alienate the same from his own Crown and Dignity to any Spiritual Potentates or Rulers whatsoever within or without his Dominions 4. We hold that though the Kings of this Realm were no members of the Church but very Infidels yea and persâ—cutors of the truth that yet those Churches that shall be gathered together within these Dominions ought to acknowledge and yield the said Supremacy unto them and that the same is not tyed to their Faith and Christianity but to their very Crown from which no subject or subjects have power to separate or dis-joyn it 5. We hold that neither King nor Civil State are bound in matter of Religion to be subject and obedient to any Ecclesiastical person or persons whatsoever no further then they shall be able to convince their Consciences of the truth thereof out of the word of God yea we think they should sin against God if they should ground their Religion or any part or parcel thereof upon the bare Testimony or Judgment of any man or of all the men in the world 6. We hold that no Churches or Church-officers have power for any crime whatsoever to deprive the King of the least of his Royal prerogatives whatsoever much less to deprive him of his Supremacy wherein the height of his Royal Dignity consists 7. We hold that in all things concerning this life whatsoever the Civil Jurisdiction of Kings and Civil States excelleth and ought to have the preheminence over the Ecclesiastical and that the Ecclesiastical neither hath nor ought to have any power in the least degree over the bodies lives goods or Liberty of any person whatsoever muchless of the Kings and Rulers of the earth 8. We hold that Kings by vertue of their supremacy have power yea also that they stand bound by the Law of God to make Laws Ecclesiastical such as shall tend to the good ordering of the Churches in their Dominions and that the Churches ought not to be disobedient to any of their Laws so far as in obedience unto them they do not that which is contrary to the word of God 9. We hold that though the King should command any thing contrary to the Word unto the Churches that yet they ought not to resist him therein but only peaceably to forbear obedience and sue unto him for grace and mercy and where that cannot be obtained meekly to submit themselves to the punishment 10. We hold that the King hath power by vertue of his Supremacie to remove out of the Churches whatâ—oever he shall discerne to be practiced â—herein not agreeable to the word of God and if he shall see any defect either in the worship of God or Ecclesiastical discipline he ought by his Royal Authority and power to procure and force the redress thereof yea though it be without the consent and against the will of the Ecclesiastical Governours themselves 11. We hold that the King hath as much Authority over the body goods and affairs of Ecclesiastical persons as of any other of his Subjects whatsoever and that by his Authority he may force them not only to all Civil Duties belonging unto them but also unto all Ecclesiastical afflicting as great punishment upon them for the neglect thereof as upon any other of his subjects 12. We hold that he hath power to remove out of the Churches all scandalous Schismatical and Hereticaâ— Teachers and by all due severity oâ— Laws to repress them 13. We hold that all Ecclesiastical Laws made by the King not repugnant to the word of God do in some sort bind the Consciences of his subjects and that no subject ought to refuse obedience to any such Law 14. We hold that the King onely hath power within his dominions to convene Synods and General Assemlies of Ministers and by his Authority Royal to ratifie and give life and strength to their Canons and Constitutions without whose Ratification no man can force any Subject to yield any obedience unto the same 15. We hold that though the King may force the Churches to be subject and obedient unto him and to be members of the common-wealth yet that the Churches severally or joyntly have no power to force him or any subject against their will to any service unto them or to any Religious duty whatsoever no nor so much as to â—e a member of any Church 16. We hold that the King ought â—ot to be subject to the Ecclesiastiâ—al censures of any Churches Churchâ—fficers or Synods whatsoever but onâ—y to that Church and those officers of â—is own Court and household unto â—hom in reverence of their Religiâ—n and of the Spiritual graces of God â—e sees shining in them he shall of â—is own free will subject and commit â—he Regiment of his Soul in whom â—here can be no suspicion or fear of any â—artialitie or unjust or rigorous dealâ—â—g against him 17. We hold that if any Ecclesiâ—stical Governours call them by what â—ame you will shall abuse their Ecâ—lesiastical authority in the execution â—f their censures upon any man whatâ—â—ever That the King and Civil States â—nder him have power to punish â—hem severely for it much more if â—hey shall abuse it upon the Supreme Majesty himself 18. If the King subjecting himself to 〈◊〉 Spiritual Guids and Governours shall afterwards refuse to be governed and guided by them according to the word of God and living in no torious sin without repentance shall willfully contemn and despise all their holy and Religious censures that theâ— these Governours are to refuse to administer the holy things of God unto him and to leave him to himself and to the secret Judgment of God and wholly to resigne and give over that Spiritual Charge and tuition over him which by calling from God and the King they did undertake and morâ— then this they may not do And after all this we hold that he still retaineth and ought to retaine entirely and solidly all that aforesaid Supreme power and authority over the Churches oâ— his Dominion in as ample a manner as if he were the most Christian Prince in the world 19. We acknowledge King James to be our onely lawful Soveraign and unto him to be due all the aforesaid Supremacy and we renounce and abjure all Opinions Doctrines Practices whatsoever repugnant or Contrary to â—he same as Anabaptistical and Anti-â—hristian And wish they may be seâ—erely punished 20. We hold that the King ought â—ot to give his Authority away or to â—ommit it to any Ecclesiastical person â—r persons whatsoever but ought himâ—â—lf to be as it were Arch-bishop and General overseer of all the Churches â—ithin his Dominions and ought to â—â—ploy under him his Honourable Councel his Judges Lievtenants Juâ—ices Constables and such like to oâ—ersee the Churches in the several diâ—isions of their Civil Regiments visitâ—â—g them and punishing by their Civil â—ower whatsoever they shall see aâ—iss in any of them especially in the â—ulers and Governours 21. We hold it utterly unlawful â—r any Christian Churches
4. That Christ our Saviour took not Humane Flesh of the Substance of the Virgin Mary his Mother and that that Promise the Seed of the Woman shall break the Serpents Head was not fulfilled in Christ 5. That the Person of the Holy Ghost is not God Coequal Coeternal and Coessential with the Father and the Son 6. That the three Creeds viz. the Apostles Creed the Nicene Creed the Athanasian Creed are the Heresies of â—e Nicolaitaines 7. That he the â—id Edward Wightman is that Proâ—het spoken of in the Eighteenth of â—euteronomy in these words I will â—ise them up a Prophet c. and that â—at place of Isaiah I alone have troden â—e Wine-press and that that place â—hose Fan is in his hand are proper â—d personal to him the said Edward â—ightman 8. And that he the said â—ightman is that Person of the Holy â—host spoken of in the Scriptures â—d the Comforter spoken of in the â—xteenth of St. John's Gospel 9. And at those words of our Saviour Christ the Sin of Blasphemy against the â—oly Ghost are meant of his Person â—â— And that that place the Fourth â—â— Malachy of Elias to come is â—ewise meant of his Person 11. That â—e Soul doth sleep in the Sleep of â—e First Death as well as the Body â—d is mortal as touching the Sleep â—e first Death as the Body is And â—t the Soul of our Saviour Jesus â—rist did sleep in that Sleep of Death well as his Body 12. That the Souls of the Elect Saints Departed are not Members possessed of the Triumphant Church in Heaven 13. That the Baptizing of Infants is an abominable Custom 14. That there oughâ— not in the Church the use of the Lords Supper to be celebrated iâ— the Elements of Bread and Wine and the use of Baptism to be celebrated in the Element of Water as they are now practised in the Church of England but that the use of Baptism iâ— to be administred in Water only to Converts of sufficient Age and Understanding converted from Infidelity to the Faith 15. That God hath ordained and sent him the said Edwarâ— Wightman to perform his part in the Work of the Salvation of the World to deliver it by his Teaching or Admonition from the Heresie of the Nicolaitanes as Christ was ordained and sent to save the World and by hiâ— Death to deliver it from Sin and to reconcile it to God 16. And thaâ— Christianity is not wholly professed and preached in the Church of England but only in part wherein he â—he said Edward Wightman hath before the said Reverend Father as alâ—o before our Commissioners for Cauâ—es Ecclesiastical within our Realm of England maintained his said most â—erilous and dangerous Opinions as â—ppeareth by many of his Confessions â—s also by a Book Written and Subscriâ—ed by him and given to us for the which his damnable and heretical Oâ—inions he is by Divine Sentence declared by the said Reverend Father â—he Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield with the Advice and Consent of Learned Divines and others Learned in â—he Law assisting him in Judgment â—ustly adjudged pronounced and declared to be an obstinate and incorrigible Heretick and is left by them under the Sentence of the great Excommunication and therefore as a Corrupt Member to be cut off from â—he rest of the Flock of Christ lest he should infect others professing the true Christian Faith and is to be by our Secular Power and Authority as an Heretick punished As by the Significavit of the said Reverend Father in God the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield bearing Date at Lichfield the Fourteenth day of December in the Ninth Year of our Reign and remaining in our Court of Chancery more at large appeareth And although the said Edward Wightman hath since the said Sentence pronounced against him been often very charitably moved and exhorted as well by the said Bishop as by many other Godly Grave and Learned Divines to dissuade revoke and remove him from the said Blasphemous Heretical and Anabaptistical Opinions yet he arrogantly and willfully resisteth and continueth in the same We therefore according to our Regal Function and Office minding the Execution of Justice in this behalf and to give Example to others lest they should attempt the like hereafter have Determined by the Assent of our Council to will and require and do hereby Authorize and Require You our said Chancellour immediately upon the Receit hereof to award and make out under Our Great Seal of England Our Writ of Execution â—ccording to the Tenor in these presents ensuing And these presents shall â—e your sufficient Warrant and Discharge for the same Then was a Warrant granted by the King to the Lord Chancellour of England to award a Writ under the Great Seal to the Sherriff of Lichfield for Burning of Edward Wightman delivered over to the Secular Power by the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield The Warrant THE Kng to the Sheriff of Our City of Lichfield Greeting Whereas the Reverend Father in Christ Richard by Divine Providence of Coventry and Lichfield Bishop hath signified unto Us That he judicially proceeding according to the Exigence of the Ecclesiastical Canons and of the Laws and Customs of this our Kingdom of England against one Edward Wightman of the Parish of Burton upon Trent in the Diocess of Coventry and Lichfield of and upon the Wicked Heresies of Ebion Cerinthus Valentinian Arrius Macedonius Simon Magus of Manes Manichees Photinus and of the Anabaptists and other Arch Hereticks and moreover of other cursed Opinions belched by the Instinct of Satan excogitated and heretofore unheard of the aforesaid Edward Wightman appearing before the aforesaid Reverend Father and other Divines and Learned in the Law assisting him in Judgment the aforesaid Wicked Crimes Heresies and other detestable Blasphemies and Errors stubbornly and pertinaciously knowingly maliciously and with an hardened Heart published defended and dispersed by definitive Sentence of the said Reverend Father with the Consent of Divines Learned in the Law aforesaid justly lawfully and Canonically against the said Edward Wightman in that part brought stands adjudged and pronounced an Hereâ—ick and therefore as a diseased Sheep â—ut of the Flock of the Lord lest our â—ubjects he do infect by his Contaâ—ion he hath decreeed to be cast out â—nd cut off Whereas therefore the Holy Mother-Church hath not furâ—her in this part what it ought more â—o do and prosecute the same Reveâ—end Father the same Edward Wightman as a Blasphemous and Condemâ—ed Heretick hath left to our Secuâ—ar Power to be punished with Conâ—â—ign Punishment as by the Letters Patents of the aforesaid Reverend Father the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield in this behalf thereupon made is certified unto us in our Chancery We therefore as a Zealot of Justice and a Defender of the Catholick Faith and willing that the Holy Church and the Rights and Liberties of the same and the Catholick Faith to maintain and defend and such like Heresies and Errors every
to deliver their Minds to the King if they durst And such only are worthy their Nomination and his Majesties Audience in Matters of this Weight His Majesty therefore to go beyond Craft and Malice hath in his Royal Wisdom and Justice by a new Example permitted even the great men which by their ordinary Access might be subject to this Scandal to be examined upon Oath And what the Accusers gained thereby let them boast and shew reason if they can why the Honour done me in their Answer should not give both his Majesty and the World Satisfaction on my behalf and why they themselves till they produce other Authors should not be reputed the Inventors of these Scandals and Reports And whereas they say in in the end that there wanteth not means to free these honest Men as they call them from Fear and Distrust Indeed the Inquisition of Spain is said to have found the way First to Imprison and keep close and so encourage Accusers if such be not ready found then to force men by Extremities to be Accusers of themselves But howsoever this way hath prevailed to Exterminate from their Country that which they call Heresie and we True Religion Yet considering no other Nation approveth it as Lawful and Just I hope I shall not be the first Example of planting it amongst us But they say further though his Subjects durst not yet the Ambassadors would have informed his Majesty against me if any free Audience could in my Absence have been obtained And why in my Absence Or why should not the Ambassador of so Great a King accuse me to my Face Or how could they without Dishonour to their Master and themselves traduce me behind my Back And why did my Industrious seeking to be present argue my Fear and Diffidence of Conscience and not rather an assured Confidence in my Truth But this say they is not to be done save only where the King is of small Experience or under Age or of no Judgment and the Favorite wise circumspect and of great Judgment and Experience and not in this Case where every thing is contrary Whereunto I answer that I am most willing to lay my Honour at my Master's Feet in the Dust so as the World be sensible with greater Indignation of this Jesuit-school-wit that by the Figure of Opposing my Master to me and him to other Princes seemingly flattereth really staineth the Honour both of our and their Kings For ours the Freedom of Access Discourse Conversation and Entertainment he giveth to all Ambassadors is such a Singular Glory to all his Royal Abilities and Gracious Disposition as no Favourite can Eclipse no Carper can blemish And for theirs whaâ— Power Favourites have had in their Accesses and all Affairs every Maâ— knoweth that knoweth ought oâ— Spain And must we therefore apply the Use and Honour of their Favourites to the disabling of their King As unexperienced and precipitate as they make me I know my Duty better and do well understand that Favourites do then vanish when their Masters Greatness by them becometh less Yet this is not all for they tell us that his Majesty is Most Wise oâ— Great Experience and the best King in the World And this they repeat that with the Sugar of these Epithites they may cover their Bitter Pills For they forbear not withal to say that he suffereth a Precipitate Novice to be too Powerful with him that his Most Faithful Subjects dare not deliver their Minds unto him And that thereby he is brought into Great Extremities and doth many unfit things And are these Figures to be used to Princes Did the Ministers of Great Monarchs thus by Deeds confute Words And am I the Cat they whip to make the King believe I draw him over the Pool This savoureth not of that Modesty which I may challenge to my self if I acknowledge those defects they charge me withal And yet when they have laid me as low as they please they shall find my weak Understanding supported sufficiently with my Master's Wisdom And for my Experience though I may assume somewhat by so many Years Trust and Imployment under him yet somewhat more I have learnt in Spain to be put in practise when my Service shall be commanded in those Parts Notwithstanding I confess ingeniously that what I do amiss proceedeth from my own Precipitation and Error And what I do well is by my Master's Wisdom and Instruction for which I owe him more than for his great Favour and the Fortunes I enjoy But for these Actions which under the Veil of my Name they endeavour to make odious to their Party I profess that as they are really his Majesties or the Princes so they are well approved by the chiefest and best part of Christendom as tending to the Honour of his Wisdom the Good of the Prince the Happiness oâ— the People and the Settling of this State in their Posterity for ever For the better clearing whereof I will proceed to a particular Examination of those Extremities to which they say his Majesty is now brought The First is the Enmity of their most powerful King by my industrious Procurement And why his Enmity Because the Treaties are dissolved And is this a necessary Consequence that either we must suffer them by Treaties to undermine and compass all their ends or else undergo their Enmity and as they afterwards interpret it a most cruel War And is not this a Proclamation to all the World that they aspire to such an absolute Monarchy as so many Books Stories Discourses and the general Complaints of all Princes and States have long charged them with And indeed as the true Character of their Religion is Persecution and Blood so the true mark of their Empire is Oppression and War Yet connot these Threatnings amuse or disturb the Religious and peaceable Resolutions of our King Prince and People They hate War they pray against it they love Peace they prosper by it and therefore endeavour by all means to preserve it But if they be assailed they cannot but remember how God's Mighty Hand by a Late Queen of peace brought down her Enemies greatness and pride to acknowledge the Sovereignty of a despised people which ever since hath resisted and ballanced their power And therefore they cannot but hope that the same Arm by a King of peace shall in the end prevail with them to entertain a safe peace upon more equal Terms and then all men shall have cause to applaud that Wisdom and Resolution which these men are troubled with and therefore speak against The next Extremity they complain of is the calling of a Parliament by my procurement and to my ends wherein the Honour they do me is more than I am capable of And for the Jealousie they would raise of making my self Head of that Council or the Puritan Faction my Master will laugh at it and thereby know they want probable Matter to object against my Faith which when they question
they assail me in my Strength and shall find my Deeds as ready and confident Justifications as my Words But it is not my Faith or Aspiring they here would bring in doubt they have a further Strain For as before they made my Name a Fume to disquiet the Head now they make it a Poyson to carry Infection into the Body For What is the Parliament but the Body of the Kingdom And why do they stain it with the hateful Name of Puritan but to make it odious to the King Indeed such Names help the Jesuits in Disputes of Religion when they are driven from all real Defences and would they practice this deploâ—able Art in the Matters of State if they were not in his Case that called Christ Galilean when he was vanquished by his Power For who knoweth not the Upper House of Parliament consisteth of all the Preâ—ates and Peers and the Nether House of near 500 Knights and Burgesses Elected and sent out of all Parts of â—he Kingdom And are all these Puâ—itans Do my Plots receive better Enâ—ertainment amongst them than with â—he Council of State And doth this reâ—roachful Comparison honour or disâ—onour those Able and Wise Men who are here presented to be well â—ffected to their Cause but their end â—as no Man's Honour It was to break â—he Parliament by setting Faction aâ—ongst the Members of both Houâ—es as well as with the Head and their â—and is most evident in misrepresenting the Case For where they say that almost every one of the Council both liked and allowed of the Propositions of the Catholick King and found therein no Cause to dissolve the Treaty They conceal that the Proposition was then made for the Palatinate alone supposing the Treaty of the Marriage should proceed And in that Case it mighâ— seem reasonable to very Wise Menâ— that the other Treaty should not bâ— broken off But in Parliament where both Parties come in Question together not one of those Able and Wise Men for they were all Memberâ— of the one House or the other dissented from the Council of dissolving them both The Altars of Provocation may then be objected to Worshippers of Saints or to them that appeal to their Idol at Rome and noâ— to Us who acknowledge no Sovereign upon Earth but our King to whom both Council of State and Parliament yield Odedience in all things How then may it be said thaâ— the Parliament is now above the King Or how can they hope that such shameless and impious Suggestions can make a prudent and good King jealous and doubtful of a most obsequious and dutiful People Especially at this time when it may truly be said That the Spirit of Wisdom in the Heart of the King hath wrought the Spirit of Unity in the Hearts of his Subjects which made the Success more happy than former Parliaments have had And this indeed is the matter which the Devil and they storm at For who can doubt that they and their Faction cannot endure without much trouble of Mind as they confess to see the weightiest Affairs and of greatest Moment to be now referred to the Censure of the Parliament when their fair Promises and Pretences can no longer prevail Yet let them tell us what greater and more Honourable Senate they have seen in Spain or elsewhere Besides Do not the very Writs for the Summons of Parliament express That is for the great and weighty Affairs of the Kingdom And have not our greatest and wisest Kings heretofore referred Treaties of Leagues of Marriages of Peace and War and of Religion it self to the Consultations of their Parliaments Those then that take upon them to undervalue this High Court do but expose their own Judgments to Censure and Contempt not knowing that Parliaments as they are the Honour and Support so they are the Hand-maids and Creatures of our Kings inspired formed and governed by their Power And if Charles the Fifth oâ— France by his Parliament of Paris recovered a great part of that Kingdom from this Crown and if Succeeding Kings there by the Assistance of that Court redeemed the Church from the Tyranny of the Pope We have no cause to doubt that our King by the Faithful Advice Assistance and Service of his Parliament shall be able both to recover the Palatinate which they here make so difficult and to protect our Neighbours and Allies and either to settle such a Peace as we really desire or to execute such Vengeance as God's Justice and their Sins shall for their Ambition assuredly draw upon them But they proceed and tell the King that it is said I have propounded many things to the Parliament in his Name without his Advice or Consent nay contrary to his Will And is not this to abuse the Ears and patience of a Prince to tell him many things are said and yet neither specifie the Matters nor the Men Or is not this to dally with my Name by Hear-says when with a harsh and incoherent Transition they suddenly fall upon â—he Prince who is the next true Mark their Malice shooteth at And when Malice it self cannot but acknowledge his Ingenuity and great Gifts and that in all things he shewâ—th himself an obedient and good â—on yet these Attributes they will â—eeds qualifie with a Nevertheless which cannot charge me as with a â—ault that I am confident in his Favour Or that I therefore despise all men to which Vice of all other my Nature is least inclin'd but indeed taxeth the Prince at least with participation of my ill Intentions by suffering me to make those persons subject to my Will which are most conformable to His. Whom they mean I know not but pray God that those Men they thus recommend to his Highness's neareâ— Trust prove not more dangerous to his Person than I have hitherto been refractory to his Will But having shot this Bolt they come back again to me as to their Stalking-horse to chuse a new Mark. And first for a preparative to the Prince Attention they wish that my Action were directed to his Good Then tâ— give at least some Varnish to theiâ— Work they tell him that good me believe meaning such as believe theâ— with an implicite Faith that I whâ— have imbroiled the Match with Spain will not be less able to break any other his Highness should affect iâ— which Speech if a Man will dive tâ— the Bottom of their Malice he must descend into Hell But for the Match with Spain can any man believe that his Majesty sent his Son that he went in Person that he both trusted Spain so far and did that Kingdom so much Honour and yielded to such Conditions or that I underwent that Hazard and Charge and pressed their King importuned his Favorite and Council and subjected my self to so many Indignities or that so great a Fleet even into their own Ports with Minds to interrupt or embroil or not rather to remove all Impediments to â—asten the Marriage and to bring â—ome