And therefore the true Liberty of Subâ—ects will appear to be in the removal of all external impediments which cross his desires without regard of more publike utility And the two extreams thereof are first Slavery when this Liberty of the Subject is not regarded at all as to his
hath his copy set that may manage his duty more as he pleaseth yet the slave that hath by continual reproof and direction his hand guided is more sure to do his work better and so avoid blame likelier then the other in whom liberty may cause pride and pride contempt and contempt punishment And therefore we are not to wonder that many have voluntarily gone into slavery and that some after experience and being now free have by suffering their ears to be boared chosen it for perpetuity For certain it is that the condition of the one is more setled then the other and that very degree of liberty the subject hath above him resolves to this that the slave must do his duty presently where the other may fail and be punished Nay in present possession the slave seems more happy because more contented For since some liberty must sometimes come to the slave who expects little and some restraint incident to all Government must come to the Subject who is still gaping after more freedom the one must be more content in the little he enjoys then the other in that great measure he vainly expects But having spoken all this to take down the prejudice of such as not knowing what slavery is are ready to fasten it on all such as have not as they believe equal freedom to themselves we shall therefore now determine a slave to be him That is in all things at the arbitrary dispose of a Subject and so out of common protection For if any be enthralled to the Prince I see not but that as his appeal and protection is equal his condition of freedom should be so also As in Families the life of Wife and Children have sometimes been at the same persons dispose to wit to the head of the Family as well as the slave And therefore as we see there is difference in the Soveraignty of Princes one in the comparison of another so is there in degrees of servâ—tude of one Princes subjects from anothers and of the same subjects amongst themselves And if all be slaves where absolute rule is then are the subjects in Aristocracies and Democracies all slaves with this aggravation that in regard of their many Lords it is hard to escape either task or punishment But I look on slavery as having its foundation in Reason where the stronger and Conquerer having power to kill saves for his own farther service hereby obliging the other by way of gratitude to obedience But in after policies especially it was scarce practised on fellow subjects or natives but usually on such as were spared in wars and so David and Solomon served many they took Whither this kinde of servitude may be fit to be continued for to save some sorts of condemned mens lives and make them profitable to the Commonwealth we will not now dispute onely we wish the fault of giving this title where it is not due were left off For if it must follow Arbitrary Government then as before said all Republikes have it unless you will esteem it an case that some of the people may rule by turns by which means as by a kinde of revenge their discontent will abate And the truth is in Aristocracies and Democracies such as those of Greece Carthage Rome c. slavery is most usual and most severely exacted For there as each one comes to esteem himself a King having none above him and yet comes to have so little share of Soveraignty having it divided amongst so many it will come more severely to be managed over few for power is an active quality But Kings that have many at their command cannot be so severe nor the burthen of one so heavy that is born by many shoulders as where the same is by fewer persons more distinctly born Again subjects in Monarchies are by Laws of superiors in their houshold authorities stinted and seldom is any vassalage great in degree but where an appeal lies not in case of misusage For in Republikes where a Faction and number of persons by conspiracy and agreement come to rule over others each one hath his interest in the case and the servant must look to be more a slave then elsewhere For as slavery is the lowest degree of servitude so is it incident to the lowest degree of Commanders and the subject in a Republike differs in freedom from the Subject of a Monarch as a King doth in power or honor from that of a Burgomaster Therefore if I had onely respected recrimination and not truth I needed not to have made any Apology for slavery but have turned it with its odium upon its true Authors the Polarchs themselves But that which these people would have be considered and meant by slavery is not that servitude they impose themselves on their Subjects but what is by Princes imposed on theirs that so under the noise of slavery they might cause all Monarchs subjects to become indeeed slaves to themselves But farther to answer them that will make arbitrary power such an odious thing and yet grant it to so many that will make Government depend on Paction and consent and yet use force therein themselves let us a little examine their Justice by these Rules Suppose those that call themselves the people be as in Athens and Rome have been enrolled usually not the tenth part so many as the number of Tradesmen Artificers freed men and slaves come too within their own City besides other Cities and people they ruled over which it may be in all made more then a hundred to one how come these fewer number to rule over the other and to make Laws to binde them thus arbitrarily without their consents where are the Pactions they can shew to warrant their so doing what are these the whole people and yet not the tenth part of them how comâ—s this name of people to be appropriate to so few and to impart Soveraignty Did the major part of subjects grant it No sure Do they claim Dominion over their slaves as taken in war Then they make right of Conquest lawful Dominion And when they appoint their measure of sâ—rvitude and time for continuance is not this arbitrary What are these many and variable Laws for shutting out and taking into freedom and the several degrees thereof but Arbitrary Government How comes mankinde into this thraldom of one another Nay how comes it that whole Nations are to be subject to this arbitrary disposal of the prevailing people of another City Was it their fault their Prince fought against them It may be they were not in the battail if they were what must they be punished for being overcome If fight or not fight or well or ill fighting be the same is not their enslaving arbitrary And hereupon we shall finde that Republikes are ever most greedy of Empire and do make greatest use of conquest for the subjection of the liberties of Nations and other Cities they having so many to share in the spoils And if
Gods and so they being but Stewards or Tennants no humane right of prescription can prevail against his original right And in a word to keep his right and our gratitude in continual memory were all those sacrifices and other feasts instituted serving but as so many Indexes and Lessons to shew that the earth is the Lords and the fulness thereof And although we on whom the dregs of Time are come are too prone to forget this everlasting precept of honouring God with our substance yet as a continual remembrance of his undoubted propriety it is our custome and duty as to pray to him for what we want so to thank him for all we receive which thanks in the receit of our ordinary food is called grace as denying all right of our own and acknowledging all to be his grace and bounty Which being so all Societies and men must be looked upon but as Tennant for such term and condition as the Landlord pleaseth So that when this great King after the manner of going into a far country shall be pleased not so immediately to operate in worldly affairs and dispensations but trust the several talents of his bounty to others as namely to Kings from whom he expects account to himself onely as by him onely trusted we are still to acknowledge Gods propriety in them and For this cause are to pay tribute for they are Gods Ministers attending continually upon this very thing That is for to be as Gods unto us aswel in fastening and assuring our proprieties amongst our selves by his laws which could not be else distinguished from the common natural claim to one man more then another by any meer humane right as they are to continue again Gods universal claim and propriety by taking and demanding some part to keep us in continual memory and acknowledgement of Gods supreme right still and of this establishment of propriety by loyalty and obedience And as for Gods acknowledging his Minister herein for himself it is well set forth by that speech of Zelophedads daughters pleading that their inheritances should still remaine in propriety to them because their father had not forfeited them by any rebellion against Gods chief Minister that is against Moses the then King of Jesurun or Israel saying Our father died in the wilderness and was not in the company of them that gathered themselves together against the Lord in the company of Rorah but died in his own sin By which we may plainly perceive that they claim right for continuance of those the proprieties of their family which were by Gods Minister formerly settled because their family had not made any such forfeiture by Rebellion as to cause them to revert again to the first Proprietor God and the Prince Which was the reason why in the case of Naboths vineyard before mentioned Jezabel did advise to have him accused For blaspheming God and the King that under colour of these crimes she might cause that inheritance to return which could not be otherwise done And therefore as Kings are Gods Deputies and Vicegerents to us in representation of his power so are they to be acknowledged his Deputies amongst us in respect of his undoubted and unquestionable propriety even by their receit of such proportions back from their subjects out of those their proprieties by their laws made as those Ministers of God attending continually upon this very thing shall see fit either for advancement of Gods the great owners service or the good of himself or others in order thereunto Which portions in the New Testament are usually included under the general names of custome and tribute because amongst the Romans to whom these taxes and contributions were given they were the usual appellations for publike leavies And this precept of Saint Paul for acknowledging the Prince his paramount propriety under the notion of paying tribute is answerable to another of our Saviours including Caesars propriety in all things under the proper notion of money For in deciding that question of the lawfulness of paying tribute he takes a sure way towards making our proprieties to be Caesars In that calling the piece of money Caesars because it had Caesars image upon it he concludes him to have the same right to all money as to that peice for that all money had his image upon it He doth not say give unto Caesar of your money but give him his own Or give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars concluding that Gods immediate propriety being for the present entrusted and delegated to these in his stead we were now to acknowledge them so far as by our readiness in yeilding of tribute to whom tribute custome to whom custome c. we should thereby amidst our common duties of giving to all their dues give to God his due also And by our readiness in yeilding to his Ministers to this end appointed testifie our proportionable readiness to have done the like to himself in case he had demanded it And demand it no doubt he doth aswel from Christians now as from the Jews formerly nor hath he lost his true right although he be not so immediate in his claim For then because the law was instituted in the time when God himself was King that is had no such direct Officer under him amongst the Jews the acknowledgement of his propriety as under the notion of tenths and offerings was claimed in his own name and God having thereupon disposed of it takes the wrong done in Tythes and offerings as robberies of himself But although these tenths and offerings as Gods gift to them instituted by that Law which was still to continue were to remain to the Priests and Levites unalterably without the impeachment of those Kings that succeeded inasmuch as they had their taxes besides yet now amongst Christians whom that Law binds not as positive but as natural those Tythes where they are collected are or should be paid to Princes in the first place as Gods next Ministers And although Princes do upon just grounds appropriate them to the Clergies maintenance yet in acknowledgement of his headship and propriety above them also he hath tenths fifteens c. reserved from them again And this is done to each King under the Gospel even as King that is as Christs Deputy after the example of Abraham Who on the behalf of the Levites paid Tythes of all he had For as Melchisedeck the King of righteousness and of peace was a Type of our Saviour unto whom all kingdoms do belong so do the tenths and tributes as Gods and Christs right belong to Kings their Deputies now unto whose Office that of High Priest is subordinately annexed Whereupon as Kings are Tenants to God for their whole territories be they greater or less so are the people again Tenants to him according to their several allotments and trusts Upon which ground we may observe that as every Prince hath the whole power and propriety of all within
his dominions from God and he thereupon called King of such or such a Countrey so are all lands held or to be held again of the Soveraign after one tenure or other nor can any alienation though never so independent exclude his power from making use thereof upon publike occasion whereby to answer his great trust to God in respect of his service or for general benefit of his people nor from his own occasions leading that way also The which was well proved by our Saviours example who sending for another mans Ass bad his Disciples bring him away without other legal satisfaction or answer to any for their so doing Then that the Lord hath need of him Which speech of our Saviours will the more directly prove each Kings indisputable propriety if we consider the time and occasion whereupon he useth it to wit that he never used it but upon occasion of expressing himself in his Kingly right and Office in his riding in state to Jerusalem and there exercising kingly power Plainly declaring that as no private possession can disimpropriate the publike Lord so may this grand proprietor redemand the same not only to answer the more publike charges of the Commonwealth but upon occasion of his own Royal support also In pursuance of which Original Right and Claim or of doing what he will with his own as we find God during the Theocrity making Laws of restraint both for the use and bequest of mens proprieties so may we observe it still to remain of unquestionable right to his supreme Deputy to do the like by their Laws and Edicts in the disposal of such part of that kingdoms property which particular subjects by Laws under him hold in their hands From whence we may call property That share of the Commonwealth which by the Law is held in severalty to the possessor free from the dispose of any but the law-maker himself Which thing as it is by them done by power from God because the earth is the Lords and the fulness thereof so cannot he lose the hold and claim of general right but the Subject must loose his right of particular propriety also which is derived from him by vertue thereof But for a plainer example of Gods claiming his propriety and particularly of power to impose tribute in acknowledgment thereof we may observe the same fully set down in the 31 Chap. of Numb In which God as their present King imposing such a leavy and tribute upon the people both of persons and goods as he saw fit did thereupon become a plain and warrantable president for his succeeding Deputies to take the like from their subjects also even as his Ministers attending for this very thing that is to receive Gods due in acknowledgement of that propriety and protection they by Gods blessing enjoy under them In which Chapter we shall finde the tribute owned by God six several times as the Lords tribute although it were given away to others even to the Levites his then immediate Ministers for receit thereof And as this maxim that God and the Prince are proprietors of all things is in it self most true so if people would rightly consider it it is by God upon good ground established for their benefit because as every one is most careful of his own so the Prince looking upon the possessions of the whole subjects and of every one in particular as his will be more circumspect to encrease and preserve them then when they aim to recover or possess any propriety or power more fully shall set him at strife within his own Dominions For Princes as such should have nothing in the dispose of subjects exempt from their Power but Honor. For this he can never have by force and without their consents or the most or best of them and therefore he will study by Complacency Justice and meritorious deeds towards them to be daily acquiring this so precious a Jewel And they will finde that whilst he is to make his sole imployment after the search of this onely that their common and respective benfits will be necessarily sought whereas by putting him to struggle for other things which they cannot keep justly from him his care will be neglected and the mischief of Civil disturbance inevitably will follow And when all is done men are but abused by an affectionate conceit of the word For propriety can never be in that degree they fancy and if it be not at the dispose of one Prince it must be of more For since Laws are but the will and sentence of the Lawmakers and since proprieties are also but the sentence of Law it will follow that proprieties of particulars are but the proprieties of the publike person that is in soveraignty and power though not in present act yet so as that soveraign may reduce his power to act as he shall see fit And hence it is namely to debar Princes from occasion of seeking farther that such large revenews are allowed in all kinds that through their power of interpreting law the judge of propriety they need not covet beyond what they have to their own use already For to allow those that have the particular proprieties aright to judge the rule of propriety is not only partial but to themselves prejudicial opening by that gap to soveraignty an occasion to perpetual Civil war For since every particular propriety is but parcel of the publike that is of the general propriety of that particular kingdom if that publike have not a person of whole equal interest herein thereby of whole and equal in the particulars hereof how can the whole be duly regarded since particular proprietors can have no aim but what is respective to themselves But let us enquire a little farther into these things make them plain by instance and consideration of some sorts of publike good and of the manner how particular subjects come to have their proprieties therein That stock of honor which each kingdom hath one in respect of another no man doubts but the same is at the Prince his dispose onely that is who shall be more honorable then others and so also for matter of Offices and of power and command over one another For if these things should not all be appropriated to subjects as from him the general proprietor how should they proceed with Justice or agree in sharing them to themselves would not each one to encrease his particular propriety be so covetously contentious as to destroy thereby the stock of the whole propriety But the reason why Princes cannot be in the particular propriety of riches such immediate dispensors as in Honors Offices c. but must refer them to divers other Magistrates to be managed according to his general pleasure signified by Law is for that land and the fruit thereof riches being continually necessary for each subject in particular to have the business of continual allotment thereof would be so great that one person could
in order thereunto to fancy as we see it come to pass that there are general rules and laws whereby justice and right are as measurable by inferiors as others yea even whilst they are inferiors But suppose there is in every man implanted the maximes and grounds of general Justice as God to be worshiped parents and superiors to be honoured every man to have his own or the like yet since they were in several men variously concluded from several inductions and observations in the course of humane affairs for they encrease and differ in men as yeers and ability do it must come to pass that when they come to refer back and are to be applyed to particular occasions they must be both different and falible also as not determining how to worship God or wâ—erein to obey susuperiors or what every mans due is Upon which grounds it is no wonder that Astraea was fained to leave the world about the same time when Laws began most to abound and men undertook to fancy that that obedience to the Laws which was constitutive of Magistrates and subjects justice towards one another was also to be definitive and bounding of justice in the original But if we make not justice to be residing in that sentence and determination of equity which each rightful superiour imposeth then hath it indeed no certain aboad amongst men Or if they bound it by any other positive Law then what is to be by him interpreted and enforced then they not onely take away all justice from the golden age of the world which was therefore chiefly called so because the publike person to whose sence of equity things were intrusted did particularly judge in emergencies and so more exactly measure causes then can be now by standing rules and laws but they also for the present take it from fathers masters of families and the like where right and justice is depending on their arbitrary and accasional directions And therefore as Divine Justice or the general rule of equity in government of the world is dependent on the Divine Edict and determination of God who hath the government hereof and as the rule of justice of the family is dependant on him that hath that charge also so is the same to be granted in each kingdom even to be the decision of him that hath Legislative power and trust to determine of things towards the stating political peace or happiness To which purpose some have conceived the word jus to be the abrievation of Jovis os which we may call the Divine sentence in the lips of the King making it the positive decree of the soveraign power For although this Synterisis or inward assent to the general maxims of equity be usefully in all men because they must more or less have dominion yet for inferiors or â—quals as such at any time to use them upon their own authority cannot make the execution take the name of Justice however the sentence may be in it self equal or proportionable to the equity of the cause And indeed that common definition of this vertue of giving every one his own would have caused men necessarily to conclude this the proper vertue of the person in supreme power and propriety for how else shall he have right to distribute had not as before noted private covetousness and arrogance of judgement made men conclude it not to be justice except under that notion of his own each man had such distribution as should not onely be directed by positive Law but by it according to their interpretation also As though there could be private propriety against the publike or that the Prince the Master of a Family or other publike superior were to regard the good and propriety of the contenders or any other separate private persons without regard to the whole propriety and good and not rather make his distributions of the publike stock of honor riches c. to private persons with repsective care to the whole In which respect we may again call publike Justice The exercise of authority proceeding from each rightful superior as his sense of equity in particular distributions shall lead them with regard to publike advantage So that he judging according to sense of equity as between two both the parties contending are to be taken as one and decission is to be so made between them that the other more worthy party the Commonwealth be Geometrically considered And this although the whole present people be present contenders in the two parties yet is the succeeding community or their own future inconveniencies to be considered From whence we may conclude a just man and a governor to be convertible as also is the notion of Justice with that of government having both issue from his authority and determination Saving that under the notion of government as more general we usually comprehend both equity and justice that is both the directive and coercive parts but by Justice we commonly conceive but the bare vindicative part to be acted separate from the Legislative If in this his sentence he bear such particular eye to the parties in competition as to forget or neglect common interest he is unjust to God his superior as failling in his general trust however to his inferiors he must alwayes upon the same reason be acknowledged just We are also accustomed to apprehend the notion of justice to have in reference to the persons subjected a more particular regard then that of government namely when then the Justiciar shall more expresly respect the comparative fitness or interest of any two separate parties at which time the governor being more remarkable by an explicite determination it may thence be called particular government as government it self may be called general and implicite Justice both of them being stated and defined by the due exercise and receit of that power which caused their relations that is of the governor or Justiciar as agent upon the governed or justified as patient In which case the Agent and patient standing reciprocally constituting each other according to their relations to impose and receive it follows that where the governor is not endued with his proper power to impose on the governed according to his vertue of Agency and the governed on the other hand endued with the vertue of receit and patibillity there cannot be government But in proportion as the inferior invades the power of Agency or is insusceptible of the others Agency so far the political harmony and order is broken and inverted and approach is made unto Anarchy And many times also we difference Justice from Government by its object as making it conversant about the Government of our proprieties and apprehending the notion of the Government to have most particular reward to the Subjects personall liberties and this way that definition of giving every man his own and of the division of Justice into distributive and commutative may seem to look Philosophers in their usual Scholy desiring to make it
or Covenant imported but some promises of grace or the like from the King to the people and did not imply equal stipulation we may observe that he is alwayes set down as the free author and agent hereof and that both to Abner and the people it is thrice called his League In answer to which promise of indemnity or the like we find that when the League is set down to be made from the people to David it is added to denote their promise of fealty on the other side that thou mayest raign over all that thy soul desireth Upon which ground also when Ioash is to be acknowledged King being so young that he could not promise to the people so as to be binding the Covenant goes in the peoples name as their Covenant And this covenanting with David could not truely be supposed to import any greater freedom to Israel then formerly they had under the government of Saul and his son for this had been to have given David less Soveraignity then Saul and to have made Israel more free then Iudah Which if so makes against the whole drift of the argument namely that Princes have their power by Paction from their subjects when the example proves rather he thereby loseth it and so comes at last to confess that Kings have all Civil power by God given as of right to their office and that as Gods Vicegerent he may grant by Oath and promise to his subjects such exemptions and immunities as he shall think good not derogating from his honor or disabling him in his publike trust Which promises when they come to be publikely and solemnly made as at Coronations or the like are usually taken for Pactions and the subjects thought givers even in what they are but receivers But this matter of Covenanting between King and people will be best conceived as to the intention thereof which as before noted was chiefly to acknowledge and confirme subjection and obedience to a new questionable Prince by that Covenant which Iehoida the high Priest caused to be made with young Ioash where at the time of his making it is said And all the Congregation made a Covenant with the King in the house of God and to shew what the Covenant was it follows He said unto them behold the Kings son shall raign as the Lord hath said of the sons of David Then Iehoida appoints them particular services to do for the King but for making any promise on the Kings part to the people not a word there nor no where else Again this covenanting in the house of God must imply their solemn Oaths of fealty and obedience the which are expresly set down as implicitly and unconditionately given him And the seaventh yeer Iehoida sent and fet the rulers over hundreds with the Captaines and the guards and brought them unto him into the house of the Lord and made a Covenant with them and took an Oath of them in the house of the Lord and shewed them the Kings son The people here swearing and that to a King of seven yeers old that therefore could not be supposed to capitulate with them and their doing it in the house of the Lord clearly interprets what was meant by renewing Sauls kingdom before the Lord in Gilgall and of Davids covenantings formerly mentioned namely by Oaths solemnly taken to establish obedience to a new race more strongly in the people and not to crave their authority for impowring his Office In like manner are we to understand 2 Chron. 23.16 where it is said And Iehoida made a Covenant between him and between all the people and between the King that is he promised obedience to the King both in his own and the peoples behalf that they should be the Lords people and walk as obedient children to his Minister Which last words do denote to us that it was the custome of those people at these conventions to make promise of obedience to God also the state of Theocrity still continuing whilst God had a Prophet amongst them Which will yet be more likely to be the sense thereof if we compare it with a paralel text and expression used at the making of Solomon King Where David as Gods chief Minister commands the people to make their acknowledgement to God as here the chief Priest doth in the Kings minority saying Now bless the Lord your God after which it follows And all the Congregation blessed the Lord God of their fathers and bowed down their heads and worshipped the Lord and the King In which words we must not think the King is idolatrously joyned with God in matter of Divine worship but as having obedience promised to him also after they had promised it to God From which we may also infer that this covenanting was no more needful to Kingly power then it was to make gods But since upon these solemn occasions they were to be assembled to make acknowledgement of these his deputies it was fit the Author and Fountain of all should be acknowledged in the first place Nay this young Joash though as other Kings said to be made by the people yet was it not to be understood as if his right had depended on their consent For he was to raign as in right of inheritance from his father David who had also all his right and authority from God and the people had no more rightful power to reject those individual persons then they had power to refuse the keeping of Gods other commands for all power as heretofore noted must come from above that is from God to Kings and from God or Kings to people and not from inferiors to superiors For none can as from themselves alone make others more powerful then themselves more then they can make themselves other or more then themselves And when God himself is often mentioned in holy writ as covenanting with people he is never to be understood as if done for increasing his authority by this means but whether he express the return of general obedience to his laws which thereupon come to be called Covenant also or not he is in both respects so far from acknowledging any derivative power from them to accrew by their consents that on the other side what they receive is of free-grace and goodness from him For though this obedience as due for the receit of more extraordinary and remarkable favors come to claim a greater willingness as carrying a token of more high obligation through such expressions of goodness to certain people and persons yet as God he had right to the same obedience and measure of gratitude from those and all other his creatures and must be presumed as herein only applying himself to help our backwardness in this due return by this repetition of extraordinary mercies For however it be in peoples power to be more or less willing in obedience and gratitude yet the duty thereof can never cease nor the duty of willingness herein neither
whether God be more particularly beneficient or no. Even so in measure it is with Kings and parents also who cannot be in any thing empowered from below but must also in the expressions of such Covenants and leagues nor to be thought as equal Pactors But so far as they and those under them can be according to their relations mutual Covenanters it can be in no wise understood of such things as were formally constitutive of them in these relations as for the inferior to give power of government or the superior to give the other power of obedience For this had been to have supposed them to have been before stated towards each other in a contrary respect as the superior to have been an inferior and the inferior a superior and that they were now but exchangers It is indeed many times practised for superiors to promise protection justice and such like things as are proper for them that have power and for inferiors on the other side to promise fidelity obedience and the like And these things have their use because they both as voluntary agents might be by this means reciprocally the better minded of the discharge of their mutual obligations But since the same things had been due from each to other had they not been expressed they cannot therefore be reasonably thought constitutive of that separate power and vertue whereby the relatives act Hereupon as Gods particular benefits promised unto men are sometimes called Covenants so mens solemn promises of obedience to God are called Covenants also but whether we vow to him or he promiseth to us yet as long as there is not at the same time any mutual express consent of both parties for acceptance of conditions I see not how they can properly be counted stipulations or Pactions in any sense to be applied to the intended purpose Nor do I also know how to admit the like phrase of what passeth between Prince and people where the conditions or breach are not set down but are onely implicite promises and that commonly but on one side And if we look to Scripture phrase we shall finde Covenant and promise to import the same thing as in that promise to Noah of not drowning the world any more God calls it making his covenant not onely with Noah and his seed but with fowl cattel and every beast of the earth Here the name of Covenant is seven times mentioned sure it could not import any stipulation for we find nothing expresly required back from them nor could irrational creatures be capable of bargaining in this kind And as the Rainbow was a sign of this Covenant or general promise so was circumcision a sign of that particular Covenant or promise to Abraham for performance in due time of the promised land and promised seed they were not stipulations as if the parties were equal or as if God wanted or men had something in their powers which otherwise then by voluntary bargains could not be granted So that whether Gods gracious promises to men or mens promises of obedience to God come to be stiled Covenants It is not to be thought that God and man can come to such terms of equality as thus to stipulate or as though God must entreat first And therefore both are never promising reciprocally at the same time But however that these Covenants or promises of obedience from us served not to estate God in a right of power over us yet they have great availe to minde us under this notion more strictly of our duty and obedience to him as also have these signes of Unction coronation c towards the settling our obedience to Princes All which well considered may instruct us what to think of those condiscending phrases used by David and others in Scripture when they would by this adulatory means win their subjects or some eminent persons amongst them to some extraordinary performance as when the Arke is to be brought back or the revolted Israelites to be won to obedience by Abner or Amasa In which and such like cases when subjects have by force taken upon them to be more powerful then they should it is no wonder that Princes must as in discretion be forced to appear so much less then they ought But yet even in this condition they can for all that be no more truely said to derive the power of their office from Paction although they should in those cases pact with their subjects then the father or master can be said â—o derive their authorities from those of their houshold For these for the like ends may likewise entreat where they might rightfully command even in case they should be by stubborn or Rebellious children or servants awed or kept in durance and so forced for their release or security sake or for fear of their running from them and betraying them to use the fairest speeches they can and also to make such promises as the other will demand For in these cases the power of their offices being indivisible and so they having the same right from God to all as any this forceable deprivation can yeild to subjects sons or servants no higher propriety in what they thus bereave them of then the robber hath to what he takes from the owner who may have as good reason as subjects children or servants to say hereupon that he gave the owner what is left even because he took not all away aswell as the other And therefore the name of Paction cannot be proper where all the thing promised or mentioned is onely in the rightful power of one and where none is superior to that one as in cases between God and man And therefore is God said to swear by himself as having none greater For he as superior to all both in power and concern is both judge and party so far that â—e hath not onely power to judge of his own performance because none above him or knowing thereof but himself but also of the obedience and willingness of people because he is the onely supreme judge thereof too though not as Covenanter yet as God So that when Saul David Abraham Samuel c. have been in our sense deprived of those promises that seem made to them and their seed for ever we are herein to consider that as God could not give away his power more then deny himself so not cease to be judge of his own meaning in making the Covenant or of theirs or his performance Even so also in proportion it befalleth Kings who having none but God above them they cannot be obliged by Paction from their people farther then either conscience and sense of honor shall lead and as God in his attestations is said to swear by himself as having none greater so is their Royall words the highest assurance that subjects can have And therefore though Kings as promisers and Covenanters be hound as men yet as Kings they have onely power on earth to be Judges of their own or
whereupon those commands are grounded or else it will be to be really superior and to be under but in shew onely For if the Prince like an ordinary Subject must submit his Will to the guidance of a superior understanding he is himself a Subject and if you take away his negative voice you take away his Soveraignty Which thing you also do when you deprive him of his rightful power either to chose publick Councellors or to admit of things Councelable and to limit proceedings in debates For as no man can command in what he is not himself free or with Justice demand Obedience from another to what he hath not yet approved as just in himself so ought Princes to have their Understandings and Consciences satisfied and free in themselves before they should impose on their subjects Therefore I should think that those which meet in Parliaments to represent the desires of such and such particular places and people can neither of right assemble without leave from the Prince whose Authority can onely make them a publike and lawful Convention nor Debate or Councel remedies further then they have leave and direction from him too or else they shall become both Parties and Judges Because in these expedients the whole Kingdom or a greater part then themselves and those they stand for coming many times to be involved their private interest and judgement must in reason and duty submit to that which is impartial and common Nay if the Prince should give them leave to Debate and Vote and they by joyning many private interests should by a kinde of confederacy make a joint claim to the effecting any thing to the ruine of a few all were yet free for the Prince out of his common and impartial relation to them all to approve or deny as shall stand most valuable by generality or neerness of concern according to the rules before spoken of But when persons representing particular places shall so far be suffered to proceed in Debates of remedies as to come to Vote conclude and councel what is to be done and have for their so doing no Authority but what was issuing from themselves there can be nothing more destructive to the good government of a Kingdom then it for it quite subverts the whole frame of Monarchy and runs that nation into the mischiefs of Anarchy whose absurdities have been formerly spoken off And this is none other then if a single induction or else some single appetite or affection should of it self and by its own presure upon us prevail to the determination or execution of any thing we do without taking notice of that general appetite and affection in us called Will which by reason it hath been founded upon the continual experience of the different concerns and issues of these lesser appetites can be onely able to say which and how far any of them should prevail For subjects are to be taken onely as competent Judges of pleasant and unpleasant but it is the Prince his Prerogative from God to judge of good and bad And again although a negative voice of Soveraignty should be allowed to restrain execution in these debates yet the inconvenience of the subjects discontent will necessarily follow Inasmuch as they shall finde their desires now ackowledged fit in the resolutions of so many and onely crossed by one which shall never fail to be construed out of some private interest of his own or of some neer about him Therefore as these Assemblies of Parliaments are necessary that thereby the wants and grievances of subjects may be known so do some Kingdoms wisely order to have many of them that is in every Province or Shire one by which means the peoples desires might be more particularly and distinctly known and accordingly represented to the Prince in a more general Councel to be considered of Whereupon these Assemblies of several Provinces meeting in several places cannot at the same time joyn in the same Vote as out of plot in their desires and remedies but their several requests and opinions being referred to a superior common censure and determination each one will conclude that their private desires were denyed or delayed out of publike regard And then the Prince truely knowing the general desire and grievance of his subjects may accordingly provide for them without endangering publike discontent which is like to fall out when people shall be puâ— in minde of any new suit by knowledge of their Representatives Votes which they will be always thinking the most equal and just rule to follow especially while they are consonant to their own desires And yet in truth nothing more unreasonable For suppose the major number wise and unprejudiced yet when the number of dissenters are taken out of them the over number can be onely taken as concluding that way who cannot avail in credit against the Prince the representative whole And therefore he for that very cause and for that general account and trust sake he is put into he ought in all reason to have his Conscience and judgement left free and to be first satisfied whether these proposals are correspondent to the Laws of God and Nature and truely conducent to publike benefit But partiality and interest doth so commonly cloud and byass subjects in these kinde of determinations that we may observe that in those places and those very men that do most enveigh against this negative voice in the King as leaving too arbitrary a power in him that is to rule are all that while assuming to themselves that should be ruled an indisputable power of suspention or refusal in any Law or Precept of his in case they in their judgements finde them contrary to the rules of Religion or publike Justice And since all the reason which private persons can give for this their denyal is but for some particular danger and hazard to themselves they must thereupon grant that he that is to answer for the welfare and safeties of others ought much more to have this liberty allowed him But certainly had not Scripture and Antiquity acknowledged the Prince to have an indisputable right unto a Negative voice and to be himself so supreme in all Councels and Debates as that their chief value and reputation should depend on him and not on them I see not how the frequent threats of giving Children Babes and Women to be Kings and Princes could be taken as a true woe or malediction but rather otherwise For that in such places where their Kings were restrained from personal medling by such disability it must follow that the Councellors proceeding with greater freedom in the deliberations and conclusions they shall proportionably also cause the happiness of that State or Kingdom to encrease by that encrease of uncontrolable Authority they shall by this means have By all which we may finde that it is so far from being Tyranny or Oppression that it is true prudence and duty in Princes as to admit of no Councels or Councellors
of whose sufficiency and integrity themselves are not satisfied so never to grant them general and arbitrary power to conclude or vote thereby to have their sense of things published till they shall be his too For as it is distastful to do things without Councel so much more against it And it will be prudence in him too by no means to add their Authority to his acts or very seldom to do it because it will in time eat out his power by its growing reputation or cause Rebellion when he shall withdraw And again the Nature of the thing it self will require this superintendency for nothing more incident to Councels then partiality and siding according to interest either of bribes kindred or friendship in debates that concern parties and affairs in the same Kingdom Or if it concern other Kingdoms or States there is nothing more usual then to have them Pensioners to forraigners All which the Prince is in reason free from For as he hath alike interest to all within his own Kingdom so can he not have an equal wish to the welfare of himself and another Prince which the Councellors may have through ambition bribery or revenge to him or others as Ahitophel and Abner and other examples do declare Again as in all other meetings of equals Councels cannot be without faction where some one mans reputation wins many after him like flocks of sheep which way he shall encline In which case I see not how poling and numbring of the persons voting can justly estimate right and wrong or the result of the Councel either for that these cannot be reckoned in the number of Counsellors to the Prince but as servants to others Add to this that usual height of arrogance which men ordinarily take to themselves in presumption of their abilities in this kinde insomuch as truth is not so much desired as victory All which Passions as they shall come to be by the Prince discovered it were strange if an odds of two or three in a number should be thought sufficient to conclude against the stronger integrity and Reason that shall appear to him to be in a less number of persons as though the whole number of any Councel could be for Wisdom and Honesty equal or that these things must ever follow the greater number But in these last discourses I would not be again understood as teaching Princes in this place what to do otherwise then may serve to let subjects know what they are to obey Now concerning Magistrates and the reasons both for institution and limitation of their Offices it may well appear out of what hath been hitherto spoken of Councellors For as the one being chosen or admitted to be helpers to the Prince in the farther information of his Understanding are not thereupon to be so far consultative or deliberative as by their peremptoriness therein to overthrow and exclude that very end for which they were ordained even so also Magistrates being by him chosen or admitted as helpers to his Will in the better execution of what shall be by him decreed and appointed are not thereupon to proceed upon their own Decrees without leave of him that authorized them Else it may happen that Councellors determining as in their own rights and Magistrates acting so too they should as too often it cometh to pass thrust out and seclude that Soveraignty that set them up and engross it to themselves So that we may call the Magistrate a publike Officer appointed and authorized by his Superior power for the oversight and execution of so much of his authority as he shall command and entrust unto him From whence the Magistrates may be apprehended to be of divers sorts according to the nature of those trusts which that superior power shall commit unto them For as he shall delegate them as chief Judges and disposers of things either in Ecclesiastical Civil or Martial affairs so may they come to differ in denominations as Bishops Judges Commissioners Ambassadors and such like But as by the words appointed and authorised he must be presumed under the Soveraign especially when he is present so by the word oversight he must be taken as of absolute power in his absence or else his deputation and power is useless And therefore when some are saying Magistrates are bound to the Laws so as to rule according to them this is true as far as concerns their trust and charge received from those above them But as for such as are to be ruled by them they must be in the Soveraigns stead absolutely above them and the whole interpretation and enforcement of the Law must depend on them also So that from hence it will appear that none but God Almighty is an absolute Soveraign because Princes being by him intrusted with Divine and Natural Laws are but as Magistrates under him For when he shall immediately appear in any thing by voice from himself or by extraordinary direction from some Prophet which for our belief he attests by miracle their power is to cease upon the same reason that the power of their own Magistrates ceases or alters when themselves appear or give to others more late or extraordinary Commission under their hands and seals But although it be true that in respect of God above they be but Magistrates yet the usual calling them Magistrates as thereby making them but of equal rank and power with others hath bred the fame misapprehension to abate their just power as the calling Subjects People hath prevailed towards the belief of the encrease of theirs For as Magistrates and people are republike compellations which subsisting by and aiming at equality do by their expressions signifie as much so Prince and subjects are onely proper in a Kingdom where greater disparity is the foundation thereof But while the King hath the title of supreme Magistrate given him as importing his more large power from God he is still in his true seat of power for while he is such he must in all Gods Laws and where God presides not himself be obeyed as in his stead as that Statute and setled Officer for execution of his will according to all Laws already received But if God send any Ambassador or Commissioner or Prophet or Apostle with an extraordinary message of his pleasure as before shewed then is he to be obeyed upon our knowledge thereof as having neerer instructions from the fountain of power For as it would be unreasonable for the Axe to boast it self against him that heweth therewith c. In like manner would it also be if Magistrates made by Princes should arrogate against them But now as for such who doe acknowledge it unreasonable for the Magistrate or subordinate Officer to resist or rise up against that power that gave it Essence to be such and would yet countenance disobedience against Princes by affirming Magistrates and Officers in their Kingdomes to be in some Employments and cases so far from being Subordinate and his Magistrates
the government and for the present to bring our selves into such confusion as what or who to obey is uncertain then onely I suppose enquiry is to be made what direction for well settled obedience can follow this disorder In which case as men must be first presumed to have forsaken the command of God and King and all that hath power above them so being now to be supposed to have no other then the guide of nature and self-interest to follow it might be by some thought that what was before shewed as allowable in nature in the dealings of each man towards other in order to self-defence and security should be warrantable to each faction during their contest as supposing them to be as so many single men united by their distinct interests Whereupon they might argue that as each one is by nature or reason directed and warranted to secure it self to the utmost against fear and the quantity of that fear and the security thereupon to be taken being left to his judgement also it will follow that any faction may herein proceed even to the death or other overthrow of its opposers and enemies if in its judgement his own preservation so require For in doing otherwise and out of pitty onely sparing it would be to transgress the Law of Nature and Reason and to prefer the sence of anothers preservation before its own Therefore each party being diversly affected and so looking upon each other as enemies they must consequently be each of them intent to provide for their own securities and whether they put it to the issue of war or not the weaker is necessarily at the discretion of the stronger even so that what of liberty or property is remaining he is bound in gratitude to the other as of a free gift But in this case there is great disparity for the single man had a separate will and understanding by nature implanted for his own guide and security even as all other natural agents but we cannot say that nature hath so united a multitude of any sort nor can we pick out any example amongst creatures where by joynt understanding and will multitudes did command multitudes nor can they so do with any colour of right otherwise then as they are now Monarchical and under one man or were made an independent community by their Prince And therefore I should rather think that the most rational course that in this case can be taken to recover their former happiness and peace I am sure that most Religious and conscientious it is that they return to the same form of government and obedience under which they formerly enjoyed them For although it might seem for the present tollerable for each faction to stand upon tearms of safety and defence against the other yet since the destruction of their former government must be acknowledged unlawful they are to consider that till they return to that form again they are in no true political way but do altogether depend upon the natural way of continual force And that though for the present what they do as men and in order to their securities might be allowable yet looking on themselves as Christians they must make what hast they can to be settled in the onely commended and right form again as knowing their present actions have no ground in true Religion For though it might be in meer nature allowable for their whole body supposed as one man as aforesaid to impose on the other yet since they can never be truely one in interest whilst not acting by one mans command it will still fall out that several parties of them will impose too then which nothing more unreasonable No nor unjust it being plain partiality thus to prosecute the designs and interest of one party to the overthrow of another For although self-love be natural and just as heretofore noted in which regard any one man on either side might warrantably act his designs to the prejudice of any one on the other yet since none of the particular parties can have an entire interest it must therefore follow that in acting all the other interests of the rest of the faction to the overthrow of others equally his neighbor he is partial and unjust having in nature no warrant to love one man better then another This injustice being onely avoided in that party that adheres to a Monarch or Prince and so joyning with him in his entire interest and claim do all of them act but as one person Whereas else that different degree of love or hatred or interest which each person on the one side bears to each one on the other must make them unequal and unjust prosecuters So that although in case of self-defence against an unlawful invasion or in some cases of acquisition and gain it may be for the present allowable for men in this sort to unite and act without a joynt supreme authority especially where it cannot for the present be had yet in case of government wherein a constant and settled way of managery of this common security and stock of riches is required the case will be otherwise For in the first condition each one may be supposed firmly and uniformly united and equally acting his own interest both in relation to self-defence and gain even because each one seeking these things in the highest measure he can doth thereupon equally consider each one on the opposing side as an enemy to himself nor doth look on those of his fellows but as equally his friends Whereas on the other side when places of honor and command tending to common security or the common revenew and stock of a Nation come to be divided or assertained amongst the subjects themselves in these cases there being a differing enmity and competition necessarily to arise about the distribution and managery of these offices and proprieties between party and party in the same association it cannot be avoided but that the unequal ambition and covetousness residing in the several persons must make them without a common united head unequal and unjust guides and distributors of those things wherein they must constantly have such partial and unequal respect to one another Therefore I conclude that true natural reason or justice no more warrants them to continue and exercise this kinde of authority in shew of a lawful government then Scripture and nature warranted them in remove of their old So that now out of a conscientious prudence they should have a fellow feeling of each others sufferings and not continue perpetual judges over such as they can have no jurisdiction upon They are not now to think they have right to continue this their present tyranny over their fellows For none other it is when government is exercised by any persons or orders of men but such as have by their offices power from God which since these cannot have as heretofore noted It is not their specious and formal way of proceeding can make their actings to the
do I believe but those that through interest and partiality would decline obedience to the present Prince would yet on their parts expect his protection in case any violence should be offered But men are led to misconceive of actions of this nature for want of due regard how the same person stands accountable for what he doth herein according to that different condition he stood in at the time of doing Whosoever shall oppose or make insurrection against that Prince that is in present possession and under whose protection he lives he and all that side with him are all that while not onely guilty of the sin of rebellion before the divine Tribunal but before that political Tribunal also wherein this Prince doth preside Whereas all those that do assist this their present Soveraign are to be counted loyal both by Law of God and Man But if divine providence or permission have given such success to any subject as to deprive the present Prince and to seat himself in the Regal Throne from that time both he and those that took his part cease to be rebels as to the political Tribunal for any thing they shall act afterwards but both of them stand Criminals before God as for their rebellion past And he also so far as he is an Usurper stands accountable both there and in his own Conscience for al those injuries which are or shall be committed in his present usurpation as wel by himself as those that obey him Whereas they again that were by the Laws of God and man to be accounted loyal to the former Prince in respect of that obedience they then gave him as their present higher power shall become now rebels to this if while they live under his Government and Jurisdiction they pay not that respect and obedience which is to Soveraignty due and they do therein stand accountable as Criminals aswel before the divine Throne as that of their present Soveraign To the present Soveraign I say this subjection must be given if at all we will allow subjection as a duty to be acted and not as a bare contemplative vertue onely For in this case as obedience is due to the higher power even because it is so so must it be actually given to him that is actually seised thereof who onely having present power to command and also to punish in case of refusal must be understood to be the true object of obedience and subjection not onely for wrath but also for Conscience sake â—nd whose resistance as the resistance of the Ordinance of God makes that party a Criminal not onely in respect of judgement hereafter but also in respect of that present Judiciary power wherein the Prince is now seated For this tribute of subjection must be held as legally due to that person in whose name the Laws are enforced and executed as the payment of other tribute doth belong to that Image and Circumscription which is stampt upon the Coyn which was enjoyned to Caesar a stranger by birth and religion and one that had not so much as legal title at home and yet being acknowledged by him that had all title it will thereupon make the duty of subjection to the present power much more apparent But then again although those that now take part with the present power are to be accounted loyal in all thy do in his obeisance whilst he continues their Soveraign and on the contrary those that were formerly loyal are now to be held for Criminals for what they act contrary to their present supremacy yet are they to be lookt upon with this difference in relation to their actings past Those that were loyal cannot justly be punished by him that succeeds for any opposition against him before he was possessed for that were to discourage and punish loyalty Whereas those that took part for setting up a new power having all that while no lawful Authority for what they did are for all those acts legally punishable by the deposed Prince in case he shall be restored none but he having power to pardon what was done against his Jurisdiction onely For certainly as caths of Alleageance and other ties of duty were given to Princes by Subjects with respect and in relation to that power they then held even so must Subjâ—â—â—s be held Criminals to that power for all disloyal acts done while that power was up even as they must also be criminals when they do oppose that which succeeds And it will concern every new Prince even in point of prudence to be careful hereof And although he cannot in discretion and good nature but be exemplar in depressing and rewarding some few that have more eminently opposed or assisted him yet generally to punish or discourage such as have been true to the former established Government onely because they have been so and to reward such as sided for alteration onely because they did so will be found of most dangerous consequence not onely to himself but to the publike peace also by leaving a president for necessitous and discontented persons to attempt the like innovations for the future upon the like incouragements and hopes of reward Upon due regard of the necessary rendring this obedience to the present Prince in order to duety and maintainance of publike peace and in tenderness of the indemnity of Subjects for so doing was that most gracious and beneficial Law made by that most prudent and politick Prince of our Nation Henry the seventh enacting that none should be questioned as Traytors for any thing done in obedience to the present King This most wise Prince had well considered how often the subjects of this Land had been punished even for being true Subjects by such as being wholly swayed by sense of self-interest and revenge did herein deal otherwise by them then themselves would in like case be dealt by For they would not themselves have been content that their followers should for their loyalty to them be so used by such as should again succeed in this power and much less would they be content that any should withdraw their subjection from themselves now in present power under colour of the better Title of another And much less yet would they have been content if themselves had been in the condition of subjection to any Prince and had therein been constantly loyal that this former Prince having now neither occasion to imploy or means to maintain them elsewhere should ingratefully stomack and reckon as a fault that necessary livelihood he were now forced to seek in his native Country under the protection and obeisance of another He foresaw that while that way of claim by Title was pleadable amongst the Subjects themselves that they were not onely still at a loss for want of true evidence herein but the whole Kingdom perpetually infested with Civil war by that disagreement that must happen thereabout whilst Subjects might upon this pretence be no subjects by withdrawing obedience from the present subjector to
whom it is naturally apparently and presently due to give it to such as were now but equals in Soveraignty and so being not able for the present to command it as a duty what is to them herein done can carry no other interpretation then as acts of love friendship respect or the like and not of loyalty and subjection Which duty obliging us to actual performance the Question is not who should be but who is in the feat of Authority He foresaw that under colour of setling obedience by evidence of Right and Title friendship and interest were still put into the scale in the preferment of one person before another to the perpetual disturbance of the Subjects by their disagreements herein Whereas if right to possession had still followed possession all Civil war should be avoided because being then guided by a thing so apparent to each ones sense there could be none found to oppose or disturb him whom all did obey Wheras those that withdrew their obedience from him that was actually possessed under colour of that right which any other had to possess as they must thereby confess it due in respect of that office he hath right unto so if they should separate themselves from their own interests and passions they must acknowledge it by the same rule to be for the present due to this present possessor Else by a strange and unnatural contradiction he that is actually possessed as King should be at the same time actually dispossessed and no King by this absurd diversion and application of obedience unto a power which is not in being Sense and experience of his own former condition had rightly told him that as this belief or opinion of the right of him that is dispossessed can during that his private condition claim from his former Subjects a willingness propension only to perform actual subjection when he shall be again possessed and restored to a capacity of actual command so in the mean time the actual possession of this other must by the same rule claim actual subjection and obedience unto him from all that live under his obedience and jurisdiction unless as we said we should make that Precept for subjection to the higher power vainly given when such as should be subject should have a liberty hereby left them whether they will at any time be so or no by making some pretence or other that it is not rightly due to him that hath now onely power to command it And therefore although this Prince like others did wisely cause such of his Subjects as were eminent or to be suspected to take oaths of Allegeance and Fidelity to himself and posterity yet by that truely self-denying Ordinance before mentioned he may well be thought more considerative of that future establishment of publike peace and benefit then so peevishly respective to the setling his race alone as upon any turn to involve all men in the hazard of guilt and blood by making that oath which was made to preserve and encourage loyalty a continual snare and punishment to all that had been so and to such onely who in Conscience and friendship stand enclined to his side But now for conclusion of this Discourse we shall say something in answer to such scruples as may arise concerning those that are cast into that unhappy condition as to be under any of these Polarchies because else it might be supposed from what hath hitherto been spoken or may hereafter that I did conclude that no man could live honestly or Conscienciously but under a Monarch It is therefore to be considered as we have formerly hinted that as all these Polarchies have been formerly Monarchies so are their Laws and Constitutions for the most part onely such as have been before setled and Authorized by a Monarch In which case it will fall out that the Subject living in any imployment and Calling allowed by the former Laws is to be concluded lawfully authorized in his deportments as obeying and submitting to the Ancient and right Authority still But in all new Constitutions and Commands on him imposed by these unauthorized Guides by which he shall be put to act any thing that may have relation beyond himself he is in that case for want of warrant from Christs direct Deputy to secure his innocence the best he may by assuming to himself the power of judging of Morality and to act no farther then the Conscientious rule of Do as thou wouldest be done unto shall give leave And in that condition is he to make use of that distiction of obedience into Active and Passive and of obeying God rather then man So that by his Patience and Willingness to suffer in his own person rather then wrong another he shall acquit himself of the guilt of that suffering he might bring on another through want of a justly derived power For when it shall be any mans unhappiness not to have Christ by his proper Deputy outwardly directing him how to love his neighbour as himself as well as by his Spirit and Gospel inwardly fitting him thereunto he is then by his Consciencious abstenance from all appearance of evil and by his readiness to be assisting unto him in all that shall be in his power and which according to his wants shall be justly or reasonably demanded of him to make up that measure of bounden good to his neighbour which he cannot actively undertake and perform In this last Chapter I have again raised up and united the former Fabrick of Monarchy which in all those precedent seemed to be buried in the rubbish of popular mistake and confusion And as in the first Book the foundation thereof was laid on that stock of discourse which Divine Edict and the Rules of humane Nature or reason would afford here I have again added to the strengthening and establishing of the Work such farther supply as the presidents of other meer naturall agents would readily contribute although men like them should be supposed put into the world at randome and without other direction or law then what their owne senses could frame It seems now therefore seasonable that for confimation of all we should have our recourse to Religion so called because it is the tye of all politie and commerce to see how all these things stand therein warranted and are both allowed and commanded by that great Guide and preserver of Man kinde all which by divine assistance the following Book shall declare THE THIRD BOOK OF GOVERNMENT AND Of the Obedience thereunto due according to Arguments more particularly drawn from SCRIPTURE The Introduction HOw long since or who it was that first made that distinction of the Decalogue into two Tables as now received I know not but sure I am that that common liberty every day taken of dividing mens duties and obedience into religious and civil hath been the cause of much distraction and division amongst men For whilst some are ranking under the classis of Gods particular service
humility and obedience as that they should give unto their superiours endued with power over them from the just One the same indisputable respect as Children did to their own Fathers and so like obedient children trust to them for the exposition of the Law of Moses and the former statutes and judgements This pronoune their being restrictively added to Fathers in the clause for obedience whereas the pronoune the is added to Fathers in the other will again shew us how large our love should be and not at all exclusive whereas our obedience is to be to our own heads or fathers So that now by means of Christs taking on him the kingly office under the Gospel and so by his Church and deputies therein affording us both places and persons continually accessible we may say of his Kingly office in like manner as was said of his taking the Priestly office upon him namely that as we have a high Priest that may be touched with our infirmities so we have a kingship also from him the King of Kings whereby as from persons knowing and sensible of our want we may be continually supplyed after a new and living way both with ghostly and temporal directions by the grace and power of him who hath uniued thesese two offices and is after the order of Melchisedec King both of righteousness and peace Upon which ground we may find a ready reason for our Saviours speech that God had given him authority to execute judgement because he is the son of man meaning that as God had made his recess under the Law before mentioned in compassion of mans weakness so under the Gospel by Christs taking our nature upon him and so being made more sensible of our wants we have also an exceeding advantage towards the Commiseration of our frailties whether in pardoning what we do amiss or in supply of what we want Whereupon it must now follow that as a medicine doth not work by being but by being applyed and that as Gods new Covenant of inward grace is to be made effectual by our outward obedience so must now our condition of innocence and fulfilling of the law by the precepts of love be interpreted then onely subsistent when we act with or not contrary to such as are by God and Christ entrusted with the custody and direction of these precepts and have power to command us accordingly And although God himself rule not in us now by Tables of Stone so much as formerly but by the fleshly tables of our hearts yet since these are still ruling by them in his stead our obedience to them is necessary and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour that we may lead quiet and peaceble lives in all Godliness and honestly and so make good on all parts his saying that he came not to destroy the Law but to fulfill that is not to let this inward obedience to God in the precept of love prove fruitless for want of outward obedience to Superiours directing how the same shall be usefull For we are to esteem and believe them as keepers of both Tables that is as to the outward Minstration and since in this kinde we cannot hear God plainly and expresly speaking as from the mount that cannot be touched we are yet to hear them as in his stead according to that admonition obey them that have the rule over you and submit your selves for they watch for your souls as they who must give accompt that they may do it with joy and not with grief for this is profitable for you Which precept of obedience twice repeated under the words obey and submit sets forth this duty to be performed in the fullest manner no equivocation or delusion to be used herein For since I may obey but in what my self likes or is for mine owne ends or I may give obedience onely for fear of wrath I am also commanded to submit my self that is to do it for conscience sake to his authority as one that is in duty subjected unto it And to cut off that usual cavil against obedience to Christian authority namely the hazard of our souls we are here told that they are the watchmen of our souls and that they must give accompt thereof And this office of watching our souls they shall then perform with joy and not with grief when we shall readily yeild them this our bounden obedience and submission and consider with our selves how profitable this subjection is unto us even for securing our souls and estating us innocent And least any shold think this admonition reach to civil duties onely and not to directions for and in matters of faith the Apostle in the same chapter did before bid them remember them that have the rule over you who have spoken unto you the word of God whose faith follow considering the end of their conversation That is since the end of their imployment and rule overus was that we might lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honestly or to be directed by them in matters pertaining to godliness as well as honesty we are therefore to follow their faith in delivery of the meaning of the Scripture as we have already followed their authority in receiving it as the word of God And again to take off the objection of personal defect and errour which might be made to defeat obedience to some men in lawful authority let our Saviour himself be heard The Scribes and Pharisees saith he sit in Moses seat all therefore whatsoever they bid you observe that observe and do Where we may find by the words all and whatsoever the generallity of our obedience to the persons in Moses seat or seat of supream and just authority Against which if any exception or suspition of errour was to have been a sufficient excuse Christ would never have so enjoyned it as supposing the Scribes and Pharisees put into that seat a people which he well knew to be in many particulars erronious But yet however whilst they sat in Moses seat that is as from and under God acknowledged and taught the fundamentals of the law so long were their disciples secured in a state of innocence by obedience no otherwise then Christians are by obedience to those that are over them in Christs seat in the Church Undeniably clear to this purpose is Saint Paul to the Philippians Do all things without murmurings and disputings that ye may be blameless and harmless the sons of God without rebuke in a crooked and perverse Nation amongst whom ye shine as lights in the world holding forth the word of life that I may rejoyce in the day of Christ that I have not run in vain nor laboured in vain In which words he shews what is to hold forth or make use of the word of life namely to do all things without murmurings and disputings For this obedience to Gods vicegerents will not onely make the persons themselves blameless
be by the Apostles that wanted it Whereupon as we finde Saint Paul comprising Fornication Covetousness Railing Drunkenness and Extortion under the then Church cognisance and censure as well as Idolatry it is to be concluded that the power and jurisdiction of each Churches present head was Vniversal and absolute as of right in it self to judge and punish in civil as well as spiritual causes Christ having then no Church head but them although in matter of execution he were as before noted many times restrained Upon which consideration we cannot any wayes assigne the now Gospel Ministers to be successours to the Apostles or primitive Bishops in what they did as the then heads of Churches but must appropriate that to Kingly right as shall be more fully declared hereafter All which no doubt with some other things elsewhere spoken will displease some of that order For although self interest as highest may make them differ about precedence amongst themselves yet to have their order eclipsed in any thing of honour or power cannot but displease because even self interest though not so direct is yet plainly therein also And therefore since Church-men are usually the best learned and commonly the onely Writers of Church matters and of State affairs also as often as any other it is no marvil if in so long a tract of time so many arguments and contrivances for deviding the Kings and establishing their separate authority have been craftily laid by some and as hastily entertained by others in order to the making them more powerful Amongst other things it may be observed how pride and arrogance hath brought those notions of Laicks and Ideots which were brought in by them whereby to be distinguished from other subjects to import rudeness ignorance and inferiority when as by means of their greater learning and favour divers priviledges and immunities were reserved to themselves The which God knows I dislike not otherwise then as finding it made destructive to publike peace and good For it is an order which of all other should I conceive have the highest rank and esteem amongst Subjects even for that their imployment is in such matters as are apparently in themselves and by publick approbation and appointment held of most immediate concern in Gods worship and service amongst us and is in many things of that nature as is not by others undertakable In which regard truly as much grieved I am to finde that present contrary and proportionable want of eminence and esteem given them in those places where Monarchy hath been ecclipsed or thrust out even by bringing them thereby so much lower as there followes to be more above them as I am offended at the extraordinary height and success of their Antichristian pride where some inseparable marks of Monarchy and government are held in their owne hands But however their success proves it will concern men that would be truly careful of their salvation and followers of things that make for peace to have an eye to the true fundamentals of religion delivered in holy Scripture and not be led away with the usurped interpretation of any unauthorised person whom they shall alwayes finde either directly ayming at their owne interest therein or else in passion or emulation to one another they will instead of satisfying our doubts be still encreasing extending their own differences amongst themselves until they have made them fundamentals and necessary to salvation Whereupon by Anathema's to their opponents they are to be observed to the accompilshment of their several dominions and honour in the Church continually espousing their owne quarrels upon us and engaging us in civil broiles If we do not this and keep not close to Christ himself that is to that authority which is next and most representing him we shall be in continual danger to be made believe by subordinat Ministers that not following of us that is not being of our Sect is all one as not to be Christians and to be against him And if self conceitedness could thus blinde our Saviours owne Disciples so far as to lead them to this rash mistake and that notwithstanding known miracles and profession made in Christs name what may we expect from the ambitious aims of men now living but that this following of us should be continually made as too good experience tells us it is the dayly bait to draw us farther from Christ under pretence of bringing us nearer So that whilst some are declaiming against authority and branding their commands as superstitious even in things wherein Christs honour and worship are neerly concerned they are yet found so resolute in their own particular sects and tenents that they would have mens belief and adherence to Christ to be measured onely by their belief and adherence to them which to my thinking is as high and plain Idolatry as any can be But the immediate following discourse of that text shews the temper and ayme of this humor when those very Disciples are endeavouring to wrest Eliahs president by drawing fire from heaven against that authority which opposed them the which although they were of another religion and jurisdiction too is yet rebuked by our Saviour as proceeding from a most ungospel-like spirit and shewing him to be subject to like passions with others And therefore for the true stating of these things we shall more briefly say that so far as they are to perform the work of Evangelists that is to preach unto us Jesus and to prove and declare him to be the only fundamental object of faith and salvation so far have they their power from God alone but so far as they have diocessan or parochial charge and are in paticulars to shew unto us how we are to obey him as Christ and King in any outward deportment so far are they to derive their authority from that Church power which had from Crhist power to ordain and separate them unto that work So far as they are entrusted with the guidance of Gods inward kingdom in our hearts that is to perswade men to faith in Christ which was the chief work of the primitive teachers amongst the Infidels so far are they Gods Ministers and not mans but as they are to meddle with mens abbearances and external behaviour in Christs Kingdome the Church that is to shew how to perform obedience to him being converted and acknowledging his power so far are they to have warrant from those his chief deputies in the Church Whereupon two things will plainly follow to the advantage of the Clergy above others First that in respect of their ordination they are to be held so properly Gods Ministers that in preaching and administration of the Sacraments and some other things none but they have power to intermeddle and yet are they not hereby excluded from having external jurisdiction and power over mens persons also if the authority of the Church wherein they live shall so think fit Nay when the representative authority of that
those prophesies concerning Christs humiliation in his own person should have an end and also his own prophesies concerning those miserable times of calamity that should for sometime befall his Church after his departure In which respect it is that he is come to send fire on earth and a sword c. meaning persecution and also to set men in neerest relations at variance one against another meaning that for fear thereof they should betray one another For if we be not regardful of the true times of compleating the prophesies of universal peace of the Church we shall be at a loss to finde their accomplishment For I conceive the prophesies of universal peace as of beating swords into pruning-hooks c. to have accomplishment at the general peace when Christ the Prince of peace came and our Saviours prophesies of his Churches persecution to have an end in Constantines time After whom I look on the Christian Church in her relapses under Julian the Apostate c. as in a temporary trembling motion till she fix in her state of quietness and assurance For we are not to expect that Christ should cry or cause his voice to be heard in the streets of the world as a King Untill he had sent judgement into victory that is untill by means of victories obtained by these his deputies in the seat of judgement he shall have made himself notable for his power For the expression of sending judgement into victory must import his doing these things by others even by these anointed persons under him In the mean time those his former Deputies Apostles Bishops Patriarchs c. that like weak and feeble reeds were shaken to and froe of the winde of persecution he should not break or quench the smoaking or dimnly burning flax That is should both powerfully defend them against others breaking and should also promote the encreasing state of his Church which like to smoaking flax should shortly burn forth brightly under Monarchy and by means of these nursing fathers of the Church should shew judgement to the Gentiles This fault of mens adding precept to precept and of Forsaking the fountain of living water and digging to themselves broken Cisterns that can hold no water we may finde plentifully reproved by other of the Prophets also but most of all by this Evangelical Prophet who in the latter part of his eight Chapter is censuring thereof and warning us against this covenanting with death and hell almost in the same words Say ye not a confederacy to all them whom this people shall say a confederacy neither fear you their fear nor be afraid Sanctifie the Lord of hoasts himself and let him be your fear and your dread that is sanctifie him according to the precepts of faith and love his inward law written in your hearts And then He shall be for a sanctuary a place of safety to you but for a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence to both the houses of Israel for a gin and for a snare to the inhabitants of Jerusalem And many among them that is all such as will trust to their own light and neglect the simplicity of Christs Gospel-light shall stumble and fall and be broken and be snared and be taken And then he proceeds to tell what this new and living way is and how the letter of the Law is to be made lively and effectual by means of a living keeper and so he brings in Christ speaking Binde up the testimony seal the law among my Disciples that is let judiciary power be in those that rule in Christs name and stead And I will wait for the Lord that hideth his face from the house of Iacob that is such of them as sacrifice to their own snares and will look for him Behold I and the children whom the Lord hath given me are for signs and for wonders in Israel because our way agrees not with the interests of their moral contrivances After which the admonition comes against our listening to these diviners and such as would finde Christ in the secret places When they shall say unto you seek unto them that have familiar Spirits such as make frequent brags of their own gifts and illuminations and unto them that peep and that matter such as have canting ways and expressions of their own do not follow such for should not a people seek unto their God Is it fit that they should seek for the living sense of the Law to the dead letter But if they do seek to the Law and to the Testimony if they speak not according to this word namely shewing how all Law is fulfilled in this one word of love it is because there is no light in them that is because God hath suffered the God of this world to blinde their mindes Else they might see that these Precepts of love are plainly there set down as the sum of the Law also and other particular Precepts as they were litterally delivered were but appropriate to the Jewish Nation onely and not universally binding as divine And therefore they that thus dig deep to hide their Councels from God shall pass through it hardly bestead and hungry they shall be caught in their own snares and be as him that dreameth of meat and behold he is an hungry And it shall come to pass when they be hungry they shall fret themselves and curse their King and their God and look upward That is the shame and confusion of their own deceitful way shall drive them into so great desparation that instead of amendment by obedience to God to be shewed to the King his Minister they shall curse the parties themselves that is curse God by cursing their King whereby they shall curse upward as well as look upward The which is the issue of all such blinde guidance namely to finde trouble darkness dimness anguish and the like which way soever they shall look And this consequence of dimness and anguish as we finde by example to have been the issue of the absence of Monarchical direction in the Idolatry Civil war and other wickedness of the Israelites When they had no King but every man did what seemed good in his own eys that is interpreted and followed the letter of the Law as he thought good so is it also foretold to happen to Israel and in them to the Christian Church when she shall be an empty Vine or fruitless by bringing forth fruit unto himself that is serve God after his own invention signified by increasing his Altars and goodly Images For then when their heart is divided that is are not single and entire in their service and obedience they shall be found faulty and their Altars and Images shall be broken down which is the same as to be snared and taken They shall then finde their sin of disobedience to prove their punishment For they shall say we have now no King
to themselves a liberty to know interpret and apply these Laws they have made that Precept of obey in all things equivalent to obey in nothing since that I do no more for him then I would have done for a friend that should have entreated me even to have satisfied his desire as far as my own Conscience or judgement did lead me But they have not well considered that as the reason why Children and Servants cannot follow implicite directions is because the Prince their common Superior hath nowhere left the Father and Master to this liberty by saying obey in all things or the like but on the contrary doth expect immediate and particular obedience from them as Subjects to many of his Laws which had he not but had bidden them to Submit to those that had the rule over them to do all things without murmurings and disputings c. It cannot be doubted but an implicite obedience to their Parent or Master would have excused them against their Prince inasmuch as in all those cases where no reservation was expresly made obedience to them was but obedience to him Nor have they well considered the condition of humane frailty which is and will be while man continues in this vail of misery obnoxious unto sundry unavoidable inconveniences and mischiefs It is not for men to fancy their happiness can be in any thing so stated here as not to be lyable to cross and adverse accidents all they can do is to bow and submit to that way and course by Providence appointed them and where these things are least to be feared And therefore to those that shall object against the degree of arbitrariness we have assigned to Princes What if Kings shall command their Subjects to commit murther or lye with another mans wife or the like We may make answer by another Question Whether they think it more probable that those things should come to pass and be acted in Civil war and Anarchy the usual remedy of this fear when each man is left at liberty to perform what he is by natural inclination provoked unto or when their actings are in that case bounded by one that can have no such self-delight therein Where there is a King set up with due power that can have no pleasure in any mans revenge or lust it is not supposeable that this one person shall be alike prone to command in that kinde nay even to any one person as that the neerer provocations of Anger and Concupiscence where no irresistable power is should universally instigate to be committed in order to that liberty in which each one is left If men do really hate these and the like evils and do accordingly desire that the most sure way should be taken for their avoidance for to do it in such degree that they shall not be supposeable to happen is impossible they should then me thinks not countenance those maxims and courses that tend to Rebellion and Civil war For where it is but possible that under a Monarch equally obeyed some things may be at some times commanded in case of insurrection and Civil war it falls out of necessity that such things must be often and more generally perpetrated And where in the first case it can never happen but with some knowledge and remorse of the thing as evil whereby through Conscience or sense of honor the execution may be prevented or mitigated here Conscience it self comes many times to be so blindely engaged that each disagreeing party is ready to believe that their revenge and rapine against each other is but as done against Gods enemies and so is both duty and service to him In which case to spare out of any natural or moral relation of Father or Master or the like is all one as to prefer worldly respects to divine and the love of men to that of God too sad experience telling us how men in this case are wont to heighten one anothers rage by the abused applycation of this or such like Texts Cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord deceitfully and cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood But for fuller satisfaction in these scruples men are to consider that as Murther Theft Adultery and the like are in themselves Vices notoriously destructive to humane preservation and peace so in the eye of divine Providence it was found necessary not onely to forbid them by express Laws and Precept from himself but also to substitute amongst men such living Magistrates as should have the charge for the interpretation and enforcing of them To say that any man may commit Murther Theft or the like and yet commit no sin were not to speak like a Christian but then again to say that the determination of what is or is not Murther or Theft is not left unto him that is to interpret and enforce this Law is as erroneous and unbecoming a subject When Moses commanded to slay every man his brother and to borrow of the Egyptians rayment Jewels c. the Israelites that were to look on him as the keeper and interpreter of the Law thereby Obedience to him assayl'd both of Murther and Theft For as these Laws as we said were made for the good of Society so is their definition and particular enforcement entrusted to him that hath share of each Society In which consideration it may often fall out that the putting of some to death by publike command is necessary to the saving of more from being murthered upon private revenge and the confiscation of some mens estates the ready way to secure other subjects in a more quiet possession And if those that are by Princes in these kindes to be imployed as executioners of Justice are not obliged to enter into the examination of the legality of the Precept or Sentence whereby any is bereft of life liberty or estate even because of those great inconveniences that might follow such delay or refusal why should not Subjects in the general be held excusable by implicite obedience also For it is nowhere found but the Subjects of the one sort do stand equally and as strictly obliged as the other and therefore if the Prince his particular employment of some certain of his subjects this way did for his very Precept sake tye them to stricter obedience and also excuse them therein what and if another subject should upon occasion be willed to act this part What and if as many subjects as should make an Army should be called together to execute his commands upon such numbers of others as could not be awed by the ordinary way of Justice for an Army is nothing else but an extraordinary leavy of men for publike vindication Are subjects in this case to refuse listing till they be farther satisfied in the justice of their Soveraigns proceeding then what his Declarations doth intimate Or may they afterwards susped execution in every new Command until they be fully satisfied in the justness thereof If this
delay or divert him from some course he had headily undertaken which in the pursuit would have proved more destructive to him either in his spiritual or temporal condition then are those opportunities and advantages which divine Providence hath now brought him unto Oh thou admirable and blessed Grace of Charity How dost thou by thy due exercise at once both make us good and happy as well in exciting us to acts of beneficence as delighting and rewarding us for doing them To call thee a moral Vertue is too low thou art them all and their Crown For in order to humane preservation and of all things that have sense and will thou art of as large and necessary extent as is that Vertue of Union and Sympathy which is the preserver of the whole worlds Fabrick besides Nay in us thou art the same Union and Sympathy under the name of Love doing the same thing that is hereby preventing the destruction of voluntary Agents as that doth of all natural ones and so being not onely like that providence her right hand but also so much more above it as thy execution is more above it in difficulty and the object of thy imployment more noble How much below thee stand all other Graces and Vertues Even so far as to be of no use without thee like as thou also art again so much more worthy as thou art more thy self that is art more extensive For when by any of them alone I chuse to exercise any moral duty if thou take it not by the hand how will self-respect byass it to pride Or if without thee I imploy my zeal it will be found little other then a gilded trifle or a Sacrifice of that which costs me nothing as being commonly but the imployment of an hours time or less which I had beforehand so ordered as to have nothing else to do therein Or did I exercise my devotion in real expence of part of my deerly esteemed estate and that in Alms or building of Temples or the like how will that present requital of foreseen honor make me usually a willing dispenser of my fortunes even to be seen of men and that either by thanks from the poor or by having my name set or known in the Temple by which means carrying a face and design towards pride how will it take off from that freeness which should Crown Devotion But when against my will it may be all my fortune and that which is yet dearest my good name is now snatcht from me and that by my professed enemies and I can yet be joyful as well as patient hence together with the difficulty must arise the highest pitch of honor Difficulty did I say nay impossibility for naturally it is so inasmuch as in so doing I do make contradictions both true at once For if my deprivation or suffering be in a thing I esteem not or am not sensible of what need or use of Patience And if I must be willing to suffer what I am unwilling to suffer as it can onely be done by a miraculous and divine help so the Vertue thereby wrought must be most highly divine also How is a natural perfection put into a non-plus herein My injury must be the reason of my patience my wrong of my forgiveness nay more I must in the highest measure be actively charitable to this my known enemy even because he is so expressing it in the highest degrees feed him cloath him if he want and above all pray for him howsoever Compare that which great ones deserve with this and you may call it Pride and Arrogance For with what ease do they sit and command and then assume the atchievement of publike Utility and Peace as proper to themselves when alas the true burthen and thanks for these things rests on the part of the obedient For what use of power but through submission and how soon without Patience would prosecution of revenge set whole Kingdoms in a civil flame whilst revenge should thus generate and my revenge on him call for his revenge on me Therefore as Charity is the preserver and establisher of other Vertues and Graces so is Patience and subjection the true tryal and establisher of Charity For Kings and great ones have their honor and power but from this relation of subjection and obedience and so far onely as they have first submitted their Wills to God and are themselves obedient and truely passive under his Authority and command can they have true power to act upon or command others By which means patience under subjection will prove the best Jewel in their Crowns as well as a Crown to other Vertues of their Subjects Nor can Princes be excused from the personal exercise of this Vertue of Patience also by being sometimes sharers in those chastisments which must testifie them to be sons and no bastards And that not onely when their own iniquity shall be punished with the rod of the children of men that is rebellion but also when they according to the Will and appointment of God shall fill up that which is behinde of the afflictions of Christ in the flesh for his bodies sake which is the Church Not that they can add in merit but like as every particular Christian must estate himself in Christ and his Church by their following him in sufferings and obedience so must great ones measure herein be higher then others upon occasion even as their honor and reward is proportionably more eminent in regard of that great trust of the Church put into their hands For as Saint Paul and other holy and eminent members and guides of the Church did formerly by their particular and more remarkable sufferings and patience in and for their separate Churches more fully and speedily fill up that measure of wickedness which unto their oppressive and persecuting adversaries was by divine permission allotted and thereby the sooner call for Gods Vengeance on them and compassion towards the relief of that Church for whose sake they suffered even so each separate Church may be supposed to have its measure of temporal afflictions more remarkably and fully compleated by the afflictions and sufferings of its own head and guide in chief whereby the sooner to move God in compassion of their sufferings as of the whole to regard and relieve the distresses of that particular Church in their temporal sufferings no otherwise then as Christ as head of the Catholike did by his sufferings generally merit salvation both temporal and eternal for the whole Church his body And therefore although the sons of Zebedee were not able to drink so great a a draught nor suffer in so high a measure as being to have but a subordinate and particular charge under our Savior yet that they were able to drink of that cup and should also bear a share in this Baptism is there ascertained when as yet the entrance and admission into Dominion and Power as on the right hand and
thou didst receive it why dest thou glory as if thou hadst not received it that is since Christ hath given his power in the Church to us in chief and to all others as subordinate why should they act without us as though they had not received it from us Why should you in your popular fancy of underived power thick to raign as Kings without us For although we have suffered our selves to be accounted weak and despised that ye might be strong and honorable and also to try if by any means we might win you yet it is not to deny that we have as your father just power to command you and therefore I write not to shame you for your neglect but as my beloved sons to warn you that I may not have occasion to come with a rod but in love and in the Spirit of meekness as I have always done And therefore although S. Paul do now beseech them to be followers of him as the only way to be of the same mind and of the same judgement yet it is but what he might as an Apostle of Christ have been bold in and have commanded them in Christs name and what they as commanded in the Lord that is by the stewards of the Mysteries of God nay as labourers together with God in this building and husbandry ought to obey And therefore is it that S. Paul faith I praise you brethren that ye remember me in all things and keep the Ordinances as I delivered them to you even as I the Disciple or Follower of Christ have by vertue of my Mission from him appointed you Not as some would have it follow me no farther in any thing then you find me following Christ because this had been to overthrow all he had said before and to have given new toleration to schism under pretence of following Christ For if men be not followers of those their Supreme Heads that are followers of Christ but will make divisions by honouring God their own way then will the Author of peace be made the Author of confusion whilst some in their publike worship have a Psalm some a doctrine a Revelation and Interpretation c. to the overthrow of all true publike worship and service for want of uniformity No otherwise then if the same person in the manner of his return of thanks and service to God should be distracted in himself and not wholly intent on the thing he is about for as there are private benefits for which we are separately to be thankful so are there national ones to in which our prayers and praises are to agree by publike appointment And this is the reason why writing to the Ephesians of our publique duties of praising God he presently enjoyns them submission as the only means to make it right and uniform Speaking to your selves in Psalms and Hymns and Spiritual Songs singing and making melody in your hearts to the Lord giving thanks always for all things unto God the father in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ submitting your selves one unto another in the fear of God which is the same with let every soul be subject unto the higher power because they are of God And so he goes on to state obedience in all the present Christian relations that is of wives children and servants as unto Christ and as to the Lord and not to men But by his beginning with the duty of wives and staying so long upon it we may well conceive him to have herein a particular drift to set forth under the figure of womens obedience to their husbands as their heads each Churches obedience to its Husband or Head under Christ who is the head of the whole Church his spouse of which more hereafter As for the authority of that office of Priesthood so far as related to sacrifice and legal Ceremonies none make doubt of its abolition under the Gospel Whose Ministers or Preachers being now Ministers of the Spirit not of the letter themselves can by no pretence as heretofore shewed claim external jurisdiction and obedience As for the other office of Prophet it had indeed a continuance for some time in the Christian Church whilst it was in its weak condition as a necessary means to give them and their guides direction what to do in their continual distresses Thus is S. Pauls bands and ensuing death prephesied to happen in those times For as there could not under a good space of time be a sufficient number of able persons found to receive Ordination and so to be disposed of for the peculiar care of Churches as now but in this their unsetled and weak condition Christ himself by the means of the promised Holy Ghost being necessitated extraordinarily to endue men with several gifts for general edification in the absence of humane learning it was no wonder if this gift of prophesie did many times come along therewith since all proceeded from the same spirit Yet although this gift of prophesie were thus necessary to be held up from Christ for the support and direction of his Church during her weakness and infancy yet being usually accompanied with the gift of Doctrine and Instruction also it afterwards came to pass that Prophesie and Doctrine did come to signifie the same thing as in that place where it is said No prophesie of scripture is of private interpretation And indeed the predictions themselves were but instructions for those they were addressed unto how to guid themselves according as those events should happen So that it being but instruction in an object and busisiness more remote it was no wonder that the notion of Prophet came afterwards to signifie the same with the Preacher as also the word Prophesie the same with Doctrine even as the Minister or Deacon to comprehend the like function of instruction also But however even in those times there was still subordination nor was it in the power of those Prophets or any other to take on them to settle any Doctrine or Church order against or without Apostolical leave namely the leave of that general Father or Head of the Church under whom they had received their first Christian foundation and who was thereupon as a Master builder to have power over each workman that undertook their spiritual edification As was intimated to the Corinthians where S. Paul complains of this abuse in the practices of such as had ventured to build on that foundation without leave which he as head of the Church had first laid saying according to the grace of God given me have I laid the foundation and another buildeth thereon but let every man take beed how he buildeth thereupon And this right of Government and Authority to be given to those persons from and under whom they had been taught and brought to Christianity we may find noted in those two forementioned places to the Hebrews where the first admonition for obedience to such
as have the rule over you is given under the notion of such as had spoken to them the word of God But then having put them in remembrance of them he afterwards speaks directly Obey them that have the rule over you c. intimating that Christian education gives an unquestionable right to Christian obedience Nay in those very Doctrines which the primitive Prophets for the present taught they were censurable by the rest of their fellows until this higher authority had confirmed it All which in the Epistle to the Corinthians may be further understood where S. Paul makes use of his Apostolical authority in ordering those of that rank how to make use of those many gifts they had received unto edification for they it seems being proud of their manifold dispensations had made the God of peace to be the Author of confusion which caused him to fall upon that objurgation What came the word of God out from you or came it unto you only that is received you not the word from us why then should ye not be obedient to us as well as other Churches to whom we have preached it also he therefore says that the Spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets that is â—hey are for the present ensurable by their present auditors who may be gifted as well as themselves And for conclusion of all and to keep unity and make God the Author of peace and not of confusion he disclaims any private mans gift to be able to disanul his authority and therefore further says If any man think himself to be a Prophet or spiritual let him acknowledge that the things I now write unto you are the Commandments of the Lord that is let him confess my Apostolical authority from Christ received whereby I have power to order the Churches affairs or else he doth but think himself a Prophet or spiritual when indeed he is but puft up by his own fleshly minde of vain glory and ambition And this subjection of inferior Prophets or Teachers under the Gospel unto the chief Prophet or Head of the Church is doubtless to succeed and be continued upon the same ground it was formerly given to Moses and accordingly that prophesie of Moses is interpreted by S. Peter and S. Stephen where Moses tells of this obedience to be given to this succeeding great Prophet by all Persons saying as from God Whosoever will not hearken unto my words which he shall speak in my name I will require it of him and that Prophet which shall presume to speak a word in my name which I have not commanded him to speak or that shall speak in the name of other Gods even that Prophet shall surely dye And as this jurisdiction in matters of Doctrine is interpreted by some to be given our Saviour in regard of his Prophetical Office to doth Nathaniel the true Israelite make these Prophesies of our Saviour made by Moses to allude and be appliable to him as King of Israel or head of the Church From all which subordination in the Spirit of Teaching or Prophesie appearing to be continually necessary it must follow that since Christ himself must remain in heaven until the restitution of all things that this power must for truth and peace sake rest in these his chief Deputies that arâ— anointed with this power from him that was that great Prophet and so a Prophet of Prophets as well as King of Kings And therefore we may observe that Christ being not able in his own person to perform and supply all that measure of preaching and instruction which should be continually necessary for the edification of his Church and it being again necessary that there should be for order-sake certain persons more eminently entrusted herein it is the reason why as the Prophet Isaiah sets him down in the first or chief place Anointed to preach and to have Gods Spirit put upon him and his words put into his mouth meaning that the Spiâ—it should not be given him by measure so for perpetuating this necessary office and high trust God there promiseth to Christ a particular seed to that purpose My words shall not depart out of thy mouth nor out of the mouth of thy seed nor out of the mouth of thy seeds seed saith the Lord from henceforth even for ever Of the Kings right by office to be of this adopted seed we shall anon alledge the parable of Solomon to that effect as we may instance his example by being Preacher as well as King For we are to conceive it to be no otherwise with the Prophets and Teachers under the Gospel then formerly under the Law where if any would take a prediction upon him if he could not bring a present miracle or Sign sufficient to win belief he was censurable by the event it self But if any undertook to direct in matter of Doctrine the Law it self was still to be judge of the goodness thereof and he taken but as a private man unable to overthrow the authorized sense thereof without he brought attestation of Divine Authority higher then that whereby it was founded For to tempt the people to Idolatry or Service of other gods was amongst them made Capital as before rehearsed And so no doubt under the Gospel in the Primitive Church although there were not standing Schools and Orders of Priests and Prophets as amongst the Jews yet was the tryal of that spirit they pretended unto referred to the examination of the like extraordinary spirit in others even as all other of their illuminations and doctrines were for confirmation censurable according to those Principles of Christianity which the Apostles the then Heads of Churches had from our Saviour received and so had again as Master-builders set down for the peoples edification against which although an Angel from heaven should teach they were to be accursed But because these Precepts and Doctrines of our Saviour were neither so numerous nor by him so exactly set down as the Law of Moses but left in trust to the Heads and Guides of his Kingdom the Church it therefore came to pass that the inferiour members of the Church should be much more subject then formerly to these their Teachers directions even because they were not elsewhere to be learnt Nor should it seem strange to any that the power of these Functions formerly clipt away from Monarchy should thus under the Gospel be restored by vertue of deputation from that Supreme Head of the Christian Church The first born of every creature and the first born amongst many brethren since they were anciently annexed by God unto the Prerogative of Birth-right and so seated Paterno Jure in the Master of the family as in order to enable him in his sole Government and Authority for so we read of Enoch and Jacob prophesying and of Abraham and other the Patriarchs sacrificing But when the numerousness of the Church did require
to be governed by an adopted Father or Head although the absoluteness of his trust was somewhat pared by the division as aforesaid yet both of them were to be generally subordinate to this one Supreme Power for so although the Priesthood went to Aaron even as he was the first born and because that Function was to be settled for continuance yet was MOSES to be to him as a god In whose time as being the first that had the stile of K I N G we read of the first that had the title of PROPHETS and these remarkably set to be such as had part of Moses spirit put upon them namely those Seventy appointed to help in Government Against which Right of Kings as Heads of Churches although some have hitherto disputed as being blinded by the fallacious distinction of duties into Ecclesiastical and Civil and thereupon thinking the jurisdiction in matters of Religious cognizance should rest in others as more rightful Successors to Apostolical power yet can this Church jurisdiction and superintendency of Priestly and Prophetick charge be by no good reason pared away now For that the same person who as Christs Deputy is to succeed in the Supreme Power of each Church and the jurisdiction belonging thereunto must also be acknowledged to be entirely successive therein by vertue of and in respect of that union and entireness of these powers primarily in Christ as great Head of the whole Church and by him resigned and entrusted to that person that presides and represents him in every part thereof to be by him wholly managed as under the relation of his Deputy and not as due to the particular Stiles and Titles of Apostle or Father or as King only And we can no more rightfully now seclude Kings from any part of this entire trust and power then we could Apostles formerly And if we will observe it they shall be found sitting down in the same right of claim that those Apostles themselves did namely the natural and prudential claim of possession the particular persons of the one sort having from Christ no more open designation then the other For this is the natural derivation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from him that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the original of all existence and being and so also comes it to be the right of each Christian chief man by derivation from him that by pre-excellence is the man even the man Christ Jesus The which deserves our grateful observation as done in great favour to mankind to wit to silence those many disputes which might else have arisen about the Kings right to command and succeed not only in Church matters but in Civil also Whereas now the Apostles the first Heads claiming their right of Headship by the rational way of possession as Kings do theirs it makes the Titles of future Heads so succeeding to be legitimate that way also This we shall find verified in many places by the Apostle Saint Paul who is exercising this Authority most and over most Churches and yet could least claim particular designation Three of these places we have lately mentioned the first was where he claims his Headship over the Corinthians in the Paternal right of Primier Seisen I have begotten you through the Gospel which Kings as Heads may say now viz. You are to be subject to me inasmuch as you received the Gospel and your Christianity from under me and my authority being my subjects before you were Christians The most remarkable difference herein being that the former Christian Heads coming to govern by the sword of the Spirit chiefly and so by it to make Christians of such as were under the material sword already made their claim of jurisdiction and power from their instruction even as attested by miracle from above Whereas the now Heads of Churches being usually to govern such as subjects that had been by their Predecessors made Christians already are in case of dispute one with another to be differenced in their right of Headship over those that are to obey by the ordinary way of providence even by the material sword of conquest and possession And as the right and exercise of civil power was then made subsequent and annexed to the manifestation of Priestly right so now Priestly power is to follow and depend on that of Regal The next place we may observe was like to it claiming jurisdiction over over them because he as a Master-builder had laid the foundation Then in the place last mentioned he claims jurisdiction over their Prophets upon like reason What came the word of God out from you that is since you received it from me you ought to be subject to me But this he makes to be most clear when in the ninth Chapter he would set forth his claim of jurisdiction most fully he yet makes this his only available title For in that he was an Apostle or free or had seen Jesus Christ Was none of them arguments to entitle him to their Headship more then any other Apostle nor so much neither For however these things might dignifie the person yet it was actual seisure and possession must estate him Head of Corinth more then of any other Church And therefore he adds Are not you my work in the Lord And so pursues that Title in the next Verse If I be not an Apostle unto others yet doubtless I am to you for the seal of mine Apostleship are ye in the Lord. Unto all which if we shall add the right of mans dominion in spirituals over the woman by him settled upon the same right of primogeniture as formerly noted it will make the right of Kingly claim of succeeding Headship most apparent And if it were free for Saint Paul to claim equality with the chief of the Apostles in answer to such as thought his Commission not so high because he was not conversant with Christ like them how much more may seisure entitle Kings now against such as can claim no such advantage Therefore to return as Prophets were first mentioned in the time of him that was first Stiled KING so to make it farther clear that this gift and power did originally belong to the person of the Monarch or chief Governor it is also observable that the first established and really anointed King namely Saul had with his Unction from God this Spirit of Prophecy poured on him also Unction from God I say for that this only did confer power from the fountain of Power as heretofore noted the other material unction received at the hands of men serving but sacramentally to confirm people in their duties of subjection to that Authority which from heaven alone could be received Which material Unction being in that regard necessary to be applyed to the persons that should Hereditarily hold that established office of power yet it hindred not but that such other particular persons as were by God occasionally or extraordinarily empowered with any gift for
the good of men might be still really and truly held and reputed as Gods anointed In which sense we are to interpret that saying Touch not mine anointed and do my Prophets no harm Given to such as exercised their power by Patriarchal right before Kingship under the Law as also other phrases of Unction in the New Testament given to such as by means of some extraordinary gift in teaching and instruction exercised Church power in an Apostolical or Priestly right before Kingship under the Gospel Upon which grounds we must say also of the first Heads of Churches the Apostles and such like that although they could not because of their subjection to heathen Kings make much use of their power in Government over mens persons yet were they as heads of Churches thereunto as rightfully empowered as if they had been Kings and had had material unction the power as before noted belonging to Christs Vicar and not to the notions of Apostle King or the like But in after times amongst the Jews when the Power and Office of Kingship did succeed those former Unctions of power did now resolve and unite into this which was of highest eminence above any other and this stile of Gods Anointed was appropriate to Kings And although those other Functions of Priests and Prophets as parts clipt from the entire trust of Monarchy were therefore formerly sharers in this Unction and so were sometimes materially anointed also yet for that their anointings did signifie but some particular reservation of trust it might make them sons of oyl but could not confer on them the eminent stile of the Lords Anointed Which in the first place was due to the Christ that had all Power given him and next to his Adopted Christs in the Church And therefore we shall observe in Sacred Story that those Kings that were most upright in their Offices and Trusts towards God had least of their power shared by these other anointed persons Thus will you find David and Solomon and other good Kings not only in Supreme power and exercising their Authority without impeachment of these other anointed Officers but also some of them prophesying themselves and using authority over the Priests Whereas in the times of Jeroboam Ahab and such like you shall find the Prophets in greatest power and most intermeddling and to that end was Elisha anointed And also to warn these Kings and people from taking such courses as might draw down Gods vengeance to their destruction and so proceed to the overthrow of the Monarchy of that Church before the appointed time that the great Monarch of the Christian Church should change that former way of administration And as we before noted the first stiled Prophets to be such as were sharers of the unction of power of the first stiled King and that the Kings Saul David and Solomon had also this spirit of Prophesie in testimony of their right thereto for enabling them in their Offices of Government so shall we find this spirit of Jewish prophesie to expire with the last person that had this unction of power remaining namely Caiphas the high Priest being the last person that succeeded in that Church in the Seat and Authority of Moses and the Law For so it is plainly there set down that he Spake not this of himself but being high Priest that year he prophesied that Jesus should dye for that Nation c. And so again this his Prophesie is afterwards plainly set down to be the same with Counsel where it is said Caiphas was he that gave Counsel to the Jews that it was expedient that one man should dye for the people And if we make not this Prophetick Office and Trust a part of Monarchical and Kingly Function and so for some time executed by the High Priest I see not how any footsteps or remains of the Government and Scepter of Judah could be found visibly continuing until the coming of our Saviour So that now since the time of Christs uniting these Offices in himself and thereby also abolishing the necessity of any fixed Ceremonial Law and consequently of any external Priestly jurisdiction separate from that of the Monarch and again by the division of the kingdom government of his Church amongst so many heads subordinate unto him that there need not as amongst the Jews where was but one nation be any distinct settlement of the Prophetick to direct against the overthrow of kingship therein there seemed no such use of reservation because if one or two should through iniquity or indiscretion fail yet all could not Therefore it cannot now be reasonably contradicted that the power of each Churches jurisdiction is wholly centred in the person of each Christian Prince by deputation from that supreme head thereof that was Priest and Prophet as well as King The full proof of this connexion will appear by due consideration of that place of Moses where he recounting again Gods recess from Government and instruction as from himself and commending the peoples desire herein promiseth that God will raise them up a Prophet from among their brethren like unto him from whose mouth they shall receive all Gods commands By which words of a Prophet like unto me we are to understand a chief Ruler or King like unto Moses for the notion of Prophet seperately considered was never rightly given to Moses And so doth Nathaniel interpret this Prophet to be the King of Israel And generally so did that whole Nation expound it also as may appear by the peoples readiness to make him a King when they perceived he was that great Prophet that should come into the world Whence we may plainly perceive that as to be a Prophet in chief imports to the same as to be a Governor in chief so is the Governor in chief to be reputed and obeyed as the Prophet or instructer in chief Prophesie signifying the same with Instruction and Instruction being proper to persons in Authority And therefore if the Apostles and other heads of Churches in the Primitive times had this power over persons miraculously gifted by God and whom themselves had not set up in Authority being extraordinarily by God Called and Ordained thereunto How much more may the heads of Churches now claim it over such as have not extraordinary revelation from Heaven nor any Church jurisdiction but what is from themselves derived For these may now challenge as supreme Christian heads of each Church the re-union of that power which was separately by other Christian heads enjoyed whilst they were none and upon the same reason of infidelity that made their former Christian subjects deny them obedience in some things they are now being Christians to claim it as entire to themselves And therefore as we before noted the Apostles and such like former Christian heads to have sole rightful power whilst the King was not a Christian and that he was but an usurper in what he did in the Church so
they being now Christians it follows that all that intermeddle without their leave are usurpers also From all which and what hath heretofore been said in the Argument we may easily conceive how to determine concerning Apostolical succession in right whereof those of the Romish Prelacy would at this day take to themselves supreme and independent power in Church affairs even because the Apostles had so in relation to their contemporary Pagan Kings and Magistrates and would on the other side leave to Christian Kings onely civil coercion and Authority because so much and no more was formerly possessed by Infidels We shall therefore say that where the Bishop is in his City or Diocess the supreme Christian Governor as to many of those Ancient Bishops and Patriarchs it happened before Kings were Christians and at this day in Rome Collen Trier c. is practised there and then are they to lay claim to direct Apostolical succession as having none on earth their superior in Ecclesiastical power But when and where that City or Diocess is but part of a greater Church united under a Christian head superior to these particular and inferior heads then and there is that chief Bishop or overseer of that Church to be held the rightful successor of Apostolical power and the other Bishops to be subordinate unto him even as Timothy and Titus were formerly to St. Paul It is not to be doubted but as this office of Ecclesiastical super-intendency is to be acknowledged as of Divine Right so may Bishops so far as their power is extensive account themselves the Apostles successors therein which as it will estate them in rightful power to govern the Presbyters and others below them so will it again subject them to their head in chief even to him that is the more direct and entire successor of Apostolical jurisdiction From whom in that regard they are to derive their personal Ordination or appointment into determinate jurisdiction and power even as Zadock the type of Evangelical Priesthood received his from Solomon the Type of Christian Kingship although the act and Ceremonies of Consecration are to be under the Gospel as formerly under the Law received from those of the Priesthood onely in acknowledgement of divine constitution of that Function But for this omission of Princes in assuming their right upon their conversion he may easily see the reason that shall consider that great splendor of the Roman Emperors and that poverty and more mean condition which the Bishops and such like Church heads did at first live in who being at that time well studyed in their Masters Precepts of Obedience and Humility had so little strugled for jurisdiction or riches that there might seem rather scorn to take then desire to assume and engross what they had And it may be more fresh sense of Piety and Devotion might make these first Christian Emperors willingly rather enlargers then detractors from men of such pious and harmless conversation The which might make them also less studious of those inconveniences which might grow from hence afterwards not only to themselves but all other Christian Kings who from their examples were often made believe that their highest expressions of devotion was to be measured by their advancemene of Christs Church meaning Clergy-men and that also by taking the Jewels out of their own Crowns and therewith embellishing their Myters Whether this omission were begun and continued through ignorance pride or blinded zeal is not so certain as is that absurdity which from thence hath arisen namely of Kings having no more power in the Church allowed them being become Christians then they had before nay and less too since some of these will now put in for so great a share But it is to be considered that as the admonition was then most proper of fear not them that can kill the body c. in respect that Pagan Kings had not Ecclesiastical coertion so was the distinction of duties and obedience into Religious and Civil then most proper also The which will upon the same reason come now to be united because of the union of that person commanding under Christ in chief in both And therefore had the Primitive Christian Princes well examined Saint Pauls distinction of his own and others Apostolical jurisdiction they would have found in them the whole rights of their Crowns comprised when he said Let a man so account of us as Ministers of Christ and Stewards of the mysteries of God Under the first expression of Ministers of Christ or his Deacons or Deputies they shall finde Magistracy and more Civil power over Christian persons and actions within their Church contained in the other all power given over the way and manner of Gods outward worship and also the chief charge and care of Preaching or Instruction Which makes St. Paul proceed in the description of his Stewards Office onely because he undertook little in the other For since it was the most natural and reasonable course to lay down Rules and Instructions for men to follow before any outward execution of Government by Rewards or Punishments in observing or neglecting them could be established we may finde good reason why our Saviour did delegate his Authority to those first Fathers and heads of the Church by vertue of that power they should from him receive to represent him herein saying to them all power is given to me in Heaven and in Earth Go ye therefore and teach all Nations c. teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you and lo I am with you always even unto the end of the world And it must be acknowledged a thing reasonable that since the actions of voluntary Agents must have issue from their understanding that therefore in order to that obedience which was expected to follow there should be appointed a powerful way of instruction to precede Which Office of instruction although it did for this cause precede yet since Christ had promised the continuance of his presence or power with it unto the end of the world as knowing it to be at all times necessary for him that is to have the charge of Government under him we cannot but resolve that this Office of Instruction or Preaching is to be held and exercised by all others but subordinately and in dependence of that present head of the Church who holds amongst other Unctions a deputation herein in chief from Christ himself who was anointed to preach In the first heads the attestation of miracles which gave them Authority to be hearkened unto in their message of Instruction gave them thereby also upon all necessary occasions Authority to be obeyed as Heads and Governors In the last heads as Conquest and the ordinary ways of Providence doth design the Governor first so doth it therewith also estate him in the right of supreme Instruction as necessary thereto And surely they that would deny the necessary conjunction of these two essential parts of
first Office by suffering here and the other not till he enter into his glory he therefore answers It is not for you to know the times and the seasons which the Father hath put into his own power but ye shall receive power after that the holy Ghost is come upon you and ye shall be witnesses unto me both in Ierusalem and in all Iudea and in Samaria and unto the utmost part of the earth whereby it appears that the time appointed by God for the exercise of compleat Monarchical power in the Church was not yet come and therefore he tells them of that power that should in the mean time be exercised by them Of which Apostolical power we have spoken somewhat before and therewith shewed how their Government was Monarchical and that by reason of Unction of power from Christ they had the right to be his chief Deputies in all things in each Church where they did preside although their modesty and the Heathen Magistrates usurpation would not suffer them then to shew it And if we mark the precedent discourse Christ may be found giving them this real power of Headship proportionable to that degree of glory the Church was then in For it would have been strange for a distressed and despised Church to have had a glorious or high tituled Head So that although that sort of glorious Kingdom which they fancied could not yet be restored to the Church yet that they should in the mean time be his sole Deputies in the managery of this Kingdom appears in that he was with them forty days giving them commandment and speaking of the things pertaining to the Kingdom of God and so he bids them abide at Ierusalem for the promised baptism of the Holy Ghost or to be endued with power from on high The which we may conceive to be the Unction of Church power because this promise is made a reason of this their demand about the execution thereof viz. When they therefore were come together they asked him saying Lord wilt thou c. And his answer is negative only to the glorious exercise thereof as yet but affirmative to their doing it by that power which they should receive from the Holy Ghost Whereby and by the words Witnesses to me we may well understand represent me in my power both of doing and suffering according to that Commission which he elsewhere gives them As my father sent me so send I you So that the sum of all is that as it behoved him that was the head to be made perfect by sufferings even so his Church to arise to her glory and particularly to the glory of Kingship by such degrees of sufferings as her great King should be pleased to appoint In the mean time how unlike soever the means seemed to them yet should the advancement of his Kingdom thereby be to his greater honor that could give them power by sending of the Holy Ghost to be witnesses and promoters thereof And therefore as God before in the Theocrity appeared in setting up the Church of the Jews so Christ in the beginning acts more powerfully from Heaven in his it seeming a thing unreasonable to make a recess and to give over his miraculous assistance until the work it self had attained such height and strength as to be fit to be performed by Deputies and that in a Monarchical form according to the patern of Government used in Heaven it self But it is like that the Apostles had more confidently made this Interrogation upon mistake of our Saviours speeches unto them First Of giving them the Kingdom and afterwards in bidding them now provide themselves of swords As if their former way of dependance on extraordinary providence were to be now abandoned and this Kingly way of acquisition and administration to be by them exercised And that they thought this way proper to themselves may appear by their present shewing him two swords and of S. Peters hasty using one of them afterwards But the Kingdom in the first place promised to these his little flock or flock of little ones was the Kingdom that is the Kingdom of Heaven and not any glorious Judicature here more then he their present Master had No they were first to seek the righteousness of the Kingdom of God after the same way their Master had done which as it was most proportionable during the Theocraty so should it be to them more glorious then the Royal Robes of any Solomon even then those more majestick robes which succeeding Christian Kings should wear To which purpose they might have considered his former designation of their manner of Glory and Judicature wherein he he saith that he that serveth should not expect to be greater then he that sitteth at meat And that therefore they who had continued with him as his companions should have a kingdom appointed to them as his Father had appointed one to him and not have their time of Judicature till the last judgement at which time they that had followed him in the regeneration that is had here mostly executed the Offices of Evangelists when the Son of man should sit on the throne of his glory they also should sit upon twelve thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel In the mean time they were to resemble Christ in much patience in afflictions in stripes c. So that then their exercise of Kingship being to be like that of their Master namely by witnessing for him and his Gospel in Judea c. as he had already witnessed a good witness before Pontius Pilate and so making up what was behind of the affliâ—tion of Christ for his bodies sake the Church we are to enterpret the other part of Christs speech to them which might import their now making themselves friends of the unrighteous Mammon and of taking to themselves Purses and Scrips and especially by taking to themselves swords when he said but now He that hath a purse let him take it and likewise his scrip and he that hath no sword let him sell his garments and buy one to be made good and accomplished upon the glorious establishment of his Church under his glorious Deputies At which time his Vice-roys should be in a capacity to provide for themselves and others by these swords and were not under pain of tempting God again to grow altogether careless of supplying themselves as the former labourers were And that his meaning herein was prophetique and future they might have gathered by that which followed saying That the things written must yet or first be accomplished in me that is as he was numbred amongst the transgressors so must he himself suffer as one also Which having had an end concerning him then should the power and eminence of his Church so arise by degrees that through the glory of his succeeding deputed Christs which exercised their dominion in his name the rest of the prophesie should be made good unto him viz.
desire that Gods honor by the encrease of his Power and Kingdom amongst men may be advanced which we are always to seek before any thing that concerns our selves this Petition for the encrease of the Churches power was inclusive also of our own benefits as secretly importing a request for the abatement and diversion of those grivous persecutions which the power of Heathenish Authority did then inflict conform to that natural desire of our Saviour himself so often repeated Father if it be thy will let this cup pass from me From which persecutions as they were to hope release answerable to those many Prophesies formerly made of the Churches prosperity and eminence in Power so were they to pray that God would bring it to pass by setting the mountain of the Lords house on the top of every mountain and above every him that is by advancing Christs Kingdom and Power to such height as it might be of highest eminence amongst men By which means notwithstanding all those many oppositions made in the beginning by Pagan Kings and others God would perform his promise of Yet have I set my King upon my holy hill that is advanced my Churches power to such hight that the members thereof may now be sensible of those many Promises of Peace and Prosperity which under Christs glorious Kingdom they were to enjoy The power of the Church being thus to be seated in Christ the Heir of all things and by him deputed unto others is the reason why as the Old Testament usually calls the risings and the murmurings against Gods chief Minister a rising and murmuring against God even so also S. Paul warning the Corinthians against tempting of Christ brings in the example where the Israelites tempted and spake against Moses as may appear by Moses words in his Expostulation with God taking their complaints as aimed at himself saying Whence should I have flesh to give unto all this people for they weep unto me saying give us fâ—esh that we may eat Which words denote to us that he being anointed by God as the chief Magistrate over them and so personating that power of judgement and Government which by God the Father should be committed unto Christ the Son under the notion of Unction the tempting of him is stiled the tempting of Christ and that more especially because he was more expresly representing him in that office of kingship that had most of his unction as being King of Israel or Jesurun So that although Christ and his Gospel appeared to the Jews as under a cloud yet while they were all baptized unto Moses Christs Minister in the cloud and in the sea that is were observant and obedient unto him in Christs stead they did all eat the same spiritual meat and drink the same spiritual drink for they drank of that spiritual rock that followed them and that rock is Christ But because their not following and obeying him was the cause they soon fell to Idolatry and other evils therefore are they put for examples and admonitions to us upon whom the ends of the world are come that we should not murmure against Christ chief Minister and so tempt him as they did And that murmuring against Gods Minister is by God reckoned as against himself farther appears in that it is said All the Congregation murmured against Moses and against Aaron And in the 11 Verse God says How long will this people provoke me c. And in the 29 Verse How long shall I bear with this evil Congregation which murmure against me I have heard the murmurings of the children of Israel which they murmure against me So that now all Government being committed unto Christ the second Person in the Trinity they that oppose those Anointed Powers that act under him as Christi are to be deemed opposers of him as the Christ even as those former opposers of Gods Substitutes were called murmurmurers against Cod while they acted under the Notion of Elohim But although every opposition of Christs chief Minister in Church-Authority may upon former reasons be esteemed done in opposition to Christ yet shall we not find the term of Antichristianism set down til after our Saviours Ascension For until he had revealed himself so far as to institute and authorise Officers under him and they again to hold and exercise their power as in direct acknowledgement of him the opposition of these Officers could not be formally that crime of Antichristianism which we may call the Gospel term for Rebellion And is the resistance of Christs Kingly power excented by himself or his chief immediate Officer But because himself was little seen herein as never partaking of the visible and material unction the Scripture usually makes that sin to be the rebellion against the Christian Monarch by any inferior person or order of men For although the opposition in the primitive times made against this flourishing State or Kingdom of Christs Church set down in the Prophesie of the Psalms is to be interpreted against Christ where it is demanded Why do the Heathen rvge and the people imagine a vain thing the Kings of the earth set themselves and the Rulers take counsel together against the Lord and against his anointed saying let us break their bands in sunder and cast their cords from us yet because they were done by Heathens and such as acknowledged not God the Father they were Theomachy against Gods more then Antichristianism against Christs eminence in power And therefore they do but shew us that first conspiracy of men of all sorts which should be the forerunner of those more notorious Antichristian plots which should afterwards proceed from such as professed his service alter such time as he hath been by God set on his holy hill of Sion or the Church and that many of these Kings had made their acknowledgements unto God and him According to the Expression there used of kissing the Sonne Whereupon divers of the Penmen of the New Testament foreseeing the sundry oppositions of this deputed power do call the person so doing Antichrist a word proper for such as oppose persons anointed Which as in the first place is due to the Anointed the Christ of God or the Lord Christ or the Messiah being anointed with the oyl of gladness above his fellows So next to Kings who as heretofore noted are only stiled Gods Anointed or the Lords Anointed and so by derivation of power from God obtain with Christ a kind of fellowship And thus much we shall find plainly discovered unto us in the Parable of the talents where Christs trust of his Kingdom and Power here committed to Deputies during his absence to possess another Kingdom is set down upon the occasion of the prejudice of such as thought because of his going to Jerusalem himsâ—lf that therefore the Kingdom of God should presently appear that is be forthwith gloriously managed by himself He therefore says a
Antichrists or the petty insurrection of people and subjects which began even in the Apostles time towards the effecting the mysterie of iniquity according to the popular vain philosophy of the Greeks and Romans Yet because these claiming right in their names only and from Philosophical principles did come far short of the mischiefs and contrivances herein wrought by the Antichrist called therefore the man of sin we will begin with his particular discription first He opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God or is worshipped that is sets himself above Kings and Monarchs so that he as God sitteth in the Temple of God shewing himself that he is God that is under pretence of being God of the Temple or whole Church he hath so far insinuated under colour of Gods own right here that he should reign over orher Gods as a very God indeed The Preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying aswel pro as contra or such an one as may seem for Christ whilst really against him And that the person here set down under the notion of God should intend Christian Monarchy as the only anointed person under Christ may be presumed for that the appellation of God is only properly applyed to the Ruler of the people in the singular number denoting there can be but one God in each Church ruling at once And whensoever we shall find this notion of God applyed to any other as to the High Priest it is because they had part of this unction of power as heretofore noted And in regard thereof we may see reason why the notion of Gods should be then put in the plural number and also before that of the Ruler that is because the first standing power of judicature and Government was put in the Tribe of Levi whose plurality in jurisdiction and power over the people made the same proper And therefore that Precept of Moses Thou shalt not revile the gods nor curse the ruler of thy people is to be applied and interpreted as relating to the same persons by him designed for their judgement and Government namely The Priests and the Levites set down in the plural number also whereas The Judge that shall be in those days as their succeeding Ruler is set down in the singular number In this sense we may also conceive Moses giving the name of Gods to present ordinary Judges even because their respect might not be more called into question then the others By that means putting upon the more uncomely parts the more abundant honor and not preposterously preferring ordinary Judges as such before him that was single in Authority and the supreme Ruler of the people So that Moses having for honor-sake given this appellation of Gods to those that were at that time indeed so because they had their power immediately from him and had none but him above them he could not without tautology have after put the name of God in the place of Ruler And he might besides by placing this Ruler or King last have the like respect towards his singular honor above them as David gave to God when he stiled him a great King above all Gods Upon all which considerations we may finde reason why St. Paul as before noted should now under the Gospel apply that former admonition of Moses unto the Ruler of the people onely as knowing that there is but one now in each place that is to have this appellation Whose opposition as it was no doubt foreseen to come to pass by Saint Paul so he saith he had told somewhat of it to these Thessalonians while he was with them assuring them that he should be revealed in his time Farther telling them that the mystery of iniquity did already work meaning under those popular claims of liberty which in some particulars it may be having concern in some places and persons where St. Paul had to do made him forbare to put it into writing But the government of the Roman Emperor did yet let and would let until he be taken out of the away that is until that Monarchy be overthrown these workings for Aristocracies and Democracies can take no effect for they as so many several insects were to be ingendred out of the corruption of this great body But as the Emperors power should decrease then shall that wicked one be revealed that is shall appear rising up in glory in his place and shall put all the Arguments of the many Antichrists into method adding unto them more of his own In which course he shall prevail and continue until he shall be consumed by the spirit of the Lords mouth and destroyed by the brightness of his coming That is after his revelation and full height he shall consume and waste by evidence of Arguments drawn from Scripture and other illuminations proceeding from the spirit of truth which was promised from the Lords own mouth to be sent for a comfort and guide to his Deputies in the Church and shall at last be destroyed by that eminence of Majesty and power which shall be manifest when the great King himself at his second coming shall be revealed from Heaven with his mighty Angels in flaming fire taking vengeance on them that know not God and that obey not the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. That is when such Christians as will not obey Christs power revealed in the Gospel shall be equally punished with such as know not God at all So that we may hence probably gather that this grand enemy shall not quite be destroyed till the last day that honor being reserved for Christ himself although we finde him to have been daily declining by the revelation of greater truth and light in the Church And that Antichristianism consists in breach of publike Charity or in the opposition and overthrow of the prosperity of the Church may appear farther by that his Character the son of perdition For God having appointed the glory of this Church to arise by means of kingship he that shall hinder this will prove the son of perdition by that destruction which his opposition must bring This increase and splendor of this Christian Church to succeed in place of the former is under the Jewish figure notably described by the Prophet Joel Where also under the name of Iehoshaphat or the Lord will judge twice repeated the kingdom of God to come is apparently set forth as to follow that glorious increase of the Gentile Church which these his mighty ones shal bring to the valley of Iehoshaphat or into the Church Where by means of these Saviors God will sit to judge all the heathen round about it that is all those that remain the Churches enemies By means of which glorious deliveries it follows that not onely Gods power and terror shall light on the rest of the world but the Church it self should know him to be the Lord their God dwelling in Sion his holy mountain At which
corruption of manners or the deceivableness of unrighteousness as well as Heresie of Doctrine or belief of a lye do follow as a necessary train this sin of insubjection to Christs Authority and so make the Antichrist deservedly to be stiled the man of sin and son of perdition And this may be the reason why the name of Antichrist is not by Saint Paul given to this great one even because he should appear in the latter age of the world wherein the consequences of heresie and corruption of manners should be more notorious in him then was their first main cause the sin of stubbornness and rebellion which by that time should through possession and blinde devotion have gained to it self a shew of right It faring no otherwise in this respect with the application of this Gospel term of Rebellion then it formerly did under the Law with that other proper name of Rebels viz. sons of Belial For as that in after times came from the experience of that concomitant degree of lewdness vileness which always attended disobedient and ungovernable persons to be applyed to persons notoriously wicked as well as to such as were formally Rebels even so in this latter age it is no wonder if the notion of Antichristianism be otherwise used also then in the strict sense of insubjection Like as the vertue and grace of obedience upon a contrary reason is in usual speech made comprehensive of all or any other commendation unto that person unto whom it is given And that he was called Antichrist in opposition to Unction and Monarchical Government may undeniably appear by that which hindred him from taking upon him publikely this power namely the Roman Emperor For had his Antichristianism consisted in such Doctrines as had concerned Christian Faith onely why should the Emperor be at that time a let therein liking them one no better then another But because the Apostle saw such Doctrines set on foot as would overthrow Christs Regency in his Deputies afterwards he calls it the mystery of iniquity already working and concludes the onely let to keep it from being actually in the person of the Antichrist was the Emperors present possession And this was the reason why the actual Session of the Pope in this Authority is called Antichrist revealed even as the broaching of the Doctrines tending thereto was called the mystery of iniquity or Antichrist working aim and possession of jurisdiction making him properly Antichrist in both and not Heresie in Doctrine Having thus far shewed in brief how Antichristianism consists in opposing Christ that is in regard of his Regency it must farther follow that since this opposition cannot be to him now in Heaven otherwise then as done against such as are anointed under him here which are to act in his name and Authority that thereupon Antichristianism is to oppose Christian Monarchs who onely now are anointed as proper immediate Officers under him and who are holding their Office in the Christian Church according to prophetick designation of what should befal her in her flourishing condition namely to have sons whom she should set as Princes in all Lands And this farther appears according to that model of the Christian Church in the eight last Chapters of Ezekiel where the Priesthood also being designed the chief of them is put under such a Name and Notion as may minde them continually of their duty of loyalty and submission to Princes since from a King their predecessor Zadock was first preferred to that Office as heretofore noted And to take off Presbyterial parity from this Antichristian hope of Regency Ezekiel in the 34 Chapter reproving and setting forth the mischiefs arising from their Anarchical rule prophesies that God will set up one shepherd over them and he shall feed them even his servant David Which as it was to be understood first in Christ himself as coming of Davids natural loyns so to be executed by his adopted sons of oyle in the several Territories of his Church We shall finde this future condition of Monarchy prophesied plainly by Jeremy to accompany also the flourishing estate of the Church saying their Nobles shall be of themselves and their Governor should proceed from the midst of them that is shall be my servants also And I will cause him to draw neer and he shall approach unto me that is as I have the hearts of Kings in my power so will I guide his for who is this or who else is this that engaged his heart to approach unto me saith the Lord. Where noting Governor He and His to be set down in the singular number we may infer Monarchy to be meant And then follows Gods more remarkable owning his Church when his Kingdom shall be thus come amongst us and ye shall be my people and I will be your God The like we may observe done largely by Isaiah in the 49 Chapter both to express the increase and flourishing estate of Christs Church to arise and recover by degrees from its former distress and also that this should come to pass in the time of Christs adopted sons and through that glorious addition of kingship following the Gentile Princes entertainment of the Gospel and acknowledgement of their fealties unto him The Children which thou shalt have after thou hast lost the other shall say again in thine ears the place is too straight for me give place to me that I may dwell Then shalt thou say in thine heart who hath begotten me these seeing I have lost my Children and am desolate a captive and removing to and fro and who hath brought up these Behold I was left alone these where had they been Thus saith the Lord God Behold I will lift up mine hand to the Gentiles and set up my Standard to the people and they shall bring thy sons in their arms and thy daughters shall be carryed upon their shoulders And Kings shall be thy nursing Fathers and their Queens thy nursing mothers they shall bow down to thee with their face towards the earth and lick up the dust of thy feet and thou shalt know that I am the Lord for they shall not be ashamed that wait for me The like we shall finde in the 60 Chapter the Gentiles shall come to thy light and Kings to the brightness of thy rising And again the sons of strangers shall build up thy walls and Kings shall minister unto thee For in my wrath I smote thee but in my favor have I had mercy on thee Therefore shall thy gates be open continually they shall not be shut day nor night that men may bring unto thee the wealth of the Gentiles and that their Kings may be brought c. Which and many more places shewing the glory and increase of the Church under Kingship must be understood to be compleated in Christs adopted sons since in his own person he had while he lived neither form nor comliness and as to
the grace of God That is lest failing of the usual concommitant and conveyer of grace ye should through the lack thereof lack grace also Lest any bitterness springing up trouble you and thereby may be defiled Where malice hatred c. the attendants on war being also set down under the name of bitterness we are warned to avoid them by keeping peace for else these malicious bitter prosecutions will not only outwardly trouble but inwardly defile us And to let men see that by this peace the civil peace is meant it is called Peace with all men And again to let them see it is wrought by patience chiefly it follows the large commendations thereof set down in the twelfth to the Hebrews However to make answer to some that would have us endanger both peace and truth by putting the name of truth always in to prevent peace we have made instances of Peace being put before truth and also before Holiness yet the truth hereof is they are so coincident and depending one upon another that Righteousness and Peace have kissed each other They do become inseparable in themselves and are so inseparably our duties to follow and practise that we can never truly do the one whilst we are not highly regardful of the other also and must then be guilty when we prefer as some do a very uncertain discovery of truth to a certain loss of peace and so under colour of new Gospel-light lose the benefits of the Gospel of Peace and make it cease to be an Evangel or glad tidings And if men would consider what hath been hitherto spoken concerning Gods owning the Seat and Throne of Christian judgement now settled amongst us and so being according to his promise A spirit of judgement to him that sitteth in judgement they might thereby perceive how amongst other things of salvation and glory which should come to the Church that mercy and truth are met together and that righteousness and peace as aforesaid have kissed each other So that now truth shall spring out of the earth as from this earthly Throne of judgement by means of righteousness that shall look down from heaven according to the former Prophesie of that good King and Typical Head of the Church made concerning the Churches future state and prosperity where it is set down that God hath now given his own Mishpat or rule of right judgement to the King Christ himself and his righteousness or justice to the Kings Son Christs adopted sons of oyl that so in these there being these unions of Mercy and truth and of righteousness and peace they may be enabled to judge Gods people with righteousness and his poor with judgement And having thus far spoken of the Antichrist according to S. Pauls description we will again re-assume and speak farther of the many Antichrists mentioned by S. John Although S. Paul gives the liveliest discovery of the one and S. John only names the other yet are they both of them as Ring-leaders in the breach of Charity and publike Peace the subject and occasion of many Precepts in holy Writ the admonitions and examples that way given taking up a very considerable part thereof and being for the greatest part the object and aim of what our Saviour either did or suffered For as this general good or charity consisted in or at least had dependance upon the reciprocal duties of commanding and obeying so are we from him furnished with Precepts and Examples of both kinds To this end he rides to the Temple and there by exercising his authority over the Temple the type of the Christian Church as a King he leaves example and authority for the higher powers to demand subjection not only for wrath but also for conscience sake and that either to Kings as Supreme or to others as sent of him To this end again as being the harder duty he not only sets down those many Precepts of Humility but in his own Person becomes the patern to all admiration of Patience and Long-suffering We being to learn of him to be lowly and meek and in the testimony of our Discipleship unto him to take up our cross and follow him Which we must testifie chiefly by our following him in our deeds of meekness and patience under subjection patience and subjection differing from one another no otherwise then in generality For I may do many things whilst a subject which sort with mine own liking and wherein no patience is required but I can do nothing as patient but where subjection must be presupposed But ordinarily patience doth define and constitute true subjection as vertue doth the vertuous And as heretofore shewed Gods glory is the end of Charity and Charity the end of Government and subjection so is subjection the end and aim of patience for what need of patience in what I may avoid That the formal cause of Antichristianism is insubjection to Christian Headship S. John makes plain saying of the many Antichrists of his time they went out from us but they were not of us for if they had been of us they would have continued with us but they went out that they might be made manifest that they were not all of us that is they were like such as receive seed amongst thorns Go forth and are choaked with cares and riches and pleasures of this life and so minding division and separation they do for their sakes overthrow Charity and bring not fruit to perfection But nothing can to my thinking be a clearer evidence that this sin of Antichristianism is the same with Rebellion of one or more Church members against their Christian Head then to consider that we shall never find this phrase of Antichrist set down by any in the plain terms but by S. Iohn the only person whom we shall plainly and expresly read of to be in that sort opposed and disturbed For although S. Paul by his Corinthians and others puffed up against him who had raigned as kings without him might be induced through the sense of the mysterie of iniquity already working to speak so largely of the Antichrist to come yet doth he not name him as doth the other Who is recorded to be notoriously opposed by Diotrephes in his jurisdiction and exercise of Church power in not receiving or submitting unto him and as loving that pre-eminence which was only due to the other their sole Head And not being content therewith that is with his own departure doth neither himself receive or take into his care and protection the brethren such members as have no head and so doth not make his preeminence lawful as over a charge of his own but forbiddeth them that would that is such as would come to S. Iohn and casteth them out of the Church or takes upon him to excommunicate where he hath no authority This fault he warns his beloved Gaius against under the general notion of evil as
that Antichristianism is not onely denial of Christ as God but also the denial of him or his power in the flesh that is as before shewed denying of dignities and fleshly power under him we will note a little of Saint Johns other description of him Every spirit saith he that confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is not of God and the same is the spirit of Antichrist And again he saith Many deceivers are entred into the world who confess not that Iesus Christ is come in the flesh He saith not was come in the flesh but in the present tense is come in the flesh and therefore cannot mean Jews or Infidels or such as openly professed denyal to Christian Doctrine in matters of Faith but such as professing the Doctrine of Jesus Christ did overthrow it by consequent especially in matters of Charity and to endanger the loâ—s of that full reward which this Doctrine of Christ or Doctrine of love by practise of charitable submission to our masters in the flesh would bring When at the last day men shall have sentence according to the charitable Offices one towards another and in justification of those that have been obedient to Christ in the flesh he as King shall answer and say unto them Verily say unto you inasmuch as you have done it to one of the least of these my brethren ye have done it unto me Under which notion of King he taking upon him to vindicate the Authority of such as he had deputed in the exercise of his Kingship amongst us until himself shall come in his glory with all the holy Angels and shall sit upon the Throne of his glory makes it farther manifest that the very title of Kingship was to be the most usual and eminent stile of his Deputy And therefore under the expression of the least of these my brethren distinguishing these his brethren from other his Christian brethren as heretofore noted he makes the exercise and expression of our love or Charity which should be performed to him or his body the Church to take measure and estimation according to extent of that respect and obedience which we have done to these For they being made instrumental in the day of Christs earthly power as well to make Sion or the Church the rod of Christs strength whereby to rule in the midst of his enemies as to settle his Worship in the beauties of holiness it will therefore come to pass that as to be against them is to be against him so also it must be granted that what we have done by their direction in matters of love and obedience is as if we had done it by his For if we cannot otherwise litterally conceive that to do these things to the least Christian or but to one were in themselves such high services unto him otherwise then as that one and that least were the Representatives of many or all even so understanding those particulars of Charity or love there set down to stand for the whole duty of love the which these Deputies of Christ were to make useful to all in general and each one in particular by being our directors according to that Talent in power and trust which their proportionable charge in each Church did require we may then well conceive how as Christ is not to be wronged but by his Members so then most when the wrong is done against such as being more neerly his their wrong must be more neerly said to be his and so reputed Antichristianism And although the ordinary rank of believers be not in this place distinguished from his Deputies under the notion of Citizens as they are by St. Luke which might have regard to the Jewish Nation who more generally were to refuse the Authority of his substitutes which the Gentiles should be but partly guilty of and partly not yet may we discern a distinction made by their separate sentence beginning with his servants that had Talents of great trust first before the general judgement of the rest And we may observe also that in approving or condemning them under the notions of sheep and goats the one a Creature full of inward love and innocence and therewithal most tractable and obedient to their shepherd whereas the other was contrary that as well the necessity of outward obedience as inward love was intended And therefore whosoever transgresseth and abideth not in the Doctrine of Christ that is obeyeth him not here as King as well as hopeth in him as Saviour hath not God but he that abideth in the Doctrine of Christ he hath both the Father and the Son That is he that acknowledgeth the power of the son as to that end anointed from the Father doth therewith acknowledge the Fathers power also but he that denyeth him that is sent denyeth also him that sent him even as denyal or overthrow of Kingship is to our power to overthrow the King of kings power also who gave them these their Offices And farther to shew that Antichristianism here meant is not opposition to Christian Doctrine as such they are called deceivers that is such as did make profession that way for how else could an open enemy deceive Appearing yet more plainly to be such by St. Iohns former description they went out from us c. meaning they had been of the same outward profession And that Antichristianism is opposition to the precepts of love and not matters of Faith appears also by St. Iohns former description where the spirit of Antichrist being said not to be of God he afterwards makes Antichristianism to consist in disobedience he that is not of God heareth not us hereby know we the spirit of truth and the spirit of error And then goes on with the description of who is of God beloved let us love one another for love is of God and every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God he that loveth not knoweth not God for God is love Which last words do knit up the mystical perfection of Charity and shew how from that all things are united and take place For from the love of God his Creation and benificence to Creatures did proceed and through the inward plantation of Charity and love in Creatures providence towards them had its being also And again all Creatures according to its measure in themselves received from God came to be more or less participant or resembling of him that is God-like And therefore if God so loved us as not onely to estate us happy but to restore us fallen we ought also to love one another For since no wan hath seen God at any time that is cannot personally requite him if we love one another that is his next image in our brother God dwelleth in us and his love is perfect in us for he that dwelleth in love dwelleth in God and God in him And then follows our innocence thereupon herein is
Christian Monarchies to wit least too much should be arrogated by them in right of succession or derogated from Gods honor by that continued obedience given to such a race only which by Gods appearance in a remarkable change is taken off So also we may finde reason both why the Direction and Precepts for Monarchy and Obedience should be so many as in maintenance of so necessary a duty and why again they should not only be sometimes darkly delivered but why also there should be some scattered examples that seemed to speak the contrary permitted to stand in the Scripture without express censure Thus shall you find Amaziah slain and no mention of any justice done by his Son on the Murthers as himself had before commendably done on those that murthered his Father Joash Thus shall you find David offering to fortifie Kelaih against Saul without any noted remorse as he had when he cut off the skirt of his Garment Thus shall you find Eliah not only disobeying the King in not appearing before him but as in a seeming president for resistance causing fire to come from Heaven upon the Messengers until an Angel better admonisheth him and bids him go The which was suffered to pass uncensured likewise until the Heady Disciples of our Saviour would on the behalf of a far greater then Eliah have been imitating him in this fiery example of revenge against a cruel and more unjust authority And so shall you find the same revengeful spirit that had caused Elisha to curse and thereby slay the little children in pursuance of mistaken Legal Justice of An eye for an eye c. to provoke him also not only to call his King the Son of a Murtherer but with intention of returning evil for evil to instigate the Elders of his City to resistance also as thereby shewing himself subject to like passions with others And so farther as there may be examples picked from Scripture of some Prophets reproving their Kings without any express mention of their warrant from God so to do which might yet be evidently enough presumed so are there such now to be found as by vertue of their Priestly power would from thence gather warrant for their boldness to vent their open reproofs in the face of Majesty pride or interest carrying them so headily herein as not to consider that the very calling and spirit of these Prophets was both extraordinary and miraculous and their power and office as heretofore noted was instituted to the very intent of being extraordinary Monitors towards the preservation of that Nation and Kingdom And therefore if some find Isaiah set down as coming to reprove Hezekiah without such express direction as Nathan and others had they will be thence collecting that those of the Clergy may do the like now without marking that it is afterwards by Isaiah declared as a message to come extraordinary from God and not by him pronounced by vertue of any Text of the Law Whereupon since we shall never find those of the Priesthood who were the Statute-Officers for instruction and interpretation of Law offering to reprove any Prince and yet it is plain that these Laws have been by their Kings manifestly broken as in the prohibition of multiplying treasure and horses and other things it is most apparent that there can be no just claim to any such Authority for reproof challenged by any of the Priest-hood now having no pretence of claim to higher Authority then those formerly And therefore from all these and like instances we may in truth as soon gather arguments for Rebellion as others do for Drunkenness Incest or Adultery from the facts of Noah Lot Judah c. which are all set down without reproof But in the discovery of this and other sins as there is still plainness enough used to enable him to hear that hath ears to hear so darkness sufficient to let him that is filthy be filthy still Which was the reason of S. Pauls words when he said we speak the wisdom of God in a mysterie but not so to them that are perfect but unto them that perish Nor need we wonder that these and such like presidents should prevail with men now amidst their many worldly temptations when our Saviours own Disciples as before noted would have had him been imitating Eliah by fire from heaven in the pursuit of this revengeful and resisting humour So that when we finde the particular instances of Jeoiadah or the peoples sole or more remarkable intermedling recorded as instrumental in setting the Crowns on Jehoash and Azariahs Head made now adays by Priests or Subjects as good arguments to wear them when they have doneour admiration will be well abated by consideration of that degree of self-interest and prejudice which prevails with men usually to search the Scripture and its examples to serve as proofs of those things they like already and not to submit their wills to be guided by it In which respect it is no wonder if we come forth ten times more the children of wrath then before For in this case it will fare with men balking plain Precepts and seeking to find Gods pleasure to be in some other places of Scripture signified more consonant to their aims and interests as it did with Balaam who being tempted with riches and preferment and loving the wages of unrighteousness did thereupon make a demur upon Gods plain Precept Thou shalt not go with them and doth therefore upon another enquiry find God saying Rise up and go with them Even so I say such as come with pre-possession to search the Scriptures as being blinded with ambition covetousness or the like and are thereupon willing to find God Almighty contradicting of himself shall never fail of an answer in the night contrary to the plain Precepts they received before the which their worldly lusts and engagements shall make them readily obey in the morning without farther search as Balaam did Thus in that plain Precept of Honor the Lord with thy substance c. Covetousness will prompt them with Texts of limitation and excuse against all this waste c. The true Worshippers are those that worship in spirit and truth and the like Whereby under colour of rendring the Church more glorious within the former cloathing of wrought gold and needle work shall be thought unbecoming a Kings Daughter And so again to elude those plain texts of Let every soul be subject and that for conscience sake also and the like the text of Fear not them that can kill the body and some oothers will readily be embraced as limitations of their duty by such who being resolved on a course of stubbornness and insubjection may thereupon think they do still yield obedience to their Prince whilst they obey him in such Civil matters as they shall think fit even as they may think they serve and honor God well enough whilst they say they do it inwardly
Author whose power is more rationally to be concluded the prime and sole cause of all things as standing in that supreme order he now doth then if he should be acting beneath and of but one thing at once And as he is more admirable in his own Throne of power ordering all things by his sole word and command then if he should descend to be personally doing of every thing so could we rightly consider it any one thing is in it self as miraculously and powerfully wrought in that kinde of efficiency which we call ordinary as when done in an extraordinary way So for example if wood should have been by God endued with power to draw Iron or one Iron to draw another as now the Load stone doth would not the ordinary effect that way have made the Load-stones attraction as great a miracle as it seemeth for wood to do it now And if none can give reason why other things should not have as great attractive force as these why should it not be a greater proof of Deity to be constantly powerful in all and every operation then to be so but now and then which is all the proof that miracles have And therefore as men of riper judgement and experience would much laugh at the folly and weakness of such as beholding the Mariners compass do ascribe the effect of the Needle to some hidden quality or secret property residing in it self and as again the ascribing and occult quality unto those operations of the Load-stone without farther knowledge or derivation of its cause is but a shift of ignorance as the setting down of all other hidden causes are each thing having a cause beyond it self so is there none but fools that say in their hearts or really think there is no God because they cannot discern his efficacy through and beyond intermediate causes And they are at most but middle witted men for that albeit they can from a little farther experience tell of Causes above the lowest degree of men yet are they not wise enough to search farther So that Athiesm is always bordering on folly and narrowness of comprehension being nothing else but a stubborn relyance on present sense as from the certainty of effects in things we ordinarily behold concluding those Causes within reach of our observation to be the most supreme And farther thinking that if a voluntary Agent were in those things universal Cause and Author he would as fancying his inclination by our own be more personally appearing for his greater credit-sake amongst us and make his present operation serve to direct our acknowledgements unto him Not duly considering that it would be so far from encreasing the worth as it would redound to the actors disesteem as arguing decay of the Vertue of Agency if the supreme and higher Cause should for want of strength otherwise be forced immediately to work on a lower effect for that hereby again the supreme Cause ceasing by becoming an intermediate one it must follow that as Causes were fewer Effects and Creatures must be fewer also And when all is done that supreme Cause that is now intermediate in operation would by its constancy in so doing be as far from discovering a Deity as the other was before unless they could imagine that for their onely satisfaction sake causes of things should not have been constant and uniform but on purpose various to have drawn on their notice Again if God Almighty should have been disabled to the degree of an humane Artificer and have been ineffectual farther then where his own hand hath been express as is the workmans in making the Watch then it must next follow that either Creatures must have been so few and perishable as Watches made by one hand or else they must have supposed this Agents power advanced to such degree that as a Monarch can manage a Kingdom by his Laws so as the same needed not to be afterwards guided by him but by instruments obedient to him or as the Artificer can frame and contrive a Watch to go for as long time as he pleaseth so as the same can now go without his appearance in like manner there should be also such procession of the first cause of operation and motion in these things as they shall be infinitely continued If this course could have gone on this first Cause would have been a God because his operation and existence must have been eternal But on it could not go to any degree of eternity inasmuch as all progressive operations and motions must be finite and determinate in regard that that end and rest which caused motion through desire of approach must cease it having now attained it And therefore to make things continue there must be a circulation of Causes and Effects allowed whereby each individual thing having attained that proper end for which its last Cause or next Agents produced it in Nature must return into its first matter through corruption and alteration of its last specifick forms and be ready to obey the more general Causes in Nature and the Laws of that matter which is most homogenius unto it in correspondence to the next more proper and powerful Agent Even as in the affairs and atchievements in kingdoms although the hands of the lowest sort of individual Officers is most immediate in the work yet these having their power from the next general Officer and so he again from next above him till these Officers growing higher and fewer do at last terminate in the King as Fountain of all their power so any of those next perishable individual Officers deceasing that formal power that made them such returns to the hands of those next Officers above him who constitutes others and those more or fewer in these places as they finde the exigence of that Kingdoms affairs call for in relation thereunto no otherwise then as with us a Constable dying the Justices as the more general Officers do by vertue of their Commissions and derived power constitute new in the place In which course as the affairs of the Kingdom is ordinarily managed without the Prince his appearance or again the spring can move the several wheels of the Watch without particular touch of any but that next him why may there not nay why must there not be a Deity to be the first mover in things of this universe Who according to his good pleasure ordering that the appointed continuance of this world should be maintained by perishable individuals hath in his providence to that end ordered that the corruption of one thing should be still progressive to the generation of another Why may he not again in the doing thereof be yet as far or more removed from our notice in ordinary operations as the cause of Government or the motion of Watches or the like is hid and unknown to the weaker sort of people and to other Creatures below us and are of them thought to proceed from no farther cause then what present sense can discover
For should the King be as much hidden from our bodily sence as God is and should we again know no more of the Commissions and powers granted to Justices in each Kingdom then we do of the Laws of matter and internal forms in Nature it would be as hard to apprehend any prime Agent above those Justices in the Kingdom as to conceive the power and existence of Deity in the world A supposition that may be well made good if consideration be had of those strange conceits of the form and figure of Kings which are entertained by some ignorant people that as yet never saw any nor heard them described And the reason is the same for our ignorance in appearance of Gods operation in Creation Providence and natural Causes as is for the ignorance of these before mentioned in the knowledge of the Causes of political or artificial productions with us unless we shall impiously as well as arrogantly conclude that we should have knowledge in this life in such perfection as to see him intuitively as Angels do now or as our selves shall do hereafter Of the reason of the present course of Gods proceeding in many particulars both of Creation and Providence we did speak in the beginning and other parts of this work in which we declared the divers sympathies and natural propensities wherewith Vegetatives and Inanimates are indued all of them tending to specifical and mutual preservation and Providence We also shewed how Sensitives were provoked by the affection of pleasure naturally implanted in them and accompanying things beneficial to be continually active in pursuance of what was to themselves and others behoof-ful We also manifested how rational Creatures by the affection of love and desire of beneficence and by the thirst of honor accompanying them as their reward were provoked also unto the like continual endeavors towards mutual good and preservation All of them infallibly concluding that there must be an Author or prime Agent of such universal concern and such continual care in constituting and ordering these things as to be their original Cause and perpetual guide and support according to the method of his own good pleasure For should there not be these natural propensions to love and pitty nay to acts of justice and of submission therein to others as to honor Parents and the like it would come to pass that through that too great thirst of self-seeking heretofore spoken of and through anger and envy of being crossed therein no one man would now be left alive inasmuch as there is no man but is by one or other so much hated as to cause his death to be heartily desired were not manifold hinderances by divine Providence and appointment put in to keep off execution And in this regard was may also collect another strong proof for Deity and Providence from that awful and reverential respect which is by each one born towards Authority For experience every day tells us that those very persons that are come to that height of daring as to challenge and enter the field for a lye an abuse to their Mistress or the like where besides the equal hazard of their lives in present they must have a certain expectation to suffer according to Law in case they do out-live the other are yet so kept in order by that divine and providential terror by God impressed on his Image of Authority here on earth as not to have courage to withstand the Attachment of a publike Officer Whereupon our Discourse formerly and ordinary reason it self always testifying that these his works and the way of Government of them are such as cannot be bettered why should we think Change and Alteration any ways convenient For if it be an act proper to goodness wisdom power c. to make things well and good and afterwards to dispose them so will not constancy herein be as commendable to the same goodness wisdom and power in their continuance in that order as it was for creating and thus stating them And so if God had not made and ordered all things so as cannot be bettered he could not have been God and if he should not keep them in the same order whilst they remain the same things he should not be God neither wisdom in designation requiring constancy in prosecution and irresistible power being the necessary attendant of both And having thus far spoken in defence of the constancy of the course of Nature and Providence against such as would not believe a God because since the Fathers fell asleep all things are alike till now so also for conviction of such as from inconstancy and irregularity of the actions in voluntary Agents and Gods permission of sin and oppression would conclude against Deity too according to that divine Aphorism because sentence against an evil work is not executed speedily therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them to do evil we shall now farther speak In this saying of the wise man we may apprehend the two usual grounds that make men lean to Atheism The first is in thinking all the acts and works of men evil which they cannot apprehend as good not being many times able to look through the mistaken or present particular suffering of some few unto that real and more lasting good thereby procured to many The other in thinking that the acts permitted unto and proceeding from humane Judgement and Will as it is seated in divers persons for the guidance of their own affairs should be alike constant to those of God in the Government of the world and course of his Providence who hath an uniform end to cause steadiness of his actions therein Unto which an answer may be also made out of the same consideration before spoken of namely the sufficiency of the one above the other And if they wil allow any Creature to be so perfect as to have Will and Understanding separate they must in order to their specifical freedom of Will allow them variety of actions also especially since their private ends must differ as before noted And therefore as we must conclude Gods works must be uniform and constant in reference to his Unity of Will and end to design and all-sufficiency of power to atchieve so we must allow to things submitted to the power of inferior voluntary Agents if at all you will grant them voluntary freedom unto variety of productions and execution and that in bad as well as in good Unless we shall at once and against sense conclude all men are alike good wise or powerful and that from such plurality and disparity of Judgement Interest and Will we should think that constant procession could be expected From which liberty and freedom of action in good or bad guided according to the true light or corruption of humane judgement and Will it must also follow that the evidences and directions given for mens guidance should not be in such continuing and pressing manner repeated to each single
power from the people did generally take encrease so came the lower house to be the upper house afterwards the sole house of Parliament as being thought the peoples only true Representors So that at last a King beset with all these limitations did look like a Duck in a Garden brought to eat up the Snailes and Worms and then tied up by the leg for fear of trampling over the flowers or meuting in the Walks But the examples of inconveniences arising from Kings exorbitant use of Power by their strong and fresh impression making me on the sudden heedless how by bridling his Power to do ill I did also take away the power of doing good and then also there having been no president in stories of a perpetual or unlimitted Parliament and consequently of any evil thence arising I came to be so taken up with the apprehension of the good they might do according to that power they had anciently practised that I did not then consider withal I mean for a great while I did not that if one man that did acknowledge himself subject to Law could by his power do so much mischief what then might be feared where a multitude shall joyn in a mischief who shall say they are above Law But it fareth with men in entertaining those narrow Schems for comprehension of any thing as it doth in making knots and plats for Gardens or Building which each one at the time of doing will think done after the best manner because done according to advisement of workmen or the like and according to that stock of materials he then knew of or stood furnished with But when he shall make observation farther and find both other materials and other methods more fit and capable of their receit he will then alter his own method of adjudication also For it is to be conceived that in this course of methodising our fancy carrieth the form of a Pyramid wherein the particulars observable in nature make the Basis which lessens towards the top as the particulars unite and agree in such generals as we may call notions But then as these notions come to be imployed and to receive approbation from experience they are again for ready ease and use collected into other totals called affections which having obtained settlement from the harmony of experiments come to guide us in what we do without reference back to particulars more then he that can now read should be put to make use of spelling For so Beauty Honor c. have place in my desire but the particulars out of which I did at first come to the general liking of them are out of my memory nor indeed could their variety and repetition be remembred being the observation of my whole life of the common rate and esteem of these things by others which could never serve us for use and proficience in knowledge unless we did proceed to this way of abreviation For particulars whilst they are remarkable are the objects of memory but after they are made familiar by instances of the like kind they are amassed altogether and pass into notions and affections Unto the constitution of which notions as each sense carrieth his part so are they soveraigns in their own order that is where they are not in particular objects dependent upon one another there their inductions pass as peremptorily and uncontroulably into affections one as another Even as we formerly noted in Religion and the Opinions and Doctrines thence derived which having not Charity for their object but depending on the ear only come through often repetition and commendation to prevail and pass into affections and sciences upon the same grounds that by sight this or that Figure Fashion or Face comes to please And so it is in the particular smells and tastes we are accustomed unto wherein former repetitions growing too numerous for memory of particulars custom is then uncontrolable and begets affections and science in inductions proceeding from them as observations from sight breed affections in things objected unto it In this way of discovering causes by various coincidence of effects and of common causes to them again according to their concurrence until we come to the prime cause of all things Gods glory we seem to reintegrate our knowledge and comprehension as if received from the fountain by intuition For hereby if rightly proceeded in we are able to judge of all things within the verge of humane sense even as taught by themselves And as we learn upwards so we judge and discourse downwards that is from general notions to particulars We will for better instance and application in these things look more nearly into our learning it self and the labour therein used We that read now having forgot the difficulties that attended us in our learning thereof do wonder at the backwardness of others First in distinguishing letters one from another then in knowing and distinguishing their several values and pronounciations then having understood their agreements and disagreements amongst themselves how to collect apply and place them in syllables Then how in like manner to make of these syllables words and of these words again to frame sentences or notions And lastly how to apply and judge of these sentences as they shall seem consonant and proper to those several artificial methods by me entertained already which we call Affections which having good for their object do accordingly relish and transmit things to the common affection the will to determine how it stands in interest with other affections and also to have the approbation of the understanding whether it be attainable or no For will disputes not whether the affections propound what is good that is to say pleasant or no but whether this pleasure be so continuing and attainable as to make it good But it is to be considered that the fancy doth differently imploy itself in the methodising of particulars towards the constitution of affections and passions over it doth in methodising and retaining such other particulars which are to be imployed by way of Discourse and Reason In the first way particulars are amassed according to their genus and so from a broad foot or basis as we said do agree and point in streight lines towards the constitution of some affection in us The which affection being that which provokes us to delight and action doth as the end by degrees instigate the fancy and fit it self therein with a proper method of comprehension how amongst all the other observations made and collected things may be so chosen and so ordered and placed as to be instrumental and serviceable to the furtherance of this end So far as impressions are topically figurately and particularly retained they have still reference to the objects and do penetrate the brain only being used but as instruments and servants to the attaining of that which each affection doth prompt to the enjoyment of For each affection and appetite hath its proper method of judication and
observe this Monarchical administration so much owned by God as to declare the absence thereof as the fittest and surest token of his dereliction and punishment of a people that had been first false to himself and were now repudiated by him as may appear in that other Prophesie For the Children of Israel shall abide many dayes without a King and without a Prince without a Sacrifice and without an Image and without an Ephod and without Teraphim And by the last words we may observe by the way not onely a depravation in religion and Church order to follow this no King in Israel by making use of Teraphim in the Ephod instead of Urim as the man Michah did but this disorder should increase till that remaining Priesthood who by their consistorial parity were as the Teraphims in this Ephod should be taken away also For this use of Teraphim amongst Israelites was to bee looked upon but as a shift in Jeroboam who wanting that order of Aaron and his Sons made use of the meanest of the people but in the Christian Church and when Christ typified in David shall be their King then also shall those several Kings under him maintain and settle order amongst the Priesthood and in religion it self as David also did Now concerning that separate jurisdiction which some Church-men would claim under colour of dividing our duties into religious and civil it cannot I conceive but plainly appear that notwithstanding sacred pretence this division is but of humane invention being not to be found in the Scripture and as it is for the most part made of no other use but to make division and discord by abating our obedience to the Magistrate under colour of giving it to God so are men not at agreement in stating thereof For while some think that whatever the Magistrate commands it but of civil obedience and so lyable to temporal reward and punishment onely and again what is of Gods command that is expresly set down in Scripture is to be only obeyed out of conscience of divine authority and then leaving men to private judgement what precepts are thence deduceable or when the Magistrates commands be such they must consequently leave them no certain rule whereby either to preserve duty or unity As also those other sort do who distinguishing men in their several relations by them phancied say that in whatever we do as subjects and men linked in Society the same is of civil cognizance and duty but in whatever we act as Christians we are to be guided by precept from God alone In which doing also being neither able to bring from Scripture all things that concern Gods outward worship and finding many precepts of Ethical Political and Oeconomical nature and which do concern our duty and good even as men although we had not been Christians they must needs fall themselves and drive others by these doubtfull precepts from giving any right obedience at all instead of directing them therein For although as to some intents men may be usefully considered in these different relations yet when the same person is now both a man and a Christian such distinctions as should â—imply a possibility of personal devision again so as for the same Christian to act as a man in any thing without being a Christian must besides absurdity bring upon us the many inconveniences of rebellion and civil war And therefore although in our being Christian we lose not the reality of manhood more then in being rational creatures or men we lose the properties of sensitive Creatures yet inasmuch as being rational Creatures and so having a greater and surer light to direct our actions all that we do answerable to other meer sensitives is therefore now to be attributed to us in the capacity of men as of the nobler and higher relation Even so also it fareth with us after and while we are Christians namely that all those actions in which in execution and direction I mean so far as is humane we resemble other meer natural men onely yet these things being by us now acted under the inseparable relation of Christians are although not of express litteral divine precept yet if done in obedience to lawful authority a Christian duty or if acted against it a Christian fault And it will follow that what was in us as men before but moral vertue or vice is now righteousness or sin even to the degree of an idle word And so again considering us as subjects those things that are onely by the light of nature investigable as civil duties when they come to be enforced by a Superiour having his power and office from God have the obligations of religious actions as being part of our obedience to that God who said them to be in that respect Gods also and children of the most high Therefore when God sometimes commands what would concern us and be our benefit as men although we had not been Christians as indeed if we had reason enough all precepts for outward direction would appear such or when again many things appertaining to our religion it self and our outward worship therein are by the Churches authority enjoyned whether the same be found in Scripture or no they are both of them to be held as religious dutyes to us and we being not able while we are Christians to act in any other personal capacity must be obedient and subject as in and to the Lord that is till something be enjoyned to overthorw Christianity we as Christians must obey in all things and it is as sinful to disobey Supream authority in the payment of taxes as in the observation of the Sabboth For God not now giving particular precepts as unto the Iewes but leaving us herein to the direction of the higher power ordained for that purpose of him we are to be obedient to our Masters in the flesh as unto Christ and willingly to do them service as unto the Lord and not as men That is we are now always to obey him as Christs Minister and head of our particular Church and not left at liberty to obey as in a religious tye no farther then we please For the actions and precepts of each State Kingdom are upon their conversion to Christianity to be called and reputed the actings of such or such a Church and not of such or such a State the name and notion of Church including that of State even as in the particular members whereof it is compounded the notion of man is involved in that of Christian. So that now as the entire trust power of Vniversal headship of the Catholike Church is unto Christ resigned and he thereupon to be obeyed as under a religious tye in all causes whatsoever by all such as acknowledge themselves Christians although they seem of never so civil a nature even so his supream deputy in each Christian Church or Kingdome being entirely entrusted like him from whom his power is derived is
our partial that is to say our short and weak Methods and Collections we are subject to proceed too hastily to the liking or condemning of a Government or Governor upon the like sudden apprehension as the Barbarians did of S. Paul who must one while be no better then a Murtherer presently again concluded for no less then a god from single indications and accidents and such as had no coherence with that which they would apply them unto Upon which ground it may be observed that Princes and great men are by vulgar judgements never permitted to go under a middle censure they are still extreamly good or extreamly bad For being by some sudden accident brought to alter that conceit they had before entertained as suddenly and ungroundedly of his vertues or vices it is no wonder if they hereupon become as hasty and extream in their censures of him this way as they did the other way For it being to be supposed natural unto man to affect farther discovery and knowledge it comes therefore to pass that the delight in contemplation and prosecution of what is now in view keeps him for the time inconsiderate of what more may be had and so it must consequently leave the weak and empty comprehension as full and peremptory as to its self and its own satisfaction as he that hath more and better ground to go upon The which we find verified upon mens first undertaking to read and expound the Scripture the many examples there found of Gods miraculous attestation and reward of some such as have been eminent for goodness and piety presently raises in us a conceit of our own deserts herein also and men are usually thereupon ready to fancy and expect even to a degree of temptation that God should in some like manner appear in the honoring and acknowledging of them And upon a contrary rule again finding many examples therein of Gods displeasure and punishment of men for oppression injustice and other notorious wickedness they are as ready out of the conceit of their own wrong suffering and subjection at the hand of their own Enemies or Superiors to make a paralel of the one with the other and think that neither Patience nor Obedience is on their part due to these so apparent enemies to God and goodness as their prejudice and ignorance doth now judge to these so apparent enemies to God and goodness as their prejudice and ignorance doth now judge them to be The which is most especially instigated from the example and insinuations of persons of greater repute for learning or judgement then themselves who having many times ambitious or factious aims are ready as we said to cast before them such forms of examination as shall be sure to leave a dislike in them towards the actions and commands of their Superiors and consequently intice them to siding with them which must prevail because they are so far defective of observation and experience of their own and consequently entice them to siding with them which must prevail because they are so far defective of observation and experience of their own as to find and frame just Methods to themselves and so to examine how far these and other particulars are or are not agreeable and comprisable within the true rules and limits of Religion and Polity And of these kinds of deceits taken up upon too easie examination and credulity I can speak more confidently having had so great experience of them in my self and that in both kinds For I believe that no man was more averse to Episcopacy and Church Orders and Ceremonies and such like then my self in my youth and while I continued to converse with such only as had these things in detestation and all because the method of examination which was then put into me for to try cases of this kind by as to their approach to evil was to search whether Papist used them or no. So that I not having then knowledge or experience enough to examine how those things stood grounded in themselves or to understand that Papists even as they were Christians could not choose but be in the right in somethings was thereupon in danger to abandon some Christian truths and duties because I found them within my rule of dislike as being acted and believed by Papists Being once prepossessed with these and such like short Rules and Methods of distinction and adjudication I was quickly tainted also with the Pharisaical humour of judging for my self and those of my belief against such as differed thinking that all that were not as invective against the thing called Popery which truly for a good while I understood not and as conversant in Sermons and some select phrases and demeanors were notwithstanding their unblamable lives otherwise and that according to Christian faith to be esteemed but bare moral men Their outstripping me in the real duties of general love and beneficence to men and in the rendring God more honorable by their publike and more solemn adoration and acknowledgement of him before men were not as I thought arguments comparable to prove them of the number of the godly and Saints as were those Rules of distinction which I had framed to my self And so again in matter of Government and Political speculation none more pleased and taken then my self with all those fine Maxims and Rules of Examination which in the beginning of our unhappy troubles were set on foot for tryal and control of the actions of Princes My thought I was now much elevated in my rank and ability being enabled to give a just censure of all that was done by one so much above me and whom I had ignorantly hitherto thought should have guided me When he acted in Civil matters the Law of the Land was to be his bound and director and when in affairs of Religion the Scripture If I had staid there it had been well No as I was told that it was not fit that Kings should be unlimitted and arbitrary in their rule So also that his single judgement or conscience were not to be trusted herein neither therefore I did next fancy that the Judges were to determine the meaning of the Law and the Divines of Scriptures In which I was not yet so far out of the way but what a few caveats might set right But I proceeded farther still in pressing onwards that I at last thought none to be trusted in these high powers but the people themselves The Judges and Divines alas they might be corrupted but a community could not wrong it self And therefore over all as the Paramont Power I conceived there was to be a Parliament to give final determination and see execution done This at first I thought to import the King in Parliament afterwards I was lead to believe it was the King and Parliament afterwards it came to be the two houses of Parliament which were apprehended to be the Supreme Authority And as the pleasing speculations of paction and derived