friends and enemies for how hardly can that maâ— be thought an enemy who studies nothing so much as to enlarge the power and advance the proâ—it of his Prince Yet the abundant services of some have more mischiefe to their Masters than forraign armes or combination ever could was it not taken for good service to invent a new revenue of 200000. l. per annum to supply the wasted tents of the Crowne And would not he have bin esteemed rather a foole than no friend to the Kings profit that had advised to lay that downe after it was once or twice paid Yet in his Majesties own judgment that tax had better never bin And it had never bin if the advise had never bin And the advice had never bin or not bin pernitious If the King had received the same from the greater councell as he did then from the lesse I am of opinion though it rain not in Egypt yet the inundations of Nilus are caused by raine in another region And the black clouds that hung over Scotland and their troubled waters made them think it rained som where and provide for the storm for doubtlesse if the motion â—o abâ—olute dominion and ruine of all laws had not been so visible and swift in England as it was The new Service book had never brought so many thousands Scots over Tweed We may then conclude upon the whole matter That that physicke was not good that brought the body of the Common-wealth into so great distemper That the people though a moveable body like the Ocean yet never sweâ—l â—ut when blowne upon by intemperate windes That that councell which hath caused the King to stake his Crowne and the Kingdomes their safety now the third time That hath contested with the great Councell for precedency in the Kings judgement and hath obtained it That broke the last Parliament by the King and would breake this by the Kingdom Is not good for us nor for those discreeâ— Gentlemen if they understood their owne interest that labour so much to â—upport it But that in every case wherein the generall state of the Kingdom is concerned the advise â—hâ—t the body of the Kingdome gives upon a view taken of it selfe is not onely least erronious but by the Law not presum'd to erre Neither can the suggestionâ— made against this Parliament indissoluble but by coâ—sent any way availe to countenaâ—ce a forciâ—le dissolution That they have too much handled the flowers of the Crowne those that adorne the peâ—son â—f not constitute the office of the King That they go about to erect a new Aristocraticall government or rather a Tyrannicall of 5. or 600. That this Assembly is no Parliament His Majesty dissenting that the Major part of both Housâ—s are gone to the King or have left the rest the remnant are a faction To the first it is answered before that those rights of the Crowne whicâ— are by the positive and expresse Lawes of the Land vested in the King to uses are not questioned except in case where it is manifest that the uses have been prevented And in that case no more is required but that the breacheâ— be repaired and that the influences of his Majesties Government may be transmitted unto the people by better Mediums which is no prejudice to hiâ— Majastie unlesse he imagine that he ought not to grant it because it is desired That he is bound to relieve the people but not at the peoples requesâ— We will take it for granted that in any case it onely appertaines to our Soveraigne Lord the King to defend wearing of Arms The use of this power vested in his Majesty is for defence of himself anâ— subjects and can hâ—ve no other intendment by Law and reason but suppose that by evill Councell that may be about a Prince by his own unwise Election or Gods appointment when he gives Princes bad Councellours or people baâ— Princes for scourges to wanton and corrupted Nations this power is imployed to divide the Kingdome against it selfe one Faction sees this power lodged in the person of the Prince but never observes to what end so sides with him Another insist upon the end for which he was trusted and defend themselves by Arms Faction begets Civill warre Civill warre dissolves the present Government After followes a forraigne yokeâ— if our neighbour Nations be not fast asleepe or otherwise imployed In this expectation and in the veâ—y minute when this imminent tempest is breaking upon our heads the representative bodie of the Kingdome prostrates it selfe at his Majesties feet aâ—d beseech him to change not the Government but a few subordinate Governours that he will shine upon his people through transparant and unblemished chrystall glasses not through Sanguine Murry and Azure which make the Ayre and Objects beheld to seeme bloody and blue Assuring him there is no other way to calme the Seas that begin to rage and to preserve from wreck the ship of the Common-wealth wherein his Majestie is himself imbarqued and is the greatest adventurer Now come in he Malignant Councellours and tell his Majestie that these humble Supplications will if he yeeld to them turne to Injunctions Ease them and do them right sâ—y they but not at the requst of Parliament Which is no lesse thâ—n to place him in a condition to do what he shal think to be right That is wâ—at he shal be advised by them is right That is in many cases what ambition hatred covetousnesse luxurie lecherie suggest to be right That is flat tyrannie more absolute than the Turks For the Introduâ—tion of a new forme of Government the Arguments are That if the Parliament draw to it selfe the Jurisdiction of the maritime and land â—orces the power to name Councellours and Judgesâ— or prescribe a rule for their nomination To make Lawes for t is all one if the King may not deny those that are presented to him by both Houses to perpetuate the sitting of this Parliament The Soveraignty hath if these be allowed made no secret but a very apparant transition from the person of the King into the persons of the Parliament men The Subjects of this Kingdome have never had one Example of a Parliament that hath gone about to make themselves Lords over their Brethren And if they would they cannot for when they forsake the duty oâ— their placeâ— and the interest of the Kingdome the Kingdome will forsake them and sometimes before which though the people have dearly repented yet it serves to prove that the subsistance of a Parliament is impossible if dominion or any other end be perceived then Reformation and preservation of the Common-wealth In the Minority and absence of former Kingsâ— opportunity was farre more favourable for such a designe then at this present yet what Prince was ever hurt by his infanâ—y or absence when they were trusted both with his dignity and revenue And t is out of question if his Majesty had been clearely concurrent with this Parliament for
repentance to reduce the Parliament to termes of due obedience to save a multitude of offenders to weede out of both houses those factious members that insist so obstinately upon a trust reposed in them to distill out of the delinquent City of London much cordiall water to save the labour charge and hazards of warre to save the purses persons and horses of the willing Gentry who labour for those fetters such is the understanding of this time that their Fathers swet to be rid from For if armes be raised onely against a smal malignant party a faction of a few Parliament men The Major number would quickly deliver them up and what place could afford safety for them against the Ire of his Majesty and both Houses of Parliament To such as put these Questions What is the power and priviledge of Parliament by what Law doe they impose Orders upon the people without the Kings Assent they seeme to me like them that dispute how legally the next houses are pulled downe when the flame and windes make cruell vastation in the beautifull buildings of a populous Citie They are honest mâ—n and would faine be thought wise but I doubt it is not in the o be of their understaâ—ding to comprehendâ— what power resides in the vast body of the people and how unlimitedly that power operates when it is animated by danger for preservation of it selfe A man may make the same observation upon them that is made upon Cato who pleaded the Lawes and usages of peaceable times when the liberty of that Common-wealth was at the last â—aspe and would not be drove off it till it was too late his argument was this in effect That the Authors of Lawes for preservation of the Common-wealth may not preserve it but by their owne Creature This was Cato his error and is so confessed by all men yet I take it he was a better Statesmen then these disputants The King was admitted Judge of the danger of the Common-wealth before the Parliament and it was apparaâ—t for no other reason but the better to levy mony Shall the Parliament sitting be a lesse compatent Judge As though a Physitian that saith you are not well though you do not perceive it Give me five or ten peeces I will câ—re you shall be the better beleeved then the man that hath been wasted with a Quotidian Fever sixteen yeeres together They talke what the Parliament may doe and what not as though this were the Parliament that made an Act for pavement of an high-way and had little other worke Truely if the regulation of a Trade or creation of a Tenure or erection of a Corporation were the Question in a peaceable time it were easily resolved that the Kings demurre should stand for a deniaâ—l but to say the Kingdome may not defend and secure it selfe who ever saith to the contrary is to fight against the oldest and best knowne Law in nature the Center of all Lawes and the inseparable right of all Kingdomes Corporations and Creatures But they say the Kingdome is in no such danger who is a better Judge the represâ—ntative body of the Kingdom it selfe not those that say so Who like a man that standing upon the beach at Dover will not beleeve that the Sea hath any shore towards Fraâ—co untill he be brought to the top of the Hill It is not within their view to tell better then the Parliament whether there be danger or not His Majestie indeed hath the most eminent place to observe what Collection of Clouds are in any quarter of the Heaven and what weather it wiâ—â— be but his calculations supposed to be made by others from a lower ground are therefore not so well beleeved But be it in danger or none it matters not much the Lawes have been in dangerâ— none will deny and were recovered by another danger or had been lost Iâ— it be now peace as thâ—se men say it is the better time to secure themâ— if it be not peace it is well to save the Common-wealth by any means whatsoever and if the King concurre not so speedily as the occasion requires the bâ—ame is not theirs that go before for his preservation and their own To make an end I wish an union of the three Kingdomes under the same Governmentâ— Ecclesiasticall and Cavell if it be possible that this Crowne having three such supporters and surrounded with the salt waters at Unitie at Libertie at Peace in it self may not fear the whole forces of the disjoynted contenent of Europe That his Majestie would understand his Interest to be to unite not to divide his Subjects and to remember with what Tropheyes the magnanimous Princes of former times have adorned their Funerals and Fame That he will chuse rather to fight in the head of the Brittish Armies for restitution of his Nephews to their lost inheritance than imploy them here to pillage and destroy his own subjects That he will first command the hearts then the persons then the estates of his subjects and not begin at the wrong end That in the Parliament may reside a Spirit of that Latitude and Noblenesse which ought to dwell in an Assembly of so much Honour and Gravitie That just things be done for justice sake without bowing lesse or more for the raging of popular surges in the Southâ— or for the cold winds that blow from the North That the conditions of peace may not be enhansed by any prosperous successe but like the Noble Romane before and after the victorie the same That his Majestie may be convinced of the Errour of his private Councels by finding in the Grand Councell a quiet repose and a stable foundation of peace and plentie to his Royall Person and Familie And lastly since his Majestie and his people thus divided cannot be happie that with all convenient Expedition such as have studied this division between the Head and the Body may hâ—ve their heads divided from their bodies So farewell Certain Observations Collected out of a Treatise called The difference between Christian Subjection and unchristian Rebellion Compiled by that judicious and learned Divine Tho Bilson then Warden of Winchester since Bishop there necessary in these times to be perused Theophilus the Christian Philander the Jesuite Theop. CAses may fall out even in Christian Kingdomes where the people may plead their right against the Prince and not be charged with Rebellion Phil. As when for example Theop. If a Prince should goe about to subject his Kingdome to a foraigne Realme or change the forme of the Common-wealth from impery to tyranny or neglect the Lawes established by common consent of Prince and People to execute his owne pleasure in these and other Cases which might be named if the Nobles and Commons joyne together to defend their ancient and accustomed liberty Regiment and Lawes they may not well be counted Rebels Phil. You denied that even now when I did urge it Theop. I denied that Bishops had authority to prescraibe Conditions to Kings when they Crowned them but I never denyed that the People might preserve the foundation freedome and forme of their Common-wealth which they foreprized when they first consented to have a King I never said that Kingdomes and Common-wealths might not proportion their States as they thought best by their publique Lawes which afterwards the Princes themselves may not violate By superiour powers ordained of God we understand not onely Princes but all politicke States and Regiments somewhere the People somewhere the Nobles having th esame interest to the sword that Princes have in their Kingdomes and in Kingdomes where Princes beare rule by the sword we doe not mean the Princes private wil against his Laws but his precept desired from his aws agreeing with his Laws which though it be wicked yet it may not be resisted of any Subject with armed violence Marry when Princes offer theiâ— Subjects noâ— justice but force and despize all Lawes to practice their lusts not every nor any private man may take the sword to redresse the Prince but if the Lawes of the Land appoint the Nobles as next to the King to assist him in doing right and with-hold him from doing wrong then they be licensed by mans Law and so not prohibited by Gods to interpose themselves for the safe-guard of equity and innocence and by all lawfull and needfull meanes to procure the Prince to be reformed but in no case deprived where the Scepter is inherited c. FINIS Allowed by publike Anthority to be set forth as in the title page may appear The third part pag 279. verbatim In some Cases the Nobles commons may stand for the Publike Regiment and Lawes of their Countrey Christian Kingdomes may settle their States with common consent of Prince and people which the Prince alone cannot alter The Princes sword his Law not his â—ust Princes may be stayed from tyranny by their own Realmes though not deposed
A DISCOURSE UPON QVESTIONS In debate between the KING and Parliament With certaine Observations collected out of a Treatise called The Diffrence between Christian Subjection and unchristian Rebellion HAving beene a by-stander and observing so well as I could how this great game hath beene played on both hands betweene the King and Parliament I have wondred to finde considering the Declarations on both partâ— that with great expence of time and money they have made a shift to argu themselves into a civill warre And the the â—onder is no lesse to heare the varietie of opinions some asserting his Maâ—eâ—ties proceedings some the Parliaments and some affirming that the thing in variance belongs to neither divided from the other for say they it is but who shall rule arbitrarily in cases to which the Law hath not fully or not at all extended which the King calls his Prerogative the Parliament as matters now stand theirs To take the better view of the present differences looke a little way backe upon the actions of precedent times It hath beene the generall beliefe of this Nation â—pon what reason I cannot judge that the designe of his Majesties late father King James was to wynde up this government â—o the height of France the better to hoâ—d correspondence with forraigâ— Princes whose power encreasing their riches and both together their reputation it was a shame to be left behind but finding the times averse and being the best Astrologer in the world what the successe should be of â—iâ— owne actions he betooke himselfe to the â—atisfactions of his age which he could acquire and left the complement of this to his Majestie that now isâ— in whose person were concurrent a title indubitable setled by a succession and the activitie and glory that is insepaâ—able to youth and the fresh assuâ—ption to the Throne of three Kingdoms The first disâ—olved Parliament to stumble at the first step seem'd ominous to some others tooke it for a tryall and in pursuance of the designe And the rather for that his Majesties Protestations to govern by the laws and his late answer to the petition of right notwithstanding the exaction of loane money immediately following the erection of Monopolies and the forcible taking of the Subsidie of Tunnage and Poundage begat an universall diffidence in the people of his Majesties personall promises and an opinion that his best resolutions were easily overthrowne by the counsell of others and so consequently that his actions were not his owne which opinion true or false when ever it got beliefe hath proved fatall to the Princes or to the people of this Kingdome For the Nation hath hated to be governed by many Viceroyes and resents to insolencies in their Princes so much as defects rapes murthers and particular depredations being more tollerable when the vertues of the Kingly Office have a happy influence and latitude upon the whole bodie of the Common-wealth And yet to speake a truth the same argument that aggravates the violations in government may be a reasonable excuse for his Majestie and the same that the reverence of the English nation to their Princes hath ever uses those acts of injustice were not the kings but his Ministers for what other opinion could the king retaine then what the Judges delivered for law and the Divines for Gospell for these had made a generall definition of a king and applyed it to all Princes and those had made a generall day of judgement upon all the laws and subdued them to the will and pleasure of those Princes and being mindfull of their owne interest and how much it concerned them to make the king absolute whom they had hope absolutely to rule they would needs make a king by the standard out of Gods Word that his subjects might be slaves for conscience sake And by examples taken from the kingdome of the Iewes they invested him with power essentiall to his office to use at pleasure the persons or estates of his subjects of a divine institution incomprehensible by lawes if necessitie require a variation and under heaven no other Iudge of that necessitie besides himselfe And having placed him in the ranke of Godâ— gave him the like election to governe the World by second causes the fit officers of nature or by miracles and wonders effects of his immediate interposition by the grand Councels Iudges and inferiour ministers of the Lawes or by Pateâ—â—â— with non â—bstanteâ— Proclamations and a divine prerogative But to say a truth his Majestie hath of late admitted a better information of this kingdome of government and hath given many assurances by protestation to innovate nothing yet this satisfies not and the reason would be examined as also what those difficult questions are whereof the sword must needs make the resolution The ill satisfaction the people receive notwithstanding the kings mighty protestations to governe by the laws to defend the protestant religion Priviledges of Parliament c. springs out of this Jealousie that if it come into his Majesties powâ—r to doe otherwise he will doe so For who can thinke say they having the sâ—me maximes in his mind and the same counsâ—ll in his eare that he hath had that hee will doe otherwise than hee hath done That he will after the ruine of this Parliament refuse the fruition of that which hath cost so much labour when the danger is passed who will believe he will have recourse for aid and advice to Parliaments when he shall remember to what sad exigents he hath beene reâ—uced by them whereof that himself was any part of the cause shall be hid from his eyes how averse they are in their composition from the Genius of the Court how apt to be misâ—ed by a few how unfit councellers in matters out of their usuall cognizance wanting abilities to advise and modesty to be silent how slow and lingering the remedies are for the maladies of the Common-wealth who will not think how much better it is for the King if he can to satisfie the people upon the word of a King on the word of a Gentleman that their grievances shall be remiâ—ied as well without a Parliament who will not believe that he will rather choose to be the father of a Militia of his owne who receiving their livelyhood out of his Coffers shall helpe to fill them by whose hands he shall have power to mow the fertil meadows of Britain as often in the Summer as he pleaseth And what shall hinder the Law no there shall be the same imminent necessitie that was pretended before and there shall not want both Divines and Lawyers that shall say the King and his private councell are sole Iudges of that necessitie shall the Kings promises and protestations hinder I cannot tell it may be so I wish the people of this Kingdome had such confidence in his Majesties personall promises but if the King cannot himâ—elfe tell i no King nor private man can tell how his Councels and resolutions
than to say I thanke you if they did not chuse rather by force to justifie injustice rapine and oppression then to have any actions of themselves or ministers called by such names doubtlesse in a short time they could not chuse but arrive at an almost absolute dominion For the arguments used to divâ—rt from honest accommodationâ— with the people doe not appeare to me that ever they were entertain'd by those Heroick Princeâ— that have fill'd the stories of all ages with their high and excâ—llent glories but by some of narrow and limited qualifications for government one argument iâ— That if the same wayes of munificence and bounty by which some Princes have ingratiated tâ—emselves shoulâ— for some descents of Princes be pursued the Crown regall Authority and revenue would be destroyed and nothing left whereby to oblige the people or wherein â—o be liberall ' Tâ—s true indiscreet prosution hath consumed many Princes and that is indiscreet that is misimployed and lost it never avail'd that I have heard to the advancemeâ—t of any nor doth it extend much further than the Kings chamber nor is it any Motive of affection in the people to heare that the King is liberall of his purse to his servants and Favourites A Princes bounty shines in a little spheare if compared with the peâ—ples as his estate iâ— small compared with the revenue of the whole Common-wealth his liberality cannot extend to all his subjects theirs may to him it is â—ot that vertue that exalts him in the opinion of the people And yet it is a liberality but not coâ—sumptive to his estate nor destructive to his authority but accumulative to both liberality justice whereof the impartiall distribution hath raised Princes into the ranke of Gods And I am verily perswaded if there should fall out to bee so happy a race of Princes who disposing all particular interests should advance only publike justice and utility The Armes trafficke and tranquillity of their people the honour industry and spirit of the Nations under their command that in a few descents they would become absolute and clearely acquitted from all obligation to Lawes or at least the execution would bee so long intermitted that with much difficulty they would ever come in force and the restitution seeme as great an innovation as of late hath been thought of Lawes in force long-layed aside for want of use And in the times of such Princes we heare no tâ—lke of prerogative or liberty the one is surrendred to the will of the Prince the other imployed to the advantage of the people and it is an infallible signe of great distempers in government when such disputes arise To conclude the Prerogative is a trust which because no lawes are large enough to meet with all accedents resides of necessity in the person or body politick where the Soveraignty resides And it is true tâ—e King is trusted by God with this Prerogative as all in authority are in their degree to discharge themselves piously towards him honeâ—â—â—y â—o those under their command He is also trusted by his Subjects who doe not say they may resume their power upon breach of trust but say they ought â—ot to bee denieâ— when they desire those breaches to bee repaired and better fortified for time to come and the trust exemplified into a Law as occasion shall requâ—re Nor is it reâ—sonable for â—ny Prince in the world to say I have beene trâ—sted and if I or my Ministers have not in these and these particulars well diâ—charged â—hat trust yet wee will bee trusted still and you shall beleeve that matters shall be better hereaâ—ter What the priviledges of Parliament are iâ— another great question iâ— under the tearme be comprised the King the Lords and Commons the question may be better made what is not within the power and priviledge of Parliament for 't is on all hands confessed that the common-wealth may diâ—pose of it selfe but if the King be divided from them what are then priviledgeâ— truly none at all if they cannot make a tâ—mporary provision to â—ave themselves without the Kings licence for take away safety and priviledge is gone If they be safe yet if it be better knowne to their adversaries then themselves and that the continuance be at discâ—etâ—on and good pleasure of another if any be a more competent Iudge of their safety then themâ—elves they have no priviledge at all say what they will Nor can it possible be that both houses have power to preserve the body of the kingdom which they represâ—nt if there not be an inherent eâ—sentiall and underived authority in â—hâ—t assembly to preserve it selfe â—is granted in the Pâ—inces minority absence or incapâ—ssity to goveâ—ue the power to preserve and provide for the state rests in the great counsell and their diligates doubtlesse the case is the sâ—me if it be on like manner granted that the Pâ—ince is divided from the body of his people â—y evill counsell to prove if the counsell be good or bad examine the legaliâ—y it appeares in his Maiesties expresâ—es and that of most remarke is to declare law which being denied to the great counsell must needs be taken to reside in the King and his privie counsell To have sole managing of the arms of the kingdome And upon misprision of treason to sequester membeâ—s of Parliament to tryall in inferior Couâ—â—s If this counsell he legall t' is good If his Majestie were admitted the best Lawyer in the kingdom Yet if the laws of this Kingdome have reserved the exposition of themselves to the Law-makers and not to the K. the adviseâ— to appropriate that power to himself is not good â—hat they haue done so presidents are not wanting where the Jâ—dges have humbly praid both houses to deliver â—heir sence of a doubtfull law If these commissions of Array and breach of priviledges be declared illegall by them that have only power to declare law in dubious cases then the advise by which they were done is not good yet concerning this â—cruple of declaring law It 's true the Parliament cannot declare that to be law which is not They cannot declare it to be the law of the land that my bâ—oâ—heâ— by a second venter shall inherit my land before my kinsman ten degrees off though that were great reason but they can declare that there rests no power by vertue of any trust in any person to convert the forces of the kingdome to the destruction of it selfe And they may declare it legall to stop the aâ—venâ—â—â—es and approâ—hes to such power if it be attempted his Majesty may array Arm and command his subjects against the Frâ—nch and Spaniard not therfore to fight one against another he may Array arm and command them to suppresse Rebels â—o legality declared not therefore to oppresse the Parliament thâ—se are not very consâ—quent to a reasonable man It is no strange nor are the examples rare to find how much Princes may bee mistaken in the councellorâ—
may change when the â—â—ate and condition wherein he made them is changed if humane nature easily relapse to those things that it loves and if the resumption of such illegall power suggest not only the sweetnesse of richeâ— and dominion but by false arguments comes apparelled with necessitie of the kingdoms preservation I know not whether naked words subject to so much varietie of construction will be of force to resist so great temptation Hazael being but a private person thought himselfe much injur'd when the Prophet made that cruell Character of his future behaviour Am I â— dog yet he was so dogged and few perhaps that knew him would ever have thought it Therefore if his Majestie will have those promises believed let him not apparantly go about to place himselfe in such a condition that he may breake them at his pleasure I know the Allegations for the manner of his Majesties present proceedings are first the just vindication of his royall Prerogative whereof it is pretended violation hath beene made to the prejudice of himselfe and the people and wherewith he is trusted by God which trust he may not â—â—sert for Gods sake his owne and his peoples For the Prerogative of Princes so much talked of and so little known it may in briefe be said That all Princes have gaind Dominion by force or by bargaine For to say that Adam if he had lived to this time had beene king of the whole world and therefore the king is first in order before the people his naturall vassals and production is an Assertion invented to flatter Princes for all men know that the multiplication of Colonies in Regions far distant from the first rules of Nations must impell the necessitie of erecting many independent governments and the necessitie will bee as great in the independency as for the multiplicitie therefore by force or by contract they must commence Dominion got by force is kept by force and stiled Tyranny or else it dissolves into Government by contract and so takes a lawfull forme Therefore of the nature and latitude of the prerogative that rests in the hands of a Prince that comes in by agreement with the people is the now dispute It may be defined thus A power to see the Lawes put in execution and to doe that which is good for the people in cases to which the Lawes have not yet extended if there were no Lawes as perhaps there are not many in the first erection of a Monarchy but that all were trusted to the wisedome and goodnesse of the Prince yet by all the reason in the world the intendment of that trust was to enable him to doe good not to doe every thing Now where the Lawes are positive the Prerogative claimes no jurisdiction The corruptions of Princes and the extravagancies of the people occasioned Lawes for bounds and limits to both and it is a thing out of all question that the first contract would have left no prerogative at all if all future needs and inconveniences of the government could at one intire view have beene presented to the people but that being impossible the discretion of all common-wealths meeting in their representative bodyes have given a stop by lawes to the progresse of any inconvenience as it hath beene emergent His Majestie complaines that he is divested of his legall prerogative That is hee is denyed the power to execute the Lawes with his owne sence and exposition upon them And the Lords and Commons in Parliament pray to have reduced into a Law that Arbitrary power which hee hath of Custome exercised in things to which the Lawes doe not fully extend or to speake shorter they are not willing to trust him any longer with a power undefined which they have imployed to their harme byt desire to have it defined and limited that for the time to come it may bee so no more And this they expect from his Majestie as a duty of his office to the people who if they are incapable of reason of state yet are not incompetent Iudges of what is good for themselvs unlesse we shall maintain Aruments of France in England and to the same end That the people are altogether ignorant of their own welfare that the King only knowes it That is best with an implicite faith to trust him and his Army and Councell with the safety of the Common-wealth and every mans life and estate That when France is free from feare of forraigne enemies the subjects shall bee discharged of the oppressions In the meane time to make himselfe and his Mamalukes formidable to his neighbour Princes he hath transformed millions of Christ an soules into beasts reducing them back to the Elements whereof they were made yet they must not complaine nor defend their Lawes and liberties lest they seeme to resist Authority Nor supplicate the supreame Magestrate to governe according to right reason and the Lawes of the Kingdom least they seeme wiser than their teachers to be short I hope it will never be so in England And if the English Parliament be at sometime mistaken as it is not to bee presum'd that they will bee yet they are not so much hurt by the inconvenience of that mistake untill the next Parliament rectifie as they are if they shall be disabled from al competency to judg in matters tending to their own welfare For the other branch of His Maiesties Allegation that the streightning on his Prerogative is prejudiciall to the people It is true a Prince of high and magnanimious endowments cannot dispense with that liberty and the influenâ—e of his excellent personall vertues if he be too much bound up by the dead letter of the Law for the actions of some have beene transcendent to all Lawes or examples and pittie it had been that they should have beene confined And indeed the people doe lose willingly of their liberties to such good Princes which proves unhappie to them when worse make a title to the same liberty by such Examples And there is no surer a signe of a weake Prince than to contest with the people upon these Presidents rather seeking examples for his purpose amongst the actions of his predecessours than desirous to be himselfe an example to posterity How ever those Princes that have surmounted all Lawes in their glorious actions have been very rare a festivall that comes but once a yeare which if it came every quarter yet a good constant diet were much better It is strange to finde how defective some are in the right understanding of the Mysteries they professe what is it that a Prince would have that affects not glorious vindications and conquests upon forraigne enemies to live safely plentifully and beloved of his people to dye lamented rich and of a blessed memory this is all that can accrue to the best of the sonnes of men And if Princes did not proferre their wills before their profit if they did not shame lesse to picke lockes pockets and their subjects pursues