Court as we easily may doe both without some better direction then can be had by the rules of this new-found Disciplines But of this most ceertain we are that our Lawes doe neither suffer a Spirituall Court to entertain those causes which by Law are Civil nor yet if the matter beindeed spirituall a meer Civil Court to give judgement of it Touching supreme power therefore to command all men and in all manner of causes of judgement to be highest Let thus much suffice as well for declaration of our own meaning as for defence of the truth therein This is added by the Lord Primat Usher The Kings exemption from Censure and other Judiciall Power THe last thing of all which concerns the Kings Supremacie is whither thereby he may be exempted from being subject to that judiciall Power which Ecclesiasticall consistories have over men It seemeth first in most mens Judgements to be requisite that on earth there should not be any alive altogether without standing in aw of some by whom they may be controled and bridled The good estate of a Commonwealth within it self is thought on nothing to depend more then upon these two speciall affections Feare and Love Feare in the highest Governour himself and Love in the Subjects that live under Him The Subjects love for the most part continueth as long as the righteousness of Kings doth last in whom vertue decaieth not as long as they feare to do that which may alienate the loving hearts of their Subjects from them Feare to do evill groweth from the harm which evill doers are to suffer If therefore private men which know the danger they are subject unto being malefactors do notwithstanding so boldly adventure upon heinous crimes Only because they know it is possible for some Transgressor sometimes to escape the danger of law In the Mighty upon earth which are not alwaies so Virtuous and Holy that their own good minds will bridle them what may we look for considering the frailty of mens nature if the world do once hold it for a Maxime that Kings ought to live in no subjection that how grievous disorder soever they fall into none may have coercive power over them Yet so it is that this we must necessarily admit as a number of rightwell Learned men are perswaded Let us therefore set down first what there is which may induce men so to think and then consider their severall inventions or ways who judge it a thing necessary even for Kings themselves to be punishable and that by men The question it self we will not determine The reasons of each opinion being opened it shall be best for the wise to judge which of them is likeliest to be true Our purpose being not to oppugne any save onely that which Reformers hold and of the rest rather to enquire then to give sentance Inducements leading men to think the highest Majestrate should not be judged of any saving God alone are specially these First as there could be in naturall bodies no motion of any thing unlesse there were some which moved all things and continueth unmoveable even so in politick Societies there must be some unpunishable or else no man shall suffer punishment For sith punishments proceed alwaies from Superiors to whom the administration of justice belongeth which administration must have necessarily a fountain that deriveth it to all others and receiveth not from any because otherwise the Course of Justice should go infinitely in a Circle every Superiour having his Superior without end which cannot be therefore a well-spring it followeth there is and a supreme head of Justice whereunto all are subject but it self in subjection to none Which kind of Preheminence if some ought to have in a Kingdome who but the King shall have it Kings therefore no man can have lawfull power and Authority to judge If private men offend there is the Majestrate over them which judgeth if Majestrates they have their Prince If Princes there is Heaven a Tribunall before which they shall appeare on earth they are not accomptable to any Here it breaks off abruptly The FORM OF Church Government Before and after Christ. As it is expressed in the OLD and NEW TESTAMENT Of the Form of Government in the Old Testament THerewere Priests before the Law Melchisedech Genes 14. 18. In Egypt 46. 20. 41. 50. Patiphera In the East Job 12. 19. Exod. 2. 16. Madian Among the Jews Exod. 19. 22 24. These were Young men of the Sons of Israel Exod. 24. 5. The Eldest Sons or First-Born Numb 3. 12. 8. 16. Under MOSES The Commonwealth of Israel was either personal containing all the whole people not a man left 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Or Representative in which the Estate Tribes Cities whose Daughters the towns adjacent are called I. The Estate had ever one Governor 1. Moses 2. Joshua 3. Judges 4. Tirshathaes or Vice-Roys Ezra 2. 63. with whom were joyned the LXX Elders called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 II. The Tribes had every one their Prince 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phylarcha Num. 2. with whom were joyned the Chief of the Families Patriarchae Num. 1. 4. III. The Cities had each likewise their Ruler Judg. 9. 30. 1 Kings 22. 26. 2 Kings 23. 8. with whom were joyned the Elders or Ancients Ruth 4. 2. Ezra 10. 14. These last not before they came into Canaan and were setled in their Citys It appeareth that Moses sometime consulted only with the heads of the Tribes and then one Trumpet only sounded Num. 10. 4. In some other causes with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Assembly of the LXX and then both Trumpets called Num. 10. 3. when all did meet it represented the whole body of Israel So then sometimes all the people the whole body of Israel met sometimes the whole people were represented by the chief men of the several Tribes The highest BENCH or Judgment for causes of greatest difficulty was that of the LXX who at the first were the Fathers of each Family that came down to Egypt Gen. 46. which number did after that remain Exod. 24. 1. 9. and was at last by God himself so appointed Num. 11. 16. See 2 Chron. 19. 8. The inferiour BENCHES for matters of less importance were erected by Jethroes advice Of Rulers of Thousands Hundreds Fiftiss Tithings Exod. 18. 21 26 And after established by Gods approbation Deut. 16. in every City wherein as Josephus saith were seven Judges and for each Judge two Levites which made together the Bench of each City The Forme of Ecclesiasticall Government amongst the Priests THe Priesthood was settled in the Tribe of Levy by God Levy had three Sons Cohath Gershom and 〈◊〉 Of these Line of Cohath was preferred before the rest From him descended four Families Amram Izhar Hebron and Uzziel Of these the Stock of Amram was made chief He had two Sons Aaron and Moses Aaron was by God appointed High-priest So that there came to be four
subject to man Receive to themselves damnation As the Rebellion is against God so from God the penalty is threatned and that not a common one but exceeding heavy as St. Chrysostom upon it The Vulgar Latin reads it Ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt implying the vanity madness of it Nemo enim sanus seipsum laedit Men that run their heads against a Rock hurt themselves not it and so in conclusion Rebels seek their own ruine and bring upon themselves swift damnation 2 Pet. 2. By this short Paraphrase upon the words these two observations may be deduced First that Regal power is derived from God Secondly that it is not lawfull for Subjects to take up Arms in the resistance of it without being fighters against God and in peril of damnation The first is so apparent that I need not insist upon it 'T is acknowledged even by heathens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. You see it de facto in the old Testament Moses who was â— King in Jeshurun was appointed of God and Joshua succeeding him the Judges as Elective Kings were raised by him also Saul David c. 'T is the complaint of God Hoseae the 8. fecerunt reges sed non ex me They have made themselves Kings but not by me God who is the God of Order and not of Confusion was pleased from the very first to take care of constituting a successive Monarchy The first-born was his own establishment in his specch to Cain though a bad and his Brother Abel a righteous person only by right of his primogeniture Gen 4. 9 his desire shall be subject to thee and thou shalt rule over him from whence it succeeded in Jacobs family Gen. 49 28 Ruben thou art my first born the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honor and authority i e. the supremacy of both and when he with Symeon and Levy for their severall crimes were disinherited by their father and the primogeniture fallen to Judah to him it was said thou art he whom thy brethren shall honour thy Fathers children shall bow down unto thee ver 10. to whom the Scepter was given and the gathering or Assemblies of the People That as in the creation in the Natural government of the world God made one ruler of the day the Sun the sole fountain of Light for the Moon and Starres are but as a Vice Roy of subordinate Governors deriving theirs from him so was it in the Civil Government also As God by whom Kings reign and who have the Title of God given them I have said ye are Gods is one so was he pleased to represent himself in one accordingly and in the Text ordained by him Object 1 There is a place which the adversaries of this doctrine much insist upon 't is out of S. Peter 1. Epist. c. 2. 13. where he calls a Magistâ—ate an Ordinance of man Submit your selves to every Ordinance of man as we render it for the Lords sake whether to the King as supreme or Governors sent by him c. The Answer is ready that this is no ways a contradiction to St. Paul in this Text for 1. By an humane Ordinance he doth not meane an humane Invention but quia inter homines institutam because it was ordained or appointed among or over men called humane respectu termiiii sive subjecti but yet divine respectu authoris primarii The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we render Ordinance being as Rivetus observeth never so taken throughout the Scripture were better rendred Creature which it properly signifies as the vulgar Latine doth it omni humanae creaturae to every humane creature Now creature is frequently taken for what is eminent and excellent as if the sense were submit your selves to all that do excell or are eminent amongst or over men according to the next words whether to the King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that excelleth and the Hebrews do sometimes by a Creation imply a Rare and Eminent thing Num. 16. 30. Si creationem creaverit deus i. e. if the Lord make a new or rare thing To which agrees that of our Saviour in his last words to his Apostles Mark 16. 15. Preach the Gospell to every Creature i. e. man Because of his excellencie above all sublunary Creatures And thus why may not the King for the same cause be so called here So that St. Peter is so far from denying Regal Power to be ordained of God that he rather confirms it A Creature therefore the act of the Creator and by way of excellency therefore of God the sole original of it and for the Lords sake i. e. who hath so ordained him or whom herepresents Object 2 For that objection of Saul's being elected by the people the contrary appears 1 Sam. 12. 8. 5. where Samuel saith thus to them Answer Dominus constituit regem super vos and they to Samuel as a Delegate from God Constitue nobis Regem who in the name of God proposed to them jus Regis And though Saul was elected by a Sacred Lot yet ye have not the like again after him in David Solomon or any other but they succeeded jure hereditario Object 3 But have evil Kings their power from God Answer Indeed as evil they are not of him because no evil can descend from him from whom every good and perfect gift doth though for the sins of people God may justly permit such but we must sever their personal staines as men from their lawfull Authority received of God which looseth not its essence by such an accession 't is no true maxime Dominium fundatur in gratia St. Paul applys that of Exod 22. to Ananias Acts 23 Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people though he commanded him unjustly to be smitten Pilate condemning Innocency it self our Saviour acknowledgeth his power to have been from above thou couldst not have any power over me Nisi tibi data esset desuper Claudius or Nero whom elsewhere St. Paul calls a Lyon reigned when he writ this Epistle and is doubtless included in the verse before the Text the powers that be i. e. now in being are ordained of God and exhorts to pay unto him as the Minister of God the due of Tribute Custome Fear Honour c. Daniel acknowledgeth Nebuchadnezzars dominion and Kingdom to have been given him of God which copy the Fathers of the Primitive Church under Christianity we find to have wrote after Constantius was an Arrian and had exiled many of the Orthodox Bishops yet Athanasius in his Apology to them saith thus God hath given the Empire to him whosover shall with an evil eye reproach it doth contrary to Gods Ordinance Tertullian faith thus to the Emperor Severus in his Apologie for the Christians We must needs have him in great honor whom our Lord hath
Peter in the new Testament as though because the one did term the Jews a Priestly Kingdom the other us a Kingly Priesthood Those two Substantives Kingdom and Priesthood should import that Judaisme did stand through the Kings Superiority over Priests christianity through the Priests Supream Authority over Kings Is it probable that Moses and Peter had herein so nice and curious conceits or else more likely that both meant one and the same thing namely that God doth glorifie and sanctifie his even with full perfection in both which thing St. John doth in plainer sort express saying that Christ hath made us both Kings and Priests Wherein it is from̄ the purpose altogether alledged that Constantine termeth church-Officers Overseers of things within the church himself of those without the church that Hilarie beseecheth the Emperor Constance to provide that the Governor of his Provinces should not presume to take upon them the judgment of Ecclesiastical Causes unto whom commonwealth matters only belonged That Ambrose affirmeth Palaces to belong unto the Emperor but churches to the minister The Emperor to have Authority of the common walls of the city and not over holy things for which cause he would never yield to have the causes of the Church debated in the Princes consistory but excused himself to the Emperor Valentinian for that being convented to answer concerning Church matters in a Civil Court he came not That Augustine witnesseth how the Emporor not daring to judge of the Bishops cause committed it unto the Bishops and was to crave pardon of the Bishops for that by the Donatists importunity which made no end of appealing unto him he was being weary of them drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs all which hereupon may be inferred reacheth no further then only unto the administration of Church Affairs or the determination of Strifes and Controversie rising about the matter of Religion It proveth that in former ages of the world it hath been judged most convenient for Church-Officers to have the hearing of causes meerly Ecclesiasticall and not the Emperour himself in person to give sentence of them No one man can be sufficient for all things And therefore publick affairs are divided each kind in all well ordered States allotted unto such kind of persons as reason presumeth fittest to handle them Reason cannot presume Kings ordinarily so skilfull as to be personal Judges meet for the common hearing and determining of Church controversies But they which are hereunto appointed and have all their proceedings authorized by such power as may cause them to take effect The principality of which power in making Laws whereupon all these things depend is not by any of these allegations proved incommunicable unto Kings although not both in such sort but that still it is granted by the one that albeit Ecclesiastical Councels consisting of Church Officers did frame the Lawes whereby the Church affairs were ordered in ancient times yet no Canon no not of any Councel had the force of Law in the Church unless it were ratified and confirmed by the Emperour being Christian. Seeing therefore it is acknowledged that it was then the manner of the Emperor to confirm the Ordinances which were made by the Ministers which is as much in effect to say that the Emperour had in Church Ordinances a voice negative and that without his confirmation they had not the strength of publick Ordinances Why are we condemned as giving more unto Kings then the Church did in those times we giving them no more but the supreme power which the Emperor did then exercise with much larger scope then at this day any Christian King either doth ar possibly can use it over the Church The case is not like when such Assemblies are gathered together by supreme authority concerning other affairs of the Church and when they meet about the making Ecclesiasticall Lawes or Statutes For in the one they only are to advise in the other they are to decree The persons which are of the one the King doth voluntarily assemble as being in respect of gravity fit to consult withall them which are of the other he calleth by prescript of Law as having right to be thereunto called Finally the one are but themselves and their sentence hath but the weight of their own judgement the other represent the whole Clergie and their voices are as much as if all did give personal verdict Now the question is whether the Clergie alone so assembled ought to have the whole power of making Ecclesiasticall Laws or else consent of the Laity may thereunto be made necessarie and the Kings assent so necessary that his sole deniall may be of force to stay them from being Laws If they with whom we dispute were uniform strong and constant in that which they say we should not need to trouble our selves about their persons to whom the power of making Laws for the Church belongeth For they are sometimes very vehement in contention that from the greatest thing unto the least about the Church all must needs be immediatly from God to this they apply the patern of the ancient Tabernacle which God delivered unto Moses and was therein so exact that there was not left as much as the least pin for the wit of man to devise in the framing of it To this they also apply that strict and severe charge which God so often gave concerning his own Law Whatsoever I command you take heed you doe it thou shalt put nothing thereto thou shalt take nothing from it nothing whether it be great or smal Yet sometime bethinking themselves better they speak as acknowledging that it doth suffice to have received in such sort the principall things from God and that for other matters the Church hath sufficient authority to make Laws wherupon they now have made it a question what persons they are whose right it is to take order for the Churches affairs when the institution of any new thing therein is requisite Laws may be requisite to be made either concerning things that are only to be known and believed in or else touching that which is to be done by the Church of God The Law of nature and the Law of God are sufficient for declaration in both what belongeth unto each man separately as his soule is the spouse of Christ yea so sufficient that they plainly and fully shew whatsoever God doth require by way of necessary introduction unto the state of everlasting bliss But as a man liveth joyned with others in common society and belongeth unto the outward politique body of the Church albeit the said Law of Nature and of Scripture have in this respect also made manifest the things that are of greatest necessity nevertheless by reason of new occasions still arising which the Church having care of souls must take order for as need requireth hereby it cometh to pass that there is
alledged how Constantine termeth Church Officers Overseers of things within the Church himself of all without the Church how Augustine witnesseth that the Emperor not daring to judge of the Bishops cause committed it unto the Bishops and was to crave pardon of the Bishops for that by the Donatists importunity which made no end of appealing unto him he was being weary of them drawn to give sentence in a matter of theirs how Hilarie beseecheth the Emperor Constance to provide that the Governors of his Provinces should not presume to take upon them the Judgment of Ecclesiastical causes to whom Commonwealth matters only belonged how Ambrose affirmeth that Palaces belong unto the Emperor Churches to the Minister that the Emperor hath Authority over the Commonwealth of the City and not in holy things for which cause he never would yield to have the Causes of the Church debated in the Princes Consistory but excused himself to the Emperor Valentinian for that being convented to Answer concerning Church Matters in a civil court he came not Besides these Testimonies of Antiquity which Mr. Cart. bringeth forth Doctor Stapleton who likewise citeth them one by one to the same purpose hath augmented the number of them by adding other of the like nature namely how Hosius the Bishop of Corduba answered the Emperor saying God hath committed to thee the Empire with those things that belong to the Church he hath put us in trust How Leontius Bishop of Tripolis also told theself same Emperor as much I wonder how thou which art called unto one thing takest upon thee to deal in another for being placed in Military and Politique Affairs in things that belong unto Bishops alone thou wilt bear rule We may by these Testimonies drawn from Antiquity if we list to consider them discern how requisite it is that Authority should always follow received laws in the manner of proceeding For in as much as there was at the first no certain law determining what force the principal Civil Magistrates Authority should be of how far it should reach and what order it should observe but Christian Emperors from time to time did what themselves thought most reasonable in those Affairs by this mean it cometh to pass that they in their practice varie and are not uniforme Vertuous Emperors such as Constantine the great was made conscience to swerve unnecessarily from the customes which had been used in the Church even when it lived under Infidels Constantine of reverence to Bishops and their spiritual authority rather abstained from that which himself might lawfully do then was willing to claim a power not fit or decent for him to exercise The order which had been before he ratifieth exhorting Bishops to look to the Church and promising that he would do the office of a Bishop over the Common-wealth Which very Constantine notwithstanding did not thereby so renounce all authority in judging of spirituall causes but that sometimes he took as St. Augustine witnesseth even personall cognition of them Howbeit whether as purposing to give therein judicially any sentence I stand in doubt for if the other of whom St. Augustine elsewhere speaketh did in such sort judge surely there was cause why he should excuse it as a thing not ususally done Otherwise there is no let but that any such great person may hear those causes to and fro debated and deliver in the end his own opinion of them declaring on which side himself doth judge that the truth is But this kind of sentence bindeth no side to stand thereunto it is a sentence of private perswasion and not of solemn jurisdiction albeit a King or an Emperour pronounce it Again on the contrary part when Governors infected with Heresie were possessed of the highest power they thought they might use it as pleased themselves to further by all means therewith that opinion which they desired should prevail They not respecting at all what was meet presumed to command and judge all men in all causes without either care of orderly proceeding or regard to such laws customs as the Church had been wont to observe So that the one sort feared to doe even that which they might and that which the other ought not they boldly presumed upon the one sort modestly excused themselves when they scace needed the other though doing that which was inexsable bare it out with main power not enduring to be told by any man how far they roved beyond their bounds So great odds between them whom before we mentioned and such as the younger Valentinian by whom St. Ambrose being commanded to yeild up one of the Churches under him unto the Arrians whereas they which were sent on his message alledged that the Emperour did but use his own right for as much as all things were in his own power the answer which the holy Bishop gave them was that the Church is the House of God and that those things which be Gods are not to be yielded up and disposed of at the Emperors will and pleasure his pallaces he might grant unto whomsoever A cause why many times Emperours did more by their absolute authority then could very well stand with reason was the over-great importunity of wicked Hereticks who being enemies to peace and quietness cannot otherwise then by violent means be supported In this respect therefore we must needs think the state of our own Church much better settled then theirs was because our Laws have with farr more certainty prescribed bounds unto each kind of power All decisions of things doubtfull and corrections of things amiss are proceeded in by order of Law what person soever he be unto whom the administration of judgement belongeth It is neither permitted unto Prelate nor Prince to judge and determin at their own discretion but Law hath prescribed what both shall do What power the King hath he hath it by Law the bounds and limits of it are known The entire community giveth general order by Law how all things publickly are to be done and the King as the head thereof the highest in authority over all causeth according to the same Law every particular to be framed and ordered thereby The whole body politick maketh Lawes which Lawes give power unto the King and the King having bound himself to use according unto Law that power it so falleth out that the execution of the one is accomplished by the other in most religious and peaceable sort There is no cause given unto any to make supplication as Hilary did that Civil Covernors to whom Common-wealth matters only belong may not presume to take upon them the judgment of Ecclesiastical causes If the cause be spiritual secular Courts doe not meddle with it we need not excuse our selves with Ambrose but boldly and lawfully we may refuse to answer before any Civill Judge in a matter which is not Civill so that we doe not mistake the nature either of the cause or of the
government under which we live I consider the state of England and that of the Islands and the dignity of Bishops and the condition of the other Ministers of the Church such as it is at this day In Scotland for the time present the State hath otherwise provided but not in England and therefore ye ought not to take example by them as though your State were like theirs I hear that your Governor hath taken order about Wills and appointed one to prove them But I cannot conceive how that may be done without Episcopal Jurisdiction conferred by the Bishop Your Governour I know hath power to present to the Bishop a man proper to execute this authority of the Bishop in his name Likewise the Governor as Patron of the Churches and Parishes of his Government upon the vacancy of any living ought to present by such a time a man well qualified to succeed in the Office of a Pastour but the admission and induction of such a charge belongs to your Bishop and to no body else If I be well informed you observe nothing of all this which if it be so you 'l never be able to justifie it The example of the French Churches and of the Low-Countries doe you no good Your case is quite another They have Laws from their Soveraigns and particular places for themselves but all that you doe is contrary to the Laws and Ordinance of the King your Soveraign You hold Synodicall meetings wherein you make Statutes about the Government of the Church unto which you bind your selves and the rest that are naturall Subjects to the King wherein you unsensibly derogate from his authority The Synods of the Arch-bishops and Bishops together with the rest of the Clergy of this Realm dare not presume that which you doe nor attribute to their Canons and Statutes what you attribute to yours Yet the Assembly of Bishops and of their Clergie is of men far otherwise qualified then some dozen of the Ministers of your Islands to judge and discern what belongs to the edification of the Church their Decrees nevertheless are of no authority to tye unto them those of this Realm till the King yea in his own person have approved them and by Proclamation made them his There is no body in his Realm nor in any of his Dominions that hath power to enact Laws and Decrees but himself The Parliaments authority is great but without the Kings assent nothing takes the rigour of Law I know very vell that at the perswasion of the Ministers your Governours and others that were present to your Synods have subscribed and acknowledged your Synodicall Acts they did it even in my time but their power doth not stretch so far That may bring a greater prejudice to themselves then give force of Ecclesiasticall Law to your Decrees I doe not think that his Majesty being well informed will grant unto your Ministers or Governours of your Islands such authority They will be more pernicious to you then youthink You 'l alledge me I know your Priviledges but I dare boldly answer you that you never had any such priviledges I have read them and have the copies of them and they say that in matters Civil you shall be governed by the ancient Coustumier of Normandy and that you are not subject to the Statutes of the Parliament in such matters nor to the Subsidies other charges and impositions that are raised in England except which God forbid ever should come to pass the King were detained Prisoner by the Enemy In matters Ecclesiasticall you are freed from the Bishop of Constance and under that of Winchester yea even of old by the Popes authority and consent of the two Kings from whom also in part your neutrality in times of warre is approved excommunicating all such as would molest you Ye cannot shew concerning your priviledges but only what is renewed as often as there is a new King And for the Patent which you say you have procured from his Majesty for matters of Religion First it is in generall terms and without any clause derogating from the authority of your Bishops Secondly if it be questioned it may be told you that it was surreptitious and granted you before the King was well informed of the business To conclude you must understand that in matters of Religion the Kings Majesty will doe nothing without the counsell and advice of the Arch-bishop and your Bishop of Winchester wherefore you may doe well to insinuate your selves in their favour and conform your selves to them as we have done in the beginning You may reduce the Decrees of the Church of England and the use of the book of prayers to a good and Christian Discipline farre more solid and better grounded then that for which ye so earnestly bestirre your selves I must addone word more which will be hard of digestion This is it that you may be upbraided that as many Ministers that are naturall of the Countrey being not made Ministers of the Church by your Bishop nor by his Demissories nor by any other according to the order of the English Church you are not true and lawfull Ministers Likewise that as many among you as have not taken institution and induction into your Parishes from the Bishop nor from his Substitute lawfully ordained and authorised so to doe ye are come in by intrusion and usurpation of cure of Souls which no body could give you but your Bishop that is in terms and words Evangelicall that you are not come into the Sheep-fold by the door but by elsewhere and that by the Ecclesiasiastical Laws you are excommunicants and Schismaticks I know well enough you do not regard such Laws and think that your Priviledges will exempt you from them wherein you greatly deceive your selves For a man may tell you who are yee that would have your Ecclesiastical Decrees made by Private Authority to have force of Laws and dare scorn and reject those of the English Church made by Publick Authority by farre honester men greater Scholars without comparison more learned and farre more in number then you are The Kings Majesty by his Royall authority hath approved them this Realm hath received them But what are your Synodall Decrees who be the Authors of them and who be they that have approved them 'T is winkt at and your ignorance is born with but think not that that which is born in you be any such thing as vertue Your Priviledges do not stretch so far as that you may make Ecclesiasticall Decrees Had it been so the Priests had retained Mass and Poperie In that you hold a contrary course to that of the English Church whereof you are and must be if you be Englishmen Members it proceeds from nothing else but from the connivence and indulgence of your Governors who have given too much credit to the French Ministers and partly in the beginning to the stubborness of the Papists of the Islands When your Governors shall have a liking to
Quod me um est i. e. sundum meum non refragarer si co pus petit occuâ—ram vultis in unicula rapere vultis in mortem voluptati est mihi non ego me vallabo circumfusione populorum nec altaria tenebâ— vitam obsecrans sed pro altaribus gratis immolabor ibid. q Bern Ep. 221. ad Ludon Reg. pro matre nostra Ecclesia Propugnabimus sed quibus armis non scutis non gladâ—s sed precibus flâ—ctibusque ad deum r Religioni quam profi ebatur putavit magis consenâ—a neum patientia quam injusta seditione conjuriam imperatoris superare Apol. a Haec sola novitas ne dicam haeresiâ— nec dum in mundo emenserat Sigeb Chronol Ann. 1088. Object Necessitaâ—i magic quam vi tâ—â—â— valunâ—ati â—aâ—ctorum Patâ—um c. b Julianus Tyranide sua vi res omnes praeciderit quibus alids its contra Apostatam uti fas fuisses c Lib. 6 de regn c. 26. depoâ—est Papae d In Apol. Bâ—ll a n. 249. usque ad u. 267. Answer e Fere omâ—eâ— mortales â—unâ— denrum cultu reli to Christianorum genit c. Euseb. l b. 9. c. 9. f Apol. Exterâ—â—â—umus vestra omnia in pâ—cvimus urbes insulas caâ—â—ella mâ—â—nâ—ci pâ—a conciliaba la. castra ipsa decarias pâ—la ita sorum Se nalsâ—â— cui bello non 〈◊〉 non prem â—â— suissexiuâ— â—â—i tam 〈…〉 si nan apud discipliam nostram magis ctcid liâ—â—reâ— quam 〈…〉 g Theod. lib. 3. cap. 17. Cum multi militum qui exerâ—ore thus adoleverunt imposturis Juliani decepti peregiam discurrences non tantum manus sed corpor a ad ignam offerent ut igne polluti igne repurgarentur h lib. 5. de Pontifice c. 7. i Helmold histor Sclau cap. 28 29 30. lib. 1. Spectate manum meam dextram de vulneie cauciam haec ego iuravi Domino Henrico ut non nocerem et nec insidtarer gloriae ejus sed jussio Apostolica Poâ—tificamus mandatum me ad id deduâ—iâ— ut juramenti transgressor honorem mihi 〈◊〉 usorparem Videtis quod in manu unde jura menta violavi mortale hoc viâ—lnus accepi Viderint ii qui nos ad 〈◊〉 instigaveâ—unt qualiter nos duxerint ne forte deducti simus in praecipitium aeierâ—ae damnationis Praesat Apol. Apol. Occasion of writing that Book of the Power of the Princes c. His Speech of the Oath of Supremacy His Speech of supplying the Kings Necessiries Mr. Hookers judgment of Regal Power confirmed by the Primate His sufferings for it His Prayers joy and sorrow according to the success of his Majesties affairs His compassionate affection to such as had suffered for his Majesty His judgment His Practice The reduction of Episcopacy c. The occasion and end oft it Ordination of the Church of England Episcopal superiority over Presbyters As the Sun to the other Lights The dignity and power of the first-born Aâ— the distance beween the High-Priest and the other inferiour Priests His approbation of books tending to the preheminence of Episcopacy The Liturgy The Service Song The Ceremonies His reducing the scrupulous 〈…〉 The falshood of some Pamphlets put out in his name since his death Some particulars observed by him The Articles of Religion of England The Canons of Ireland 1614. taken out of Q. Eliz. Injunct and Can of Engl. The Common Prayer Book of Ordination His Subscription Canons of Ireland Anno 1634. taken out of those of England The Festivals Good Friday Confirmation of Children Catechism Apparrel of the Clergy Consecration of Churches * This is wanting in the common books of Mr. Hookers M. S. Cor. 3. 7 8. Ad. 2. Ad. 3. Exod. 19. 1 Pet. 2. * Thom. in cum locum Revel 1. 6. * This is also wanting in the common copy * Euseb. l. 4. de vit Constant. * Dib ad Const. * Lib. 5. Epi. 33. * Ep. 166. 162. T. C. l. 1. p 193. This is in the common copies That is in the copies which the Primate then saw but not in that which is now printed Of their power in making Ecclesisticall Laws What Laws may be made for the affairs of the Church to whom the power of making them appettaineth Deut. 12. 32 4. 2. Jos. 1. 7. * Tho. 2. quaest 1 c 8. artic 2. Prov. 6. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Archit de leâ—e justit * This is wanting in the common books of Mr Hooker's M. S. In vit Cypy Nulla ratio Dist. 63. * Ep. Honoâ— Imp. ad Bonif. Concil Tom. 1. * 25 Ed. 3. * 25 Ed. 3. * 25 H. 8. c. 20 * C. Nulluâ— Dist. 63. * Tom. 1. Concil * Onuph in Pelag 2. * â—Rea in Dist. 63. * Wâ—tthramuâ— Naumburgensis deinvestit Episcoporum per Imperat saciendâ * Cap. General de elect l. 6. * Adver Jovin l. 1. * L. 7. Epist 5. * Theod. lib. 5. cap. 27. * Sozom. lib. 8. cap. 2. * Marcel l. 15. * Socr. 2. c. 27. l. 4. c. 29. * Theod. l. 2. c. 15 16 17. * Sozom. lib. 4. c. 11. l. 6. c. 23. * In vit Cypr. * C. Sacrorum Canon dist 63. * C. Lectis Dist. 63. * This is in the common Copy of Mr. Hoâ—ke M. S. that is in the copies which the Primate then saw but not in the now printed ones * T. C. lib 3. Pag. 155. * Euseb. de vita Constant. lib. 4. * Epist. 162. 166. * Lib. ad Constant * Lib. 5. Ep 33 * Inclusa desunt in vulâ—atis exemplâ— ib. * Doctrin â—iccip lib 5. Cont. 2 cap. 18. * Apud Athanos in Epist. ad solit vit agentes * Suid. in verb. Leontius * Epist. 68. * See the Stature of Edward 1. and Edward 2. and Nat. Bren. touching Prohibition See also in Bract n these sentences l. 5. c. 2. Est jurisdictio quaedaÌ„ ordinaria quaedam delegata quae pertinet ad Sacerdotium forum Ecclesiasticum sicut in causis spiritualibus spiritualitati annexis Est etiam alia jurisdictio ordinaria vel delegata quae pertinet ad Coronam dignitatem Regis ad Regnum in causis placitis rerum temporalium in soâ—o seculari Again Cum diversae sint binc inde jurisdictiones diversae judices diversae causae debet quilibet ipsorum inprimis aestimare an sua sit jurisdictio ne falcem videatur ponere in messem alienam Again Non pertinet ad Regem injungere poenitentias nec ad judicem secularem Nec etiam ad eos pertinet cognoscere de iis quae sunt spiritualibus annex asecut de decimis aliis Ecclesiae proventionibus Again Non est laicus conveuiendus coravs judice Ecclesiastico de aliquo quod in soro seculari terminari possit debeat * None of all this which follows is to be found in the common coppy of Mr Hookers MS * Antiquit. l. 4. c. 8. 2 Sam. 2 3. Nehem. 11. 25. All this is writ with the Lord Primat Ushers own hand 2 Sam. 17. 24. 1 Of Priests 2 Of Levites 1 Chron. 24. vers 26. 27. * IBRI The AUTHOR in his review and emendations hath in this place made this Querie Seeing the Courses were but 24. why should IBRI 25. be reckoned Jedeiah was chief Quer. Whether he was not to be connted one of the 24. because of his generall superintendency over the rest This Querie seems to be resolved by the PRIMATE and was the occasion of setting down the bove mentioned Genealogy * It seemeth the first of these Jedeiah is to be omitted in the reckoning as chief over them all in respect of his generall superintendency over the rest 3 Of Judges 4 of Officers 5 Of Singers 6. Of Porters Officers and Judges This answer I find ordered by the Author to be thus put instead of that which had been in a former copy This also the Author hath added to be put unto the former answer Exod. 14. 27. Numb 33. 9. The supposed Author in his advertisments concerning this passage saith This I know not well what way to make more clear The supposed Author in his Advertisments put this out here saying This I thought might better make a chapter of it self See infra the last chapter of all Acts 5. 5. 15. 13. 11. 19. 2. 1. 16. 46 Acts 14. 11. 8. 13. 5. 11. 13. Vid. Hierem. Epist. 4. ad rusticum c. 6. Et Epist. ad Evaâ— ium * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theodorat a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Tim. 1. 6. This is added by the supposed Author There was one called Vox Hy berntae published in his name for the suppressing of which he had an Order from the House of Peâ—rs
Clavi Trabales OR NAILES FASTNED by some Great MASTERS of ASSEMBLYES Confirming The KINGS SUPREMACY The SUBJECTS Duty Church Government by BISHOPS The Particulars of which are as followeth I. Two Speeches of the late LORD PRIMATE USHERS The one of the Kings Supremacy The other of the Duty of Subjects to supply the Kings Necessities II. His Judgment and Practice in Point of Loyalty Episcopacy Liturgy and Constitutions of the Church of England III. Mr. HOOKERS Judgment of the Kings Power in matters of Religion advancement of Bishops c. IV. Bishop ANDREWS of Church-Government c. both confirmed and enlarged by the said PRIMATE V. A Letter of Dr HADRIANUS SARAVIA of the like Subjects Unto which is added a Sermon of REGAL POVVER and the Novelty of the DOCTRINE of RESISTANCE Also a Preface by the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of LINCOLNE Published by Nicholas Bernard Doctor of Divinity and Rector of Whit-church in Shropshire Si totus orbis adversum me conjuraret ut quid quam moliret adversus Regiam Majestatem ego tamen Deum 〈◊〉 ordinatum ab eo Regem offendere temere non auderem Bern. Ep. 170. ad Ludovicem Regem An. 11â—0 London Printed by R. Hodkginson and are to be sold by R. Marriot at his Shop in St. Dunstans Church-yard in Fleetstreet 1661. THE PREFACE THese two learned Speeches of the late Lord Primate Usher have been by some prudent persons judged seasonable to be thus published together The one Of the Kings Supremacy may not only be instructive to those of the Church of Rome but to some of our own Communion who have been and are too scanty in the acknowledgment of it The other Of the duty of Subjects to supply the Kings necessities was occasioned by the slowness in Ireland of contributing to the King for the maintenance of the Army continued there for their own defence the great imprudence of which parsimony we felt to our own loss not many years after wherein that distinction in point of Loyalty made between those descended of the antient English race though differing from us in point of Religion and those of the meer Irish which is there much enlarged may be now worthy of observation The whole Speech is full of Loyalty Prudence and Learning for which as he had his late Majesties of Blessed Memory gracious thanks so he had as little from others who were then as backward in assenting to the like Propositions here conceiving he had pressed their duty too high in that point Both these Speeches thus tending to the defence of Regal Power and the duty of Subjects hath in submission to the judgments of those whom I much reverence occasioned the putting forth a Sermon of mine upon the like Subject which I have the rather adventured so near this eminent Primate as having had his approbation occasioned by the censure of some at Dublin anno 1642. when it was first delivered of which more is said in an Advertisement before it Hereupon I have been further induced unto a vindication of the said most eminent Prelate not only of His Judgment in this Subject but in point of Episcopacy Liturgy and Constitutions of the Church of England from the various misapprehensions of such who being of different opinions the great respect given him by the one hath been a scandal to the other But by this impartial relation of his Judgment and Practice in each it may be hoped that both sorts will be so fully satisfyed as to unite in the exemplary observance of that Piety Loyalty Conformity and Humility found in him And whereas some do much appeal to that Accommodation of his in relation to Episcopacy wherein he was not single proposed Anno 1640. which then they did not hearken unto they are herein remembred what was that which caused it even the pressing violence of those times threatning the destruction of the whole with the sole end of it a pacification whose readiness in yielding up so much of his own Interest then for the tranquility of the Church like Jonas willing to be cast overboard for the stilling of the Tempest would be worthy of all our Imitations now The appeale here is from that Storm unto what his practice was in calme and peaceable times which if followed would give a check to most of those disputes which have of late taken up so much time amongst us The Fruite expected to be reaped from this declaration besides the satisfaction of mine own mind which was not at rest without it is the due honor of him for whose I am oblieged to sacrifice mine own That as he is admired abroad so he may not want that love and general esteem he hath deserved at home And as the peace and unity of the Church was studied by him in his life time so there might not be the least breach continued by a misapprehension of him after his death And surely if such of us who think him worthy of being our copy would but now upon the sight of this writ after him the Arke of our Church would cease to be tossed too and fro in this floating uncertain condition and immediately rest upon firm ground Heretofore having an occasion to vindicate this most Learned Primate in point of Doctrine so unhappy often are persons of his eminency as after their deaths to be challenged Patrons to contrary partyes I had An. 1658. a Letter of Thanks from the late Reverend Bishop of Durham Bishop Morton in these wordes viz. I acknowledge hereby my obligation of Thankfulness to you not only for the book it self but especially for your pains in vindicating that admirable Saint of God and Starr primae magnitudinis in the Church of God the Primate of Armagh c. In which high esteem of the Primate the now Reverend Bish. of Durham succeeds him who hath often signified it in divers of his Letters which I receiued from Paris to that purpose Hereunto two other Treatises have been thought fit to be added mentioned in the foresaid vindication but then not intended to be published which the Eminent Primate had a hand in The one Mr. Hookers Judgment of Regal Power in Matters of Religion the advancement of Bishops and the Kings Exemption from censure c. Left out of the common copyes inlarged and confirmed by the Primate all the marginal notes of the quotations out of the Fathers being under his own hand are noted with this mark* The other a Treatise of the Form of Church Government before and after Christ c. The main aime of it is to shew that the Government of the Christian Church established by the Apostles under the New Testament was according to the pattern of that in the Old then which scarce any book in so little speaks so much for the preheminency of Episcopacy It first appeared Anno 1641. under the Title of the rude draughts of Bishop Andrews which though I was in doubt of by the contrary opinion of an
eminent person heretofore near unto him yet I am confirmed in it by what I find written by that Learned Bishop in answer to Peter de Moulin wherein is found not only the substance but the very words that are used both within this Treatise and the Emendations vid. resp ad 3. epist. p. 193. 194. Vis arcessam adhuc altius vol è veteri Testamento atque ipsâ adeò lege divinâ Facit Hieronymus ut sciamus traditiones Apostolicas sumptas ex veteri Testamento quod Aaron filii ejus atque Levitae in Templo fuerunt hoc sibi Episcopi Presbyteri atque Diaconi vendicant in Ecclesiâ Facit Ambrosius utrobique in 1. Co. 12. 4. ad Ephes de Judaeis loquens Quorum inquit traditio ad nos tranfitum fecit Aaronem mitto ne quasi Christi typum rejicias Filiis ejus sacer dotibus nonne in singulis familiis suus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est Praelatus sive ut alibi dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Episcopus Gersonitis Num. 3. 24. Kaathitis v. 30. Meraritis v. 30 Nonne vivente adhuc patre suo Eleazar ibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas Praelatus Praelatorum v. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi dicas Archiepiscopus sunt ergo in lege 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Evangelio Apostoli septuaginta duo septem illi Act. 6. In Apostolorum praxi de duohus illis sumpta Episcopi Presbyteri Diaconi Again it hath been assured me by a Reverend Bishop that the abovesaid Rude Draught was wrote by the hand of Bishop Andrews own Secretary and that the said Bishop did deliver it himself to the Primate Anno 1640. who though it came in that imperfect condition yet finding so many excellent observations wrought out with very great industry he judged it forth with as it was worthy of the Press But afterwards upon a further review he added his strength to the perfecting of it which I found amongst his papers done throughout with his own hand and with it a Manuscript of the same corrected accordingly by him And in the conclusion of that a very learned hand had contributed to it also signifying by markes refering to several Pages what he would have added altered or further enquired into Now whether the Author of that be Bishop Andrews or some other learned person I shall not determine only seeing it was his custom in what he published as I am assured first to write a rough draught then after some distance of time to take a review and a third before it passed his hand this might be the second and the third supplyed by the Lord Primate wherein the last desire of the Author hath been satisfied he not only inquiring into but clearing those difficulties in Chorography and Chronology which I have in their due places inserted with the learned additions before mentioned So that whether the whole be the labour of those two eminent Prelats the one laying the Foundation the other building upon it or be a three fold cord it is here faithfully presented without any dimunition or addition even where there seemed to be some small imperfection which in a few places do occurre all which some years agon Doctor Brounrigg the late Bishop of Exeter upon the view of gave me his judgment for the publishing of them I have only this to add That for every particular passage in the whole I have no warrant to intitle the Primates judgment to it Only it is apparent by his great pains in the double correction and supply made by himself in some Specialties he had a very great valew of it The Primates Annotations are noted with this marke* And the supposed Authors additions and changes are noted with this mark though in some omitted Lastly finding among the said Primates papers a Letter of D. HADRIANUS de SARAVIA to the Ministers of the Isle of Garnsey which I cannot hear was ever published I have thought fit to add also the Subject being so near a kin to the former concerning both the KINGS POWER EPISCOPACY and the CONSTITUTIONS of the Church of England whose advice to them many years agon may be of good use to others now I have no more but to wish that the Judgment of these eminent Authors may be so prevalent with others much inferior to them that they may be moved accordingly to study quietness and seek those ways of peace which of latter years we have not known The Bishop of Lincoln's Preface to the Reader Courteous Reader THe Four Authors of these scattered and some of them imperfect pieces by the care and diligence of the learned Publisher gathered up preserved from perishing and presented to the World here altogether in one view were all of them men famous in their times and of so high esteem that common opinion had set them up which is not alwaies the Lot of Worth and Vertue above the reach of Calumny and Envy even whilst they were yet living much reverence every where paid not to their Persons only but to their very Names Their writings carried Authority with them as well as Weight and the evidence of Truth which hath a marvelous strength to cast down every imagination that exalteth it self there against shining forth in their Works subdued all men that had not to serve Interests laid aside their Reason to their Judgments insomuch as the Adverse Party finding themselves not so well able to stand upon their own bottom nor likely to hold up the reputation they had gained among the vulgar without a juggle have been sometimes put to the pittifull shift of setting forth Suppositious Pamphlets in favour of their cause under the counterfeit names of other men of known Piety and Parts whose former writings having been entertained with general approbation abroad in the world their very names they thought would give some countenance to any cause which they could seem in any degree to own So sometimes poor mens Bastards are fathered upon those that never begat them only because it is known they are well able to maintain them This is one of their Piae fraudes or Godly Cheats a practice common to them with the Jesuites as many other of their practises ey and of their Doctrines too are Such an unhappy fatal coincidence not seldom there is of Extreams Thus dealt they with the Reverend Primate of Armagh printing in his name and that in his life time too such was their modesty and tenderness of Conscience two severall Pamphlets the one called Vox Hiberniae and the other A Direction to the Parliament c. See pag. 151. And sure if they had the forehead to make thus bold with him when he was alive able to complain of the injury done him and to protest against it We cannot doubt but that if need were they would make at least as bold with him and his name after he was dead when they might doe it with greater security and less fear of
of words used by the Bishop in the Ordination of the Church of England His sufferings for it The right sense of that gradual superiority of a Bishop above a Presbyter His confirmation of Books tending to the Preheminency of Episcopacy 3. Of the Liturgy His dayly observing of the Book of Common-prayer At Drogheda the Service sung upon Sundays before him as in Cathedrais of England His observing of the Ceremonies and causing them so to be His pains in reducing and satisfying the scrupulous His Constancy in the above-mentioned to the last The falsehood of some Pamphlets since his death Some specialties observed in him as to decency and Reverence in the Church at publick prayer c. 4. The Constitutions and Canons c. His subscription to the 3. Articles in the 36. cap. of the book of the Canons of England The severity put in with his own hand in the first Canon of Ireland against such as should refuse to subscribe to the Articles of England Observation of the annual Festivals Good-Friday c. Confirmation of Children Church Catechisme Canonical decency of Apparrel in the Clergie Consecration of Churches c. IV. Mr. Hookers Judgment confirmed by the Primate 1. The Kings power in matters of Religion 2. Of his Power in advancement of Bishops to their Rooms of Prelacy 3. The King exempt from Censure and other Iudicial power V. Bishop Andrews Judgment as it is conceived of Church Government before and after Christ c. confirmed and enlarged by the Primate In the Old Testament 1. Before the Law 2. Under Moses 3. Among the Priests 4. Under Joshua 5. Under David where is much added by the Primate 6. Under Nehemiah A Recapitulation of the whole c. with some new enlargements by the supposed Author answering the objections made against having the like government now and giving reasons why it may be now In the New Testament 1. In the time of our Sáviour 2. In the dayes of the Apostles and after Of Deacons Evangelists Priests and Bishops Of the persons executing those Offices Of the promiscuous use of their names The use of the Bishops office and the charge committed to him The choice of persons to their Callings VI. A Letter of Dr. Hadrianus de Saravia to the Island of Garnzay Of the first Reformation in the Island Subjection to Episcopal Iurisdiction Difference in the Case between them and France and the Low-Countries Their Synodicall meetings not justifiable The Kings Power in making of a Law Of Ordination otherwise then by Bishops Of the Scotch Reformation D. Hadr. Saravia with other learned mens Subscriptions to the Articles and Liturgy of the Church of England A Pamphlet printed under the name of the late Archbishop of Armagh coucerning the Liturgy and Church Government declared to be none of his As he hath been also injured and is still by another Book intituled a Method of Meditation or a Manual of Divine Duties which though by his own direction in his life time 1651. I did in his name declare to be none of his but falsly put upon him and have done so twice since his death yet is still reprinted and sold up and down as his to the great injury of him The late Lord Primate Ushers Iudgment of the signe of the Cross in Baptisme confirmed by the Bishop of Lincoln in his Preface VII The Contents of the Sermon Regal Power of Gods Ordination That of 1 Pet. 2. 13. Submit your selves to every Ordinance of man c. Answered Sauls Election not by the People Difference in Religion quits not the due of Obedience The Novelty of the Doctrine of Resistance The Pharisies the first among the Iews The Arguments for it taken out of Bellarmine and the Jesuites which many other Writers of the Church of Rome do contradict The Antient Fathers Loyalty to the worst of Emperors 1. Constantly praying for them Tertullian c. 2. Not giving the least Offence in word or writing St. Hillary Nazianzen c. 3. Not stirring up the people in their own defence St. Augustines Commendation of the Christians under Julian Tertullians under Severus St. Ambrose Athanasius and others That Evasion viz. That the Christians then wanted Power to resist cleared out of Eusebius Tertullian St. Ambross Theodoret Rebellion always found the Ruine of the Actors The Speech of Rodolphus upon his mortal wound in taking up Armes against the Emperor A Conclusive Application An Animadvertisement SUch of the Bishops and Clergy as by Gods Mercy escaped with their Lives to Dublin in that Bloody Rebellion in Ireland Anno 1641. and 1642. did conceive fitting at a so great though sad meeting to have somewhat like a Commencement in that University The Doctors part pro gradu was the Concio ad clerum The Text Rom. 13. 2. was taken out of the Epistle appointed for the day being the Tuesday after the Fourth Sunday after the Epiphany The day according to that account of the late Kings of Blessed Memory murder The Doctrine delivered was then so offensive to some potent persons newly landed that he was forced to send a Copy to the L. Primate Usher who gave his approbation of it And upon the Thirtieth of Ianuary last 1660. the day of Humiliation for the abovesaid Murder it was preached in English at the Honorable Society of Grayes-Inn London The Intention was to have published it in that Language it had its first being but by the Printers Experiment of the slowness of the Sale in that as the better suiting with these other Tracts and that the Profit intended would be of a farther extent the latter was resolved of ERRATA PAge 24. line 29. read the. p. 25. l. 8. r. 2. marg l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 27. l. 3. r. him l. 4. thee p. 29. l. 19 r. thus p. 31. 10. Jehu p. 39. marg l. 1. r. Julianus l. 5. r iniquus p. 40. marg l. 27. r. fletibus l. 35. r. injuriam p. 45. marg l. 6. r. pontisicumque p. 43. l. 24. dele for marg l. 8. r. per regiam 52. l. 31. r. waited p. 56. l. 20. r. calls p. 60. l. 9. r. commendam p. 81. 6. r. consecratus l. 7. r. gratias p. 90. l. 9. r. scarce l. 10. r. inexcusablae p. 95. 11. r. Potiphera Job 1. 5. 42. 8. p. 96. l. 3. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 97. 16. r. fisties l. pen. Merari l. ult after these r. the. p. 100. l. 14 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 101. l. 5. r. camp l. 15. r. Asher p. 102. l. 12. r. Further. p. 103. l. 9. r. Gibethon p. 105. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 107. l. 22. r. Gershon l. 23. r. Ethan l. ult 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 109. l. 12. r. Benaiah l. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 112. l. 7. r. Governors of the. p. 113. l. 25. r. Priest
p. 114. l. 3. dele the. l. 20. r. are l. 30. dele p. 115. l. 24. r. they p. 116. l. 19. r. of this mind l. ult dele ut p. 117. l. r. degrees p. 122. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 128. l. 6. r. Scythia p. 130. l. 26. r. These p. 132. l. 26. r. pam l. ult r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 133. l. 18. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In marg p. 134. l. 4. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 150. l. 12 dele 2. p. 147. l. 2. r. Christi REcensui Librum cui Titulus CLAVI TRABALES Imprimatur Tertio Nonas Sext. 1661. MA. FRANCK S. T. P. Reverendo in Christo Patri Episcopo Londinesi à Sacris Domesticis A SPEECH Delivered in the CASTLE-CHAMBER at DUBLIN 22. of November Anno 1622. At the Censuring of some Officers who refused to take the Oath of Supremacy By the late Lord Primate Usher then Bishop of Meath WHat the danger of the Law is for refusing this Oath hath been sufficiently opened by my Lords the Judges and the quality and quantity of that Offence hath been agravated to the full by those that have spoken after them The part which is most proper for me to deal in is the information of the Conscience touching the Truth and Equity of the matters contained in the Oath which I also have made choice the rather to insist upon because both the form of the Oath it self requireth herein a full resolution of the Conscience as appeareth by those words in the very beginning thereof I do utterly testifie and declare in my Conscience c. And the Persons that stand here to be censured for refusing the same have alledged-nothing in their own defence but only the simple Plea of Ignorance That this point therefore may be cleered and all needless Scruples removed out of mens minds Two maine Branches there be of this Oath which require special Consideration The one Positive acknowledging the Supremacy of the Government of these Realms in all Causes whatsoever to rest in the the Kings Highness only the other Negative renouncing all Jurisdictions and Authorities of any Forraigne Prince or Prelate within His Majesties Dominions For the better understanding of the former we are in the first place to call unto our remembrance that Exhortation of St. Peter Submit your selves unto every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake whether it be unto the King as having the Preheminence or unto Governors as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well By this we are taught to respect the King not as the only Gove nor of his Dominions Simply for we see there be other Governors placed under him but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as him that excelleth and hath the preheminence over the rest that is to say according to the Tenure of the Oath as him that is the only Supream Governor of his Realms Upon which ground we may safely build this conclusion that whatsoever Power is inetdent unto the King by vertue of his place must be acknowledged to be in him Supream there being nothing so contrary to the nature of Soveraignty as to have another Superior power to over-rule it Qui Rexest Regem Maxime non habeat In the second place we are to consider that God for the better setling of Piety and Honesty among men and the repressing of Prophaneness and other Vices hath establisted two distinct powers upon earth the one of the Keys committed to the Church the other of the Sword committed to the Civil Magistrate That of the Keys is ordained to work upon the Inner man having immediate Relation to the remitting or retaining of sins That of the Sword is appointed to work upon the outward man yielding Protection to the obedient and inflicting external punishment upon the Rebellious and Disobedient By the former the spiritual Officers of the Church of Christ are enabled to govern well to speak and exhort and rebuke with all authority to loose such as are penitent to commit others unto the Lords Prison until their amendment or to bind them over unto the Judgment of the great Day if they shall persist in their wilfulness and obstinacie By the other Princes have an imperious power assigned by God unto them for the defence of such as do well and executing revenge and wrath upon such as do evil whether by death or banishment or confiscation of Goods or Imprisonment according to the quality of the offence When St. Peter that had the Keys committed unto him made bold to draw the Sword he was commanded to put it up as a weapon that he had no authority to meddle withall and on the other side when Uzziah the King would venture upon the Execution of the Priests office it was said unto him It pertaineth not unto thee Uzziah to burn incense unto the Lord but to the Priests the Sons of Aaron that are consecrated to burn Incense Let this therefore be our second conclusion that the Power of the Sword and of the Keys are two distinct ordinances of God and that the Prince hath no more authority to enter upon the execution of any part of the Priests function then the Priest hath to intrude upon an◠part of the office of the Prince In the third place we are to observe that the power of the Civil Sword the Supreame managing whereof belongeth to the King alone is not to be restrained unto temporal causes only but is by Gods ordinance to be extended likewise unto all Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Things and Causes That as the Spiritual Rulers of the Church do exercise their kind of Government in bringing men unto obedience not of the duties of the first Table alone which concerneth Piety and the Religious Service which man is bound to perform unto his Creator But also of the second which respecteth moral honesty and the Offices that man doth owe unto man So the Civil Magistrate is to use his Authority also in redressing the abuses committed against the first Table as well as against the Second that is to say as well in punishing of an Heretick or an Idolater or a Blasphemer as of a Thief or a Murtherer or a Traytor and in providing by all good means that such as live under his Government may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all Piety and Honesty And how soever by this means we make both Prince and Priest to be in their several places custodes utriusque Tabulae Keepers of both Gods Tables yet do we not hereby any way confound both of their Offices together for though the matter wherein their government is exercised may be the same yet is the form and manner of governing them alwayes different the one reaching to the outward man only the other to the Inward the one binding or loosing the soul the
other laying hold on the body and the things belonging thereunto The one having speciall reference to the Judgment of the world to come the other respecting the present retaining or loosing of some of the comforts of this Life That there is such a Civil Government as this in Causes Spiritual and Ecclesiasticall no man of Judgment can deny For must not Heresie for example be acknowledged to be a Cause meerly Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall and yet by what power is an Heretick put to death The Officers of the Church have no authority to take away the life of any man it must be done therefore per brachium seculare and consequently it must be yeelded without contradiction that the Tempor all Magistrate doth exercise therein a part of his Civil Government in punishing a crime that is of its own nature Spiritual or Ecclesiasticall But here it will be said the words of the Oath being generall that the King is the only supreme Governor of this Realm and of all other his Highness Dominions and Countries How may it appear that the power of the Civil Sword is only meant by that Government and that the power of the Keys is not comprebended therein I answer First that where a Civil Magistrate is affirmed to be the Governor of his own Dominions and Countries by common intendment this must needs be understood of a Civil-Government and may in no reason be extended to that which is meerly of another kind Secondly I say That where an Ambiguity is conceived to be in any part of an Oath it ought to be taken according to the understanding of him for whose satisfaction the Oath was ministred Now in the case it hath been sufficiently declared by publick authority that no other thing is meant by the Government here mentioned but that of the Civil Sword only For in the book of Articles agreed upon by the Arch-Bishop and Bishops and the whole Clergie in the Convocaetion holden at London Anno 1562. Thus we read Where we attribute to the Queens Majesty the Chief Government by which Titles we understand the minds of some standrous folkes to be offended we give not to our Princes the Ministring either of Gods word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen doth most plainly testifie but that only prerogative which we see to have been given alwayes to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is that they should rule all Estates and degrees committed to their Charge by God whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Temporall and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubbornand evill doers If it be here objected that the Authority of the Convocation is not a sufsicient ground for the Exposition of that which was enacted in Parliament I answer that these Articles stand confirmed not only by the Royall assent of the Prince for the establishing of whose Supremacy the Oath was framed but also by a speciall Act of Parliament which is to be found among the Statutes in the thirteenth yeer of Queen Elizabeth Cap. 12. Seeing therefore the makers of the Law have full authority to expound the Law and they have sufficiently manifested that by the Supream Government given to the Prince they understand that kind of Government only which is exercised with the Civil Sword I conclude that nothing can be more plaine then this that without all scruple of conscience the Kings Majesty may be acknowledged in this sense to be the only Supream Governor of all his Highness Dominions and Countrys as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things or Causes as temporal and so have I cleered the first main branch of the Oath I come now unto the Second which is propounded negatively That no forreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm The Forreiner that challengeth this Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction over us is the Bishop of Rome And the Title whereby he claimeth the Power over us is the same whereby he claimeth it over the whole world because he is St. Peters Successor for sooth And indeed if St. Peter himself had been now alive I should freely confess that he ought to have spiritual Authority and Superiority within this Kingdom But so would I say also if St. Andrew St. Bartholomew St. Thomas or any of the other Apostles had been alive for I know that their Commission was very large to go into all the world and to preach the Gospel unto every Creature So that in what part of the world soever they lived they could not be said to be out of their charge their Apostleship being a kind of an Universal Bishoprick If therefore the Bishop of Rome can prove himself to be one of this Rank the Oath must be amended and we must acknowledge that he hath Ecclesiastical Authority within this Realm True it is that our Lawyers in their yearly Books by the name of the Apostle do usually designe the Pope But if they had examined his Title to that Apostleship as they would try an Ordinary mans Title to a Piece of Land they might easily have found a number of Flaws and main defects therein for first it would be enquired whether the Apostleship was not ordained by our Saviour Christ as a special Commission which being personal only was to determine with the death of the first Apostles For howsoever at their first entry into the Execution of this Commission we find that Matthias was admitted to the Apostleship in the Roome of Judas yet afterwards when James the Brother of John was slain by Herod we do not read that any other was substituted in his place Nay we know that the Apostles generally left no Successors in this kind Neither did any of the Bishops he of Rome only excepted that sate in those famous Churches wherein the Apostles exercised their Ministry challenge an Apostleship or an Universal Bishoprick by vertue of that succession It would Secondly therefore be enquired what sound evidence they can produce to shew that one of the Company was to hold the Apostleship as it were in Fee for him and his Successors for ever and that the other Eleven should hold the same for Term of life only Thirdly if this State of perpetuity was to be cast upon one how came it to fall upon St. Peter rather then upon St. John who outlived all the rest of his Fellows and so as a Surviving Feoffee had the fairest Right to retain the same in himself and his Successors for ever Fourthly if that State were wholy setled upon St. Peter seeing the Romanists themselves acknowledge that he was Bishop of Antioch before he was Bishop of Rome We require them to shew why so great an Inheritance as this should descend unto the younger Brother as it were by Borough-English rather than to the Elder according to the ordinary manner of
chosen that I may truly say Caesar is rather ours then yours as being constituted by our God acknowledging him next to God and less then God only according to that known speech of Optatus * Super Imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus qui fecit Imperatorem There is none above the Emperor but God only who made him Emperor And surely in the Text St. Paul can mean no other by the Powers but the Roman Empire and Heathens for none that were Christians had then any dominion And so much for the first that Kings and their Royal Power are of Gods ordination This supposed the second point necessarily follows which we shall a little longer insist upon viz. that it is not lawfull for Subjects to take up Arms. against their lawfull Prince without being fighters against God and running the hazard of damnation according to the Text They that resist shall receive to themselves damnation The Pharisees as Josephus tells us a subtle kind of men proud scrupulous about the Law wherein they placed their Religion having a seeming shew of piety took themselves to be of exempt jurisdiction and being about 6000. besides their party among the people which they had influence upon stiffly refused to take the Oath of Allegiance to Caesar and indeed were the first we read of that did so for the whole Nation of the Jews had done it and were great opposites to Regal power There are too many who of late years have trod in their steps one writes a seditious book as an Anonymus another puts a feigned name to it by which dissimulation they shew what is to be thought of the thing it self Nam â—ui luce indigna tract at lucem fugit some of whom being of the vulgar and each are most apt to advance their own Order have so promoted the pretended right of the people that not being satisfied in quitting of Subjects from their obedience to their King they have also subverting the very course of Nature given the people power over their King And I wish the Jesuites only had given their votes to these paradoxes but which is the more to be lamented there are some of our own at least bearing the name who either out of an overmuch desire to be heads of parties or drawn to it like Baalam for the wages of unrighteousness have to the Scandall of our profession delivered the same opinion with the Jesuits and have taken their arguments out of them Bellarmine in his first book de pontifice Romano cap. 8. affirms That the Prince was made for the People That Principality is from humane Law and Authority That the People can never so farre transferre their Power over to a King but they retain the habit of it still within themselves and in some cases may actually reassume it which he confirms in his 5. book cap. 8. by the Examples of Ozia and Athalia who were deposed by the people These have been the Assertions of some of our own urged in the same sense and manner Who hath not heard of these Maximes So long as a King keeps his obligation the people are obliged to theirs he that governs as he ought may expect to be accordingly obeyed They that constitute may depose c. But are not these transcribed out of the aforenamed Writers It was the speech of the Bishop af Ments when the Emperor Henry the fourth's deposing was agitated Quem meritum investivimus quare non immeritum devestiamus i. e. Him while wel meriting we invested with the Empire why may not we for his unworthiness disinvest again Gregory the seventh vulgarly Hildebrand the Patron of Rebellious subjects endeavoured to draw them away from the Emperor Quemadmodum militem ignavem imperator c. i. e. as the Emperor may Cashier a sluggish Souldier that neglects his duty in the Camp So may the souldiery put off or desert an unfit King or Emperor The Obligations of Subjects are quitted if Princes recede from theirs Thus much to shew how neer of kin such are to the Sea of Rome which is a professed Adversary to Regall power according to St. Pauls description of that man of sin 2 Thes. 2. 10. Who opposeth himself against all that is called God i. e. Kings so called in Psalms But now leaving these Parallels let us come to the matter it self and prove what we have asserted both out of holy Writ the ancient Fathers and Practice of the Primitive Church who we shall finde have not limited their loyalty within that narrow compass viz. the Kings defence of the true Relogion but continued it under their opposition to it First That those who have or shall presume thus to resist doe tread under feet the holy Scriptures appears by the whole current of them Suppose an unjust cruel bloody act in a King Was not David in that sense vir sanguinis in the perfidious murther of Uriah after his Adultery with his wife Bathsheba And for my part I see not wherein that of Ahab in the Murther of Naboth doth exceed it both unjustly caused a Subject to be slain Ahab only out of a desire to his Vinyard but David to his wife Did not Solomon Apostatize when to please his wives and concubines whom he married out of the Nations whereof God had given him a charge to the contrary he tollerated the worshipping of Idols in building houses for each of them and went after them also himself Asa oppressed the people cast the Prophet into prison that came with a message of God unto him Yet we never read that God gave any Commission to the People either for these or any other farre more degenerating any liberty to disturb them in their Regall government For David God punished him in his son Absolon Solomon was disturbed by Hadad the Edomite and Rezon a Servant of Hadadazer King of Zobah Against Asa God sent some forreign Kings Against Ahaz came the Kings of Assâ—ria Hezekiah's pride was punished by Sennacherib Manassâ—s Idolatry bloodshed by the Babylonians Ahab slain at Ramoth Gilcad by the King of Syriah but for the People either some or the whole ye find not an instance where power was given them to the offering any violence to them Who was ever worse and more obstinate then Ahab to all Rapine Murther and Idolotry who gave himself to work wickedness but were ever the People exhorted by any Prophet to withdraw their obedience from him or gather head against him For his posterity God indeed extraordinarily gives a special Commission by Elisha to John to destroy it but ye doe not find the people of themselves here or elsewhere so much as attempting it or encouraged by the Prophets persecuted by them so to do which if it had been in their power we should have found some president or other for it What was the cause David was so carefull that his hand might not be upon Saul though doubtless he had the
hearts of the better if not the greatest part of the people and sometimes Saul was as from God himself given up into his hands And he was not altogether a private Subject but was heir of the Crown after him being already annointed to it and none could have a better pretence Saul was now seeking his life and injuriously persecuting him by force and fraud yet he would not lay his hands upon him what can be imagined to be the Cause but that it was against the doctrine then received Who knows not that Saul was become an absolute Tyrant which some think to be the sense of 1 Sam. 13. Saul reigned two yeers c. i. e. Quasi biennium tantum ut Rex reliquum temporis ut Tyrannus rejected by Samuel The Kingdome rent from him given to David yet ye never read of Samuel moving David to get possession by force of Armes he mourned for Saul but never stirred up any disturbance in the Kingdome against him but patiently expected Gods determination Optatus elegantly enlargeth himself thus upon it David had Saul his enemy in his hands might have securely slaine him without the blood of any others his servants and the opportunity moved him to it but the full remembrance of Gods commands to the contrary with-held him he drew back his hand and sword and whilest he reverenced the oyntment he spared his enemy and when he had compleated his loyalty revenged his death i. e. in the Amalekite We doe not say men are bound to doe whatever the Prince shall command against the Law of God and Nature but yet neither doe we say we may by force take up Armes against him he said well Scutum dandum est subditis non gladius The three children refused to obey the command of Nebuchadnezzar in worshipping his golden Image and Daniel Darius his Edict in praying for thirty dayes to none but to him as a new erected Numen but yet they resisted not when they were questioned and callâ—d to suffer for it Elias withdrew himself from Jezebell and Ahabs bloody fury yet ye doe not read him tampering with those many thousands hid in Samaria by any secret Machinations against him but were all patiently passive and committed themselves to God that judgeth righteously When Peter drew his Sword against the present power though under the best defensive pretence yet was bid to put it up with a check as if it had been upon a private quarrell qui accipit gladium gladio peribit Rossaeus a Romanist hath indeed published a Book De justa Reipublicae in Principem haereticum potestate not blushing to a averre the contrary to what we have asserted viz. That the Israelites did often make insurrections against their Kings even of the stock of David and with Gods approbation but instanceth in none to any purpose 'T is true as he saith Atheliah was deposed but 't was from her usurpation Hezekiah shook off the yoak of the King of Assyria to the service of whom he had no just obligation The Judges before Samuels time did the like in delivering themselves and the Israelites from their several servitudes Absolon was suppressed by the same way of Force he had most perfidiously and wickedly attempted his Fathers Crown but what are these instances to a lawful Prince or to such as are Subjects Some I find thus endeavoring to evade the Text by distinguishing between the Power and the Person as if this and the like were to be understood only de potestatein abstracto But certainly St. Peter applys it cleerly in coâ—creto to the Person of the King Regi quasi praecellenti Magistratibus ab eo missis as in the next Fear God honor the King Neither can that Speech of Davids be otherwise meant then of the Person of Saul God forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords annointed to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the annointed of the Lord 'T is not the Power that is annointed but the Person who by it is resigned to the Power Again 't is very probable that St. Paul writing to the Romans in this expression here of Powers conformed himself to their Stile Who as Berclaius observes out of Pliny Suetonius and Tertullian do very frequently take the Abstract for the Concrete i. e. the Power for the Person armed with it There is another argumentation still in the mouths of many viz. That Princes receive their power from the people and so may be abridged accordingly by them But first let such know from whence they had this even from the Jesuites or the like for many other Authors of the Church of Rome are against it Alphonsus de Castro de potestate Leg. Paen. lib. 1. and Vasques lib. 1. controvers cap. 47. averre it and call all power Tyrannical that comes not by the people It was that which Pope Zachariah suggested to the French for deposing of Childerick their King That the people who constituted him may as well depose him the Prince is obnoxious to the people by whom he possesseth that Honor. Unto which agrees that of Augustinus Triumphus de Anchona who by the Sea of Rome hath the Title of Beatus given him That th Pope may depose the Emperor who can deny it for he that constitutes can depose whose practice in story hath been accordingly Henry the Fourth the Emperor and Childerick the Third the French King were by Pope Gregory the Seventh the latter of which was deposed as the Historian saith non pro suis iniquitatibus sed quod inutilis esset tantae potestati as Carolus Crassus the Germans and Italians withdrew their obedience from him by the Papal approbation only ob segnitiem corporis ingeniique traditatem though otherwise a most pious devout and vertuous Prince according to which is the Argument and Application of Brllarmine Constituens est prius constituto subditi vero constituunt Regesâ— Principes sunt propter populum ergo populus est nobilior But secondly t is of no force in it self The Pastor is for the good of the Flock The master of the family is for the welfare of it forma est propter actionem is therefore actio nobilior formâ Again a servant voluntarily binds himself to a Master and after a manner constitutes him over him What can he at pleasure withdraw himself again Again these men consider not of the Oath of God taken of Subjects to their King which Solomon mentions Eccles. 8 2. I councel thee to keep the Kings commandements and that because of tht Oath of God They have likewise but little esteem of St. Pauls Judgement in the Text viz. that the powers are of God and ordained of God That they bear the sword of the Lord and are his ministers And indeed few Kings have originally come to their Crowns by the people but most frequently as one observes invitis subdiâ—is Belli jure si hoc
jus sit dicendum prima regnandi fecisse fundamenta but after an Oath of an Allegiance the bonds are deposited in Gods hand so that the whole argumentation is both unchristian and irrational and rejected by us as the Doctrine of some Romanists which such as are so afraid to come neer them in any thing else should be as much deterred in this In a word as Kings receive their power from God so are we to leave them only unto God if they shall abuse it not but that they may and ought to be prudently and humbly reminded of their duties for which we have the example of the Primitive Fathers Bishops to the Emperors Constantius Constans and others introducing Arianism but yet without lifting up our hands against them in the least resistance of them which is the Judgement also of most of our Modern Orthodox Divines and even divers of the Writers of the Church of Rome who have stiffey contradicted the Jesuites assertions of the contrary one of each shall suffice 1. For those of ours Franciscus Junius thus determines All good men should bear even the most cruel injury from the magistrate rather then enveigh against him by word pen or action to the disturbance of order and the publick peace according to which see Luther lob de offic magistr Tom. 2. Brentius Hom. 27. in cap. 8. lib. 1. Sam. Melanthon Bucer Musculus Mathesius Erasmus and others 2. For those of the Church of Rome Gregorius Tholosanus Governours saith he are rather to be left to the Judgement of God then to defile our hands by a Rebellion against them God wants not means whereby he can when he pleaseth remove or amend them If there be an evil Government farre be it from us to revenge it by an evil obedience or to punish the sins of the King by our own sins but rather by a patient bearing to mollify the wrath of God who governs the hearts of Kings with his own hands c. And surely if it be a terrible thing for any man to fall into the hands of the living God much more is it to them who are only accomptable to him and the Justice of God hath been often notoriously manifested upon them in sacred story Abimelec Jeroboam Baasa Ahab both the Herods In Ecclesiasticall story Anastasius Julian Valens and others So much for holy writ Now secondly let me demonstrate this out of the antient-Fathers and practise of the Primitive Church in these three things 1. After the example of Jeremiah and Daniel for Nebuchadnezzar and St. Paul for Nero. 1 Tim. 2. We find the antient Fathers praying for the Emperors though of a different Religion and persecutors of the true Now to be at the same time praying for them and conspiring in any combinations against their government are inconsistent Tertulliau who lived under Severus the Emperor saith this in the name of the Christians we pray daily for the health of the Emperors c. That of Marcus Aurelius distress in his expedition into Germany when by the prayers of the Christian Legion as it was acknowledged by the heathen Rain was obtained in a great Drought and consequently a victory is sufficiently known They called not for fire from heaven to consume him and his Army according to that advice of Sanders the Jesuit in the like case lib. 2. cap. 4. de visib Monarch but for water to refresh both The Letters of the Fathers Synodi Ariminensis written to Constantius an Arrian are observable who asking him leave to return to their severall Diocesses give this for their reason That we may diligently pray for thy health Empire and peace which the mercifull God everlastingly bestow upon thee And in their second Letters asking the same request of him they say thus Again most glorious Emperor we beseech thee that before the sharpness of the Winter thou wouldst command our return to our Churches that we may as we have done and doe earnestly pray unto the Almighty God for the state of thy might with thy people How are they then to be abhorred who to a Christian pious Orthodox King stained neither with Vice nor Heresie temperate meek prudent gracious instead of prayers have returned menacies for a dutifull subjection Arrogant language if he yield not to every particular of their peremptory demands You shall not find the antient Fathers either by word or writing giving the least offence to the Emperors though Hereticks St. Hillary wrote two books against Constantius the Arrian yet stiles him Gloriosissimum Beatissimum nay Sanctum i. e. Ratione Imperii Non Religionis c. Nazianzen is found of the like temper in his Orations against Valens and Valentinian which are written throughout with all the Reverence and subjection that can be ezpected from a Subject to a Prince and yet Valens burnt fourscore Orthodox Bishops and Presbyters together in a ship and did other horrid Acts which Socrates tells us Oh the distance between the spirits of some men now dayes and those of the antient Church even as as far those excelled these in sanctimony of life integrity of Conversation piety and truth of Doctrine You shall ever find them exemplary in their obedience and subjection to the Emperors never stirring up the people to the least resistance or mutiny but appeasing them Excellently is that of St. Augustine of the Christians under Julian An Infidel Emperor a wicked Apostate The Faithfull souldiers served a faithless Emperor when it came to the Cause of Christ then they acknowledged no other then him that sits in heaven but in Millitary affairs when he said unto them bring forth your forces into the field goe against such a Nation presently they obeyed they distinguisht the Lord who is aeternal from him that is only temporall and yet were subject to the temporall Lord for his sake who is aeternall Tertullian affirms it as a high honour to Christianity that they could never find a Christian in any seditious conspiracy We are saith he defamed in relation to his Imperiall Majesty but yet they could never find any of us among the Albiniani Nigriani or Cassiani who had been some seditious parties against the Emperor That of St. Ambrose was both becomming a good Bishop and a Loyall Subject when he was commanded by the means of Justina the Empress who was an Arrian to deliver up the Churches of Millain to the use of the Arrians returned this answer to his people and to the Emperor Willingly I shall never do it but if compel'd I have not learned to fight I can weep my Tears are my Arms I neither can nor ought to resist otherwise Indeed by the desire of the Orthodox party he refused to give up the chief Church or his Cathedral to them but the detaining of it was with all possible humble representation by way of Petition for it with all the solicitous care that might be of preventing
revived The one whereof he made while he was Bishop of Meath Anno 1622. in the Castle-Chamber of Dublin in defence of the Oath of Supremacy and in special making good that Clause that the King is the only Supream Governor of these his Realms and Dominions For which King Iames of happy Memory sent him a Letter of Thanks hereunto annexed the original of which I have now in my custody The other he made Anno 27. before the Lord Deputy Falkland the Councel and a great Assembly of the Lords and other persons chosen out of each County at His Majesties Castle of Dublin occasioned by their slowness to contribute to the maintenance of the Army the main scope of which is to declare the Duty of Subjects to supply the Kings necessities for the defence of his Kingdom from strength of Reason antient Records and Grounds of Divinity a Copy of which being by the Lord Deputy then desired of him to be sent unto His late Majesty for which he received His Royal Thanks I took a transcript thereof Unto which I shall only add this That I have found among the Primat's papers a Manuscript containing Mr. Hookers judgment of these three things 1. Of Regal Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs 2. Of the Kings Power in the advancement of Bishops unto the rooms of Prelacy 3. Of the Kings exemption from censures and other judicial Power All which as the Primate notes with his own hand are not found in the common Copys of Mr. Hookers M. S. though by what art and upon what designe so much was exspunged I know not only thus far the Primate hath joyn'd his Testimony with Mr. Hooker in these which seem to be the true that he hath corrected and perfected the copy throughout with his own hand and not only found out the several quotations and put them down in the Margent which had been before omitted but added many of his own with some other large Annotations by which his zeal for the defence of Regal Power is the more evident And what his freedom of speech was frequently here in his Sermons to that purpose and in speciall before his late Majesty of blessed memory upon his Birth-day at the Isle of Wight upon this Text Genes 49. 3. Reuben thou art my first-born my might and the beginning of my strength the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power I suppose is sufficiently known This for his Judgement Secondly his Practice hath appeared by what his sufferings have been upon that account as his forced flight from London to Oxford His ruff usage in Wales or thereabouts by the Army then in the field against the King to the loss of some of his Books and Principall Manuscripts never recovered The taking that away from him which had been given him by the King for his maintenance and at length being necessitated to return to London he was silenced a long time from preaching unless in a private house and when with much adoe he was permitted to preach at Lincolns Inne it was that Honorable Society which gave him a competent maintenance but upon the failing of his eye-sight being compelled to give it up his small subsistance after that besides the continuance of the Countess of Peterburroughs respects to him in her house came with much difficulty through my hands unto him And as his Prayers whtch were all the Arms he had were daily lifted up like Moses hands for the prosperity of his Majesties affairs notwithstanding the hazzard he ran by it like that of Daniels by a prohibition to the contrary So was his joy or sorrow perpetually shown according to the success of them I shall instance in one particular Anno 1649. till when the Book of Common Prayer was in my Charge of Drogheda to his great content continued notwithstanding many Lords of the Parliament forces interchangeably had dominion over us the now Lord Duke of Ormond then appearing with an Army for the King and taking the Town with that part of his forces under the command of the Earl of Inchiquin the same day I attended his Lordship in the proclaiming of his Majesty and immediately went to the Church and used the Common Prayer for his Majesty And afterwards upon the Dukes comming himself thither we had a Fast for the good success of his Majesties forces at which I preached And a Communion was appointed the next Sunday though Oliver Cromwels landing with so great a force at Dublin interrupted us the event of which in that bloody storme and the hazzard of my self for the above-mentioned matters would be impertinent here to relate only thus much I may not omit as to this good Lord Primate That as his Letters were full of encouragement and approbation of me for it so at my coming over he embraced me with much affection upon that Accompt often rejoycing at the constancie of that Town where himself had refided and had sown so much of that Doctrine of Loyalty which by his Order four times a year according to the Canon was preached unto them And with many Tears he lamented the retarding of his Majesties affairs by the loss of so many faithfull Servants of his slain there in that Massacre in cool bloud In one thing more the Demonstration of his loyall affection to his Majesty was manifested by his passionate Commiseration of those of the distressed sequestred Clergy who had suffered for him and by his appearing to his utmost for them which was more commendable then by hiding himself to have take no more care but to preserve one When that merciless Proclamation issued forth against such that they might not so much as teach a School for their livelyhood when my soliciting for them by his encouragement representing their petitions and petitioning for them is my own name subscribed only to have had them capable of a Contribution throughout England for which as Feoffees in Trust Doctor Bromrigg then the learned Bishop of Exeter and my self were nominated could not prevail and an elegant Apologie for them written by Doctor Gauden the now Reverend Bishop of Exeter which I delivered with my own hand proved also ineffectuall Then this eminent Primat out of a compassionate sense of their miseries was perswaded by me to make a Tryall how farr his own personal presence might prevail in their behalf and so much against his own Genius and with great regret within himself to go into Whitehall he having no other occasion in the world besides he went and I wated on him thither for that end where he spake at freely and fully as some impertinent interpositions of discourses would permit him but to his great grief returned fruitless and I think he never resented any thing more deeply not living many moneths after unto which the ungrateful censures and rash extravagant language of such whom he thus endeavored to serve added the more to it which in some hath not been abated to his very Memory Now
and ever will be so great use even of humane Laws and Ordinances deducted by way of discourse as conclusions from the former divine and natural serving for principles thereunto No man doubteth but that for matters of action and practice in the affairs of God for manner in divine service for order in Ecclesiastical proceedings about the Regiment of the Church there may be oftentimes cause very urgent to have Laws made but the reason is not so plain wherefore humane Laws should appoint men what to believe Wherefore in this we must note two things First that in matter of opinion the Law doth not make that to be truth which before was not as in matters of action it causeth that to be duty which was not before but it manifesteth only and giveth men notice of that to be truth the contrary whereunto they ought not before to have believed Secondly that as opinions doe cleave to the understanding and are in heart asserted unto it is not in the power of any humane Law to command them because to prescribe what men shall think belongeth only unto God corde creditur ore fit confessio saith the Apostle As opinions are either fit or inconvenient to be professed so mans Law hath to determine of them It may for publick unities sake require mens professed assent or prohibit their contradiction to speciall articles wherein as there happily hath bin controversie what is true so the same were like to continue still not without grievous detriment unto a number of souls except Law to remedy that evil should set down a certainty which no man afterwards is to gain-say Wherefore as in regard of divine Lawes which the Church receiveth from God we may unto every man apply those words of wisdom in Solomon Conserva fili mi praecepta patris tui My sonne keep thou thy fathers precepts Even so concerning the statutes and ordinances which the Church it self makes we may add thereunto the words that follow Et ne dimittas legem matris tua And forsake not thou thy mothers Law It is undoubtedly a thing even naturall that all free and independent societies should themselves make their own Lawes And that this power should belong to the whole not to any certain part of a politique body though happily some one part may have greater sway in that action then the rest Which thing being generally fit and expedient in the making of all Lawes we see no cause why to think otherwise in lawes concerning the service of God which in all well-ordered States and Common-wealthes is the first thing that Law hath care to provide for When we speak of the right which naturally belongeth to a Common-wealth we speak of that which must needs belong to the Church of God For if the Common-wealth be Christian if the people which are of it do publickly imbrace the true Religion this very thing doth make it the Church as hath been shewed so that unless the verity and purity of Religion doe take from them which imbrace it that power wherewith otherwise they are possessed Look what authority as touching Laws for Religion a Common-wealth hath simply Here this breaks off abruptly The Princes power in the advancement of Bishops unto the rooms of Prelacy TOuching the advancement of Prelats unto their rooms by the King Whereas it seemeth in the eyes of many a thing very strange that Prelates the Officers of Gods own Sanctuary then which nothing is more sacred should be made by persons secular there are that will not have Kings be altogether of the Laitie but to participate that sanctifyed power which God hath indued his Clergy with and that in such respect they are anointed with oyle A shift vain and needless for as much as if we speak properly we cannot say Kings do make but that they only do place Bishops for in a Bishop there are these three things to be considered The power whereby he is distinguished from other Pastors The special portion of the Clergy and the people over whom he is to exercise that Bishoplie Power and the place of his Seat or Throne together with the Profits Preheminencies Honors thereunto belonging The first every Bishop hath by consecration the second the Election invested him with the third he receiveth of the King alone Which consecration the King intermedleth not farther then only by his Letters to present such an elect Bishop as shall be consecrated Seeing therefore that none but Bishops do consecrate it followeth that none but they do give unto every Bishop his being The manner of uniting Bishops as heads unto the flock and Clergy under them hath often altered for if some be not deceived this thing was somtime done even without any election at all At the first saith he to whom the name of Ambrose is given the first created in the Colledg of Presbyters was still the Bishop he dying the next Senior did succeed him Sed quia coeperunt sequentes Presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus teneÌ„dos immutata est ratio prospiciente concilio ut non ordo sed merituÌ„ crearet episcopum multorum sacerdotum constitutum ne indignus temere usurparet esset multis scandalum In elections at the beginning the Clergy and the people both had to do although not both after one fort The people gave their Testimonie and shewed their affection either of desire or dislike concerning the party which was to be chosen But the choice was wholy in the sacred Colledg of Presbyters hereunto it is that those usual speeches of the antient do commonly allude as when Pontius concerning St. Cyprians election saith he was chosen judicio Dei populifavore by the judgment of God and favor of the people the one branch alluding to the voices of the Ecclesiastical Senat which with religion sincerity chose him the other to the peoples affection who earnestly desired to have him chosen their Bishop Again Leo nulla ratio sinit ut inter Episcopos habeantur qui nec a clericis sunt electi nec applebibus expetiti No reason doth grant that they should be reckoned amongst Bishops whom neither Clergy hath elected nor Laitie coveted in like soâ—t Honorius Let him only be established Bishop in the Sea of Rome whom Divine Judgment and universal consent hath chosen That difference which is between the form of electing Bishops at this day with us and that which was usual in former ages riseth from the ground of that right which the Kings of this Land do claim in furnishing the places where Bishops elected consecrated are to reside as Bishops for considering the huge charges which the ancient famous Princes of this Land have been at as well in erecting Episcopal Seas as also in endowing them with ample possessions sure of their religious magnificence and bounty we cannot think but to have been most deservedly honored with those Royall prerogatives taking the benefit which groweth out of them in their vacancy
and of advancing alone unto such dignities what persons they judge most fit for the same A thing over and besides even therefore the more seasonable for that as the King most justly hath preheminence to make Lords Temporal which are not such by right of birth so the like preheminence of bestowing where pleaseth him the honour of Spiritual Nobility also cannot seem hard Bishops being Peers of the Realm and by law it self so reckoned Now whether we grant so much unto Kings in this respect or in the fomer consideration whereupon the Lawes have annexed it unto the Crown it must of necessity being granted both make void whatsoever interest the people aforetime hath had towards the choice of their own Bishop and also restrain the very act of Canonical election usually made by the Dean and Chapter as with us in such sort it doth that they neither can proceed unto any election till leav be granted nor elect any person but that is named unto them If they might doe the one it would be in them to defeat the King of his profits If the other then were the Kings preheminences of granting those dignities nothing And therefore were it not for certain Canons requiring canonical election to be before consecration I see no cause but that the Kings Letters patents alone might suffice well enough to that purpose as by Law they doe in case those Electors should happen not to satisfie the Kings pleasure Their election is now but a matter of form it is the Kings meer grant which placeth and the Bishops consecration which maketh Bishops Neither do the Kings of this Land use herein any other then such prerogatives as foraign Nations have been accustomed unto About the year of our Lord 425. Pope Boniface sollicited most earnestly the Emperour Monorius to take some order that the Bishops of Rome might be created without ambitious seeking of the place A needless petition if so be the Emperour had no right at all in the placing of Bishops there But from the days of Justinian the Emperour about the year 553. Onuphrius himself doth grant that no man was Bishop in the Sea of Rome whom first the Emperor by his Letters-patents did not licence to be consecrated till in Benedicts time it pleased the Emperor to forgoe that right which afterwards was restored to Charles with augmentation and continued in his successors till such time as Hildebrand took it from Hen. 4. and ever since the Cardinals have held it as at this day Had not the right of giving them belonged to the Emperours of Rome within the compass of their Dominions what needeth Pope Leo the fourth to trouble Lotharius and Lodowick with those his Letters whereby having done them to understand that the Church called Reatina was without a Bishop he maketh suit that one Colonus might have the Rome or if that were otherwise disposed his next request was Tusculanam Ecclesiam quae viduata existit illi vestra serenitas dignetur concedere ut consecratis à nostro presulatu Deo omnipotenti vestroque imperio grates peragere valeat May it please your Clemencies to grant unto him the Church of Tuscula now likewise void that by our Episcopal authority he being after consecrated may be to Almighty God and your Highness therefore thankfull Touching other Bishopricks extant there is a very short but a plain discourse written almost 500. years since by occasion of that miserable contention raised between the Emperor Henr. 4. and Pope Hildebrand named otherwise Gregory the seventh not as Platina would bear men in hand for that the D. of Rome would not brook the Emperors Symoniacall dealing but because the right which Christian Kings and Emperors had to invest Bishops hindred so much his ambitious designments that nothing could detain him from attempting to wrest it violently out of their hands This Treatise I mention for that it shortly comprehendeth not only the fore-alledged right of the Emperour of Rome acknowledged by six several Popes even with bitter execration against whomsoever of their successors that should by word or deed at any time goe about to infringe the same but also further these other specialties appertaining thereunto First that the Bishops likewise of Spain England Scotland Hungary had by ancient institution alwaies been invested by their Kings without opposition or disturbance Secendly that such was their royal interest partly for that they were founders of Bishopricks partly because they undertook the defence of them against all ravenous oppressions and wrongs part in as much that it was not safe that rooms of so great power and consequence in their estate should without their appointment be held by any under them And therfore that ev'n Bishops then did homage and took their oathes of fealty unto the Kings which invested them Thirdly that what solemnitity or Ceremony Kings do use in this action it skilleth not as namely whether they doe it by word or by precept set down in writing or by delivery of a staffe and a ring or by any other means whatsoever only that use and Custome would to avoid all offence be kept Some base Canonists there are which contend that neither Kings nor Emperours had ever any right hereunto saving only by the Popes either grant or toleration Whereupon nor to spend any further labour we leave their folly to be controlled by men of more ingenuity judgment even amongst themselves Duarensis Papon Choppinus Aegidius Magister Arnulphus Ruzaeus Costvius Philippus Probus and the rest by whom the right of Christian Kings and Princes herein is maintained to be such as the Bishops of Rome cannot lawfully either withdraw or abridge or hinder But of this thing there is with us no question although with them there be the Laws and customes of the Realm approving such regalities in case no reason thereof did appear yet are they hereby aboundantly warranted unto us except some Law of God or nature to the contrary could be shewed How much more when they have been every where thought so reasonable that Christian Kings throughout the world use and exercise if not altogether yet surely with very little odds the same so far that Gregorie the tenth forbidding such regalities to be newly begun where they were not in former times if any doe claim those rights from the first foundation of Churches or by ancient custome of them he only requireth that neither they nor their agents damnifie the Church of God by using the said prerogatives Now as there is no doubt but the Church of England by this means is much eased of some inconveniences so likewise a speciall care there is requisite to be had that other evils no less dangerous may not grow By the history of former times it doth appear that when the freedom of Elections was most large mens dealings and proceedings therein were not the least faulty Of the people St. Jerome complaineth that their judgements many times went
much awrie and that in allowing of their Bishops every man favoured his own quality every ones desire was not so much to be under the regiment of good and virtuous men as of them which were like himself What man is there whom it doth not exceedingly grieve to read the tumults tragidies and schismes which were raised by occasion of the Clergy at such times as divers of them standing for some one place there was not any kind of practise though never so unhonest ot vile left unassaied whereby men might supplant their Competitors and the one side foil the other Sidonius speaking of a Bishoprick void in his time The decease of the former Bishop saith he was an alarm to such as would labour for the room Whereupon the people forthwith betaking them selves unto parts storm on each side few there are that make suit for the advancement of any other man many who not only offer but enforce themselves All things light variable counterfeit What should I say I see not any thing plain and open but impudence only In the Church of Constantinople about the election of S. Chrysostome by reason that some strove mightily for him and some for Nectarius the troubles growing had not been small but that Aroadius the Emperor interposed himself even as at Rome the Emperor Valentinian whose forces were hardly able to establish Damasus Bishop and to compose the strife between him and his Competitor Urficinus about whose election the blood of 137 was already shed Where things did not break out into so manifest and open flames yet between them which obtained the place and such as before withstood their promotion that secret hart burning often grew which could not afterwards be easily slaked insomuch that Pontius doth note it as a rare point of vertue in Cyprian that whereas some were against his election he notwithstanding dealt ever after in most friendly manner with them all men wondering that so good a memory was so easily able to forget These and other the like hurts accustomed to grow from ancient elections we doe not feel Howbeit least the Church in more hidden sort should sustain even as grievous detriment by that order which is now of force we are most humbly to crave at the hands of Soveraign Kings and Governors the highest Patrons which this Church of Christ hath on earth that it would please them to be advertised thus much Albeit these things which have been sometimes done by any sort may afterwards appertain unto others and so the kind of Agents vary as occasions dayly growing shall require yet sundry unremovable and unchangeable burthens of duty there are annexed unto every kind of publique action which burthens in this case Princes must know themselves to stand now charged with in Gods sight no lesse than the People and the Clergy when the power of electing their Prelates did rest fully and wholly in them A fault it had been if they should in choice have preferred any whom desert of most holy life and the gift of divine wisedome did not commend a fault if they had permitted long the rooms of the principal Pastors of God to continue void not to preserve the Church patrimony as good to each Successor as any Predecessor enjoy the same had been in them a most odious grievous fault Simply good and evil doe not loose their nature That which was is the one or the other whatsoever the subject of either be The faults mentioned are in Kings by so much greater for that in what Churches they exercise those Regalities whereof we do now intreat the same Churches they have received into their speciall care and custody with no lesse effectual obligation of conscience then the Tutor standeth bound in for the person and state of that pupill whom he hath solemnly taken upon him to protect and keep All power is given unto edification none to the overthrow and destruction of the Church Concerning therefore the first branch of spiritual dominion thus much may suffice seeing that they with whom we contend doe not directly oppose themselves against regalities but only so far forth as generally they hold that no Church dignity should be granted without consent of the common People and that there ought not to be in the Church of Christ any Episcopall Rooms for Princes to use their Regalitie in Of both which questions we have sufficiently spoken before As therefore the person of the King may for just consideration even where the cause is civil be notwithstanding withdrawn from occupying the seat of Judgment and others under his authority be fit he unfit himself to judge so the considerations for which it were happily not convenient for Kings to sit and give sentence in spiritual Courts where causes Ecclesiastical are usually debated can be no bar to that force and efficacie which their Sovereign power hath over those very Consistories and for which we hold without any exception that all Courts are the Kings All men are not for all things sufficient and therefore publick affairs being divided such persons must be authorised Judges in each kinde as common reason may presume to be most fit Which cannot of King 's and Princes ordinarily be presumed in causes meerly Ecclesiastical so that even common sense doth rather adjudge this burthen unto other men We see it hereby a thing necessary to put a difference as well between that ordinary jurisdiction which belongeth to the Clergy alone and that Commissionary wherein others are for just considerations appointed to joyn with them as also between both these Jurisdictions and a third whereby the King hath a transcendent Authority and that in all causes over both Why this may not lawfully be granted unto him there is no reason A time there was when Kings were not capable of any such power as namely when they professed themselves open Adversaries unto Christ and christianity A time there followed when they being capable took sometimes more sometimes less to themselves as seem'd best in their own eyes because no certainty touching their right was as yet determined The Bishops who alone were before accustomed to have the ordering of such Affairs saw very just cause of grief when the highest favoring Heresie withstood by the strength of Soveraign Authority religious proceedings whereupon they oftentimes against this unresistable Power pleaded that use and custom which had been to the contrary namely that the Affairs of the church should be dealt in by the clergy and by no other unto which purpose the sentences that then were uttered in defence of unabolishing Orders and Laws against such as did of their own heads contrary thereunto are now altogether impertinently brought in opposition against them who use but that power which Laws have given them unless men can show that there is in those Laws some manifest Iniquity or Injustice Whereas therefore against the force Judicial Imperial which Supream Authority hath it is
22. IX The Princes of the Levites 1 Chron 15 5 2 Chron 31 12 and 35 9 Nehem 12 22 X. The Head of the Levites Officers The Scribe * 2 Chron 31. 13. * Of the Singers 1 Chron. 16. 5. Nehem. 12. 42. Of the Porters 1 Chron. 9. 17. and 15. 22. Of the Treasurers 1 Chron. 26. 24. 2 Chron. 21. 11. XI The Levites themselves XII The Chief of the Nethinims Nehem. 11. 21. XIII The Nethinims Gibeonites Josua 9. 21. Solomons servants 1 King 9. 21. Nehem. 7. 60. It is not only requisite that things be done but that they be diligently done against sloth and that they be done continually and constantly * not for a time against Schism and if they be not that redress may be had To this end it is that God appointeth Overseers 1. To urge others if they be slack 2 Chron. 24. 5. 34. 12 13. 2. To keep them in course if they be well 2 Chron. 29. 5. 31. 12. 34. 12 13. 3. To punish if any be defective Jerem. 29. 26 For which cause A power of commanding was in the High Priest 2 Chron. 23. 8. 18. 24. 26. 31. 13. A power Judicial if they transgressed Deut. 17 9. Zach. 3. 7. Ezek. 44. 24. Under paine of death Deut. 17. 12. Punishment in prison and in the Stocks Jer. 29. 26. in the Gate of Benjamin Jer. 20. 2. Officers to Cite and Arrest John 7. 32. Acts 5. 18. This Corporal To suspend from the Function Ezra 2. 62. To excommunicate Ezra 10. 8. John 9. 22. 12. 42 16. 2. This Spiritual 1. Why may not the like now be for the Government of the Christian Church There is alledged on only stop That the High Priests was a Figure of Christ who being now come in the flesh the Figure ceaseth and no Argument thence to be drawn Answ. There is no necessity we should press Aaron for Eleazar being Princeps principum that is having a Superior Authority over the Superiors of the Levites in Aarons life time was never by any in this point reputed a Type of Christ so that though Aaron be accounted such yet Eleazar will serve our purpose As also the 2 Chron. 35 8. We read of three at once one only of which was the High-Priest and a Type of Christ the rest were not let them then answer to the other twaine who were Rulers or chief over the House of God Thus we grant that Aaron and the High Priests after him were Types of Christ and that Christ at his death ended that Type yet affirm that Eleazar being Praelatus Praelatorum governing and directing the Ecclesiastical persons under him and being subject to Moses was not any Type of Christ further we say that the Twelve Apostles as so many several Eleazars under Christ were in the Primitive times sent to several Coasts of the world to govern direct and teach Fcclesiastical persons and people in their several Divisions We say also that many Primates now as so many Eleazars under Christ and in several Kingdoms and States of the world to govern direct and teach Ecclesiastical persons and people in their several divisions and yet be under and responsible to Christian Princes and States who have the chief charge of matters both Civil and Ecclesiastical Object If it be further alledged that Eleazar and all Sacrificing Priests quatenus Sacrificers were Types of Christ who sacrificed himself for us and put an end to all Sacrifices typing himself Answ. Answ. This we grant and further say that the Popish sacrificing Priests Office and other performance in this regard is utterly unlawful and sinful But the other Imployments of Eleazar viz. His Governing Directing and teaching both the Ecclesiastical persons and the people were not typical nor ended but are still of use for the Apostles practiced the same so have their Successors to these very days And that this is most true the Presbyterial Classes cannot but grant for this very Authority over Ministers and people they use and therefore judg it not Typical Besides St. Paul appearing before one but a weak resemblance of the old High Priest yielded him obedience and acknowledged him a Governor of the people which had been meerly unlawful if there had not remained in him something not Tipical and not made to cease by Christ. Hence we see the Anabaptists shifts to be vain and gross when they say we ought to have no Wars for the Jews wars were but Figures of our spiritual battle No Magistrates for the Jews Magistrates were but Figures of our Pastors Doctors and Deacons and as no Magistrates so no Oaths pretending these to be abolished by Christ. Answ. As in the Priests Office there were some things not Typical not ended So Kings Types of Christ in somthing only prefigured and Typed him In many things their Office is still of singular use for they become Nursing Fathers of the Church and provide that we may live a peaceable life in all Godliness and Honesty The lawfull use of Wars and Oaths hath been often vindicated If the Pope here claim authority over all the world as Eleazar over all his brethren his Plea is groundless wicked and insolent For first each chief Bishop in any Kingdom must be subject to the King as Aaron and Eleazar to Moses 2. The Apostles sent into several Kingdoms of the World were all of equal power no one had Authority above the rest in their line or division which shews that no Primate ought to be of Authority over any other Primate under a several Prince But each Primate subject to Christ as Eleazar to Aaron and each Primate subject to his several King As Eleazar to Moses 2. Why it may be I. Out of Dic. Ecclesiae the New Reformers tell us we are to fetch our pattern from the Jewish Sanhedrim therefore it seems they are of opinion that one Form may serve both us and them II. Except there should be such a fashion of government consisting of inequality I see not in the new Testament how any could perish in that contradiction of Core which St Jude affirmeth for his plea was for equalitie and against the preferring of Aaron above the rest III. The Ancient Fathers seem to be of mind that the same Form should serve both So thinketh St. Cyprian lib. 3. epist. 9. ad Rogatianum So St Hierome Epist. 85. Ad Evagrium traditiones Apostolicae sumptae sunt de veteri Testamento ad Nepotianum de vita Clericorum So St. Leo. Ita veteris Testamenti Sacramenta distinxit ut quedam ex iis sicut erant condita Evangelicae cruditioni profutura decerperet ut quae dudum fuerant consuetudines Judaicae fierent obsevantiae Christianae So Rabanus ut de institutione Clericorum lib. 1. c. 6. They ground this their opinion upon that they see I. That the Synogogue is called a Type or Shadow and an image of the Church now Heb. 10. vers 1. II. That God himself
that which is well and orderly Acts 15. 41. Rev 3. 2. II. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Manatseach the redressing which is otherwise Tit. 1. 5. To him was committed principally I. Authority of Ordaining Tit. 1. 5. and so of begetting Fathers Epipha Haeres 75. See Ambros. Theodoret and Oecumentus in 1 Tim. 3. Damasus Epist. 3. Jerem Epist. 85. ad Evagr. Leo Epist. 88. Concil Ancyran Can. 12. al. 13. For though St. Paul should mention a Company * together with him at the Ordaining of Timothy 1 Tim. 4. 14. yet it followeth not but that he only was * the Ordainer No more then that Christ is the only Judge although the XII shall sit with him on Thrones Luke 20. 30. II. Authority of enjoyning or forbidding 1 Tim. 1. 3. Ignatius ad Magnesia Cyprian Epist. 39. III. Authority of holding Courts and receiving accusations 1 Tim. 5. 19. 1 Cor. 5. 12. Revel 2. 2. Augustin de opere Monachor cap. 24. IV. Authority of Correcting 1 Tim. 1. 3. Mâ—cro Episcopalis Tit. 1. 5. Hieron contra Lucifer cap. 4. Epist 53. ad Riparium Cyprian Epist. 38. ad Rogatianum V. Authority of Appointing Fasts Tertullian adversus Psychicos The Choice of persons to their calling 1. The Apostles were immediately called by Christ. 2. For the calling of Matthias the Apostle Peter gave direction two persons were propounded by the 120. the chief and constant disciples of Christ but he was designed to his place by a sacred Lot 3. Some were chosâ—n and appointed to their callings by the Holy Ghost Acts 11. 12. Acts 13. 2. Acts 8. 29. Acts 20. 28. 4. In choice of the Seven Deacons who were credited with the provision for such as wanted the multitude of the Chief and constant Disciples of Christ and the Apostles who were contributers of the same present 7. persons the Apostles ordain them Deacons 5. The Apostles chose to themselves Helpers fellow Servants of Christ fellow-Souldiers and the like Acts 15. 5. Rom. 16. 9. 2 Cor. 8. 23. Coll. 4. 7. Tit. 1. 5. So Timothy well reported of is taken by Paul Act. 16. 2. 3. 6. The Apostles chose such as were their Attendants or Ministers and sent them to severall Churches and People Acts 19. 22. 2 Tim. 4. 10. 12. 2 Cor. 12. 17. 1 Thess. 3. 2. and left some to abide in Churches where was need of their help Tit. 1. 5. Col. 20. Acts 18. 19. 1 Tim. 1. 3. A LETTER of Dr. Hadrianus Saravia to the Ministers of the Isle of Garnsay written in French and translated into English Grace and Peace from Jesus Christ our Lord. GEntlemen and wel-beloved Brethren in the Lord my calling doth oblige me to procure the good and the true edification of the Churches of Christ Jesus and chiefly of those which I have formerly had to doe with as their Minister such are those of the Islands where I was one of the first and know which were the beginnings and by which means and occasions the preaching of Gods word was planted there But you hold now to my thinking a course quite contrary to that which we have held All the favour we then obtained was through the Bishops means and without them I dare confidently assure you that you will obtain nothing of what you look for In the beginning there was no other Reformation in the Islands then that common throughout the whole Kingdome of England The Priests which a little before had sung Mass became suddenly Protestants but yet not one of them was appointed to preach the word of God They were but ignorant blockheads continuing still in â—eart and effection Papists and enemies to the Gospel Now such as were sincerely affected to the Gospel prevailed so far as that they obtained Ministers with whom the Priests could not agree they retained their Service and the Ministers preached and had the exercise of Religion asunder following the order of the Churches of France In those beginings at the pursuit of Mr. John After Dean I was sent by my Lords of the Councell to the Islands as well in regard of the School that was newly erected as to be a Minister there At that time the Bishop of Constance was sent Ambasadour from the French King to Queen Elizabeth from whom and from her Councell he obtained Letters to the Governors of the Islands whereby they were enjoyned to yeild unto him all authority and right which he pretended did belong unto him as being the true Bishop of the Islands But how this blow as was warded let your Fathers tell you Upon this occasion the Bishop of Winchester as their true Bishop took upon him the protection of the Churches of both Islands representing to the Queen and unto her Councel that of old the Islands did belong to his Bishoprick and that he had ancient Records for it yea an Excommunication from the Pope against the Bishop of Constance whenever he would challenge any Episcopall Jurisdiction over the Islands So through the means of the said Bishop and Mr. John After Dean two places only were priviledged of my Lords of the Councell St. Peeter-haven for Garnzay and St. Helier for Jarnsay with prohibition to innovate in ought in the other Parishes Then were the Court and Chapter of the Bishop held which afterwards were supprest how by whom and by what authority I know not I fear the Authors have run themselves into Premunires if premunires have power within the Islands The Consistories Classes and Synods of Ministers have succeeded them yet without any Episcopall Jurisdiction Now so it is that your Islands want Episcopall Courts for proving of Wills for Divorces and Marriages and for the Tythes which are causes and Actions Ecclesiasticall and have so been these 600. years and upwards as well under the Dukes of Normandy as the Kings of England The Reformation and change of Religion hath altered nothing neither is there any one that hath power or authority to transferre the said causes to any other Judges then to the Bishop but the Kings Majesty so that your Civil Magistrates have nothing to doe with such causes if they meddle with them 't is usurpation The French Ministers are so rash as to say that the Bishops of England have usurpt this Jurisdiction and that it belongeth not unto them because it is Civil making no difference between what some Bishops have heretofore usurpt what the King and Soveragn Magistrates have freely given for certain reasons moving them thereunto and conferred upon Bishops therefore though the matter be civill yet can they not be held for usurpers Truly the present state and condition of the Kingdom of England doth bely such slanderers of our Bishops I fear that your Magistrates being seasoned with this Doctrine have carried themselves in this point more licentiously then the Laws of this Kingdome and of their Islands will warrant them I pass over the debates that might be made upon this matter as a thing impertinent in the place and
the English Reformation then will they make you leave the French Reformation You fail against wind and tyde you think that the Governors you shall have hereafter will be like Sir Tho. Layton you are deceived Though this day you had compassed your wish to morrow or the next day after at your Governors pleasure all shall be marred again Finally the Ecclesiasticall Government which you aske hath no ground at all upon Gods word 'T is altogether unknown to the Fathers who in matter of Christian Discipline and censure of manners were more zealous and precise then we are But you cannot of all the learned and pious antiquity shew one example of the Discipline or Ecclesiasticall order which you hold as your Bishop in his book of the perpetuall government of the Sonne of Gods Church doth learnedly teach I pass over what I have my self written concerning it in my book De diversis Ministrorum gradibus and in my Defence against the Answer of Mr. Beza and more largely in my Confutation of his book De triplicigenere Episcoporum I cannot wonder enough at the Scotchmen who could be perswaded to abolish and reject the state of Bishops by reasons so ill grounded partly false partly of no moment at all and altogether unworthy a man of such fame If the Scots had not more sought after the temporal means of Bishops then after true Reformation never had Mr. Beza's Book perswaded them to do what they have done And I assure you that your opinion concerning the government of the Church seems plausible unto great men but for two reasons the one is to prey upon the goods of the Church the other for to keep it under the Revenues and authority of Bishops being once taken away For the form of your discipline is such that it will never be approved of by a wise and discreet supreme Magistrate who knows how to govern Ye see not the faults you commit in your proceedings as well Consistoriall as Synodals men well versed in the Lawes and in government do observe them But they contemn them so long as they have the law in their own hands and that it is far easier for them to frustrate them regard neither Consistorie nor Synodes then for you to command and make Decrees Were your Discipline armed with power as the Inquisition of Spain is it would surpass it in tyranny The Episcopall authority is Canonical that is so limitted and enclosed within the bounds of the Statutes and Canons of the Church that it can command nothing without Law much less contrary to Law And the Bishop is but the Keeper of the Lawes to cause them to be observed and to punish the transgressors of your Consistories and Synodes For the present I will say no more only take notice of this that it is not likely the King who knows what Consistories and Synodes be will grant that to the Islands which doth displease him in Scotland This Gentlemen and Brethren have I thought good to write vnto you intreating you to take it well as comming from him that loves the Islands and the good and edification of the Church of Christ as much as you can doe Upon this occasion I have thought fit to add thus much concerning Dr. Hadrianus Saravia HIs learning is sufficiently known by his works his judgement in relation to the Liturgy and Discipline of the Church of England is declared by this Letter which doth further appear by his Subscriptions following 1. In Queen Elizabeth's time the form required was in these words We whose names are here underwritten do Declare and unfainedly Testify our assent to all and singular the Articles of Religion and the Confession of the true Christian Faith and the Doctrine of the Sacraments comprized in a book imprinted intituled Articles whereupon it was agreed by the Arch-bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London in the year of our Lord God 1562. according to the computation of the Church of England for the avoiding of the diversities of opinions and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion put forth by the Queens Authority And in testimony of such our Assents we have hereunto subscribed our names with our own proper hands as hereafter followeth Unto this Doctor Hadrianus de Saravia the sixth Prebend of the Church of Canterbury being conferred upon him subscribes in these words Per me Hadrianum de Saravia Sacrae Theologiae Professorem cui sexta Prebenda in Ecclesia Cathedrali Christi Cantuariens conferenda est sexto December is 1595. Wherein I find he did immediately succeed Doctor Whitaker whose Subscription is in these words viz. Per me Gulielmum Whitaker sacrae Theologiae Doctorem ejusdemque Professorem Regium in Academia Cantabrigiensi cui sexta Praebenda in Ecclesia Cathedrali Chrstl Cantuarens conferenda est Decimo Maii 1595. According unto which I find Mr. John Dod of Hanwell in Oxfordshire who wrot upon the Commandements to have subscribed in these words Per me Johannem Dod in Artibus Magistrum praesentatum ad Ecclesiam de Hanwell Oxon. Dioces 28. Julii 1585. unto whom abundance more and about that time might be added Mr. Richard Rogers Doctor Reynolds of Oxford c. among whom it pleased me to find the hand of the Reverend and Learned Mr. Hooker thus subscribing Per me Richardum Hooker Clericum in Artibus Magistrum praesentatum ad Canonicatum et Praebendam de Neather-haven in Ecclesia Cathedrali Sarum 17. Julii 1591. 2. In King Jame's time and since the form of the Subscription was thus To the three Articles mentioned in the 36. Chapter of the Book of Canons First that the Kings Majesty under God is the only supreme Governor of this Realm and of all other his Highness Dominions and Countries as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or Causes as Temporall and that no foraign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within his Majesties said Realms Dominions and Territories That the Book of Common Prayer and of Ordering of Bishops Priests and Deacons containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of God and that it may lawfully so be used and that he himself will use the form in the said book prescribed in publick prayer and administration of the Sacraments and none other That he alloweth the book of Articles of Religion agreed upon by the Arch-bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the Clergy in the Convocation holden at London in the year of our Lord One thousand five hundred sixty and two And that he acknowledgeth all and every the Articles therein contained being in number nine and thirty besides the Ratification to be agreeable to the word of God To these three Articles Doctor Hadrianus de Saravia being instituted unto the Rectory of Great Chart in the Diocess of Canterbury anno 1609. subscribes in these words Ego Hadrianus