Idem in Argolicis after some years incurred the displeasure of his Sons for marrying his Daughter Hyrnetho to Deiphontes his kinsman he so affected them two above his other children that he made him his onely Counsellour in all affairs insomuch that his sons fearing he would transfer the Kingdom from themselves to him made their father away by one means or other And Cresphontes his Brother who had used too much cunning in getting Messene not long after seeming to be too gracious with the people incurred the displeasure of the Nobility In Messenicis and was murdered together with two of his Sons onely Aepitus then but young escaped and killing Polyphontes the usurper revenged his Father's death Recovering thus the Kingdom he had Successors Glaueus Isthmias Dotadas Sybotas Phâ—ntas Antiochus and Euphaes who dying of a wound received in a battel fought with the Lacedaemonians without issue Aristodemus was elected in his room Cisus and continued as long as the Kingdom it self lasted being overturned by means of the Spartans as will be seen in their story Cisus the eldest son of Temenus succeeded him though the people generally inclined to Deiphontes by whose party they were so stirred up and animated that Cisus being dead they took away from his Successors all regal power and authority All regal power taken from his Successos left them nothing but a meer empty title and so in reality this Kingdom fell being in effect turned into a Free-State Which change happened about forty years after the return of the Heraclidae A. M. 2940. 690 after the beginning of Inachus A. M. 2940. 38. One (f) Grotius ex Aeschylo in supplicibus de jure belli pacis lib. 1. cap. 3. and he a great one there is who would gather out of an old Tragoedian that the antient government of this Kingdom of the Inachidae was meerly absolute the King being by the Poet called both People and City not subject to any Laws but susteined by the power of his Throne and acting all things according to his meer will and pleasure But if credit may be given to the expresse words of (g) In Corinthiacis pag. 61. Pausanias SECT 4. rather than the liberty of a Poet The Kingdom of the Inachidae moderate Emmius thence concludeth their power was but moderate for the Argives saith Pausanias from the most antient times were exceeding studious of liberty Out of this principle being stirred up as it seemeth by the party of Deiphontes they abated the power of Cisus his Successors leaving them nothing but an empty name And this they further shewed when Meltas the Son of Lacidaus one of these Kings not enduring this abatement grew as they thought dissolute and imperious in the Government For impatient hereof they deprived him of all power took upon them to condemn him to death The Government made Democratical and pluckt up all Supremacy by the roots not suffering any afterwards to reign amongst them For though we meet with one afterwards called King of Argos in Herodotus yet that name signified no more than it did in the Common-wealths of Athens Carthage and Rome where this title was wont to be given to some sorts of Officers as this work will shew The Government was now Democratical the chief power lying in the people divided into three tribes to which the Senate was subordinate chosen every year for the preparing of matters for the whole body and the management of the executive power with authority to enact things of lesser consequence There was also a Council of State consisting of 80 persons besides inferior Magistrates of the City and Judges for determining of causes all which are mentioned in the league made betwixt the Argives Athenians and others described by Thucydides in his fifth Book of the Peloponnesian War No fuller intelligence have we concerning the constitution of this Common-wealth which yet flourished downwards for many Ages and had great contests with the Lacedaemonians especially about the territories of Thyrea to which both laid claim Sometimes they fell out about their confaederates being moved with much emulation and distaste at each others Government the one being a Democracie and the other an Oligarchie which once especially brought the State of Argos into great danger But these things belong to another place SECT IV. The most antient Kingdom and Common-wealth of Athens Cecrops 1. THe founding of the Athenian Kingdom is ascribed to (a) Eusebius in Chron. ex Castore A. M. 2449. Cecrops who first reigned in Attica then Acte in the dayes of Triopas King of Argos 373 years before the destruction of Troy 780 before the first Olympiad A. M. 2449. The (b) Diodorus l. 1. p. 17. Aegyptians said he was their Country-man and brought hither a Colonie of the Saitae who inhabited upon one of mouths of Nile He was feigned to be double-natured consisting both of a Serpentine and Humane shape because coming into Greece he shook off barbarism and turned civil Besides this Colonie he gathered the people of these parts into twelve Towns whereas before that they lived dispersedly according to the most antient custom of Greece and called them Athenae after the name of Minerva in the Greek Language The storie is (c) Augustin ex Varrone de Civitat Dei l. 18. c. 9. told that when the name came to be given on a sodain an Olive-tree and a Fountain of water appeared whereat Cecrops moved with wonder sent to enquire of the Oracle what they should mean It was answered that the Olive signified Minerva the water Neptune and that they might name that City from which of these two they pleased Hereupon all the men and women were gathered together to make the choice the men were for Neptune but the women being the greater number carried the name for Minerva Neptune angry hereat drowned their territories whom to pacify they punished the women several wayes They decreed that thenceforth they should not have a voice in any publick matter that no child should bear the mother's name and that they should not be called Athenaeae but Atticae Some women known by the name of Minerva there have been though impure spirits ambitious to blind men with superstition and idolatry might well act in this matter as Augustine telleth us under the name of Neptune Several Minerva's 2. Cicero 3º De natura Deorum mentioneth five several women that have had the name of Minerva The first was the mother of Apollo by Vulcan The second born of the River Nile and worshipped by the Saitae The third daughter to Jupiter Coelius The fourth begotten by Jupiter on Ceâ—iphe daughter to the Ocean called Coria by the Arcadians which invented the Chariot drawn by four horses The fifth was the daughter of Pallas said to have killed her Father because he attempted to violate her virginity Of these the second must be she that was thus honoured by Cecrops having founded
in a Chariot they drove into the City sending some before to proclaim that the Athenians were to receive Pisistratus whom their goddesse Minerva esteeming above all mortals now in her own person reduced into her Castle This being acted with wonderful confidence the Citizens were so far besotted as to adore this woman for Minerva and received Pisistratus as brought by her whereby he recovered the tyranny about five years after his expulsion Restored 32. He married the daughter of Megacles according to agreement but having several sons already in the floure of their age and Megacles being supposed guilty of that hainous crime about the death of Cylon Herodot l. 1. not yet expiated lest he should put them beside their just expectations and his family be attainted he neglected to use her as his wife She concealing this for some time at length revealed it to her mother who told it to Megacles He took it in great disdain and reconciled himself to his Enemies consulting again how he might out him Forced out again which Pisistratus understanding departed of his own accord out of Attica and went to Eretria a City of Euboea in the third year of the 54th Olympiad about ten years after his restitution Ten other years he continued in exile at the end whereof by the advice of his eldest Son Hippias he laboured again for a recovery of his principalitie Scraping together all the money he could make he drew the Thebans and Argives into confaederacy with him and got Marathon a Town of Attica into his hands whither flocked to him from Athens and the Country round about those of his Faction He marched then against the City and put such to flight as came out against him And again recovereth the tyranny but fearing they might rally again he gave order to his Sons to ride after and bid them fear nothing so they would but get them to their own homes and be quiet Thus recovered he the tyranny once more which then he laboured to establish not by the shedding of blood from which he wholly abstained and therefore hath the best report of any of his condition but by seeking confaederates making himself a considerable revenew and taking the Sons of those his Enemies that remained in the City for Hostages sending them into the Isle Naxus to be bept Not long after his restitution he died for his whole reign including the exile amounted but to 33 years about the time that Croesus King of Lydia was overthrown by Cyrus in the second year of the 57th Olympiad A. M. 3460. and the 3460th year of the World SECT 5. 33. This onely could be reprehended in Pisistratus that he had cast the yoak upon his Countrey For such an one it was as had no great weight in it more than what lay in the minds of the Athenians not accustomed since the dayes of Theseus to stoop to Soveraignty Plutarch Diogenes Laertius Though he commanded them to apply themselves to husbandry contrary to what Theseus had done who gathered them out of the Countrey into the City that he might take them of from plotting against him yet required he no other Tribute than the Tenths of their profit which had wont to be payed to the former Kings He killed no man neither banished any he made spoil of no mans fortune or estate injured none by any contumelious demeanour abused neither the one Sex nor the other through any libidinous carriage The Laws of Solon with the order of Magistrates he left as he found and though he had most cause to be averse to him yet detained he him in Town when he would have been gone desiring his counsel and advice for the better Government of the Commonwealth contenting himself onely in having a power greater than the Laws in which respect Cicero was wont to call Julius Caesar who trode in his steps by the name of Pisistratus Gellius l. 6. c. ult Cicero 3. de Oratore Aelian lib. 13. c. 14. He was as learned as any in his time deserved very well of learning being the first that erected a publick Library Whereas Homer's Verses before this were scattered abroad and confused he purchased with Gold whatsoever of his works he could come by and setting on work the ablest Grammarians put them into that order of Iliads and Odysses in which they are now found to which work Solon is said to have contributed his diligence He had two sons Hippias and Hipparchus to whom he left the principality of Athens They for many years reigned as lovingly betwixt themselves so with moderation towards their subjects till the younger being slain by Harmodius and Aristogiton upon occasion of some injury supposed to be offered by him to the sister of Harmodius the other exasperated hereat grew severe towards the Athenians and for that was expelled by them four years after his brothers death and his Tyranny was utterly subverted But these things falling in with the reign of Darius the son of Hystaspes belong properly to another place SECT V. The most antient Kingdom and Commonwealth of Lacedaemon The first inbitants of Lacedaemon 1. THis Countrey was most antienly inhabited by a people called (a) Pausanias in initio Laconicorum Messenicorum Leleges so named from Lelex their King said to be an indigena or a natural of the place because it was obscure from what Countrey he and his people came From him this Region was called Lelegia and Lelegis He left two sons Myles and Polycaon whereof the former succeeded him in his Kingdom and the later marrying Messene the daughter of Tryopas King of Argos went and subdued that Countrey which from her he named Messenia Myles was succeeded by his son Eurotas who perceiving the water to stand in the grounds drew a Ditch from it to the Sea which draining the earth continued to be a River bearing his name He A.M. 2598. dying without issue-Male left his Kingdom to Lacedaemon the son of Jupiter and Taygeta from which woman the Mount Taygetus took its name For Lacedaemon married Sparte Sparta whence so called the daughter of Eurotas and when he came first to the Kingdom named the Countrey from himself and to the Citie which he built gave his wives name it being ever after most properly called Sparta when any distinction was made betwixt Countrey and Citie although it be also sometimes read Lacedaemon as in (b) L. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucydides and Latine (c) Livius l. 38. Authors As for the Inhabitants of both places those of the Citie are by Herodotus Xenophon and Diodorus called Spartiati in opposition to those that lived up and down in the Countrey comprehended under the name of Lacedaemonians The Citie was built in the dayes of Crotopus King of Argos and Amphytrion of Athens 303 years before the destruction of Troy 711 before the first Olympiad A.M. 2518. 2. Amyclas the son and Successor of Lacedaemon
hindred for that Statues Pictures the attiring Rooms of Theatres and withdrawing-rooms of the Court being too curiously adorned made those that met light and vain diverting them with toys and idle thoughts The multitude being assembled into one place power was not granted no any of the People to propose they could onely enact what the Senators and Kings had propounded But in after times the common People perverting and wresting their suffrages Polydorus and Theopompus then Kings added this to the Rhetra But if the people resolve upon any bad thing let it be lawfull for the Senators and Kings to dissent that is saith Plutarch let them not ratifie it but forthwith dismisse the Assembly seeing the People depraveth the Decree and altereth what is best As for Gamodan and Gorian Plutarch doth not interpret them and it cannot be understood what they mean Another Rhetra was this that they should use no written Laws another concerning expences commanded that the roof of every house should be made with Axe onely and the doors with a Saw and a third ordained that War should not be often made upon the same Enemies lest learning to defend themselves they should thereby be made warlike which afterwards was laid to the charge of Agesilaus in behalf of the Thebans The Kings 10. Having prepared all things for his purpose he dissolved the Government of his forefathers For though he left two Kings as he found with the same right of succession yet took he away almost their whole power instituting a Senate to restrain them and be an equal poise betwixt them and the People to reduce both parties into order Without the Authority of this Senate the Kings could not decree nor undertake any thing of consequence Lege Plutarchum in Lycurgo Nic. Cragium Ubbonem Emmium Doctiss Dr. Heylin lib. cui titulus The Stumbling-block of Disobedience discovered c. He ordered they should fit in the chiefest places as Members of the Senate first speak their minds and give their suffrages but conclude nothing without consent of the Major part All Magistrates till the impudent Ephori took so much upon themselves rose up to and did them reverence Their imployment was to take care of Sacrifices to command the Pythii whereof two constantly attended them to be sent to consult the Oracle of Apollo Pythius at Delphos they took care of Ambassadors and other Strangers of the causes of women that were Heirs adoptious also they had charge of so as none could be made without them They gave answer to Ambassadors and looked to the repairing of high-wayes This was their condition at home which amounting to no more than titulary Royalty after that the present Kings had either given away their just right as Plutarch telleth us that Charilaus joyned with his Uncle or were deprived of it by the treason and violence of Lycurgus and his party the attempt of some men is as ridiculous as seditious who taking it for granted that the Popular Villains the Ephori were 130 years after this set up by the People to restrain the Kings which yet cannot be granted though most have so thought thence would draw a precedent to the disadvantage of true Royal Majesty For these Kings were not real Kings as to Prerogatives of Majesty being scarcely so much as a Duke of Venice 11. Abroad they were the Generals of Armies which were left to their ordering or disposal so as no Council of War or any in Commission could thwart their Commands they onely receiving orders from the State for their expeditions and returns They had Judges to accompany them a General of the Horse four Polemarchi besides Colonels and other inferiour Officers whose advice as well as help in the War they might use but were at their own disposal and obnoxious to none of them And what is here spoken of a King is to be extended to his Protector Guardian or Tutor in his minority by the Lacedaemonians called Prodicus Such were chosen to this trust and charge as were nearest of kin by the father's side to the Orphans and consequently the next Heirs that whose was the hope his also might be the burthen This appeareth by several examples of Lycurgus himself Aristodemus and Pausanias to be related in their due places which though it be not admitted in other Commonwealths and perhaps with good reason yet these Prodici having all in their power scarcely ever any of them was found to have plaid false or by treachery towards their Pupills gone about to make way for their own preferment The Senate 12. The Senate consisted of 28 persons besides the Kings not under 60 years of age The first were such as had assisted Lycurgus Lege Plutarch in Lycurgo Platon de legib l. 3 Xenoph. ut suprà Aristot Polit. lib. Demosth adversus Leptinem and been helpfull to him in the setlement whom he ordered to continue for life except they committed any offence worthy of seclusion conceiving it not safe for this his Commonwealth to have a frequent change of Senators which the Kings might improve to their own interest Into this second ranck of dignity were none to be admitted but such as had well deserved of the State by good Service or eminent virtue that so it might be a reward to old men and an incouragement to the younger sort to be conformable to the Laws They had in effect the whole executive power in their hands They had the Supreme power of Judicature wherein they proceded not rashly but with great advice and delay deferring judgement most commonly for some dayes till they had heard both parties and received the testimonies of witnesses yet it was lawfull afterwards to appeal from them to the people They were not liable to be called to an account for whatsoever they did which immunity as exceeding the moderation of a Commonwealth Politic. l. 2. c. 8. together with their suing to the people for their places whereas able and honest men should be sought for amongst other things is taxed by Aristotle 13. A Reverend and most Learned man observeth Dr. Heylin that whatever the Kings lost the People got little by the alteration being left out of all imployment in affairs of State and forced to yield obedience unto thirty Masters whereas before they had but two For the Kings and Senate assembled and dismissed them when they pleased and propounded to them what they thought convenient For the People so assembled it was not lawfull to propound any thing to be debated or determined nor to deliver their opinion in the point propounded there being nothing left to them but to testifie their assent to the Propositions made either by the Kings or Senate But the cunning flattery of the Ephori in after times much inlarged the power of the People By the appointment of Lycurgus it met at the River Cnacion afterwards called Oenuns by the Bridge Babycas Sometimes onely the Spartans Plutarch in Lycurgo Xenoph. Hellenic
on the Sacrosanct body of the Tribune and being General of an Army had received a defeat and returned with ignominie The Patritian exceedingly concerned left nothing unattempted to save him and desired him that giving way to the time he would take the habit agreeable to his condition but he flatly refused to do any thing poorly or unworthy of his Ancestors adding that he would die a thousand deaths rather than touch the knees of any as was the custome of Suppliants He forbad his friends to supplicate for him saying his shame would be doubled if he saw any do that in his behalf which he himself disdained to do Giving out many such like speeches he neither changed apparrel nor his countenance nor remitted any thing of his antient magnanimity Before the Trial he killeth himself and when he saw the whole City earnestly intent upon his tryal a few dayes before the appointed time he killed himself His friends gave out that he died of a natural death and the body being bought forth into the Forum his Son was there ready and asked leave of the Consuls to commend him in a funeral Oration according to the custome The Tribunes commanded the body to be taken away without any ceremony but the People were thereat displeased and suffered the young man to perform this last and usual Office of honour to his deceased Father 77. For this and the two following years the Romans fought successively against the Aequi Sabines and Volsci From the later was taken Antium being surrendred to T. Quintius Capitolinus the Consul who placed therein a Garrison In the following year wherein were Consuls Tib. Aemilius again and Q. Fabius son to one of the three brothers that with their Friends and Clients died at Cremera the Tribunes made new stirs about the Agrarian and Aemilius furthering the businesse the Senate to gratifie the multitude decreed that some part of the Lands lately taken from the Volsci and Antiates should be divided Yet not many would give their names being unwilling to forsake their native Country so that the Colony was made up out of the Latines and Hernici The Consuls marched Aemilius against the Volsci and Fabius against the Aequi both had successe the later forcing the Aequi to beg Peace the conditions whereof were left to him by the Senate But the Aequi receiving the Fugitives of Antium suffered them to make excursions into the Territories of the Latines and refused to give them up whereupon succeeded another War though the Romans obtained a bloody Victory in the third year after the making of the Peace In the next Consulship which was executed by L. Ebutius and P. Servilius Priscus fell a more grievous plague upon the City than ever before hapned A most grievous Plague It first consumed almost all Cattel and from the Country came into the City wherein it swept away an innumerable company of slaves and a fourth part of the Senators and amongst these the Consuls with most of the Tribunes Livie writeth that the Aediles supplied the place of Consuls The disease began about the Calends of September and continued that whole year sparing no Sexe or Age. 78. When this was known by the neighbour Nations the Volsci and Aequi War with the Aequi and Volsci supposing the time of destroying the Roman Empire to be come provided all things for a Siege and to divert the Romans invaded the Latines and Hernici their associates These sending to Rome for aid Eubutius was already dead and Servilius as yet alive in small hope assembled the Senators who were brought half dead in their Litters to the Court They gave them liberty to defend themselves which doing when the Enemies had wasted their grounds at their pleasures they marched for Rome but contrary to their expectations they found it sufficiently guarded though with sick and feeble men When the next Consuls were created L. Lucretius and T. Veturius Geminus the Pestilence ceased and all things being quiet at home for the Tribunes making adoe according to the custome about the Agrarian were commanded by the People to desist and expect better times they invaded those who had taken advantage at the publick calamity They had good successe abroad and better near home when the Aequi in their absence came and thought to have surprized the City For understanding the walls to be furnished with armed men and four cohorts of 600 apiece to stand before the gates they altered their course when they came to Tusculum but Lucretius met and gave them battel which they were hasty to imbrace before the coming of his Colleague For a time they fought couragiously but seeing a band of men behind them which came from a certain Castle they thought it had been the other Consul and fearing to be inclosed ran away having lost both their Captains and many other valiant men Afterwards without any let the Consuls wasted the Territories both of the Aequi and Volsci and returned home at the time of the Comitia Lucretius in full triumph and Veturius in the other called Ovation by decree of the Senate with the like pomp in all things except that he entred on foot and not in a Chariot which words conclude the ninth Book of Dionysius his Roman Antiquities 79. For the year following which was the first of the 80 Olympiad wherein Torymbas the Thessalian was Victor and Phrasicles Archon P. Volumnius and Ser. Sulpitius Camerinus were created Consuls Dionys l. 10. who having nothing to do abroad imployed themselves at home in defending the power of the Patritians against the Commons now much instigated against it by their Tribunes They were come so far as to assert that it was most agreeable with the constitution of a free State for the Citizens to have equal power in Government A. M. 3545. Ol. 80. an 1 V. C. 294. Artax Longius 5. The People now would have all things done by the prescript of Laws Fresh stirs about new Laws whereof as yet there were none written the Kings having judged according to their own discretion and the Consuls by certain presidents of those Princes formerly in power The least part was recorded in the Books of the Pontifies which none could come at except the Patritians C. Terentius or Terentillus Arsa according to Livie Tribune of the Commons the foregoing year had endeavoured to circumscribe within certain limits the power of the Consulship but left the matter unfinished because the greater part of Citizens were imployed in the War the Consuls on set purpose drawing it out in length till the Comitia Now the whole College of Tribunes renewed the attempt by the procurement of A. Virginius one of the number the whole City being divided about it Much contention there was in the Senate betwixt the Tribunes and the contrary Faction but at length not doing any good in that place they called the People together and proposed a Law that ten men might be chosen in Lawful Assembly such as
but Statius to his horse for which irreverent answer he was registred amongst the Aerarii according to the custom Now Statius was a servile name given by the antients to most Slaves whence Caecilius the famous Writer of Tragedies was called Statius though it was afterwards as it were turned into a sirname and he called Caecilius Statius They were wont also to take away horses from very big and corpulent men as unfit for service but (b) Lib. 7. c. 22. Gellius observeth that this was no punishment as some thought but a taking away of the employment without ignominy This Census was managed in the Campus Martius and it being compleated the Lustrum was made with prayers for the publick safety and a sacrifice of the Suovetaurilia formerly mentioned Besides these imployments the Censors (c) Liv. lib. 39. Cicero de Legib. l. 3. let to farm the customes and sent (d) Idem ad Attic. Ep. 1. Joti passim out their constitutions throughout the Provinces called Leges Censoriae They erected (e) Liv. lib. 42. Festus in voce Produit ubi meminit Legis censoriae vid. publick buildings made other publick works and took care for their repair as also of the high-wayes in and about the Citie more early and in other places afterward they also provided for the expence of publick sacrifices But not onely were there Censors at Rome as the Graecians also used the Census but the Colonies also had their Subcensors who gave account to the other what numbers of men and what wealth they found in the several places which upon information was registred in the publick Tables 24. The power of the Censorship remained untouched although the power of the Censors was weakned by restraining their time to a year and an half though they were named every fifth year untill the Tribuneship of P. Clodiâ—s who by a Law which he preferred (a) Asconius Pedianus in Orat. Ciceronis cont L. Pisonem forbad any Senator to be passed by or any of the other Ranks to be noted with ignominy except lawfully accused and condemned by sentence of both the Censors He took an advantage as it seemeth from (b) Iâ— Divinat Pedianus at the hatred which had possessed the multitude against the severity of the Office which procured it to be intermitted for certain years But afterwards whether by reason of the corruption that was crept amongst Judges or for other reasons Metelluâ— Scipio the Consul procured Clodius his Law to be abrogated and so the antient Vigour of this office returned The various fortune of the Censorship Lipsius writeth that under the Emperours it was diminished and lay for dead till the time of Decius But C. Caesar the Dictator that he might better execute the Census went to every ones house and because the principal part of the Office consisted in forming of manners Diod. lib. 54. pag. 527. he called himself Magister Morum not Censor Then the form of the State being changed after the victory of Actium Augustus having the care of manners committed to him by the Senate looked to nothing more diligently than the Census for thrice he performed it not onely in reference to Roman Citizens but all Subjects of the Empire with such care and diligence as none ever before him Under Tiberius and Caligula the Census was not observed Sueton. in Augusto but under Claudius the 74th Lustrum was celebrated Being intermitted during the reign of Nero Vespasian renewed it and celebrated the 75 Census Domitian named himself amongst his other titles Perpetual Censor Idem in Domitiano but made no Lustrum so that for 160 years the Census was intermitted till Decius the Emp. created Valerian Censor with unlimited power Trebellius After this the Censorship was utterly omitted to the great detriment of the Roman Empire which being at length broken into Eastern and Western Consule Bodinum de Repub. lib. 6. cap. 1. the Emperours of the former Greekish Emperours made use of it as others also of later times and it appeareth that in the intermission thereof in the dayes of Trajan particular Provinces and Towns had their Censors who made choice of their Senators Lastly the Censors during the popular Gouernment were of Consular dignity ever after the second Punick War though it was otherwise sometimes before The same persons were never created twice And in case one of them died in his Office his Collegue continued not therein neither was any put into the place of the dead because in that year wherein Rome was taken by the Galls it had so hapned Liv. l. 5. whereupon it was counted ominous and a Law made against it for the time to come Their dignity was exceeding great they being therein though not in power above the Consuls and having all other Ensigns the same with them except Lictors 25. The Fathers rejoyced they had got these Officers Created out of their own body and the Tribunes counting that power inconsiderable Lege Liv. l. 4. Val. Max. lib. 5. cap. 3. Exemp 2. Lib. 6. c. 3. Exemp 1. Florum lib. 1. cap. ult Ciceron pro domo sua pro Milone which at first was pretended to gave way unto it But the Commons egged on by the continual complaints of the later proceeded in their grudge against the Patritians taking it in ill part that marriage was forbidden betwixt the two orders and breathing after no lesse than equal power in the State This animated Sp. Maelius Sp. Maelius his attempt for the Soverainty blasted a rich Knight by his large bounty towards the poorer sort in time of a great dearth to hunt after popularity and through it to aspire to the Soverainty He was hereof accused by L. Minucius to whom the care of provisions was committed and the Senate afrighted with the strangenesse of the matter by the advice of T. Quinctius the Consul commanded a Dictator to be named Quinctius Cincinnatus now 80 years old was the man who chose C. Servilius Ahala for his Master of hors-men The Dictator summoning Maelius to appear when he would not obey Ahala killed him in the Forum and was justified for so doing by Quintius who commanded his goods to be sold and his house razed It should seem from Livy that Ahala escaped without punishment But Cicero and Valerius on the contrary affirm that he was banished by the incensed multitude This hapned in the 315th year of the Citie after Varro's account Valerius and Livy say that the Area of his house for a memorial of his punishment had the name of Aequi-Melium 26. The Tribunes inraged about the death of Maelius procured for the year following Tribunes Military with Consular power to be created now six years after their Institution The Tribunes seek to revenge his death by bringing in Tribunes Military again The second Opima Spolia hoping that into the number of six some Plebeian might creep which thing would give them an
out of it but through very difficult and straight passages The Consuls leading their Army through this as the nearest way were quickly stopped up so as they could neither proceed nor retire because on all sides Pontius had blocked up the passage A. M. 3684. Ol. 114. an 4. V. C. 433. Ptolom Lagi 3. 4. The Samnites having the Roman Armies at this advantage sent to Herennius the father of Pontius their General and a very wise man for his advice what was to be done He sent word they should dismisse the Romans without any injury at all which answer not pleasing they sent back for another and then he counselled them to cut them off and not leave a man alive These two extremes being ascribed to dotage he came to the Camp and offered his reasons He said he gave the first advice as such which if followed would by a great courtesie have for ever obliged a most powerful People and the second as tending so far to the weakning of their power as they could not for a long time either recruit themselves or renew the War having lost two so considerable Armies as for any third expedient he found none Being asked concerning a middle way of dismissing the Romans in safety but under the obligation of some conditions he answered that this course would not procure them friends nor diminish their enemies for such was the Roman Nation that being disgraced or defeated it could not rest but would still retain the memory of what present necessity urged it to submit to neither saith he will they suffer you to rest till punished abundantly But this wise cousel would not be heard so that the Romans had these conditions set them The Army was to march away onely with their clothes having first in token of slavery passed under the jugum the Romans should quit wholly the Country of the Samnites and thence remove their Colonies and both Roman and Samnite live under the same terms of confederacy and alliance The Armies were constrained to submit Make it disgracefully passe under the jugum and march away disarmed and in great shame and consternation marched away disarmed This disaster hapned in the 433 year of the City and the third after the death of Alexander the Great when T. Veturius Calvinus the first and Sp. Posthumius the second time were Consuls 5. The City was most grievously afflicted with shame and anger at so disgraceful and unusual a thing Posthumius perswaded the Senate to deliver himself and his Collegue into the hands of the Samnites as being onely obliged to the conditions and not the State which was unacquainted therewith This being accordingly done Pontius refused to receive them exclaiming against the perfidiousnesse of the Romans The conditions are renounced at Rome and the Samnites often again defeated The Army then marching down again sufficiently revenged themselves under conduct of Papirius Several Towns which had revolted were recovered and scarce could the Samnites obtain a Truce for two years They brake this Truce ere the time was out and thereby drew the War again upon them which enduring for eleven years they lost many thousands of men with many Towns which humbled them so that upon their submission the usual confederacy was granted to them Then were the Aequi chastized who had helped them and thereby were other Nations affrighted into subjection In the second year after began another War with the Hetruscans wherein were fought divers bloody battels but still the Romans had the better who stormed divers Towns and wasted the Country Two years after the Samnites rebelled again and joyned with the Hetruscans but with the same successe as formerly being grievously slaughtered especially under the conduct of Q. Fabius Maximus and Decius Mus the later of whom seeing his wing give ground in a great and bloody battel fought with the Samnites and Galls for those now had joyned with them solemnly devoted himself and the Enemy to the Dii Manes Decius Mus as his father before him devoteth himself to the Dii Manes and rushing into the midst was killed as his father had been 44 years before Still continued the miseries of the Samnites and two years after their last Army for this time it must be understood was cut in pieces by L. Papirius son to the former who also took many Towns and for his service obtained a most splendid Triumph It is observed that over the Samnites the Romans triumphed thirty times viz. Consuls 26 times L. Papirius the Dictator twice Publius Philo once who first of all others triumphed with Proconsular power and once Q. Fabius another Proconsul The family of the Fabii obtained of these thirty four Triumphs and that of the Papirii five as may be seen in the Capitoline Tables This War having begun in the 410 year of the City ended in the 481 and therefore continued 71 years A summary account of the War with the Samnites not fifty onely as Florus according to his custome falsely computeth neither 81 as Appian nor 49 onely as Eutropius nor yet onely seventy which number Livie assigneth with tolerable difference All Writers agree that the Romans had no Enemy in Italy who longer or more pertinaciously managed the grand quarrel with them than the Samnites 6. During these successes abroad the People having got of late so many privileges were reasonably quiet yet their Tribunes having one occasion left to create trouble to the Fathers stomached much that all the Priests and Augurs should be created out of the Nobility The Priesthood and Augurship communicated to the Commons and laboured to make the Commons partakers of those Offices The Senate made no great resistance as being now accustomed to yield and that in things of far greater moment as the Consulship Censorship Dictatorship and Triumphs So whereas as yet there were but four chief Priests and as many Augurs to them were added four and to those five out of the body of the Commons And this same year did M. Valerius the Consul prefer a Law of Appeale more diligently enacted The Law of Appeal renewed the third time Now was it the third time preferred since the banishment of the Kings alwaies by the same family The cause of renewing it saith Livie I suppose was no other than that the power of a few prevailed above the liberty of the Commons Which cannot be if we consider how for a long time the will of the multitude had got ground and before this overturned the prerogative of the Patricians The Lex Porcia saith he seemeth alone to be enacted for the backs of the Citizens because it inflicted an heavy punishment upon him that should beat with rods or kill a Roman Citizen The Lex Valeria having prohibited any to be killed or beaten who had appealed if any did contrary added no more than it was naughtily done which such was then the modesty of men was I believe a sufficient obligation for the Law Now scarcely can
their Governments but for a year And as soon as successors were sent them they were presently to depart the Provinces and not loiter in their return but come to Rome within three moneths The distribution of the Provinces was made on the Ides of January as may be gathered from Ovid who thought also that Caesar Octavianus had the Sirname of Augustus given him the same day which indeed was the fourth day after as appeareth from Censorinus 28. For the Provinces being divided and all things setled it was debated in the Senate whether he ought not to be called Romulus because he had founded the Empire but the other more venerable name of Augustus propounded by Munacius Plancus at length seemed best for sacred places and Temples consecrated by Augurs the Romans termed Augusta Caesar though he much desired that of Romuâ—us saith Dio yet perceiving he should be suspected of affecting the Kingdom omitted it and was sirnamed Augustus as greater than the nature of man could make him For those things are called Augusta Sirnamed Augustus which are most worthy of honour and most sacred wherefore the Greeks expresse it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if thou shouldest say Venerable Thus Caesar alone got the whole power into his hands having both money for though he had his own separate from the Treasury yet did he use this at his pleasure and the Militia in his own hands When his ten years were out other five and when they were expired five more and these ended ten more and ten more after them were added so that he had his authority still continued for his life for which cause his Successors though they had the power setled on them for life yet at the end of every ten years solemnized as it were the renewing of it As soon as Caesar had but made his Oration about resigning his command and distributing the Provinces many honours were conferred on him as that Laurel should be planted before his gates in the Palatium and upon those trees Oaken garlands hung as for him who was a perpetual Conquerour of Enemies and preserver of Citizens The house of the Emperour also was wont afterwards to be called the Palatium or Palace not for that it was ever so decreed but because Caesar lived in the Palatium or Palatine hill and there was his Praetorium his house also received some dignity from the Mount it self because Romulus there lived therefore though the Emperour saith the Historian live elsewhere yet is his house called the Palatium or Palace But after he had done those things which he promised then was he called Augustus by the Senate and People From this day forward began the soveraign power and authority to be in the hands of one man which the Greeks called Monarchy Yet the Romans derived the Epoche of their Augusti from the Kalends of January of this year as Censorinus writeth who compareth with the 265 year of this Aera the 283 of the Julian ordination This seventh Consulship of Augustus Caesar and the beginning of his Monarchy fell out in the 727 year of the City the second of the 188 Olympiad the thirteenth of Herod the Great 25 before the birth of Christ A. M. 3978 he himself as it 's said the seventh and M. Vipsanius Agrippa the third time being Consuls 29. On this manner all the power of the People and Senate was transferred upon Augustus All power of Senate and People transferred upon him saith Dio. Lib. 55. p. 517. A. M. 3978. Ol. 188. an 2. V.C. 727. Herodis 13. For this notable translation and change in the Government there was a Law made which is famous by the name of Lex Regia after which it's convenient to make a little enquiry for the better information of Students in this great affair A Law may be so and is so called either for that a King made or preferred it or because it was made and enacted concerning a King or Kingly power In the first sense such Laws as were made by Romulus and his successors the antient Kings of Rome are by Lawyers called Legee Regiae whereof Dionysius Halicarnasseus hath recorded many and of which several have been already mentioned in their due places and in the (a) Tit. de mortuo inferendo l. 2. Code is yet extant a Law called Lex Regia concerning the burial of a woman with child so called because enacted by some ancient King But in the later acceptation is to be understood this Law whereby Regal and that absolute power was conferred upon Augustus by the Roman People The Law it self is not now extant in terms nor exemplified in any Author still remaining yet it is mentioned by Justinian in his (b) Lib. 1. Tit. 2. de Jure Nat. c. Institutions of Law who there writeth speaking of several sorts of Law that what pleaseth the Prince hath the vigour of a Law forasmuch as by the Lex Regia which was made concerning his power the People granted to him all it's command and authority By a Law called Lex Regia In the (c) L. 1. Tit. de Constit Principum Pandects he also mentioneth it well-nigh in these very words in a third (d) L. 1. sect cum itaque C. tit de Vet. Jure Enucleando place also expressing it to the same purpose that by an antient Law called Lex Regia all the right and all the power of the Roman People was translated into the Emperours authority therefore it is otherwise called Lex Imperii and Augustum privilegium As for Commentators upon both Institutions and Pandects with other parts of the Civil Law nothing is more acknowledged by them all as they have occasion 30. But as fot the interpretation of this Law some difference there hath been amongst Expositors who lived since the Civil Law was restored in the West A different manner of expounding it For some there have been ever since that time who rightly understood all manner of power and authority to be so by the Roman People transferred upon the Prince by that Law that they affirmed the People thereby deprived and made destitute of all power and authority Others thought power and authority indeed was given to the Prince to make Laws but so that by this concession the power of the People was in no sort diminished and the force of Plebiscitums and Senatusconsultums as well future as past was the same as formerly so that Prince People Senate and Commons had equal authority in this matter both these opinions being held as appeareth from Accursius Hostiensis and others But the later of them seemeth thence to have risen The Reason that they mistook this Lex Regia called also corruptly Lex Remnia for the Hortensian Law or rather thence as a late (a) Joh. Seldenus in Fletam Dissert cap. 3. sect 3. learned man judgeth that the Professors and Students of the Civil Law which was newly restored were fearful lest by asserting
present Age to be set as spies upon their Actions and must expect when they are dead to be exposed without fear or flattery to the Impartial censure of the living For who is there that would so much value the pleasure of a glasse of Wine as not to abstain from drinking it if he knew it had been all night steep'd in Antimony These besides many others are the benefits which accrue to us by the knowlege of History in general but that I may inform the World how much it is acknowleging to the worthy Author of this Institution in particular and wherein those excellencies of his consist which distinguish him from the ordinary crowd of Historians Ut possit digito monstrari dicier hic est I must take leave to insist upon these ensuing heads wherein I shall plainly make appear to the equal and candid Reader that History is reduced by him in this work to such order and exact Method as never yet in any Language For first you have here all the Empires in distinct Chapters by themselves with the Contemporaries of them distinguished in the same manner from each other and from the Empire to which they were Coaetaneous Whereas both in Systems and in larger Volumes of General History they are mingled together with a strange confusion like the several ingredients of an Olio in the same Dish where the variety of the Meats destroy the taste of one another and he that would read any History by it self finds it immediately embroyl'd and interwoven with the affairs of other Nations so that he will not easily form a perfect Idea in his mind of that which is given him but in parcels In the next place this Author has furnished you with a general Description of Greece its antient Kingdoms and Commonwealths from their first Originals the successions of Kings changes of Government and forms of the several Republicks with the power and nature of their respective Magistrates and Officers not omitting the most considerable Customs Laws and Antiquities of each of them deduced from the best Historians whom you still find quoted in the Margent this as it hath never been intirely performed by any Author heretofore so ought it to set a peculiar mark of Honor upon ours who hath been carefull to give us an exact account of that Countrey which was the Mother of Arts and Sciences After this if we will turn our eyes upon the Macedonian Empire and the several parts and branches of it as the Kingdoms of Syria of Macedon and Egypt we shall still have greater occasion to admire the learn'd diligence of the Author The Graecian Monarchy after the decease of Alexander not being more dismembred and rent in pieces by his Successors than by those Writers who have transmitted the memory of it to posterity particularly the Asian and Egyptian Kingdoms under the Seleucidae and Ptolomies have never been compiled in one History and I have often wondred in my perusal of this Institution by what means the Author of it could arive at so clear a knowledge of those perplex'd successions it was certainly a work of great labour to compare Historians and to weave these several Arguments and loose pieces into one entire Loom which I the rather mind the Reader of because it is not easily perceiv'd by every ordinary capacity for the uniformity of the style and the unbroken order of the whole is such that they onely who are conversant in Antiquities are able to judge what travel and study were required to it The Roman History next invites our observation wherein the successe of this Author hath sufficiently recompenced his worthy pains I dare confidently affirm No modern Pen hath yet carried it on with so great light from the Original of the Citie to the time of Constantine For from the banishment of Tarquin to the new modeling of the Government by Augustus you have all the Intermediate Changes Alterations and Seditions of it while yet a State as the contests of the Patricians and Commons with the several motives of them The displacing and restoring of Annual Magistrates the Description of their Offices the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion all collected with great diligence from the Fathers of Roman History but never given us in one body by antient Authors or by any of later dayes I confesse I have read a French Historian who from the reign of Augustus almost to that of Justinian hath given me the greatest satisfaction of any man Yet he often amuseth himself as some of our bad Chroniclers at home have done with passages of small concernment below the Dignity of an Historian to relate and from the Foundation of the Citie to Augustus pays his Readers with a bare Translation of Florus Sr. Walter Rawleigh never to be mentioned without honour concludes his History with the end of the Macedonian War and the conversion of that Kingdom into a Roman Province much about the same time we are forsaken by our best Guide Livy whose Decads from the Captivity of Perseus to the time of Octavius Caesar whose Contemporary he was are wholly lost for in the conclusion of his 45th Book the last which is left us he introduces King Prusias speaking to the Romans whom he came to visit in these words Deos qui urbem Romam incolerent Senatumque Populum Romanum salutatum se venisse gratulatum quod Persea Gentiumque Reges vicissent Macedonibusque Illyriis in Ditionem redactis auxissent Imperium But as this Author hath supplied the Defects of Livy and continued the Roman History five hundred years beyond Sir W. Rawleigh so in the alteration of the Government from a Commonwealth to a Monarchy by Augustus the reasons which induced the Emperour to make that change the manner how and the form of it are delivered with so great care and describ'd with so much life That I could not but take a particular notice of it and with the civility of those that carve to others where themselves best like invite the Reader to a more exact observation of that which hath given me so great contentment Neither hath he deserved lesse of Christian than prophane History for from the Primitive times till Constantine the Great he hath deduced the Successions of Bishops in the principal Sees with the practice of the Christians and a faithfull relation of their sufferings in all the persecutions For what concerns our own Island I think he hath perform'd the part of a true English-man and a lover of his Countrey for he hath vindicated the Antiquity of its first Discovery by the Phoenicians and that not onely by the probable reasons alleged by that great person Bochartus for the Etymology of the word Britannia but by other indeniable and convincing circumstances which as it redounds to the honour of our Nation so reflects a part of that glory to our Author One particular of no slight consequence I had almost omitted That as the Reader may without any
that they had an Oracle that Ninivie should never be taken till the River first proved an enemy to it The River swelling with rain breaks the wall which he never could suspect But in the third year fell such rains that Euphrates or Lycus upon which some conceive that Strabo placeth the City and not Euphrates nor Tigris as others swelling with abundance of waters made a breach in the Wall twenty Furlongs in length At this the King utterly discouraged Sardanapalus burneth himselfe in his Palace as judging the Oracle to be fulfilled lest he should fall alive into the hands of his enemies he built a pile of wood in his Palace upon which he heaped his treasures and rich attire and making a little room in the midst wherein he bestowed himselfe his Concubines and Eunuchs set fire to the heap and so perished with this Company and the Palace Such was the end of him who placed all his felicity in his sensuall appetite which he would have also recorded in his (p) Athenaeus lib. 1. Epitaph and advised the Reader to imitate He is reported to have built but rather he restored two Cities of Cilicia in one day viz. Tarsus and Anchiala in the later of which was his (q) Strabo l. 14. Edit Causab p. 672. A. Haec habeo quae edi quaeque exsaturata libido Hausit at illae jacent multa praeclara relicta Epitaph à Cicerone versum Tusc l. 5. Quid aliud inquit Aristoteles in Bovis non in Hominis sepulchro incideres Haec habere se dicit quae neâ—vivus quidem diutius babebat quà m fruebatur Monument to be seen being a Statue of stone with the finger and thumb of the right hand joyned together as about to give a fillip Upon the Monument was written in Assyrian Characters Sardanapalus the Son of Anacyndaraca built Anchiales and Tarsus in one day As for thee Friend Eat drink and play for all things else are not worth this viz. that fillip In him this line of the Assyrians failed the Empire being divided into two Principalities after it had continued about 1400 years reckoned from the building of Babylon This fall of Sardanapalus hapned about the year of the World 3186 43 years before the first Olympiad 12. The (r) Diodorus l. 2. p. 81. A. besiegers understanding what was become of Sardanapalus presenly entred in at the breach and took the City Then investing Arbaces with a royall roabe Arbaces made King they created him King who rewarded them according to their deserts and allotted the Provinces to their severall Governours Belesis according to agreement having received the principality of Babylon Granteth Babylon to Belesis and understanding from an Eunuch how great treasure Sardanapalus had burnt with himselfe begged the ashes of Arbaces under pretence of having made a vow in the heat of the War to carry them to Babylon and therewith to raise a lasting Monument of the destruction of the Assyrian Empire He being ignorant of his covetous design graunted his request but when the matter was discovered referred his judgement to a Councill of Officers who condemned him to death Yet being desirous to begin his reign mildly he not onely remitted this punishment but permitted him to enjoy all the gold and silver already transported and what remained which amounted to many talents he conveied it to Ecbatane the chief City of the Medes (Å¿) L. 2. p. 816 Diodorus and (t) L. 6. p. 737. Strabo tell us how he levelled Ninus or Ninive with the ground Some (u) Jacob. Cappellus Hist Sacr. Exotica p. 170. Simson in Chronico ad A. M. 3187. think it was onely the Castle seeing the City had afterwards Kings if not comparable to the rest yet great and powerfull which they think might descend from Belesis What kind of Government was in Media 13. Herodotus (x) Lib. 1. c. 95. writeth how the Medes having freed themselves from the Assyrian yoak lived for many Ages without a King in way of a popular government But (y) Vide Droderum ut supra p. 84. Ctesias of Gnidus an Author of something a later date who served Cyrus the younger in his expedition against his Brother Artaxerxes and being taken prisoner in the Battell was for his excellent skill in Physick which he professed received into favour by the King and lived in good esteem in his Court 16. years pretending to transcribe his History out of the Records of Persia reported that Arbaces after the overthrow of the Assyrians Kings of Media according to Ctesias reigned 18. years and as he left the dominion of Asia to the Medes so also the Soveraignty over them to his Son Mandauces That Mandauces having reigned 50. years left the Kingdom to Sesarmus who reigned 30. Him followed Artias and reigned 50 then Arbianis 22 Arsaeus 40 in whose time the Cadusians revolted through the procurement of Parsodas the President of his Councill whom he had offended Artynes 22. Artibarnes 14 in whose reign the Parthians revolted and gave up themselves to the Sacae And last of all Astyages his Son who being overthrown by Cyrus the Empire was thereby devolved upon the Persians 14. That Ctesias out of design wrote things contrary to Herodotus is probable enough and that he is fabulous cannot be denied yet have we a succession of Kings elsewhere (z) Euseb in Chronico recorded though such an one as scarce in one name agreeth with that of his According to Eusebius Sosarmus is said to have succeeded Arbaces and continued 30 years then Medidus 40 Cardiceas 13 and then Deioces whom Herodotus will have to have first obtained soveraignty over the Medes For having as he (a) Lib. 1. c. 9 7 98 c. writeth an ambition that way he made himselfe popular by pretence to the love of Justice which then ran at a low ebbe amongst them for want of authority He first took upon him to decide the controversies of his own Village which performing with much equity and conscience thence became known to other parts and at length became so famous that few would bring their causes before any other Judge than him alone Being aware of this he withdrew himself giving out that no longer could he undergo such a burthen and thereby neglect his private affairs Hereupon robberies violence and oppression returned throughout the Country insomuch that the people gathering together from all quarters after a serious debate concluded there was necessity of having a King under whose protection every man living might the better minde his domestick matters Deioces how he got the Kingdom Deioces was chosen by universall consent who having got the power into his hands caused them to build a City for his residence which he called Ecbatane and having ruled with abundant severity 53 years left the Kingdom to his Son Phraortes Phraortes He after he had reigned 22 left for successor his Son Cyaxares who having
long strugled with various Fortune as afterwards will be seen gave place to his Son Astyages Cyaxares Astyages Father to Mandane the Mother of Cyrus 15. Belesis obtained Babylon as was said but how long he held it or who succeeded him immediately is not known About 71 years after Belesis his successors Nabonasar or Nabonassar obtained the Kingdom there from the beginning of whose reign that famous Aera or Epoche known by the name of Aera Nabonasari Nabanasar is derived It is counted from the first day of that Egyptian month Thoth Febr. 26. which fell out 746 Julian years and 310 dayes before the Aera of Christ as Cappellus and others reckon 424 years before the death of Alexander the Great according to Ptolomy (b) Magn. Syntax lib. 3. c. 8. the Prince of Mathematicians Ptolomie's Catalogue of Kings in the 8th Olympiad This Author hath preserved the names of such as succeeded Nabonasar in his Catalogue of Kings He reigned 14 years after him Nadius 2 then Chezirus or Porus 5 Jugaeus or Hulaeus 5 and then Mardocempadus 26. In his time happened the (c) Idem lib. 4. cap. 6 7. three most antient Eclipses of the Moon observed by the Babylonians The first of them in the first of his reign and the 28th of the month Thoth the 27th year of Nabonasar The second in his 2 nd year on the 18th of Thoth And 176 dayes 20 hours and an halfe after this the third Eclipse fell out on the 15th day of the month Phamenoth Scaliger and others think this Mardokempad to be the same with him who in the (d) 2 Kings 20.12 Scripture is called Merodach-Baladan the Son of Baladan But Cappellus conjectureth there were two Merodach's Sons of Baladan and Nephews of Nabonasar whereof the one was called Merodac-Kempad and the other Merodac-Baladan 16. Mardokempadus having reigned 12 years was succeded by Arkianus who ruled 5. Then followed an Inter-regnum for two years after which Belibus obtained the Kingdom for 3 then Apronadius 6 Rigibelus one Mesessimordak 4 after whom another Inter-regnum insued for 8 years he being also written Mesessi carduc Now the Royall Race seemeth to (e) Usserius in Annal. Vet. Testament ad A. M. 3323. one to have failed and Esarchaddon the King of Assyria to have again subjected the Balylonians to his Kingdom and his reason is for that he who followed at the end of this Inter-regnum is by Ptolomy called Assaradinus which he thinketh to differ onely from Esarchaddon in the sound of severall Languages If so this is he who brought out of the East Country Strangers to inhabite Samaria whence Salmanesser had 40 or more years before transported the Ephramites He is also by the posterity of this new Colonie called the great and noble Asnapper But how this Assyrian Kingdom had sprung up again during these two Principalities of the Babylonians and Medes is to be considered The arising anew of the Assyrian Kingdom How when and by whom 17. It is not probable that the vast Empire of Sardanapalus was all nor perhaps the greatest part subject to Media and Babylon but that although Arbaces left not the Medes to their liberty yet severall people he did for want of power to keep them under Hence in some time the people beyond Euphrates wearie of that anarchie and confusion under which they laboured might be willing to admit of a Prince again though not of the old stock of Belus whose successors having far excelled in power and dominion the Greeks accounted Sardanapalus the last King of the Assyrians Who this new Prince should be remaineth very obscure One (f) Jacobus Cappellus ad A. M. 3236. thinketh him that same Phul Phul. who made an incursion into the Land of Israel in the time of Menachem fixing the beginning of his reign in the 4th Olympiad 17 years before that of Nabonasar Another (g) Usserius ad A. M. 3257. Hist Anim. lib. 12. c. 21. will have Tiglah-Pileser or Thilgath-Pilneser or Theglath-Phalassar to be the man in Aelian he saith called Thilganus whom also he accounteth the same with Ninus Junior mentioned by Eusebius (h) In Chron. ex Cestore Rhodio having assumed the name of the first founder of the Assyrian Empire This Tiglath-Pilesar Tiglath-Pilesar at the invitation of Judah went up against Rezen (i) 2 Kings 15.16 King of Damascus and killing him transported his Subjects into Kir a place as Josephus will have it of upper Media He died when he had reigned 19 years and was succeeded by Salmanasser Salmanasser to whom (k) 17. Hosea King of Israel refused to pay tribute entring into confederacie with So King of Aegypt against him But Salmanasser besieged him in Samaria and at the end of three years taking the City carried the Israelites into captivity into Chelach Cheber and Nehar-gesan A. M. 3273. Cities of Media where he as well as his predecessor might have power if Deioces as yet not having obtain'd the Kingdom that Country was still subject to a popular Government or rather in a confused Anarchie 18. After the subversion of the Kingdom of Israel he overran all Phoenicia and Syria He sent an Army against the Tyrians at such time as Elulaeus their King made War upon the Cittaeans which had rebelled but a peace was presently made and he drew back his Forces Not long after Sidon Arce Palaetyrus and other Towns revolted from the Tyrians to him so that they alone standing out he returned and having a supplie of 60 ships from the Phoenicians ingaged with them in a Sea-fight but they having but 12 yet overthrew his Fleet and thereby obtained great credit At his return he set guards upon the River and water-courses and there kept them five years together which constrained them to make a shift with Wells and Pits as Menander (l) Apud Iosephum Antiq. lib. 9. cap. 14. related out of the Tyrian Annals translated into the Greek tongue wherein the name of Salmanasar was recorded Salmanasar dying Senacherib his Son succeeded him Senacherib A. M. 3287. called also Sargon in (m) Isa 20.1 Berosus apud Iosephum Antiq. lib. 10. c. 1. Scripture as some think He infested all Asia and Aegypt with War into the later of which as he descended in his retreat he sore (n) 2 Kings 18. distressed Hezekiah King of Judah who making his application unto his God obtained deliverance to the confusion of the Assyrian and his Army Herodotus telleth a story How when he came to Pelusium (o) Lib. 2. c. 141. Sethes the Priest of Vulcan then King of Aegypt by his prayer to his god procured all the habilaments of War to be eaten with Mice so that being rendred unable to fight he was forced to draw back his Army Esay 18. But the Prophecies against Egypt ascertain us that this expedition proved very dysastrous to it and that many Captives were thence led away
Babylonian who being now unable to undergo the trouble of War made his son Nebuchadnesar King with him in his 17th year and sent him with an Army to subdue Egypt and Syria with him joyned (b) Alexand. Polyst apud Euseb praep Evang lib. 9. Asibares King of the Medes whom some think to be Cyaxares and others more probably Astyages his son In this expedition he made Jehojakin King of Judah his tributary and drew him from the obedience of Egypt which Necho taking in disdain came up against him and ingaging once more at Carchemiâ—h was overthrown and slain as may be gathered out of Scripture (c) Jerem. 46. Whilest Nebuchadnesar was prosecuting his victories overrunning all from the River of Egypt to the River Euphrates in the mean (d) Berosus apud Joseph ut priâ—s Antiqu. lib. 10. cap. 11. A. M. 3410. Olymp. 46. an 2. Romae 159. time his father being sick at Babylon died After he had reigned 21 years as it is now in the Catalogue Nebuchadnesar for which some learned men think 29 is to be read He understanding hereof disposed of the affairs of Egypt and other Countreys and giving order for the conveyance of the Judaean Syrian Phoenician and Egyptian prisoners he himself made haste through the desart and took possession of the Government reserved for him by the Caldaeans His great exploits and buildings 24. He distributed the Captives into Colonies about Babylon adorned the Temple of Belus which Semiramis had built with the spoyls repaired and increased the buildings of the Citie and fortified the Channel of the River that the Enemy should not make use of it against the Town He added a new Citie to the old and compassed both with three Walls of brick He raised divers remarkable aedifices built a new Pallace and about it a Garden or Wildernesse so much celebrated by the Graecians His wife being a Mede and according to the nature of her Countrey delighting in Mountainous Woody prospects brought him to imitate with Art what was wanting in the plains of Babylon This Garden was made four-square Vide Diodor. lib. 2. p. 70. B. taking up in compasse sixteen Acres in heighth equalling the Walls set with tall and beautifull Trees It was born up by stone-Pillars Curtium lib. 5. upon which a pavement of four-squared stones being laid Earth was heaped up in great quantity and Engines were made for the conveying of moisture out of Euphrates to water it The Trees that grew upon it were many of them eight Cubits in compasse at the bole and fifty foot high bearing fruit as plentifully as in their Native soyl 2 Kings 23. c. Jehojakim the King of Judah rebelling against Nebuchadnesar he came up against him wasted the Countrey and taking him cast him out unburied as the Prophet Jeremiah had foretold 2 Chron. 36. Four moneths after he also carried away Captive Jechonias or Jehojachim his son Jerem. 22. and made Mattaniah his Uncle King in his stead This Mattaniah whom he named Zedekiah rebelled against him notwithstanding his solemne Oath of fealty taken at his institution and therefore in the eleventh year of his reign he was also taken by the Babylonian had his eyes put out and was so carried to Babylon the Temple and Citie were burnt with fire and the people led into Captivity as will appear in its proper place His pride 25. Nebuchadnesar returning home was exceeding proud and puffed up at his successe He erected a great Image of Gold Daniel 3. in the Dedication whereof all his chief Officers were commanded to fall down and worship which was obeyed by all except three Jews Shadrach Meshach and Abâ—nâ—go the companions of Daniel For their punishment they were cast into a fiery Furnace heated seven times hotter then usual and so miraculously preserved from the fury of the flame that not an hair of their heads was sindg'd though it killed those that cast them in At this the King astonished by publick edict acknowledged Gods power and forbad the blaspheming of him Yet repented he not of his pride and notwithstanding a sufficient warning given him by God in a dream exalted himself in the conceit of the greatnesse and splendour of Babel which he had built for the house of the Kingdom by the might of his power and for the honour of his Majesty But the same hour as he was answered by a voice from Heaven the Kingdom departed from him Punished he was driven from men made to eat grasse as Oxen and his body was wet with the Dew of Heaven till his hairs were grown as Eagles feathers and his Nails like Birds Claws and seven times passed over him till he knew that the Most High ruleth in the Kingdom of men and giveth it to whomsoever he will And this time prefixed being expired seven years as most suppose though some reckon but three and an half counting for times Winter and Summer his reason returned to him with the glory of his Kingdom his Honour and Brightnesse his Councellors and his Lords sought unto him he was established in his Kingdom and excellent Majesty was added to him Therefore he shamed not by a publick writing to own the thing praised honoured and extolled the King of Heaven all whose works he confessed to be truth his wayes judgement and that those that walk in pride he is able to abase What is found recorded of him by the Heathen 26. Of these strange passages the Heathen were not utterly ignorant (e) Apud Euseb praep Evang. lib. 9. Abydenus wrote that being exceeding proud and going up upon his Pallace he was taken with a Divine fury This he had out of the Annals of the Caldaeans who fancied him to have been seized on with a prophetick spirit and so to have vanished (f) Apud Josâ—phum ubi priâ—s Megasthenes in his fourth book of Judaea endeavoured to shew how this King in valiant exploits exceeded Hercules by far that he subdued the chief Citie of Africk and a good part of Spain Diocles in his second book of Persia made mention of him and Philostratus both in his Histories of Phoenicia and India writing that he fought against Tyre thirteen years which 't is probable at length he took by composition and there placed Baal King in the room of Ithobalus What he did against this Citie God taking as service done to himself Ezek. 29. promised him the Land of Egypt for his wages which we must accordingly believe to have been paid At length having foretold that Babylon should be lost to Cyrus as Abydenus wrote he died after he had reigned 43 years being in Ptolomies Catalogue of Kings called Nabocolassar which may be corruptly written for Nabocodolassar Evilmerodach 27. Evilmerodach his Son succeeded him who lifted up the head of Jehoiakim King of Judah in the 37th year of his Captivity A. M. 3440. Olymp. 53. an 4. Romae condit 189. spake
thirteen years and him Amenophis who reigned 21 under whom Jacob died To him succeeded Mephres according to Eusebius but Manethon after him placeth his Sister Amesses or Amerses to which he giveth 21 years and 9 moneths After this reigned Mephres twelve years Mephramuthosis 26 and Thuthmosis or Thmosis 9. After him followed Amenophis otherwise called Palmanothis and Phamenophis who reigned 31 years and by some is accounted that Memnon whose image of stone at Thebes in Aegypt sounded like an Harp when the Sun-beams first in the morning beat upon it which is witnessed by many Authors of good credit To him succeeded Orus or Horus who reigned 38 years and to him Acenchres who reigned 12. Manetho maketh Acenchres the Daughter of Orus and giveth to her 12 years and one moneth after her he bringeth in Rathâ—tis her Brother to whom he giveth 9 yeas But after Acencheres Eusebius placeth Achoris and giveth to him but 7 years to whom succeeded Cenchres the twelfth King who being more wicked than his Praedecessors oppressed the Israelites most grievously and continued eighteen years in his tyranny A.M. 2508. till an end was put to it in the Red Sea The Israelites afflicted in Aegypt 9. Above Eighty years had they vexed the Israelites with insupportable burthens notwithstanding which they grew and increased exceedingly nay although order was given to drown all the Male Children lest growing too numerous they might in time of War joyn with their enemies else get them out of the Land with an high hand or because of a Praediction mentioned by Josephus that an Hebrew should be born who was to afflict and overthrow the Aegyptians That the Jews lived amongst them is ever acknowledged by their Historians accounting it an honour as all Nations do to have sent forth Colonies But to take away disgrace and to save the honour of their Country which to the Priests was ever most solemn abhominable lyes have been made and strange stories devised concerning their first coming into Aegypt and especially about their departure which briefly to relate seemeth agreeable enough to the nature of our design 10. Manetho an Aegyptian Priest and Historian pretending to describe the Originall of the Jews relateth that in the dayes of one of their Kings In 2º Aegyptiac apud Josephum lib. 1. contr Apionem Timaus by name Manetho his Lyes concerning the Originall of the Jews a certain ignorant people called Hycsos which signifieth Royall Shepherds or Captives as he himself interpreteth it from the Eastern parts with great confidence invaded Aegypt which easily obtaining without any force of Arms they burnt the City and Temples and raged against the Natives with Sword and Servitude At length they made them a King of their own stock named Saltis who coming down into the Country about Memphis imposed a Tribute upon the upper and neather Province and put Garrisons in convenient places Especially he took care of the Eastern Coasts being jealous of the Power of the Assyrians so that in the Principality of Sais Eastward from the River Bubastis he built up a City called antiently Anaris which fortifying with most strong walls he therein placed a Garrison of 240000 Men. When he had reigned nineteen years he gave place to Baeon who governed 44 after him Apachnas 36 with seven moneths then Apochis 61 Janias 50 and one moneth then Assis 49. Under those six first Kings they sore oppressed and endeavoured utterly to destroy Aegypt and 511 years had they power over it Afterwards the Kings of the Province of Thebes and the remaining part of Aegypt fell on them with a great and lasting War and by a King named Alisfragmuthosis were they overcome and driven up into a place containing the quantity of 10000 Akers of ground called Auaris The Son of this King Themosis by name attempted the taking of this place besieging it with 480000 Men but dispairing of successe agreed with them that leaving Aegypt they should go whither else they pleased so that departing with all their goods to the number of 240000 persons they travelled through the Desart into Syria for that they feared the Assyrians who then obtained the Empire of Asia and built them a City in the Country afterwards called Judaea which might suffice for so many thousands and named it Jerusalem 11. To this history taken out of the antient records Manetho addeth as he confesseth fabulous reports rife amongst the Vulgar mixing with the Israelites a multitude of Aegyptians languishing with Leprosie and other diseases which he relateth as having forgotten that the Shepherds left Aegypt 518 years before as may be gathered from the series of the Kings and the distance of time betwixt Themusis who reigned when the Shepherds departed and Amenophis under whom the Lepers went out the time of whose reign neither dareth he to define though he be exact in the years of other Princes as Josephus noteth Now this Amenophis forsooth was told by a Priest of the same name That he might see the gods if he would cleanse his Kingdom from Lepers and other unclean persons He being a very religious Man gathered all the infirm out of the Land to the number of 80000 whom he sent with others to cut stones on the East of the River Nile there being amongst them also some of the learned Priests infected with Leprosie Because favour was shewed towards them the Priest who would have had them destroyed feared much the displeasure of the gods as well against himself as the King and foreseeing they should have power over Aegypt for thirteen years he durst not tell the King so much but wrote a Book concerning the matter and then killed himself which cast the King you must know into a great melancholly 12. But being still desired to do something for the security of the diseased people he gave them Avaris the City of the Shepherds now not inhabited whither being entred and perceiving the place to be very advantagious for rebellion they made choice of Osarsiphus one of the Priests of Heliopolis for their Captain swearing to obey him in all things He presently established for Law that they should not worship the gods nor abstain from such creatures as were most sacred to the Aegyptians to marry with none but those that were tied to them by the same league and commanding many other things especially such as he knew contrary to Aegyptian customs he prepared for War Then sent he to the Shepherds at Jerusalem formerly expelled by Themusis to open their condition to them and to invite them to give their assistance against Egypt The Shepherds readily closed with the motion and all to the number of 200000 marched down to Avaris Amenophis much startled hereat especially because of the Praediction of the Priest committed his Son but five years old to a Friend and together with Apis and his other gods went into Aethiopia where he was received with all his multitudes of Subjects and was kindly entertained by the King who
he met with cowardise that of a Woman At length after nine years he returned home with much spoil where he refreshed and rewarded his victorious Army Here he was not idle but set himself to such works as he thought might eternize his name wherein he imployed none of his naturall Subjects but the Captives he had brought with him This the Babylonians not enduring brake out into rebellion and fortifying a place near the River held it out in despight of him till at last by composition they enjoyed a Seat which they called Babylon in remembrance of their own Country He raised up great heaps of stones and earth and to them removed such Cities as by reason of the lownesse of their situation were obnoxious to inundations from the River yet lest there should be want of water and for convenience of trade he caused Rivolets to be digged throughout the Land he also fortified the Country by a wall on the East and otherwise povided against invasions 21. For an ostentation of his greatnesse he caused such as being subdued held their Kingdoms of him or had received new Principalities at his hand at certain times to come down with their Presents His pride whom he otherwise used with much respect but being to go to the Temple or enter the City he would loose his Horses out of his Chariot and be drawn by four of these Princes At length having excelled all Men in Conquests and other Royall atchievements he fell blind and killed himself when he had reigned 33 years for which act he was the more admired by the Egyptians These amongst other things are reported of Sesostris before whose Statue many years after Darius the son of Hystaspes causing his own to be erected the chief Priest contradicted it alleadging that Darius had not yet excelled Sesostris in honourable actions with which freedom the King was well pleased and said Sethosis or Sesostris the second son to the other if he lived he would labour to come no whit short of him His son succeeded him of the same name and misfortune in the losse of his sight which to recover he was bid by an Oracle to wash his eyes in the Urine of some woman which never knew any other man then her own husband Beginning with that of his own wife he proceeded to make trial of the honesty of many others but found none effectual to the cure but the wife of a certain Gardiner which woman he then married and burnt all the rest Many after him followed in order till one Arnosis came to the Government who by his Tyranny made way for Actisanes Actisanes King of Aethiopia the King of Aethiopia He using his power with moderation put no Malefactor to death but cutting off their Noses sent them away into the Confines of Aegypt and Syria where he built them a Citie called from the maimednesse of the inhabitants Rhinocolura which was destitute of all sorts of provisions through the barrennesse and unhealthfulnesse of the place The soyl he chose on purpose that they might be diverted from idle and vitious courses by anxious and effectual care for a livelyhood which they got by a trade of fishing in the adjoyning Sea 22. After his death the Egyptians recovered the Soveraignty and created a King of their own Nation Mendes called Mendes He spent his life in making provision for death by a Sepulcher inimitable for Art which he made under the notion of a Labrynth according to which pattern they believed Daedalus to have framed that he made for Minos King of Crete wherein to keep the Minotaure After Mendes an Anarchy followed for a long time till one of ignoble extraction was made King After an Anarchy by the Egyptians named Cetes but by the Greeks Proteus who living in the time of the Trojan War had great skill in Astrology and the knowledge of winds whence and because the Kings of Egypt were wont to have several kinds of living Creatures Trees Fire and other things painted and worn about their heads the Greeks took occasion to invent that fable of his turning himself into all manner of shapes Remphis Remphis his Son and Successor spent his time in the improvement of his revenue and customes insomuch that he died far richer then any of his Predecessors having got together 400000 Talents of Gold and Silver Nileus from whom the Nileaas named The next who was any thing considerable was Nileus who because he took great care about bringing water from the River to furnish the Countrey changed the name of it from Egypt into Nile Chemmis first buildeth a Pyramid 23. The 8th from Nileus was Chemmis Diodorus who being born at Memphis reigned fifty years and built the greatest of the three Pyramids counted amongst the seven wonders of the World Herodotus writeth that the first King who gave his mind to this work was Cheops and that he prostituted his daughter to raise money for this purpose That the biggest was twenty years in building by no fewer then 100000 work-men towards the diet of whom the price of Onions and Garlick onely amounted to 1600 Talents of silver That his daughter of every one who had to do with her begged a stone and therewith built a little Pyramid near adjoyning Diodorus writeth that the basis of the greatest was on each side 700 foot broad Vide Phicium lib. 36. c. 22. the heighth above 600 foot and at the top it was six Cubits broad all of solid stone very hard and of an everlasting substance which he proveth for that the whole structure in his time remained unchanged and uncorrupted though raised 1000 years before But others which within this hundred years have travelled into Egypt relate how those monstrous buildings which stand 13 miles off from Memphis and look like Mountains at a distance are on the North-side much eaten and consumed with that wind the Etesian winds being there as much putrifying as the Southern in other parts These Piles of stone stand in a sandy place which affordeth not any quarries of stone some five miles distant from the Nile so that the work may well seem right miraculous though the Egyptians raised many fables thereupon But so many thousands of men were to be killed with this toil that one might be stately buried which yet they say hapned not to him For the people were so enraged hereat that his son durst not there bury him but laid him in another obscure and ignoble place And yet he could not contain himself but to his power must also imitate his father's madnesse Cephren 24. Cephren the brother of Chemmis succeeded him and reigned 56 years Herodotus though some would have his son Chabry's immediatly to have followed him Diodorus He spent his time the same way building another Pyramid in workmanship like to the former but much inferiour to it in compasse and largenesse being also buried in an obscure place for fear
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peneus and Asopus were first called Hellenes being formerly known by the name of Graeci and the Countrey it self Hellas afterwards named Ptbiotis Homer owneth none by the name of Hellenes but those who with the Myrmidonae amongst others followed Achilles to the Siege of Troy neither any place calleth he Hellas SECT 1. but onely one in Thessalie mentioned by Strabo who knoweth not whether it be a Town or Country though he would gladly prove that by Hellas Homer understood the whole Nation Strabo is in no wise to be heard against Thucydides and Apollodorus whereof the former witnesseth Vide Strab. lib. 8. p. 370. A. that the Poet no where mentioneth the Barbarians because all the Hellenes were not yet known by one common name whom he might oppose against them and the later expressely saith that he onely called those in Thessalie by the name of Hellenes But though in Homer's time the whole Nation might begin to be called Hellenes and the Country Hellas yet clear it is from many witnesses that these names came out of Thessalie and were thence transferred to signifie the whole Nation and their Colonies placed elsewhere insomuch that prideing themselves as it were in it they wholly rejected the other of Graeci which signifying antient as it seemeth they had also out of Thessalie from the same people who were afterwards called Hellenes though the Poets despise it not as Callimachus Sophocles and others and the Latins still retain it taking no notice of the other in their Language whence these words Greece and Graecians are derived 2. Greece was not antiently inhabited in any setled or established way Thucyd. though in after ages it became so famous in it's flourishing Common-wealths Seats and habitations were often changed The most antient Greeks lived in an unsetled condition preying one upon another according to the power and strength of such as were not satisfied with their own fortune No commerce was there amongst them being in continuall fear one of another they lived onely from hand to mouth not regarding money or the improvement of their grounds knowing not how long they should enjoy any thing in present possessions so that no considerable City was there or any Fortifications of value Attica indeed was something priviledged by it's barrennesse and secured from such violent attempts as other parts were obnoxious to whence such as were disturbed elsewhere flocked thither and it grew so populous that not able to maintain the great numbers under which it groaned it poured out Colonies into Asia the lesse which made up the body of the Ionians Before the Trojan War nothing considerable was done abroad by the Graecians but at that time having got some power at Sea they were rendered capable of that expedition Nothing considerable done by them abroad till the Trojan War For Minos King of Crete A. M. 2773. whom Thucydides would make to have had the first and most antient Fleet of all others had not long before obtained the dominion of the greatest part of the Greek Sea and making himself Master of the Islands Cyclades cast thence the Carians and placed Colonies of his own therein over which he made his Sons Princes And to increase his Customs he scoured the Seas of Pyrats it being then the trade of those that lived upon the Coasts to passe over and make prey one of another which to the last could not be left by some as the Aetolians and Acarnanians amongst others 3. The Sea being cleared Cities began to be built upon the Coast both for trade and security whereas the more antient Towns stood at a good distance from the Sea Cities begin to be built upon the Sea-Coasts both in the Continent and Islands Then came it to passe that the weaker submitting themselves to the more powerfull for matter of profit or the other by strong hand procuring it from them some new and considerable Principalities were erected which rendred them fit for the Expedition against Troy wherein Agamemnon praesided as the most powerfull Prince then reigning especially at Sea Yet was there still such scarcity of money and of provisions that onely so many Forces did they carry over as they hoped the War might maintain and used those not all together and at the same time The Graecians maintained themselves by tillage and plunder at the Wars of Troy but employed them in tilling the Cherronesus and in depraedations whereby being thus dispersed the Trojans were the longer able to resist them which they could not have done had they been sufficiently furnished with necessaries and incontinently with all their strength A. M. 2821. fallen upon the City Ten years being consumed in this War great alterations were thereby produced in Greece For through their absence so long abroad seditions and tumults arose at home whence many at their return or afterwards were forced to seek out new habitations A long time it was ere the Country returned to quietnesse and settlement but at length it was inabled to send out Colonies as the Athenians into Ionia and the Islands of the Greek Sea Great changes caused at home by their so long absence the Peloponnesians and some other Cities into Italy and Sicily The Nation growing now stronger and wealthier daily Tyrannies or petty Kingdoms were erected in every place there being now a possibility of raising revenues and as any exceeded others in power or cunning they invaded the Governments of others which they made arbitrary whereas before Kingdoms were haereditary with a constant limited power that they seldom exceeded The Corinthians first eminent at Sea 4. The Corinthians first began to be famous at Sea being the first that used that sort of Gallies camed Triremes and fought a battel with the Corcyreans A. M. 3353. D. C 102. Manassis 50. 220 years before the beginning of the Peloponnesian War For being seated in the Isthmus they enjoyed thereby a constant Mart which filled them with wealth especially after the Sea was cleared of Pyrats and Traffick increased Long after The Ionians the Ionians got the start of the rest in navall glory making good progresse therein and had gone still further A. M 3462. but that Cyrus having broken in pieces the power of Croesus and subdued all as far as the River Halys forced them also after some strugling to submit themselves unto the yoak A. 3473. After them Polycrates and others Polycrates the Tyrant of Samus the Massilians and Corcyraeans obtained the greatest power at Sea the Aegyptians and Athenians with the rest being inconsiderable therein till these two States falling out Themistocles procured the Athenians to apply themselves more to Sea matters when they now also expected the coming of the Persian King Great commodity all these obtained by the power of their Navies either in getting money or new possessions for they subdued the Islands such especially labouring herein No War by Land whose native Soils
within a while he himself afforded matter for that office dying in the Isle Melos at his return homewards Demophon After his death Demophon the son of Theseus who together with his brother Achames both begotten on Phaedra followed Elphenor to Troy went to Athens and obtained the Kingdom As he returned Phyllis daughter to Sithon and Queen of Thrace fell in love with him Servius in Eclog. 5. Virgil and wood him for marriage He told her he would first go to settle his affairs at Athens and then come and marry her but staying somewhat long she had no patience to wait and thinking she was slighted hanged herself He stole the Palladium or image of Pallas from the Argives who brought it from Troy and in their return with Diomedes made encursions unwittingly into Attica being driven by night upon Phalerus and not knowing where they were He reigned about 34 years and then left his Kingdom to his son Oxyntes Oxyntes Aphidas Thymoetes who after twelve was succeeded by Aphidas his son who reigned but one year Then followed Thymoetes the fifteenth King Atheneus who being a Bastard is reported to have murdered Aphidas his brother and after eight years lost the Kingdom He was the last of the Erechthidae that reigned at Athens 18. It hapned that the State of Athens had War with the Boeotians about Celoenae a place seated in the confines of both Countries and it pleased the parties that their Kings should decide the quarrel in their own persons Thymoetes declined the combat and for that was deposed Melanthius a Messenian who was then driven from home by the Heraclidae accepted it Pausan in Atticis and overcame Xanthus the Boeotian King by a stratageme for when they came to fight he cried out Thou dost not justly Xanthus Frontinus Stratagem l. 2. c. 5. Exemp 41. but contrary to our agreement who accompanied with another person comest to fight against me a single man at which he wondering and looking back to see who should follow him Melanthius Melanthius ran him thorow with his Lance. He then reigned in the room of Thymoetes and at his death left Codrus his son his Successor who willingly offered himself to death for the safety of his Athenians Codrus the last King There were now distasts arisen betwixt the Heraclidae who held Peloponnesus Justin lib. 2. and them for that they harboured the Iones Strabo lib. 9. and other fugitives out of that Country and at length the Heraclidae intending to make War upon them consulted the Oracle beforehand concerning their successe which answered that they should have the better if they kept off their hands from the Athenian King and not otherwise They gave order to their men to beware of hurting him but he getting knowledge of the matter disguised himself and going into their Army by blows provoked them to kill him This being known they raised their Siege though some of them had already got into the City on whom then the Athenians had mercy and dismissed them without any harm This happened 486 years after Cecrops A. M. 2935. 114 after the destruction of Troy 35 after the return of the Heraclidae 293 before the first Olympiad A. M. 2935. The Archons for life Pausan in Messeniciis 19. After Codrus his death the people took away the title of King and gave the name of Archon with a diminished power to his Successor who might be called to an account for what he did though he kept the principality during life This was Medon the son of Codrus whom the rest of his brothers despising as weak and lame led out Colonies of the Ionians Idem in Achaicis Strabo l. 14. and some others Attica being now full into Asia The twelve Cities of Ionia and there founded the 12 famous Cities of the Ionians viz. Ephesus Miletus Priene Colophon Myus Teos Lebedus Claromenae Erythrae Phocaea Chius in the Island Chios and Samus in an Isle of the same name over against Ephesus which at first being subjected to several petty Princes at length joyned in one body politick and became very famous in after-ages Twelve other Archons succeeded Medon named from him Medontidae and in this condition the state remained unaltered for 315 years during which time there is little remarkable Euseb either concerning Princes or Commonwealth onely the time of Ariphron the 19th Archon fell in with that of Sardanapalus and Alcmaeon the son of Aeschylus was the last who dying when he had scarce reigned two years the people took another occasion to alter the Government for being weary of this perpetual power of their Princes they confined it to the space of 10 years This change being made about the beginning of the first Olympiad Archons for ten years A. M. 3248. Charops was the first that underwent it in whose time Dionysius of Halycarnassus will have Rome built Six others succeeded him in the power thus qualified whereof Hippomenes the fourth in order was the last of the posterity of Codrus being deposed for his cruelty to his daughter Suidas whom being defloured he shut up with an Horse that had no meat given him and so caused to be devoured quick The last of all the six was Eryxias Euseb who after he had Governed six years either died or being deposed for some Crime opened the Door to a new and greater innovation after 70 years continuance of the Decennal Government Annual Archons nine in number 20. The people still burning with a desire of greater liberty A.M. 3318. abolished quite the power of a single person and instead of him made nine Archons Lege Sigonium de Repub. Athen. Uttonem Emmium to be but annual a new Election being to be made every year out of those who for birth wealth or favour were most considerable in the Citie The first in order was properly called Archon as principal of the College and Eponymus because he signed the Calendar and all things that fell out in that year were said to be done he being Archon He had the care of their superstition to him it belonged to take Cognisance of differences arising about inheritances as also betwixt Husband and Wife Parents and their Children and Kinsfolks one amongst another Moreover he took care of Orphans and assigned them Guardians The second in order had the name of King who taking care also of another part of their superstition determined causes both Civil and Criminal or referred them to the greater Courts of Judicature The third was called Polemarchus who besides the charge of some religious customs had that of War committed to him whence he had his name was General of the Armies abroad and at home the Judge of strangers The other six were termed Thesmothetae being keepers of the Laws or Customs Judges in several Cases and had power to commit to prison all suspicious persons These were their distinct Offices Altogether
the Common-wealth King of Babylon he set himself about the work of reformation and first of all eased the people of the great burthen of their debts whereby they redeemed their bodies and estates which act was in Greek called Sisachthea Some have thought that it was onely of the interest but others of the principal too alleging him to have forgiven 5 some have said 15 talents that were owing to himself However he made them more able to satisfie their Creditors by raising the value of money as of the Attick Mina from 75 drachms to 100. Then for the setling of the Commonwealth in way thereto and in the first place he abrogated all Draco's Laws except that against murther as too severe The four Tribes of the people he left as they were ordered by Erechtheus distinguished into Souldiers Crafts-men Husband-men and keepers of Goats but for that here was no distinction made according to estates and it concerned those that had most therein to take care of the Commonwealth he also divided the people into four Ranks or Classes according to their substance and out of the three first ordered all Magistrates to be chosen the fourth and last having equal Votes in the great Council or Assembly of the whole body of the State in which lay the supream power The first was called Pentacosio Medimni the second was the Ordo Equestris the third called Zeugitae and the fourth Thetae Hereby he gave a right to the common sort to elect and call to account the Magistrates to have an hand in making and repealing Laws and in the highest Court of Judicature by which equal temper he suppressed all these factions that had lately risen And yet lest the multitude should be too much elevated A Senate of 400. besides the Court of Areopagus he instituted a Senate of 400. 100 to be chosen out of each Tribe through which all things should passe into the great Assembly wherein nothing was to be debated but what was offered from this Council elected a new every year 25. The College of the nine Archons he left Elective as he found it but ordained that they should not be admitted to take their Oath till they had first in the Senate made proof of their descent and the unblameablenesse of their life especially of their duty to their Parents and then been approved in the great Assembly after which they were to take their Oath in the Kings Gate to keep the Laws and accept of no bribes Vide Ubbonem Emmium in descript Reip. Athen. or if they should be thereof detected then to erect at Delphos a Statue of Gold of their own bignesse and the same Oath they were again to take as they went up to the Castle Crowned with Myrtle Unto them severally he assigned their Offices for the most part as they were before onely more certain and for a reward of their good service if after much and through examination they were found upright and faithfull they were to be chosen unto the Senate of Areopagus the Colledge of the Archous being hereby constituted the seminary of it To this Council Of Areopagus consisting of most grave experienced and upright men an inspection was given into all concernments of State a power of preserving the Laws and Customs and also of reforming manners in which particular they were so severe that once they condemned a boy for a custom of pulling out the eyes of Quails as hereby betraying a bad disposition They met ordinarily thrice a moneth on Mars his hill whence the Council had it's name but extraordinarily as occasion required and then in the place called the King's Gallery As for the Council of State consisting of 400 it had power also to determine great matters and controversies of it self and if it saw it convenient to report them to the people If the assent of the people was had then passed it's acts and constitutions into firm Laws if not they continued in force one year and no longer To this Council moreover it belonged to provide for such as were grown poor and were to be maintained by the publick to call all indebted to the State to an account and provide for the making of Gallies The Assembly of the People 26. To the great Assembly of the people alone belonged the power of making and nulling Lawes of Peace and War sending Ambassadors and giving the freedom of the City When they were met together they took an Oath with a bitter execration to consult the best they could for the good of the Commonwealth Those that were above fifty years of age spake first and after the businesse was throughly debated they signified their pleasure by holding up their hands Solon ordained that all the Laws should be reviewed once a year being recited by the Thesmothetae But when any were to be abrogated or new ones made the whole Assembly took not that matter of debate upon it self but committed it to the care of the most grave and prudent amongst them chosen for that purpose and called Nomothetae amongst which none were admitted but such as had dealt in the most important affaires Before them five Orators called Syndici pleaded concerning any Law that was to be abolished which should not be done without mature advice lest thereby an occasion might be given to sedition and innovation and what was concluded by these Nomothetae the body of the people alwaies approved The Assembly was had ordinarily thrice in 35 dayes at the pleasure of the Council of State or 400 but extraordinarily upon occasion called together either by the same authority of the Strategi or Generals for War and sometimes of the nine Archons Courts of Judicature 27. For Courts of Judicature besides the Areopagites formerly mentioned there was that of the Ephetae founded as its thought by Demophon the Son of Theseus consisting at first of 50 Judges chosen out of Attica and as many from Argos but Draco excluding the Strangers made the number onely 51 Citizens and after him Solon tempering the rigor thereof transferred thence the more weighty matters to Areopagus leaving the Judgment of casual homicide and lying in weight for life in some cases to it The causes brought in thither were reported by the King or second Archon There was another Court most large and common consisting of 500 1000 or sometimes 1500 persons according to the occasion chosen by lot out of all the Citizens of 30 years old and upwards They judged of many and often of the greatest causes and this was called the Heliastick Council becuase they sate in an open place where the Sun shone A fourth Court there was of Arbitrators consisting of 220 chosen out of the Tribes and being aequilly divided according to the number of them heard and determined their Causes A fifth and least considerable there was yet made up of thirty persons at the first afterwards increased to forty going in circuit to the several sorts of people gathered by Theseus
(d) Pausan ut suprà begat three sons which are recorded Argalus Cynortas and Hyacinthus of which the later as Apollodorus writeth being for his beauty the delight of Apollo was killed by him at unawares when they were at play Argalus succeeded his father and left his Kingdom to his brother Cynortas whose son and Successor was Oebalus from whence the Countrey was also called * Servius ad Georg. 4. Apollod l. 3. Pausan A. M. 2646. Diodorus Siculus Oebalia and Castor and Pollux by Statius Oebalidae fratres On his first wife he begat Hypocoon and Icarion and on his second Gorgophone the daughter of Perseus by Andromeda Tyndareus and widdow of Perieres his son Tyndareus The former and later after his death contended about the succession and Tyndareus having the worst of it was constrained to banish himself for many years till at length he was restored by Hercules who slew Hippocoon and his ten sons with a great number of the Spartans but on this condition delivered was the Kingdom to him to keep it for Hercules his own Children and restore it when it should be demanded Tyndareus of Leda the daughter of Thestius an Aetolian Castor and Pollux Helena begat Castor and Pollux called Dioscuri as the supposed off-spring of Jupiter and on her or some other a daughter named Helena The two sons being famous in their lives grew more renowned after their death having the esteem of gods and from them was named the constellation of Gemini Helena was she that made such a broil in the World being first stolne by Theseus afterwards married to Menelaus and from him stolne again by Paris who kept her till the destruction of Troy as hath been shewed Her two brothers dying before their father Menelaus Menelaus with her obtained the Kingdom of Lacedaemon through the special favour of Tyndareus A. M. 2809. who from amongst 29 suters all Princes of Greece made choice of him Lest those great ones should fall out amongst themselves he bound them all with an Oath to be Defendants to whomsoever he would give her which he did by the advice of Ulysses upon promise to assist him in his sute being one of the number This we do not find that he did but in way of requital procured for him Penelope the daughter of Icarius 3. Menelaus on a slave begot two base sons but by Helena had onely a daughter named Hermione which he married first to Orestes the son of his brother Agamemnon and again taking her from him gave her to Pyrrhus the son of Achilles It 's thought that Orestes killed Pyrrhus for after his death he presently resumed his wife and Menelaus once dead he added the Kingdom of Lacedaemon to his other two of Mycenae and Argos for the Lacedaemonians were more willing to receive him as their Prince than Nicostratus and Megapenthes the bastard sons of Menelaus Tisamenus his son succeeded him in his Kingdoms out of all which he was outed by the Heraclidae or posterity of Hercules as before was shewed by the help of the Dores with him the Achaeans being also banished who were Originally of Pthiotis in Thessaly for Achaeus their Progenitor was the son of Xuthus Grand-son to Deucalion by his son Hellen. The descent of the Heraclidae Procles and Eurysthenes obtain in Sparta Argos fell to Temenus by lot A. M. 2901. Crespontes got Messene and Lacedaemon became the portion of Procles and Eurysthenes the sons of Aristodemus who was slain at Delphos for Pausanias judgeth this the most probable opinion by the fraud of Pylas when they were preparing for the expedition Thenceforth the Lacedaemonians were accounted Dores who if formerly they were part of the Achaeans and going to Troy at their return were expelled by those that remained at home and so forced to seek out new seats and received the name of Dores from their Captain as Plato writeth then had they full as much right to the Countrey as the Heraclidae themselves the title of whom we have formerly shewn this change hapned 80 years after the destruction of Troy as Thucydides gathereth 327 before the first Olympiad in the dayes of Melanthus father to Codrus the last King of Athens the year of the World 2901. 4. The two brothers Eurysthenes and Procles were Twins and that so like as their mother not knowing them asunder was ignorant which was the eldest Lege Herodot l. 6. c. 52. and therefore the Lacedaemonians made them both Kings with equal power Both Kings with equal power onely because Eurysthenes was first washed and fed he was vulgarly accounted the elder and though their families were of the same dignity yet was his accounted something the more honourable In their minority Theras their Uncle by the Mother's side managed the Kingdom for them in obeying whom they ever agreed but in nothing else though Twins and so like one another This difference was in a manner propagated to their posterity which continued on both sides for many Generations downwards by the names of Eurysthenidae and Proclidae and being partakers in what is commonly accounted to bear no corrivals no wonder it is that emulation should be continued but much that for so long it kept within the bounds of civil concord After these two followed their two sons Helotae made slaves Agis for Eurysthenes from whom the Kings of this family were also called Agidae and Sous for Procles Plutarch in Lycurgo In their time it hapned that the Inhabitants of Helos a Town built by Helius the youngest son of Perseus were made slaves both they and their posterity to the Lacedaemonian State Strabo l. 8. pag. 363. 365. for whereas they as well as others had formerly the freedom of the Citie and were Members of the Commonwealth Agis took away that privilege and ordered them to pay Tribute to Sparta which refusing to do standing out they were thus punished all other slaves to that State though of what Original soever being called after them Helotae Agis dying was succeeded by Echestratus his son and Sous some years after Euseb left for his Successor his son Eurytion called otherwise Eurypon and Euryphon from whom the Kings of that family were also named Eurytionidae Echestratus was followed by Labotas his son and Eurytion by Prytanis in whose reign the first quarrel arose betwixt the Lacedaemonians and Argives Labotas being dead Doryssus his son succeeded him the Kingdom and in like manner after the death of Prytanis Eunomus his son continued the succession of that family 5. After Doryssus followed Agesilaus A.M. 3019. Euseb in Chronico Eunomus of the family of Procles still continuing who of a former wife begat Polydectes and of a later Lycurgus born 150 years before the first Olympiad Archelaus the son of Agesilaus succeeded his father Plutarch ut suprà and was accompanied in the Government by Polydectos who dying without issue left his inheritance to
hereby it came to passe as Plutarch observeth that the Kingly power being lesse was not subject to that envy which ruined the affairs of the Kings of Messene and Argos who would not moderate their power nor at all stoop to any popularity and the government here being poised continued longer as freed from the intestine distempers of the neighbour Commonwealth Yet it is also observed by * Machiavelli sopra la prima Decad. di Tito Livio one that the reason of the prosperity and long duration of the Spartan State above that of the Athenian and others is to bee fetched from it's so much partaking of Aristocracy and the want of that influence which the heady multitude had into the greatest affaires elsewhere 25. The general and most probable opinion is that the Ephori were brought in in the time of Theopompus So writeth Aristotle Plutarch and Valerius Maximus yet (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. cap. 65. Herodotus having reckoned up several things performed by Lycurgus in the framing of his Commonwealth at length addeth Further Lycurgus ordained the Ephori and Elders of which opinion Xenophon seemeth also to have been in his Treatise of the Lacedaemonian Commonwealth But though they were brought in during the reign of Theopompus yet it is not agreed of who was the principal cause of their creation because the end or design thereof is uncertaian though that ere now spoken of be generally received (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Legibus l. 3. Plato and Plutarch as he confesseth from him will have them created to be as a bridle to the power of the Kings for theirs it must needs be which he calleth hereditary Cicero also in his third Book of Laws testifieth that the Ephori at Sparta were opposed against the Kings as the Roman Tribunes against the Consuls who as well as the Senate were even at the first institution feared by the Commons for that they were the chief Patritian Magistrate at that time and the animosities in that State were caused by the distinction of the two orders Valerius Maximus maketh the same comparison betwixt Ephori and Tribunes and maketh them instituted by Theopompus for this very end whom Plato also seemeth upon the same account to call the third Saviour of the Lacedaemonians so that he must have been at the least instrumental in their institution Aristotle (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Politic. lib. 2. accounteth this Magistracy as the nerves of the Commonwealth joyning the parts thereof together because the people by virtue of it being partaker of Empire was quiet so that the people seemeth especially considered in this Office by which in another place the Philosopher expresly saith Theopompus moderated the power of the Kings But Cleomenes King of Sparta as (d) In Cleomene Plutarch himself relateth the Story affirmed in a speech to the people that Lycurgus having added the Senate to the Kings the Commonwealth was for a long time governed without any other Magistracy Afterwards when the Messenian War was drawn out in length the Kings because they were employed abroad chose some of their friends to administer Justice whom they left as their Deputies over the people and those were called Ephori from their inspection Being at first no other than Assistants to the Kings by little and little they assumed power to themselves and no body aware of it constituted a peculiar Office Hereof he said a sign remained at that day for that the King being called by the Ephori refused to come once and again but at the third call came to them besides Asteropus who first inlarged the bounds of this Office was Ephorus many ages after Their power 26. The power of those Magistrates for what end soever constituted as of others in other places was moderate at the first but in processe of time as the ambition of them and the confidence of the people thereupon increased it exceeded the due and just bounds and made the Government almost degenerate into a Democracy They not onely consulted with the Kings and Senate resolved about the affaires of State and judged of controversies amongst the people but afterwards grapled even the whole power into their hands doing all things themselves that were of moment They governed the Assemblies of the people proposing and gathering suffrages they made and disanulled leagues ordered what forces were to be sent out for which they also made provision they rewarded or punished according to their pleasure other Magistrates calling the very * Agis Kings to account for their lives insomuch that as the Philosopher observeth they obtained a kind of tyranny the onely remedy was that their Office was but annual Pausanias and being five in number the designs and indeavours of one or two were crossed and overthrown by the contrary party nothing being done without the consent of the whole College They rose not up as other Magistrates Vide Plutarch Corn. Nepotem in presence of the Kings with whom they mutually sware every moneth the Kings that they would rule according to the Laws and they in the name of the people to preserve their rule thus ordered safe and entire to them With their entring into their Office the year began constantly in Winter as we learn from Thucydides and from one of them as principal Lib. 5. the year was named who thence was called Eponymus as from the Archon at Athens At their first entrance they were wont to publish an Edict that the men should take off all the hayr from their upper lips Plutarch in Cleomene ex Aristotele and observe strictly all the Laws lest they should be constrained to punish them requiring obedience in a little thereby to inure the people to it In the Wars two of them used to go out with the Kings to assist them in their Councils They were wont to proclame open war against the publick slaves or Helots giving liberty to kill them and thence is to be derived that cruel custom of the Cryptia rather than from any constitution of Lycurgus as Aristotle thinketh The cause thereof as Plutarch judgeth was the conspiring of these slaves against their Masters during the Messenian War The Messenian War 27. In the second year of the ninth Olympiad this War began Pausanius in Messenicis though the ground of the quarrel had been partly laid several years before the bringing in of the Ephori In the dayes of Teleclus Father to Alcamenes now King there being a Temple of Diana in the borders Strabo l. 6 8. to which both the Lacedaemonians and Messenians constantly resorted it hapned that some Spartan Virgins going thither according to the custom were abused by the Messenians Just in lib. 3. and Teleclus indeavouring to prevent the injury was there slain moreover the Virgins for very shame and grief destroyed themselves as the Lacedaemonians told the story On the contrary the Messenians pleaded that at
of the stock of Aegyptus to be sacrifized whereupon all that belonged to that family were subjected to the lot and the daughter of one Lyciscus vvas taken She being to be offered the sooth-sayer forbad it alleging that she vvas not the daughter of Lyciscus but brought in under-hand by his vvife that vvas barren and vvhil'st he vvas thus peâ—swading the people Lyciscus fled away vvith her to Sparta All hereat exceedingly startled Aristodemus another of that family voluntarily offered his ovvn daughter but a young man there present that vvas in love vvith her and shortly intended marriage stifly impugned it and contended she vvas not in her fathers povver because betrothed to himself Not herevvith prevailing he affirmed he had lien vvith her and that she vvas vvith Child vvhereat Aristodemus vvas so inraged Aristodemus killeth his daughter that he killed her vvith his ovvn hand A.M. 3269. Olymp. 11. an 1. V. C. 18. Achazi 8. and ripping up her belly shevved plainly to all that there vvas no such matter Yet the sooth-sayer avouched her death could not at all profit the State and commanded some other to be offered but Euphaes persvvaded the people that the Oracle vvas already satisfied and required not the life of any other The Lacedaemonians make War upon the Argives 33. That rest which the Lacedaemonians had in this interval was presently turned into action with the Argives about Thyrea a Town situate in the Borders of both Commonwealths This fell out in the reign of Theopompus Pausan in Laconicis Argolicis Plutar. in Parallelis Herod lib. 1. Suidas in vocâ— Othryades whereat yet he was not present partly by reason of his old age and also for grief taken at the death of his son Archidamus The controversie was brought before the Amphyctiones who ordered that 300 on each side should decide it Of the Argives two persons survived the Combat but on the Spartan party onely one by name Othryades as good as many who lived no longer than to make use of broken Spears instead of Crutches to sustain his body then to gather together the Targets of the slain and to erect a Trophy therewith whereon he made an inscription with his own bloud Because of this Trophy the Amphyctiones decreed the Town to the Lacedaemonians but the Argives for that two of their party survived afterwards renewed the War to their own dammage That with the Messenians renewed 34. The offering up of Aristodemus his daughter seemed to the Messenians to have done some good Pausanias in Messenicis the affairs of Lacedaemon appearing to be in a declining posture and that State slower in its Enterprizes than formerly But in the sixth year after the departure of Lyciscus and the eighth from their removal to Ithome the War was again renewed against them Another battel was fought but with the same successe as formerly In the midst of the fight was the hottest contest the most valiant on both sides betaking themselves thither where Euphaes also venturing further than either stood with his dignity or safety against Theopompus received many and deadly wounds Herewith being so weakned as he fell the Lacedaemonians strove to take him and a great conflict ensued but one Antander so far resisting as to lose his own life in the quarrel Euphaes was brought off and died a few dayes after having reigned 13 years all which time he spent in the War against the Lacedaemonians He dying Childlesse A.M. 3274. Olymp. 12. an 2. V. C. 23. Achazi 13. a great controversie arose about the succession for that several of the family of Aegyptus stood for the Kingdom amongst whom was Aristodemus who though it was objected that having polluted his hands in the bloud of his daughter he was not capable was preferred before all others through the favour of the people After his Election he sent Presents to the chief of the Arcadians Argives and Sicyonians whom he ingaged to his party Assisted by some Arcadians he made encursions and the Lacedaemonians did the same proceeding to no greater extremity but at length in his fifth year another battel was fought near to Ithome wherein the Messenians were assisted by the three States ere now mentioned and the Spartans by no other Peloponnesians than those of Corinth The dispute was very sharp and the event doubtfull till the Messenians having the upper ground at last put their enemies to flight of whom it is credible as Pausanias onely writeth that many miscarried 35. The Lacedaemonians after this almost despairing of successe both parties sent to enquire at Delphos concerning the issue of the War The Messenians received an answer so ambiguous as could not be interpreted that to the Spartans plainly signified that as Cresphontes had obtained Messene by a wile in ordering the lots so by wiles it was to be recovered Several then they invented but all were discovered by the vigilancy and cunning of Aristodemus But the 20th year of the War approaching the affairs of the Messenians began exceedingly to relapse and the Oracle again consulted answered that whosoever could first dedicate a hundred Trestles or three-footed stools to Jupiter of Ithome should obtain Messene The Messinians having the Temple within themselves doubted not but to be able to do this first yet the answer being brought to Lacedaemon one Oebalus a crafty man there made 100 of Clay and while the Messenians were busie about others of Wood for their purses were not able to reach to brasse disguised himself in the habit of a fowler and carried them into the Temple This struck the Messenians with great consternation who were straightly besieged by this time and hindred from getting in any provisions Aristodemus was also tormented with sad dreams about his daughter whereat sorely moved and exceedingly afflicted with consideration that he should kill his Child for his Countrey 's good which notwithstanding was desperate he slew himself at her Monument 36. With this sad accident the Messenians were more grievously struck and so despaired as to have thoughts of making their applications to the Lacedaemonians but as yet not able to stoop they made no overtures though almost oppressed with famine they chose them Captains in the room of Aristodemus preparing to sallie out and fight it out to the last man for their lives and fortunes Yet at length distrusting their ability to do any thing that way and considering themselves urged hard with the want of all necessaries they left Ithome and yielded in the fifth moneth after the death of Aristodemus the 28th year of the War being almost finished in the first of the fourteenth Olympiad the Medontidae at Athens yet enjoying the power for ten years in the dayes of Hezekiah King of Judah and the time of the deportation of the ten Tribes The Conquerours utterly demolished Ithome and having gotten easily the other Towns of Messenia into their power imposed what Laws they pleased upon the Inhabitants who were commanded to till their grounds
3272. the Corinthians being powerfull at Sea sent out a Colony into the Island of Sicily under conduct of Archias one of the Heraclidae which Olymp. 11. an 4. V.C. 21. Achan 11. expelling the Siculi out of that quarter founded the Citie Syracusae More people flocking thither out of Peloponnesus this Citie grew and increased exceedingly so that it became not onely the principal of all in Sicily but the greatest and most beautifull of all Greece as Cicero witnesseth and in its due place will be further discovered Much about the same time was there another Colony sent into the Island Phaeacus lying nigh to Epirus at a little distance from the Continent conducted thither by Chersierates another of the posterity of Hercules Homer in his Odyss Maketh this Island inhabited in the Trojan times by the Phaeacians a most noble people over whom reigned Alcinous the son of Nausithous who received Ulysses after his long wandrings and helped him in his journey home to Ithaca He mentioneth his Royal seat called Scheria which Pliny from him affirmeth also to have been the name of the Island as well as Phaeacia and saith the inhabitants were much given to Navigation and most skilfull therein In the soyl of this Scheria the old inhabitants being expelled this new Colony planted it self which taking the name of Corcyra the whole Island came thence to be so called The Citie much befriended by the Commodiousnesse of the Haven and the conveniency of the place for Sea matters grew in a short time to be very considerable so as it founded of it self two Cities viz. that of Epidamnus as we have it from Thucydides by the Romans called Dyrrachium and Apollonia as Strabo writeth both of them seated in that part of Illyricum inhabited by the Taulautians The form of this Commonwealth was agreeable to the constitution of all Colonies like to that of Corinth the Metropolis which then was Governed by the Bacchiadae in an Oligarchical way When Corinth was afflicted by Tyrants Corcyra felt also their influence upon its infancy but at length it grew to that height as to renounce such obedience as the other challenged whence great and tedious Commotions were produced in Greece 5. The Bacchiadae neither communicated the Government nor marriage to any other person than of their own family Herod lib. 5. cap. 90. c till one of their women being lame and upon that account despised by them all of her own stock had thereby an occasion given to break the custom She named Labda married Eetion the son of Echecrates and Nephew to Antassus of the Petrean Tribe who having no Children by her or any other went to Delphos and inquired of the Oracle concerning issue He received an answer to this effect that he should have a son who like a stone would fall upon the Oligarchy and breaking it in pieces amend the State of Corinth This coming to the ears of the Bacchiadae who had an Oracle before much to the same purpose though under general terms they resolved to hold their peace and kill Eetions Child as soon as it should be born And as soon as his wife was delivered they sent ten of their Company to destroy it whom the mother presented with a sight of the Babe thinking they had come to Congratulate her husband about its birth They had agreed amongst themselves that whosoever first came at the Infant should knock out his brains but the Child smiling in his face who first took it in his Arms he was so moved with compassion as he would not kill it but delivered it to one of his fellows who touched with the same compassion gave it to another till it passed through all their hands unhurt Being gone out and standing at the door they blamed one another exceedingly especially the first whose part it was to kill it and in they returned now to do the deed but the mother hearing their discourse hid the Infant under a Bushell or such alike instrument of measuring Corn so that finding it they returned giving out they had done their errand and so the Child thus preserved was named Cypselus Cypselus from the measure under which he was hid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek tongue called Cypsele 6. When he was come to man's estate relying upon another Oracle whereby he was plainly bidden to be King of Corinth and his Children after him but not his Nephews he invaded the Tyranny which to establish many he deprived of their estates but many more of their lives A. M 3350. He first lulled the people asleep with good language and thereby getting all into his hands made himself Lord of the Citie his power he preserved by removing those out of the way whom it most concerned Consule Arist Polit. l. 2. c. 12. but once established he grew exceeding mild and fair with good words and no ill deeds drawing the people into such a respect of him that all his time he stood not in need of any Guard a rare thing in men of his condition which Gelo at Syracuse onely imitated This change hapned at Corinth in the 2 year of the 31 Olympiad in the dayes of Phraortes King of the Medes and Ardys Grand-father to Craesus King of Lydia 20 years after the second Messenian War and 30 after the nine Annual Archons were established at Athens A. M. 3350. Upon his seizing the power Demaratus a man eminent amongst the Bacchidae and very rich fled into Italy and seated himself in Hetruria A.M. 3350. Dionys Halycarn Livius l. 1. where of a woman of that Countrey he begat two sons Aruns and Lucumon the later whereof became King of Rome by the name of Tarquinius 7. Cypselus having enjoyed the principality of Corinth and Corcyra the space of thirty years Periander then died and left it to his son Periander Herodotus Aristot He was much unlike his father of a cruel disposition if we believe Aristotle rather than Sosicles in Herodotus insomuch as not trusting the good will of his people he got a guard of 300 men about him and would rather be feared than loved of his Subjects yet being hardy and warlike he held the power longer than he Herodotus out of Sosicles relateth that at first he was very mild and curteous till by acquaintance with Thrasybylus the Tyrant of Miletus he altered his humour for sending to him for his advice how he migh best order his affairs in Government he returned no answer to the Messenger but carrying him out into a plot of Corn fell a plucking off the tallest and most eminent ears till he had well nigh marred the whole plot The Messenger returning told Periander what he had seen who easily guessed that the most eminent and powerful Citizens were to be removed out of the way but * Polit. l. 3. c. 9. l. 5. c. 10. Aristotle maketh him the author of this counsel to Thrasybylus Laertius saith he grew more cruel
the Citie and either slain or driven away Laodamus placed Thersander the son of Polynices in the Kingdom who sailed with Agamemnon towards Troy as General of the Boeotians and was killed in Mysia by Telephus as was before shewed Peneleus The Boeotians chose Peneleus for their Captain because his son Tisamenus was then but young and he was also slain in the War by Euryphylus the son of Telephus who after the death of Achilles brought Auxiliary forces out of Mysia unto Priamus Tisamenus 12. Peneleus being dead Tisamenus the son of Thersander Pausanias ut suprà reigned at Thebes Auresion His son Autesion left this place and went to the Dorienses wherefore Damasichthon Damasichthon the Nephew of Peneleus and son of Opheltas was chosen in his room Ptolomaeus After him followed Ptolomaeus and then Xanthus the last King of all Xanthus who was slain by Melanthus the Messenian in a single Combat in behalf of the Athenians about Celaenae a place situate upon the Borders as we have * Chap. 5. Sect. 4. Parag. 15. A. M. 2877. already shewed This hapned 56 years after the destruction of Troy 24 before the descent of the Heraclidae 57 before the death of Codrus the last Athenian King 252 before the first Olympiad A. M. 2877. After his death together with the possession of Celaenae the Thebans quitted the Government of Kings it seeming good to them no longer to be Governed by a single person but by many as Pausanias writeth from whom yet it appeareth not what kind of rule was erected whether an Oligarchy at first or the whole power was assumed by the people which we know assuredly exercised it in after times in a Democratical way Such was the Goverment when the Persians had obtained the Empire of the East and Greece it self most flourished at which time in the entire History of this Countrey we shall hear further of the Thebans CHAP. VI. The Original and Kingdom of Rome Contemporary with the Babylonian Empire SECT I. The Original of the Citie of Rome The antient inhabitants of Latium 1. THe Citie of Rome was seated in Latium the Western tract of Italy upon the River Tiber. The soyl for as much as can be known saith Dionysius was first inhabited by the Siculi Dionys Halicarnasseus l. 1. who held many other places of that Countrey These were expelled by the Aborigines who being the posterity of the Oenotrians who seized upon that Tract lying near Tarentum were Consecrated first to the gods according to the custom of the Countrey then sent out to seek them new seats and fortunes The Oenotrians came out of Lycaonia afterwards called Arcadia to seek a more commodious habitation under conduct of Oenotrus the son of Lycaon from whom they received their name These Aborigines here setled were forced to admit of some Pelasgians to live amongst them that fled from Haemonia since called Thessaly where for some time they had continued and afterwards certain Arcadians who followed Evander son to Mercury and the Nymph Themis from a Town of that Countrey called Palantium which name they gave to an Hill on which they fixed afterwards reckoned amongst the seven belonging to the Citie Not long after the Greeks will have Hercules come into these parts as he was returning home from his expedition into Spain and the Western Regions and here to have left some Peloponnesians who setled themselves upon the Hill called then Saturnius and afterwards Capitolinus at what time Faunus reigned over the Aborigines Pious 2. The Father of Faunus is said to be Picus the son of Saturn who flying out of Crete from his son Jupiter came into this Country and here hiding himself gave occasion for the Region to be called Latium Some say the Father of Picus war rightly called Sterces and Sirnamed Saturn from whom the Laurentine Kingdom took it's beginning Augustin de Civitat Dei lib. 18. cap. 15. named from Laurentum the Town and that from Laurus or Laurel Picus had this name from the Bird Picus a Wood-pecker which he used by it's flying to foretel things to come as Festus noteth out of Verrius Plutarch saith that he was by the sorceries of his wife changed into this Bird in the likenesse of which he gave forth Oracles and answered questions and agreeable hereto Dionysius of Halicarnassus compareth this Bird with the Dove of Dodona as performing that to the Aborigines which it did to the Thesprotes But Servius thinketh all this feigned because Picus was a Soothsayer and observed the flying of this kind of Bird and Bochartus telleth us that Piccea in the Phoenician dialect signifieth a Seer or Prophet whence as Phix amongst the Boeotians was taken for a cunning woman so he for his skill in such matters might according to the termination of Latin words have the name of Picus This man who in Suidas hath the name of Jupiter except Jupiter of Crete that stole Io Faunus was called Picus begat Faunus or Fatuus and a daughter named Fauna and Fatua which being in a furie would also foretel things to come whence such as were thus taken were said Fatuari Being killed by Faunus her brother and husband as if seemeth she was worshipped as a goddesse and called Bona Dea because she was so modest that never any man saw her except her husband Dionysius maketh this Faunus the son of Mars He is feigned to have served under Bacchus in his Expedition into the East and this is their reason because indeed he was the same with Pan the constant companion of Bacchus (a) Aur. Victor de Orig. gentis Rom. One writeth that he was called also Sylvanus Invius and Pan by some (b) Servius in Aen. l. 6. Another saith his name in Latin was Invius and in Greek Pan. So that his reigning in Latium was a meer Fable invented by some who knew not that he was the same with Pan the Arcadian whose Worship was brought into Italy by Evander Latinus 3. After him reigned Latinus as the story goeth whom Festus maketh his son but others as we have it from Dionysius fathered on Hercules who begat him on a certain Hyperborean Virgin which having received as an Hostage from her Father he kept untouched till he came into Latium and afterwards gave her in marriage unto Faunus therefore accounted the Father of Latinus Fifty five years after the departure of Hercules and in the 35th of the reign of Latinus Aeneas with with the Trojans arrive in Italy Aeneas with his wandring Trojans arrived at Laurentum not far from the Mouth of Tiber. Livie saith it is most certain that Troy being taken the Graecians raged against the other Inhabitants but abstained from Antenor and Aeneas the son of Anchises who was son to Capys and grand-son to Assaracus the brother of Ilus King of Troy both for the friendship which had past betwixt them and their families and because they were
ever for peace and the restitution of Helena But Dionysius relateth out of Hellanicus that the lower part of the City being taken Aeneas with his associates that came from Ophyrynium and Dardanus to the aid of Ilium timely perceiving it retired into the Castle where were the Idols and much treasure protected by the most valiant Soldiers A. M. 2821. Hither also betook themselves such as escaped the fury of fire and sword and they easily repelled the force of the Enemy but Aeneas considering that the City could no way be preserved resolved to quit the Castle as might stand with the safety of the Company He therefore sent out with a guard the aged an infirm in the mean time diverting the Enemy and then marched out in order of battel when Neoptolemus and the Achaeans had now taken part of the Fortifications Whilst the Greeks were busied in plunder they all escaped to the Mount Ida where fortifying themselves the same night others flocked to them out of Dardanus Opyhrynium and the rest of the Trojan Towns expecting till the Enemy satisfied with the destruction of Ilium would draw off and return into his own Country 4. But the Achaeans having wasted the City and lesser Towns provided also to storm the Hills when a Treaty was desired by the Trojans It was there agreed that Aeneas and his Companions with such things as they had should depart out of the Country under safe conduct whereupon he first sent away his eldest son Ascanius with part of his associates whereof the greater number was Phrygians to the Lake Ascanius for that he was desired by the Inhabitants of that Country to be their King He continued not long with them for the Scamandridae with others of the family of Hector now dismissed out of Greece by Neoptolemus the son of Achilles coming to him he returned with them to Troy and restored them to their Father's Principality Aeneas with the rest of his children Anchises his Father and his houshold passed over the Hellespont into a Peninsula called Pallene whence he sailed to to the Island Delus thence to another named Cythera over against Peloponnesus Touching at the promontory Cinaethium so called for that Cinathus a Trojan was here buried they renewed their friendship with the Arcadians their kinsfolk and passed on to the Island Zacynthus which was so named from Zacynthus one of the sons of Dardanus Thence they came to Actium and so to Ambraciae from which Bay Anchises directed his course towards Batrotus an Haven of Epirus and Aeneas by land went two dayes journey to the Oracle of Dodoria which having consulted about new Seats in four dayes he came to the Navy at Batrotus From this Haven sailing towards Italy they touched upon some parts thereof but passing into the Straights of Sicilie they fell also upon that Island where leaving part of their Company they passed over and landed at Laurentum the place appointed to put an end to these wandrings This account Dionysius giveth us as most probable amongst others which he briefly toucheth Alexander the Ephesian as he is cited by Aurelius Victor wrote that Ilium being betrayed by Antenor Aeneas took his Father upon his back with his gods and his little son in his hand and thus loaded made towards Ida whither being suffered to come by the Greeks who were much moved at his piety he there built ships and by the advice of an Oracle came into Italy The piety of Aeneas is much spoken of and commended by many and amongst others by the pen of Xenophon that Attick Muse but some wrote that he joyned with Antenor in betraying the City 5. The Trojans landing at Laurentum there pitched their Tents in the place called Troy from this occasion distant from the Sea about half a mile Dionys l. 1. Livius l. 1. Taking their dinner on the ground some laid their meat on Parsley that there grew or as some said on crusts of Bread which afterwards they did also eat up and then understood that they had fulfilled the Oracle which bad them go so far Westward as till they should eat up their Tables and then take the conduct of a Sow which they should follow till she lay down and in that very place build a City Now was Latinus busie in War against the Rutuli his neighbours as some wrote he was first overcome by Aeneas and then made peace with him but others say he first sent to expostulate the injury offered him by these strangers in the invasion of his Kingdom and then understanding who they were agreed to give them all the ground lying five miles about the Hill where the Sow lay down upon their ingagement to assist him in his War against the Rutuli This accord made and Hostages delivered on both sides they soon utterly subdued the Rutuli and then built up the Trojan City which was called Lavinium as the Romans said Nam te jam septima portat Omnibus errantem terris fluctibus astaâ— Aen. 1. A. M. 3824. from the daughter of Latinus Virgil too much indulging his Poetick fancie in imitation of Homer bringeth Aeneas into Italy not till the eighth year after the destruction of Troy But Dionysius and Solinus out of the Annals of Cassius Haemina write that he arrived at Laurentum in the second year and the later saith with no more than 600 followers Aeneas succeedeth Latinus 6. Aeneas in the third year after his departure from Troy and the second of his abode in Italy reigned onely over the Trojans but the next brought him also the Kingdom of the Aborigines by the right of his wife Lavinia daughter to Latinus now deceased and the favour he had purchased of this people by his conduct against the Rutuli For they had again revolted through the procurement of a certain fugitive named Turnus who being the Nephew of Amata Latinus his wife out of indignation that a stranger should be preferred to the marriage of Lavinia before him at the instigation of Amata and others revolted to the Rutuli with a party of men which he commanded Livie maketh him King of the Rutuli and to have made War upon Latinus because he had first made him a promise of his daughter The Aborigines had the victory but lost Latinus in the battel Dionysius saith that Turuus was now also slain with many others but Livie will have him again to renew the War and to call in Mezentius King of the Hetruscans who was already jealous of the growing power of the Greeks Aeneas to oblige his new Subjects caused both them and his own Country-men to be called by the common name of Latini but ingaging in another great and bloody battel with Mezentius which night onely interrupted he was never seen more by some thought to be taken up to Heaven and by others drowned in the River Numicon This happened to him in the fourth year of his reign over the Latines and the seventh after the destruction of Troy He was honoured by
purchased the favour of the poorer sort by dividing unto them man by man that portion of Land which the two former Kings had kept to bear their charges saying that his own inheritance would suffice for his own expences Lest these should want room he took in the Hill Caelius where such as wanted habitation and now had gotten grounds built them houses and he also dwelt himself He was not onely of a different temper from Numa but as Livie describeth him more fiery than Romulus being as well moved by his proper inclination as the glory of his Grand-father so that he sought and greedily imbraced all occasions for War It was not long ere one was presented from the Albans who made depredations in the Roman Territories His War with the Albans and were again robbed by the Romans At that time Caius Cluilius Governed Alba who envying the growth of Rome sought to stir up division and raise War betwixt the two Cities Dionysius writeth that for this end he privately procured some to prey upon the Romans knowing they would revenge the injury and when they did so upon such as they could take he perswaded the Albans that they had received a great affront and excited them to take up Arms. 18. Ambassadors were sent to Rome to demand restitution Dionysius l. 3. Livius l. 1. and such as had been Authors of the injury to be given up into their hands This Hostilius being aware of and knowing that they who first refused to make satisfaction would bear the Odium of the War caused some of his friends kindly to entertain the Ambassadors pretending he was by necessary occasions hindred from giving them audience till he first sent some of his own to Alba to demand restitution They received a sharp repulse from Cluilius whereof Hostilius having notice then gave audience to the Albans told them how those that he sent had already received such an answer as argued the league quite broken whereupon he denounced a just and necessary War against the Albans which he would carry on not onely with his domestick forces but by the aid of his other subjects and dependents Both parties then made all possible preparations and drew out their forces to a place afterwards called the Ditch of Cluilius some five miles distant from Rome When they expected suddenly to decide the quarrel Cluilius was found dead in his Tent whether by some secret practice upon himself by grief or any other means is uncertain Into his place was chosen Metius Suffetius a man of a turbulent spirit and scarce able for warlike matters but thought fit for the place because as great an incendiary as his predecessor Yet sensible of danger that hung over his head from the Fidenates who gaped after the destruction of both he drew out the War in length and fearful to lose all was inclinable to a present composure Hostilius was now also not averse to a determination of the businesse being desirous to punish the Fidenates and Veientes who formerly overcome by Romulus had submitted to the obedience of Rome and in the dayes of Numa taken occasion of his peaceable Grovernment to provide for the absolute shaking off of the yoak This time they thought to present them with a fit opportunity for gathering together at Fidenae they were ready when the Albans and Romans should in battel have weakened each other to fall upon both 19. This plot discovered wrought so upon both the Captains that they came to a conference wherein much being alleged for the justice and right of both parties at length it was agreed that three persons on each side should by combat decide the quarrel and that City whose Champions should have the better obtain preheminence and command over the other Whiles every Officer desired to be one of the three Suffetius bethought himself of two ternions of brothers that were most fit as he thought to take it upon them One Seguinius of Alba had two daughters whereof one he married to Curiatius his fellow Citizen The Horatii and Curiatii and the other to Horatus a Roman It hapened that both being with child at the same time brought forth each of them three sons at the first birth which their Parents educated as the hope of their Families to these it was that Suffetius thought the Combat concerning Principality was to be committed being of equal years strength and courage The motion was imbraced by the parties who dispensed with their private affection no whit unsuitable to their consanguinity now that the honour and welfare of their Country was concerned In the Combat two of the Horatii were slain first and the third left to deal with three adversaries spirited afresh by the great advantage they had of him but warily retreating so as he might have but one upon him at a time he slew them all and Rome in him remained Conqueror As he returned into the City he was met by his Sister that fell upon him with chiding and outragious words for imbruing his hands in the blood of his Cousin-germans whereof one was contracted to her Now elevated by his successe and transported with a certain kind of Ecstatical love to his Country he killed her in the place as one that preferring private respect before publick good was unworthy to live Hereof he was accused and Tullus neither thinking it seemly to quit or condemn him as same say created the Duumviri for capital Judgement who condemed him but if so there lying appeal from these Officers to the People the multitude granted his life to the tears of his Father who not onely took not ill his daughters death but esteemed it an heroick act and gave her an ignominious burial 20. Hostilius dealt moderately with the Albans but Metius Suffetius their Dictator or King thinking his credit much impaired by the event of the Combat sought how he might betray the Romans and wrest the power out of their hands He dealt therefore underhand with the Fidenates and Veientes who now called to account for their double-dealings brake out into open rebellion and by promise of assistance incouraged them in their enterprize And when the Romans and the other came to ingage he resolved to stand neuter till he saw wich party had the better intending then to cloze with it The Romans were discouraged to see their friends stand aloof suspecting the treachery which Tullus also apprehending gave out that it was by his order as meaning by some stratagem to surprize the Enemy upon which report the Fidenates and their companions were discouraged and at length by the Romans who resumed their courage put to the rout After the Victory he called the Albans together and laying open the treachery of Suffetius which savoured the more of Treason because he had trusted him as his inward friend and kept him three years in his place caused him to be pulled in pieces having beforehand sent Marcus Horatius to Alba who rased the City and translated the Inhabitants
was said to belong to their Masters But in processe of time when the Romans degenerated from their former worth and honour some by Roberies others by breaking of houses and other villanies got money whereby they purchased their freedom Some by helping their Masters in these things obtained liberty as a reward others on condition to let them enjoy the monthly allowance of Corn out of the publick purse or other Largesses conferred by Princes upon poor Citizens Sometimes they were manumitted through the levity and vain-glory of their Lords some having by their Testaments set at liberty all their Slaves to obtain a fame of clemency after their death and that their Funerals might be celebrated by a great train of such as wore caps upon that occasion in which pomp a thousand Rogues have been seen who much better deserved hanging This was laid to the charge of the Mistresse of the World that challenging the Empire over all she should defile her self with such impure Citizens which custom might have been reformed as Dionysius observeth by the care of the Censors who inquiring into the lives of Senators and Knights never considered what persons were unfit to be admitted Free-men 36. Tullus not onely clipped the power of the Patritians and Senate but took away half of the King's Prerogative also Whereas the former Princes called before themselves all controversies Tullius clipeth the King's power and took cognisance of crimes as well committed against particular persons as the publick he separated these causes making himself Judge of such as respected the Commonwealth and referring the quarrels of private persons unto others to whom he prescribed Laws and Rules for to go by After he had thus ordered the Common-wealth he caused the Latines to build a Temple at Rome to Diana upon the Aventine hill whereat they should meet and feast every year and so preserve themselves as one body politick in unity and concord If any controversie arose betwixt particular Towns it was to be decided by the judgement of others in such a manner as the Amphyctiones in Greece were wont to proceed the Council of the Ionians at the Temple of Ephesus and that of the Dorienses in the Temple of Apolla built by common consent at Epitropium These things were done by Tullius at home according to Dionysius Livie and others to which we may add from Pliny that he first stamped money with the image of Cattel whence it was called Pecunia whereas the Romans before his time used it in a rude lump or Masse As for his actions abroad he warred with the Hetruscans 20 years who refused to obey him as an obscure man and renounced the league formerly made In all battels both with the united Nation and particular Cities he ever had the better triumphed over them thrice and at length forced them to submit to the yoak on the same terms as formerly Tarquinius had imposed it except that from three Towns that had been principal in the revolt hee took part of their grounds which he divided to those that had newly been made free of the City Is murdered by his son in Law and his own daughter Having done these things at home and abroad when he was grown old and not far from the natural period of his life he perished by the devices of Tarquinius his son in law and of his own daughter 37. Tullius had two daughters by his wife Tarquinia which he married to their two Cousin-germans the grand-sons of Tarquinius joyning them in wedlock according to their age as he thought it most equal and convenient But it hapned that they were matched together with those of dispositions clean contrary to one another Lucius the elder a man of a bold arrogant and tyrannical nature had an honest modest wife and one most dutiful towards her Father on the contrary Aruns Tarquinius the younger being of a mild and sweet disposition light on a wicked woman one of a bitter spirit against her Father ready for to attempt any thing Lucius breaking out into passion against his Father in Law for keeping the Kingdom from him was still appeased by his wife but Aruns being content to stay his time and averse to any thing that might favour of disrespect to Tullius was importuned ever and disquieted by his wive's earnest and tedious sollicitations to attempt the utmost though with the destruction of her Father for the obtaining of the Soveraignty This woman being impatient of her husband's backwardnesse and bewitched by the fury of ambition resolved to change husbands if it might be and match her self to the other Tarquin who suited well with her own humor she brake her mind to Lucius telling him of what a sordid spirit they were to suffer an Usurper so long to possess their Patrimony railing against her own husband as a man of a poor and degenerate disposition and at length made a profer for them two to dispatch out of the way their present unequal yoak-fellows and then unite themselves in that relation thereby to bring about their noble and gallant design He was not backward to a compliance and the device was accordingly brought about after which they resolved by force to expel Tullius from the Kingdom if hee would not give place on his own accord raising a faction of the Patritians that were discontented with the King 's new modelling of the State and the poorest Plebeians whose assistance they purchased openly without any respect to right or modesty Tullius was not ignorant what they intended and feared also to be destroyed ere hee could provide for his defence yet thinking it an unseemly thing to make War upon his son in Law and his own daughter and punish them as Enemies he indeavourd by fair means to take them off before their Friends blaming admonishing and dehorting Tarquinius from the intended injury 38. Effecting nothing hereby but the other saying he would plead his cause in the Senate he called together the Fathers and gave him liberty to speak Tarquin laid his claim to the Kingdom as his Grand-fathers Heir and alleged that Tullius kept it from him unjustly having got all his preferment from their family and obtained the place illegally without the consent of the Senate Tullius replied that the Kingdom was in the power of the People to dispose of it to whomsoever they would which he proved from the example of Tarquinius Priscus who being a stranger was preferred before the Marcii He mentioned how well he had deserved of him by protecting and taking care of him in his minority and as for his coming to the Government without the ordinary assent of the Senate that concerned the Fathers and not him He then appealed to the Senate whether ever he had wronged or carried himself arrogantly towards any of them that they should conspire with his son in Law against him and in conclusion told them that if they thought Tarquinius the fitter man he should not be against the profit of the Commonwealth
or say some went her self to the City desiring they would call together some friends for that a matter of great importance had befallen her With Lucretius came Publius Valerius and with Collatinus Junius Brutus who finding her in her chamber in a sad and afflicted condition Lucretia killeth her self she told them the whole matter refused to admit any comfort and intreating them to revenge her cause upon the Author of her sorrow stabbed her self to the heart before them with a knife she had kept close about her for that purpose Junius Brutus 46. Lucius Junitus Sirnamed Brutus was the son of Marcus Junius who being descended from one of the Companions of Aeneas and for his Virtue very eminent amongst the Romans married Tarquinia the daughter of Tarquinius Priscus of which he begat this Lucius This Lucius was nobly educated instructed in all disciplines of the City and of a pregnant wit But after that Tarquin had privily murdered his Father not for any offence but to possesse his great estate as he did several others and with him his eldest brother who seemed to bear such a mind as would revenge the injury he being young and destitute of any assistance from his kindred counterfeited himself a fool which he acted all along and thence had the Sirname of Brutus this being the sole remedy against the cruelty of the Tyrant who thinking his folly not feigned but real despised the man and having spoiled him of his Patrimony kept him as an Idiot in his house and suffered him to converse with his children not out of respect as a kinsman but to make them sport by his ridiculous words and actions as true Idiots are wont to do On a time a great Pestilence having seized on the City he sent him to Delphos with his two sons Sextus and Titus to consult the Oracle They were glad they had him to make them merry laughed at him for offering to Apollo a wooden staff wherein yet he had secretly put some gold having made it hollow for that purpose Having privately enquired which of them should be Prince of Rome it was answered he who first of all should kisse his Mother which the young men misunderstanding agreed betwixt themselves that at their return they would do it and so reign joyntly together but Brutus as soon as they arrived in Italy knowing the meaning of the Oracle fell and kissed the Earth which is mother of all When under the Vizard of a Fool he waited for an opportunity to revenge himself and family upon Tarquin this disaster of Lucretia at length presented it self 47. Being sent for beforehand or coming in with Collatinus his kinsman after the death of Lucretia as Dionysius writeth while her husband and friends were lamenting over the dead body he told them it was not time now to weep but to study how to revenge the injury He acquainted them with the cause of his assuming the name and behaviour of an Idiot and manifesting himself to be a most cunning man desired they might unanimously joyn for the expulsion of Tarquinius and his friends from the City He urgeth the banishment of Tarquin speaking many things efficacious to perswade them to it Finding every one very ready he said there was no need of words and promises but real deeds if they meant to perform any thing and that he first would begin Then went he to the dead body and taking the bloody knife in his hand sware by Mars and the rest of their gods to cast out Tarquinius Superbus with his wicked wife and progeny to prosecute them or their friends with fire and sword or any other way and never after that to suffer the Tarquins or any other to reign in Rome He made them all successively take the same Oath then for the way how to bring the matter about said the gates of the City should be safely kept that the King might not hear the least word till he who was Prince of the Sacrificers should as he might by his place assemble the people to which the dead body being exhibited and Lucretius with Collatinus deploring their condition they might procure the banishent of Tarquin by a publick decree that should be presently dispatched to the Army for it's concurrence 48. But before Tarquinius should be removed they thought it wisdom to consider what Magistracy was fit to succeed his lest they should pull down the present dwelling before another house was prepared Some were for Monarchy as indeed the best of Governments others for Aristocracy or the rule of the Senate and others would have the whole power put into the hands of the People each party bringing examples of good Government in the several kinds Brutus said the time was straight and these matters required mature deliberation which neither at length could produce such a form as would be void of all inconveniences he said he hoped that after the expulsion of the Tyrants they should have leisure to consider how they might best reform the Commonwealth if any better way could be found out than what Romulus Pompilius and the other Kings had chalked out to them wherein proceeding till Tarquin forsook the path the City had been happy and famous both for it's acts abroad and constitutions at home This he could not for shame denie yet however he thought those incommodities as he called them Prescribeth a new model of Government had procured the Kingly power to degenerate into tyranny and therefore were at present to be abolished and to be taken heed of for the time to come As first Dionysius because some men made a great matter of very names he thought that of a Kingdom was to be left and the other of Commonwealth to be assumed so that for the title of King and Monarch some more modest and popular was to be invented Then the regal power he iudged not safely to be intrusted with a single person but that two were to be chosen who should govern with equal command and authority and so be a counter-poise each to other Of all royal ensignes or ornaments such as procured the envy and grudge of the People were to be laid aside viz. Scepters golden Crowns and Purple Robes of Cloath of gold except upon Festival dayes and in triumphal pompes which rare use of them would not be at all spoken against but as for the Ivory Chair in which they sate in Judgment with the white Robe edged with purple called Praetexta and the twelve Lictors or Sargeants bearing Rods and Axes they were to be continued He added that the main thing to keep these his Magistrates in order was to prevent their perpetual power which would keep them from giving account of their actions wherefore he thought fit their Magistracy after the manner of Athens should be but Annual that so each one might learn as well to be subject as to govern and this would preserve the mind from being drunk with too much liberty Lastly that
first obtaining the Kingdom of Media 5. What time passed from the Conquest of Babylon and the beginning of his Monarchy unto his death is controverted amongst learned Writers Some reckon ten years or thereabouts and others but three of which number was once Joseph Scaliger who afterwards retracted it as an error but Ludovicus Cappellus hath renewed the assertion making it probable by arguments drawn from Scripture who therefore is to be consulted in his sacred * In notis ad Tab. 13. Chronology His issue Cyrus had issue two sons Cambyses and Smerdis or Tanaoxares with three daughters Atossa Meroe and Artystona to which Ctesias addeth Amytis Atossa and Meroe their brother Cambyses afterwards married and Darius Hystaspis obtained Artystona as also Atossa after the death of Cambyses Of the two sons to Cambyses he left his Kingdom and to Smerdis or Tanaoxares assigned the Government of Media Armenia and the Cadusians according to Xenophon Cambyses maketh War upon Egypt 6. Cambyses presently after he came to the Government made all possible provision for a War with Egypt the cause whereof is to be enquired after Herodotus telleth a story how he sent to Amasis King of that Countrey to desire his daughter Nitetis in marriage Lib. 3. cap. 1. which he not daring to deny because of the then formidable power of the Persians and not willing to gratifie him absolutely for that he conceived his daughter would be entertained but as a Concubine he found out a way as he thought to satisfie Cambyses A. M. 3476. Olymp. c. 2. an 4. V.C. 225. Cambysis 1. and yet keep his daughter There was one of Apries his predecessor's daughters yet unmarried her he sent to him under the name of his own who when she had sufficiently ingratiated her self with Cambyses told him how indeed she was nothing a kin to Amasis but begotten by his Lord and Master whereat the Persian conceived such indignation that to be revenged on him he invaded Aegypt But that which moved Cambyses to send for this woman seemeth something strange He had formerly desired from Amasis a Physician for the eyes the best that could be procured in Aegypt wherewith he gratifying him the man took it so ill of Amasis to be sent out of his native Country that in way of revenge he moved the matter to Cambyses concluding with himself that the King of Aegypt would not send his own daughter This was the saying of the Persians which Herodotus rather approveth than what the Aegyptians alleged that Cambryses was son to Nitetis the daughter of Apries and that the Persians ascribed that to the Son which beonged to the Father Vide Polyaenum lib. 8. because they would have Cambyses born of Cassanâ—ane the daughter of Pharnaspes of the noble race of Achaemenes and yet he confesseth there was a report that besides Cassandane Cyrus kept Nitetis as his Concubine whom he most affected and that to revenge his mother upon her Cambyses when but young threatned and after his Father's death made War upon Aeâ—ypt However things might go in reference to the daughter of Apries Cambyses seemeth to have invaded that Kingdom upon pretence of the right he had to it as Heir by conquest to Nebuchaâ—nesar who subdued it though it revolted from his Successors which might be concealed from Herodotus by the Priests who spared not to invent lyes for a cover to the disgrace of their Country 7. While Cambyses was yet busie in his preparations Vide Herod l. 3. cap. 4 c. one Phanes an Halycarnassaean by birth taking something in distaste from Amasis whom he served fled out of Aegypt by ship and coming into Persia advised this King that for his better passage of the sandy Desarts he should send to the King of the Arabians for sale conduct who being no good friend to the Aegyptian Passâ—th throâ—gh the Sâ—ndie Desarts came and met him with Camels bearing abundance of water which was necessary for the sustenance of the Army in that hot and dry place Ere Cambyses could arrive in Aegypt Amasis had prevented captivity by a natural death and Psammenâ—tus his son having succeeded him expected his coming at Pelusium one of the mouths of Nile Here a battel being fought the Aegyptians were overthrown and fled to Memphis whither Cambyses sent after them to yield up themselves to him but they tare in pieces the messengers and then being besieged stood out for some time but at length the City was taken Conquereth Aegypt Psammenitus had his son put to death before his eyes to try his patience though the Conquerour too late repented of it and had given him his life with the Kingdom to govern as a Province had he not attempted new matters for which he was forced to drink Bulls blood and so died having reigned six moneths after his Father His extravagant practices 8. This work done in Aegypt Cambyses betook himself to extravagant practices The dead body of Amasis he caused to be brought forth to be beaten pinched and then burnt contrary to the practice as well of the Persians as Aegyptians who abhorred such a thing because the former accounted Fire a god the later a ravenous beast perishing with the thing devoured by it Then resolved he to make a three-fold War One upon the Carthaginians another upon the Ammonians or the Inhabitants of the place situate about the Temple of Jupiter Hammon and the third against the long-lived Aethiopians who inhabited Africk near to the Southern Sea He resolved to send a Fleet against the Carthaginians an Army of Foot against the Ammonians and as for the Aethiopians he would first send to discover their Country While his Messengers were dispatching towards Aethiopia he gave order to the Phoenicians who having yielded themselves were his onely strength at Sea to fight against Carthaâ—e which they flatly refused because that City was a Colony of their own and thereby this design was dâ—shed After the return of his messengers who brought him word how he was slighted by the Aethiopian King in great rage and haste he set forwards against him without all thought of victualling his Army commanding all his foot to follow His fruitlesse Expeditions except the Graecians When he was come to Thebes he sent about 50000 men against the Ammonians with command after they had spoiled them to burn the Temple and so he marched on with the rest of the Army But ere he had passed the fifth part of his journy all provisions failed and all the beasts that carried burthens were eaten up yet did he not now recollect himself but proceeded till they were constrained to eat up every tenth man and then returned he with great losse and disgrace to Memphis where he dismissed the Greeks from his service The forces sent against the Ammonians never reached thither neither ever returned being all overwhelmed as was reported in the Sandy Wildernesse 9. Cambyses at his return to Memphis found
years or 20 with odd moneths Xerxes murdered though some there be that cut off nine years from that number Usher Their ground is for that Themistocles the Athenian being banished his Country came to Artaxerxes then the new King of Persia according to Thucydides so that Xerxes must at that time have been dead Now the same Author placeth this flight of Themistocles betwixt the Siege of Naxus which the Athenians subdued and the former exploits of Cimon so that his Expedition must have happened also not in the dayes of Xerxes as we have fixed it according to Diodorus but in the reign of Artaxerxes his successor and Eusebius placing the flight of Themistocles in the fourth year of the 76th Olympiad though Diodorus in the second of the 77th hence it must follow that the beginning of the reign of Artaxerxes must be placed higher by near to nine years The authority of that grave Author is in no wise to be despised yet notwithstanding this shortning of the reign Xerxes which must necessarily follow is not agreeable to the testimony of other Writers especially it is to be considered what difficulty will arise hereby to the Chronology of the sacred story it being most probable that the seventy weeks of Daniel commencing in the seventh year of Artaxerxes end at the death of Jesus Christ which cannot be if their beginning be to be assigned nine years higher This may incline us to believe that some reason Diodorus had who could not but have opportunity to see and compare several histories not to follow Thucydides and make us rather subscribe to the number of years by general consent ascribed unto the reign of Xerxes SECT 3. SECT III. From the death of Xerxes and the beginning of Artaxerxes Longimanus to the death of Artaxerxes Mnemon containing the space of 103 years 1. XERXES left three sons Darius and Artaxerxes Diodorus ibid. both of them at the time of his death resident in his Court and Hystaspes who was absent in his Government of Bactria See Justin Artabanus having murdered their Father presently in the dead time of the night went to Artaxerxes and made him believe that his elder brother Darius had made him away out of ambition to reign himself counselled him to provide for his own safety and honour Artaxerxes before he should establish himself and offered him the guard to rid him of him whereby he being perswaded sent and slew his brother When this was done Artabanus called his sons together telling them this was the time of obtaining the Kingdom and drew his sword with an intention now also to kill Artaxerxes But he being onely lightly wounded laid so about him that he slew him upon the place as we have it from one though others with more reason defer the time of Artabanus his death to whom also seven moneths in the Empire are attributed by * Eusebius In Chron. 2. It is probable that for that time the treason of Artabanus not being discovered or for some reasons winked at he might by a Vicegerency govern the Kingdom By his means came Artaxerxes to it in his youth a Prince of a great spirit and yet of a mild nature Sirnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Longimanus because his right hand was longer than the other in the fourth year of the 78th Olympiad or in the beginning of the 79th Lysitheus being then Archon at Athens A. M. 3540 463 years before the birth of Christ Within a while Artabanus laid in wait for his life also communicating his design to Megabyzus who had married the daughter of Xerxes Ctesias and for her loose life was fallen into a discontent Megabyzus swore secrecie as well as he Artabanus put to death but revealed the whole matter so that Artabanus finding not the same successe as in his other treasons was sent the same way and by the same means with which he intended to dispatch Artaxerxes Now came out the whole truth concerning Xerxes and his son Darius and Spamitres or Aspamitres the Eunuch who was accessary to the murders was tortured to death Justin telleth us how the King fearing the number and power of Artabanus his Sons commanded his Soldiers to be ready armed the next morning both for a muster and to exercise them Amongst the rest appeared he according to his place with whom Artaxerxes desired to change his coat-armour pretending his was too short for him which to do he first putting his off the King took the advantage and ran him thorow with his sword 3. After his death his party being strong great troubles ensued which ended at length in the destruction thereof three of his sons falling in fight and Megabyzus who opposed them being sorely wounded for whom now great lamentation was made through the Court till at length he escaped the danger by the skill and industry of Apollonides the Physician native of the Island Cos. The Bactrians also according to Ctesias revolted with another of the King's Officers named Artabanus who seemeth to have had some other command than over Bactria For we are told elsewhere that Hystaspes the son of Xerxes was Satrapas or Governour of that Province and thence may almost conclude him to have been the principal cause of the revolt out of indignation that being the second brother the youngest of all the three should be preferred before him Two battels were fought in this quarrel in the latter of which the wind being full in the faces of the Bactrians so disturbed them that thereby Artaxerxes became Victor and reduced all that Country into obedience Bactria recovered Diodorus ad Olymp. 79 an 2. Thucyd. lib. 1. Artaxerxes having thus revenged his Father's and Brother's death and brought Artabanus and his complices to condign punishment and recoverd Bactria setled the affairs of his Kingdom He took care of his revenue setled the Militia displaced suspicious Governours of Provinces and carrying all things with much moderation and Justice gained great Authority from his subjects In the mean while the Egyptians hearing of the death of Xerxes and in what disturbance the affairs of the Persians were out of desire to recover their liberty hearkned to the Counsel and perswasions of one Inarus King of Libya the son of Psammetichus so that the greater part of the Countrey revolted and making him their Prince sent about to crave aid The Egyptians revolt and amongst others to the Athenians They thought it their interest to impair all wayes possible the interest of Persia and concluding it not amisse to get some footing in Egypt resolved upon sending three hundred ships and prepared for the setting of them forward with all earnestnesse Artaxerxes hearing on the other hand how things went in Egypt determined to overmatch the revolters in provisions for the War and for that end levied Forces throughout his Dominions Rigged his Fleet and omitted nothing requisite for an expedition of that moment 4. He thought first of going
his name into Dariaeus and was also most commonly called Darius Nothus By the advice of Parysatis his wife he enticed by all means Secundianus to come to him not sparing Oaths or any other wayes to get him into his hands and so far prevailed that though Menostanes the Eunuch counselled Secundianus not to trust himself yet he came to him and being cast into ashes he died the same way as Darius the son of Hystaspes formerly made away his Emulators Jacobus Cappellus though some think this Darius to have been the first inventor of this punishment and that it is falsly ascribed by Valerius Maximus to the son of Hystaspes Then reigned he alone by himself after his brother had reigned six moneths and twenty dayes The three Eunuchs Artoxares Artibarxanes and AthoÌ„us were in great power with him but especially he was advised by his wife His Children by whom he had two Children Amistris a daughter and Arsaces a son called afterwards Artaxerxes before he came to the Kingdom Afterwards he begot of her another son called Cyrus from the Sun and others to the number of 13. But all the rest died young except these two and his fourth son named Oxendras Ctesias Stirs in his time 22. After this Arsites his own brother both by father and mother and Artyphius the son of Megabyzus revolted from him Artasyras was sent with an Army against them who falling upon Artyphius was worsted in two battels but in the third overthrew him and corrupting the Greeks that fought for him drew away all his Company except three Milesians so that upon the Oath of Artasyras for his security for that Arsites could not be found he yielded himself to the King He was minded to put him to death but Parysatis his wife perswaded him to spare him for a time for Arsites seeing him unpunished would also be moved to yield himself and then he might rid himself of them both together which accordingly came to passe both being cast into the ashes though Darius was hardly brought by her perswasions to make away his brother now also Pharnacyas who with Secundianus had slain Xerxes was put to death and Menostanes being apprehended shunned the same punishment by laying violent hands upon himself This Rebellion was followed by the revolt of Pisathnes the Governour of Lydia against whom Tissaphernes and others being sent he met them having in his Army Lycon the Athenian with such Greeks as he had brought with him who being corrupted by the Kings Captains revolted from him so that with fair words he was drawn in and carried to the King who cast him into the ashes and gave his Government to Tissaphernes and the Cities with the regions adjoyning to Lycon for a reward of his treachery After this followed the treason of Artoxares in great power with Darius who conspired about killing him and transferring the Kingdom to himself For this purpose being an Eunuch he caused his wife to make him a beard that he might seem no other than a perfect man but the matter being revealed by her he was delivered up into the hands of Parasytis who put him to death 23. Arsaces afterwards called Artaxerxes the eldest son of Darius married Statira the daughter of Idarnes a man of prime rank amongst the Persians and Terituchmes the son of Idarnes who after his death succeeded in his Government married Amistris daughter to the King She had a sister named Roxana who being very beautifull and well skilled in shooting Terituchmes fell in love with her and having to do with her detested his wife insomuch as he resolved to murder her by the help of 300 men with whom he practised to revolt Whilest he thought hereof one Udiastes a man in great power about him being promised great matters if he could deliver the Kings daughter from so great a danger slew him but the son of this Udiastes who was Armour-bearer to Terituchmes and was not present at his death after he had notice thereof cursed his father and seizing upon the Citie Zaris delivered it up to Terituchmes his son Then did Parysatis bury alive the Mother Brethren and Sisters of Terituchmes and commanded Roxana to be cut in pieces alive Darius would have had her to have made away Statira his daughter-in-law together with the rest but through the importunity of Arsaces her husband she spared her of which Darius told her that afterwards she would sorely repent as it came to passe From the second year of this King * Hist sacr lib. 2. Sulpicius Severus and * Josephus Scaliger Edu Livelaeus Junius many learned men with him count the beginning of the seventy weeks of Daniel ending them with the destruction of Jerusalem because the number of years do agree and the Angel maketh mention of that desolation though nothing be spoken in any place concerning any going out of a Decree during the reign of this Prince from which those weeks must needs have commenced They must needs allow the work now to have been carried on by the sollicitation of the Prophets Haggai and Zachariah which had been interrupted for 115 years ever since the second year of the return of Zerubbabel and Jeshua at which time they began to build But now at this time and before this lived Malachias the last of all the Prophets who exhorts not the people to the building of the Temple as the others did which is an evidence of the finishing of it before but reprehends those corruptions which * Cap. ult Nehemiah in his second Government had observed amongst the Jews viz. marriages with strangers unjust detention of Tithes and corruption of Divine worship And because the succession of Prophets was no more to be expected in the later end of his Prophecie he exhorts the people to keep the Law of Moses untill such time as the great Prophet the Messias should be revealed before whom John Baptist was to come in the spirit and power of Elias The ending of the Canon of holy Scripture is by Eusebius placed in the 32th year of Artaxerxes Longimanus After these Prophets the Hebrews held the men of the great Synagogue to have succeeded but the later Jews reckon the three last Prophets amongst them and Esra as the President of the Council 24. Against this Darius the Medes rebelled but were after some time reduced again into obedience At this time the States of Gâ—eece being plunged deep in the Peloponnesian War Xenoph. Hellenic 10. he made his advantage thereof as much as he could siding with the Lacedaemonians against the Athenians who did him most hurt in Asia both by their great skill and practice in Navigation and being allied to the Ionians whom as their Colonies they helped against him so that much entercourse and great transactions passed betwixt Tissaphernes his Lieutenant and those of Sparta which are involved in the affairs of Greece Idem ibid. Exped Cyri lib. 1. Diodorus ad Olymp. 93. an 1. ad
Talents to provide ships and Conon hoping by this means to do some special service for his Countrey undertook the charge but the Fleet being not yet ready he sayled with fourty Phoenician Vessels into Cilicia Conon the Athenian is made Admiral to Artaxerxes there to set all things in order About the same time the Ionians sent to Lacedaemon to declare to that State that if Caria were invaded in which Tissaphernes his principal seat was there might be hope that he would leave them to their Laws and Liberty This so wrought with the Spartans that the Ephori thereupon sent order to Dercyllidas to lead his forces into that Countrey and to Pharaces their Admiral to sayl thither with his Fleet. Tissaphernes though impeached by Pharnabazus continued in his power 58. Notwithstanding the secret accusations of Pharnabazus Xenoph. Diodorus ut suprà yet still was Tissaphernes trusted by the King and so far as with the Chief power in the War against the Graecians insomuch that Pharnabazus though much against his will was forced to come to him at such time as Dercyllidas invaded Caria He first carried him thither where taking what order their affairs required and re-inforcing their Garrisons they returned into Ionia and Dercyllidas perceiving they had crossed the River Maeander after he had consulted with Pharaces the Admiral about the preservation of the Ionians at that time but naked of defence he also passed the River after them The Persian forces were in number 20000 foor and 10000 horse Dercyllidas his whole Army amounted but to 7000 and though the Peloponnesians well enough behaved themselves yet such as came from Priene and out of the Ionian Cities and Islands had listed themselves under him some of them throwing their Arms into the Corn which grew plentifully by the River took them to their heels and the rest sufficiently evidenced what they would do if they came to fight Yet Tissaphernes having not forgot how such Greeks as followed Cyrus had put them to it and judging all their Country-men to be of the same metal would by no means hear of fighting which Pharnabazus sore pressed him to Dercyllidas maketh an agreement with them but sent to Dercyllidas desiring to come to interview After Hostages given and received on both sides they met and an accommodation was made on these terms That the King should leave all the Greek Cities to their own liberty that the Greekish Forces should all depart out of his dominions with all Lacedaemonian Governours from his Cities and that a truce should be for so long a time till both parties could hear from their Superiours concerning their resolutions herein Then marched away the Armies to their quarters the Persian to Tralles and that of the Greeks to Lexcophrys 59. Notwithstanding this truce entred into by these Captains Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 3. Plutarch Aemilius Probus in Agesilao yet the rigging of a new Fleet went forwards in Phoenicia and nothing do we hear concerning the confirmation of the Treaty by the King It hapning that one Herodas a Syracusan living with a Sea-man in Phoenicia and taking notice how great diligence was used in preparing a Fleet which he heard should be compleated to the number of 300 Vessels he took the first opportunity of a ship and sailed into Greece giving notice that such a Navy was providing by the King and Tissaphernes though he knew not as he said upon what design The Lacedaeminians hereat startled began to look about them when Agesilaus one of their Kings through the perswasion of Lysander offered himself to undertake an Expedition into Asia against the Persian provided they would send with him thirty of his choosing by whose advice he might manage affairs Agesilaus the Lacedaemoninn King invadeth Asia give him 2000 men from home and 6000 more of the associates which being granted him together with provisions for half a year he sailed with Lysander who had procured himself to be one of the 300 hoping by this means to restore the Decemvirates in the Asian Cities which he having erected the Ephori had again dissolved unto Ephesus with such speed that he landed his Forces before the Persian Lieutenants knew so much as of his coming and thereby took them at unawares 60. At Ephesus he raised new Forces to the number of 4000 Xenoph. ibid. in Agesilao cum Plutarcho Aemilio Probo sive Cor. Nepot and increased his Army to 10000 Foot and 400 Horse with which he took the field a great company of rascally men not inferiour in number to the other following the Camp out of greedinesse for prey Tissaphernes sent to him to know the cause of his coming into Asia to whom he answered that it was to restore the Greek Cities to their liberty to which the other replyed desiring a cessation of Arms for so long a time as he could send to the King hoping to obtain from him that which he required Agesilaus gave little credit to his bare word thinking as indeed it was that he protracted onely the time but swearing most solemnly that without any deceit he would do what in him lay to procure a Peace he also upon this condition sware to hold the Truce but Tissaphernes having little regard of his oath sent onely to the King for new forces to joyn with his old ones which though Agesilaus sufficiently knew yet kept he his Faith inviolable in preservation of the Truce and when he denounced war against him except he would forthwith quit Asia he gave notice thereof joyfully to his Soldiers and sent to the Ionians Aeolians and the Greeks living upon the Hellespont to dispatch their supplies unto Ephesus Contrary then to the expectation of Tissaphernes who thought he would have made for Caria he invaded Phrygia where setting upon the Cities at unawares he got much booty and without any losse came to the confines of Daschylium where his Forlorn-hope meeting with a Party of Horse belonging to Pharnabazus were worsted losing twelve Men and two Horses till he with the Infantry coming in to their relief the Barbarians retired with the losse of one Man and Agesilaus spending the greatest part of Summer in wasting Phrygia marched back with his Army mightily inriched came back in Autumn unto Ephesus where he took up his Winter quarters Diodorus ad Olymp. 96. ann 1. 61. Whilst the Lacedaemonians thus acted in Asia against Artaxerxes that they might strengthen their interest abroad they sent to Nephereus the King of Aegypt which now for a good space had revolted from the Persian Empire to procure him to joyn with them in the War who sent them 100 Gallies and 500000 measures of Wheat for a supplie Pharax then with a Navie consisting of 120 Sail departing from Rhodes sailed to Caunus where he set upon Conon who there had forty Ships lying at anchor but Artaphernes and Pharnabazus coming in to the relief of the Ships and Place with great Forces he
this was known at Athens they also sent Conon and others to him and with them joyned several other States as the Boeotians Corinthians and Argives Antalcidas sent from the Spartans to Artaxerxes who were weary of the power of the Spartans Antalcides declared how those that sent him were ready to imbrace a Peace upon such terms as the King pleased for that they would no longer contend with him about the Greek Cities in Asia thinking it sufficient that the rest which were elsewhere situated might be left to their own Laws and liberty he also laboured earnestly to render Conon suspected to the King alleging that at the King 's cost he onely promoted the affairs of his own Country seeking with his Forces to obtain as many Cities as he could for the Athenians to whom under-hand he went about to restore Ionia and Aeolia also This offer concerning the leaving of the Greek Cities to the King's disposal so nearly concerned his affairs that the other Ambassadors in no case admitting it for private respects returned home without any thing concluded of and though Teribazus durst not without commission joyn himself to the Lacedaemonians yet gave he privately monies to Antaclidas to enable them to build a Fleet wherewithall to constrain their adversaries to submit to an accommodation and laying hold of Conon committed him to custody till such time as going himself to the King he might know his pleasure concerning these things 71. Some have reported how Conon was carryed to the King Isocrat in Panegyr Aemil. Probus in Conone Diodorus ad Olymp. 97. ann 3. and by him put to death but others that he made an escape Whilst Teribazus was yet with the King he sent Struthas into Asia the lesse to take care of the Sea-Coasts who shewing himself very bitter against the Lacedaemonians for the evils which the Provinces had suffered of Agesilaus and favourable upon that account to the Athenians the Spartans sent over Thymbro to make War upon him He with 8000 men took Coressus the high hill some five miles distant from Ephesus whence he made excursions into the King's Dominions but Struthas lying not far from him with a great power of Horse besides Foot at such time as with a Party he was ranging about for booty fell upon him killed him amongst many others and putting the rest to flight took many the other securing themselves where they might best do it Xenoph. ut supra The year after the Lacedaemonians sending Ecdicus to the aid of the exiles of Rhodes with eight ships dispatched away with him one Diphridas with order to passe into Asia there to gather up the remnant of the Forces with which and as many more as he could raise he was to protect those Cities which had received Thymbro and to grapple with Struthas He acted accordingly and so ordered his affairs that he proved hard enough for Struthas and amongst other commendable actions took prisoner Tigranes his Son in Law as he was going with his wife to Sardis whom releasing for a great ransome he seasonably made use of the money for the payment of his Soldiers 72. Whilst these things passed betwixt Artaxerxes and the Common-wealth of Sparta he was also imployed about the affaires of Cyprus Diodorus ad an 2. Olymp. 97. Isocrates â—in Evagora which he strove to get into his hands There was in that Island one Evagoras of great birth being descended from those who first built Salamine the principal City therein who being lately expelled through a Sedition returned with a little force of Auxiliaries Artaxerxes looketh after Cyprus and expelling Abdemon the Tyrian who then had the power over the City and a great friend of the King of Persia made himself King of Salamine and within a short time growing very rich gathered forces and by the help of his son Protagoras subdued almost the whole Island But the Amathusians with the Solians and Citians stood out against him and by their Ambassadors sollicited Artaxerxes for aid accusing Evagoras for the death of Agyres who had been confederate with the King and offering him their help for the possessing himself of the whole Island He being jealous of the growth of Evagoras and considering how convenient this Island might be by reason of its situation for the promoting of his affairs at Sea by vvhich especially Asia could be defended resolved to assist them and dismissing the Ambassadors to their content gave order to the Cities upon the Sea-Coasts to build ships vvith all speed he himself travelling into the upper Provinces for the raising of a great Land Army 73. Till he had composed matters with the Graecians no considerable thing could he attempt upon Cyprus and though they favoured the cause of Evagoras in opposition to him yet their enmity one against another hindred that effect which their Union might have produced to the great impairment of his affairs The Athenians sent ten ships to the aid of Evagoras Xenoph. ut suprà but it hapning that Teleutias being sent by the Lacedaemonians at that time to succeed Ecdicus in the Fleet and to defend their interest in Asia Diodorus ad annum 2. Olymp 98. Plutarch in Artaxerxe met with them and intercepted them all whereby it hapned that those who were Enemies to Artaxerxes overthrew those who went to make War against him After this these two Commonwealths contending sore with each other at Sea to their mutual damage Antalcidas concludeth a peace with him at length Antalcidas was sent by the Lacedaemonians to the Government of the Fleet because they knew him to be in great grace with Teribazus He coming to Ephesus left Nicolochus his Lieutenant and according to his private instructions went with Teribazus to Artaxerxes about a peace towards whom he so behaved himself to please him casting off the Spartan gravity and not refusing to dance before him that the King who before could not endure the Spartans as counting them the most impudent of all men imbraced him with singular respect and courtesie 74. He concluded of a peace with him for the Lacedaemonian State Xenoph. Hellen lib. 5. Diodorus Plutarch ut priùs in case the other Graecians would not consent to such overtures as the King made and returned with Teribazus who giving notice that all who would might accept of the conditions which his master proposed they dispatched their several Deputies to him He shewing them the Kings Seals opened the Letters wherein was contained that Artaxernes the King accounted it meet that the Cities in Asia and the Islands Clazomenae since joyned to the Continent and Cyprus should be under his Dominion as for the other Greek Cities both great and small that they should be left to their own liberty except Lemnus Imbrus and Scyrus which having been subject to the Athenians time out of mind be thought it reasonable they should so continue Those that should not receive this peace he with the rest who would embrace
it would prosecute with War to his utmost power both at Sea and Land The Ambassadors went home and made report of what was proposed to the several Commonwealths who grudged it much that the Cities of Asia for whose liberty Agesilaus had taken so much pains should be so unworthily again betrayed But being necessitated to submit they accepted of the conditions and the peace was sworn to at length by all Greece in the second year of the 96th Olympiad A. M. 3618. and the 18th year of Artaxerxes A. M. 3618. 75. Artaxerxes being thus freed from this tedious controversie with the Graecians set himself to a preparation for the Wars of Cyprus Diodorus l. 16. ad Olymp. 98. ann 3. from which as yet he had been diverted Evagoras by this time through the assistance of Chabrias whom the Athenians had sent to his aid with 800 Peltasts and ten Gallies had brought under the whole Island having got together also a most numerous Army whilest the King was kept in play by the Graecians For he entred into society with Acoris King of Egypt Artaxerxes turneth his forces from the Graecians against Cyprus who furnished him with great store of money and Hecatomnus the Viceroy of Caria under-hand supplied him with some for the hiring of forein Souldiers and the King of Arabia with others who bore no good will to Artaxerxes sent a great power of men He had in a readinesse 90 Gallies whereof twenty lay at Tyre in Phoenicia which with other Cities he had got into his hands and the rest anchored readily furnished before Cyprus The King gathered together both his Land and Sea forces the former consisting of 300000 men and the later of 300 Gallies Over his Land Army he appointed General Orontes his son-in-law and Teribazus Admiral of his Navy who taking up their forces out of Phocaea and Cuma marched down into Cilicia whence passing over into Cyprus with great industry they began the War 76. Evagoras having 6000 men of his own many more Auxiliaries and having hired a great force of strangers over and above money being very plentifull with him first with his Pinnaces well Armed set upon the Enemies ships as they brought in provisions whereof some he took others he sunk or chaced away Hereby it came to passe that no Commodities being imported into the Island a great dearth ensued in the Persian Camp and hereby a mutiny of the Souldiers especially of the mercenaries who fell upon their Officers and killed some of them This put Glos the Admiral upon a resolution to sayl with the whole Fleet into Cilicia whence he brought sufficient supply which Evagoras seeing and considering his Navy to be far inferiour to the Persian he got ready other sixty ships and procuring fifty more from Acoris who readily furnished him with all things necessary for the War he made up his Fleet 200 sayl Getteth a victory at Sea against Evagoras Then exercised he his men often to prepare them for a fight and that to the terror of the Enemy who beheld it and at length as the Persian Fleet sayled by Citium he fell upon it taking some Vessels and sinking others but the Admiral and other Commanders standing close to their tackling a sharp conflict ensued in which though Evagoras at the first prevailed yet Glos with all his power and with great earnestnesse and valour grapling with him he was at length after great losse put to flight 77. The Persians after this victory mustered all their forces both by Sea and Land at Citium and presently both wayes laid siege to Salamine Now Evagoras though he had had the better of it formerly in some sallies out upon the besiegers cooled in his courage after this defeat Though the siege was very straight and pressing yet resolving to continue the War he left his son Pythagoras for the defence of the Citie with full Authority and departed by night with ten Gallies into Egypt where he laboured hard with Acoris the King to perswade him to carry on the War with him and that with all his power He granted him some money Diodorus ad ann 4. Olymp. 98. but for that he was discouraged by the late defeat nothing according to his expectation so that returning and finding the Citie very much straightned and himself destitute of succour he was forced to send about an accommodation Teribazus offered his consent upon these terms that quitting all the Cities except Salamine he should for that pay a yearly Tribute to the King and be at his command as a servant to his Lord which though hard he consented to except the last thinking it a great disgrace to be at his back as a servant and more reasonable to be subject to him as one King to another His Captains disagree and peace is made 78. Teribazus not admitting of this exception Orontes his colleague and emulator accused him by secret Letters to the King as well for other matters as that having an opportunity sufficient to take Salamine he did not use it but spent his time in treaties with the Enemy he farther laid to his charge privatly entring into friendship with Lacedaemon sending to consult the Oracle about warring against the King and especially alluring the Officers by honours gifts and promises Artaxerxes believing these things wrote back to Orontes to arrest Teribazus and send him presently unto him who accordingly sent earnestly desired to be brought to his tryal but being for the present committed to prison and the King employed in the Cadusian War his judgement was still delayed In the mean time Orontes being now General with full power and authority in Cyprus finding that Evagoras with great courage still held out and that his own Souldiers taking ill the imprisonment of Teribazus refused to obey him sent to Evagoras to treat of peace offering him the same conditions he was formerly willing to admit of from Teribazus He being thus delivered beyond hope concluded a peace on these terms to pay yearly Tribute for the Kingdom of Salamine and as King to be obedient to the King of Persia Isocrates in Evagora And thus the Cyprian War ended ten years after the first preparation for it and after it had been managed 2 years Artaxerxes after all this time and the expence of 50 Talents leaving Evagoras in effect in the same condition he was before 79. Gaus the Persian Admiral after this War Diodorus ut suprà having married the daughter of Teribazus fearing lest because of his affinity he should be suspected also by the King and suffer upon that account resolved for a prevention to fortifie himself against him by entring into league with his Enemies This he did presently with Acoris of Egypt Gaus out of fear conspireth with the Lacedaemonians against the King and wrote to the Lacedaemonians to excite them to break the peace making large offers of what he could do for Greece They had of late as before cast in
and Arcadians had of late been overthrown by the Lacedaemonians was because the Thebans were not at the battel He obtained of the King that Messene being exempted from the jurisdiction of the Lacedaemonians should be left to it's own liberty and that the Athenians should withdraw their ships or else War was to be made upon them which being read to the publick Ministers of the other Republicks Leon the Athenian openly said that the Athenians must find out another friend besides the King who replyed that if they knew any more equal thing they should acquaint him therewith 90. With Pelopidas was joyned in Commission Ismenias the Theban In Artax vide Aelian var. Hist lib. 1. cap. 21. as we have it from Plutarch He being brought by Tithraustes a Colonel into the King's presence and commanded according to the custom to adore him took off his Ring secretly from his finger and cast it down at his feet and then stooping down to take it up as he thereby satisfied the King and obtained his request so he thought he provided sufficiently for the credit of himself and Country Timagoras the Athenian communicated by letter some secrets to Artaxerxes for which he was rewarded with 1000 Daricks a costly Supper and 80 Cows to find him with milk for his health with a costly Bed and furniture to it and some Persians that knew how to make it the Greeks being accounted ignorant in these things But returning home with the rest of the Ambassadors he was put to death either because he accepted of these gifts as Plutarch believed or for that he adored the King after the Persian manner Val. Max. l. 6. c. 3. exter exemp 2. Xenoph. ut prius wherewith they counted their whole State to be reflected on or what is most likely because of this intercourse betwixt him and Artaxerxes they questioned his fidelity his Colleague moreover impeaching him at their return for refusing his company and imparting all the secret of their negotiation to Pelopidas 91. After the return of the Ambassadors Idem ibid. the Thebans sent for the Deputies of the several Cities whom when the letters from the King were read they commanded all that would be accounted his and their friends to swear to the contents of them The Deputies answered their Commissions were to hear and not to take any Oath which if they would exact from the Cities they must send to them This they did hoping that the particular States would not dare to refuse the society of the King and them but the Messengers first coming to Corinth and that City refusing to swear the rest followed their example and so this device of the Thebans came to nothing Then fell the Graecians into great broyls again making havock of the Territories and goods of one another which Artaxerxes still looking upon as against his design for the recovery of Aegypt sent once more and procured a Peace betwixt them whereby the Laconick Diodorus ad Olymp. 103. ann 3. or Boeotian War as it was called ended after it had endured about five years from the first beginning in the 39th year of Artaxerxes 92. This Peace yet effected nothing on his behalf the interests of the several States being at this time so contrary Idem ad Olymp. 104. ann 3. that they presently after broke out afresh into civil Wars and what Forces could be spared out of Greece being not employed for but against him For three or four years after the maritime parts of Asia revolted from him and Tachos now King of Aegypt made great provision for the War both by Land and Sea and hiring many Soldiers out of several Republicks in Greece drew also to his party the Lacedaemonians A defection from Artaxerxes who had conceived displeasure against Artaxerxes because he made Messene to be comprehended in the general Peace At the same time had he then to deal with the Aegyptians the Greek Cities in Asia and the Lacedaemonians and besides them several of his Lieutenants in Asia revolted amongst whom were Ariobarzanes of Phrygia who had lately seized upon that Country after the death of Mithridates Mausolus of Caria a powerful Prince having many strong places especially Halicarnassus in his power with whom joyned Orontes of Mysia Autophradates of Lydia and of the Ionian race the Lycians Pisidians Pamphylians Cilicians and besides these the Syrians Phoenicians and almost all that bounded upon the Sea The General command over all was given to Orontes By this so general a defection half of the Tributes were withdrawn from the King and the other half sufficed not for warlike preparations 93. But Orontes having got the chief command and therewith received a years pay for 20000 men betrayed those that had entrusted him with so great a power For promising himself no small matters from the King he first sent up to him those that brought him the money and then betrayed many Towns and a Band of Mercenaries to those who were sent from him for that purpose At the same time things went in the same course in Cappadocia accompanied with some memorable circumstances Artabazus the King's General invaded that Country with an numerous Army and Datames the Governour thereof who had revolted meeting him with a great Party of Horse and 20000 Foot pitched his Tents against him The Captain of Datames his Horse was his Father in Law who to ingratiate himself with the King and to provide for his own safety having first agreed with Artabazus by night passed over with all his Troops unto him But Datames not at all discouraged hereby exhorted his Mercenaries to constancy and promising them a large donative presently led them against the Revolters whom he fell upon just as they were joyning with the Enemy and with great violence made great slaughter of both Artabazus being ignorant of the matter suspected that the Revolters went about again to betray him and return to Datamus and therefore gave order to his Souldiers to fall upon the Horse approaching whence Mithrobarzanes for so was the Revolter called being shut up in the midst whilst one part laboured to repel the Traytor and the other to be revenged upon him for his treachery was reduced into great straights and out of extreme despair made great slaughter on both sides till at length having lost 10000 men the rest were put to flight by Datames to whom some returned and asked pardon others betook themselves to a place whence being not able to stir they were killed to the number of 500 men 94. Whilest these things were thus carried on Rheomithres was sent into Egypt to Tachos for aid from whom obtaining 500 Talents and 50 Gallies he returned to Leuca a Citie in Asia where sending for many of the Officers of the revolters he laid hands on them all and sent them up to the King by which Treachery he reconciled himself unto him Tachos by this time had prepared all things for the War having obtained out of Greece
cut down the Paradise wherein the Kings of Persia when they came that way used to divert themselves burnt the hay which the Satrapaes had gathered for use in War and punished such Officers as by whom they had been abused 5. Ochus having notice of this longed to be revenged of all the Phoenicians but especially on them of Sidon and gathering his Forces together at Babylon set out thence against them In the mean time whilst he was on his way the President of Syria and Mazaeus Governour of Cilicia with joynt Forces set upon the Phoenicians but Tennes King of Sidon having received out of Aegypt a supply of 4000 Graecians over which Mentor the Rhodian was General with them and his Citizens together fell upon the Satrapaes worsted and expelled them out of Phoenicia Whilst things were thus carried there another War arose to the Persians out of Cyprus wherein were nine Cities of good account having the lesser Towns in their subjection and each of them a King but all Subjects to the Persian all which now imitating the Phoenicians revolted Ochus receiving tidings hereof wrote to Adrieus Prince of Caria who being newly come to the Government was by the tenure of his Principality a friend and associate in war to the Persian Empire to provide Forces both for Sea and Land against them who accordingly with great expedition making ready 40 Gallies and 8000 Mercenaries sent them into Cyprus under the conduct of Phocion the Athenian and Evagoras who heretofore had held the Island as King These two landing their men laid close siege to Salamine both by Land and Sea and the Island having been quiet of late and for that reason abounding with riches great numbers flocked out of desire of plunder from Syria and Cilicia insomuch that the number of the besiegers was doubled Hereupon all the other Cities submitted themselves onely Protagoras held out still and Evagoras thought by force to re-invest himself of that Kingdom devolved upon him from his Ancestors But at length Protagoras also submitting obtained Salamine still and Evagoras contented himself with a larger Dominion given him in Asia which ill governing he fled again into Cyprus and there taken was put to death Mentor the Rhodian offereth to betray Sidon to him 6. The King was on his march towards Phoenicia when Mentor the Rhodian understanding what strength he had and how unable the Rebels were to make tesistance sent one to him privately offering to betray Sidon into his hands and to do him especial service in the conquest of Aegypt being very well skilled in that Country and the River Ochus not onely promised him indemnity but a large reward if he would perform what he promised and placing his greatest felicity in the recovery of Aegypt sent to the chiefest of the Graecian States to desire aid The Athenians and Lacedaemonians signified their desire to retain amity and a good correspondence with him but at present could yield him no assistance but the Thebans sent him 1000 men the Argives 3000 and the Greeks in Asia willing to shew their readinesse furnished him with 6000. Before their arrival the King was got into Phoenicia and sate down not far from Sidon which the Inhabitants had by this time strongly manned within and fortified with a threefold large ditch and high walls besides a Fleet of 100 Gallies For they exceeded by far all their neighbours in riches 7. But Tennes their King had associated himself with Mentor to betray the City whom leaving therein with command of a part thereof for the better carrying on of the treachery he himself with 500 Soldiers went out pretending to go to the publick convention of the Phoenicians having with him 100 of the prime Citizens as his Counselors These he brought straight to Ochus Tennes King of Sidon joyneth with him and yet put to death by Ochus who put them all to death as authors of the rebellion and after them 500 more who came as Suppliants with Olives in their hands after he had understood from Tennes that the City should be surrendred to him without any conditions thereby to strike a terror into the other Towns After this Tennes easily prevailed with the mercenary Aegyptians to let him and the King into the Town which being done and Ochus having it in his power judging him now to be of no use to him he commanded him also to be slain The Sidonians before the King approached had burnt all their ships lest any private person should convey himself away during the Siege Sidon taken burnt by the Inhabitants Now seeing themselves betrayed and their City full of the Enemy which swarmed on every side they set fire on their houses and therein burnt themselves with their wives and children so that accounting slaves above 40000 are thought to have perished in the flames The King sold the rubbish thereof for many talents much gold and silver being found because it had flourished with great riches By this Tragedy of Sidon the other Cities being terrified yielded themselves unto the Persian 8. The (a) Diodorus â— Olymp. 107. ann 3. Auxiliaries out of Greece being come to Ochus after the taking of Sidon he set forward with his whole Army towards Aegypt (b) Solinus cap. 35. Aristus de 70. Interp. taking Jericho a City of Judaea as its probable in his way and drawing many Jews along with him in his Expedition Coming (c) Diodorus ibid. to the Lake Sirbonis he lost part of his Army in the Whirl-pits and Bogs through ignorance of the place and a length arrrived at Pelusium the first frontier-town which was held with a Garrison of 1000 men Now the King divided the Graecian Forces into three bodies and over each constituted a Captain of their own Nation and joyned a Persian with him the other Forces he kept in his own Command being greatly intent about the main businesse On the other side Nectanebus was not a whit discouraged Ochus invadeth Aegypt having in pay 20000 Graecians and as many Africans besides 60000 of his own Aegyptians and an innumerable Compapany of boats for the River But by his conceitednesse and want of skil he miscarried having formerly prospered whilst he used the conduct of the Graecian Captains but now his Fortune changing upon his sole managing the War for which he thought himself sufficiently able After then he had fortified his Garrisons with 30000 Aegyptians 5000 Greeks and half of the Africans he seized upon such places as were most advantagious for passage into the Country 9. Things standing thus betwixt them Nicostratus the Captain of the Argives getting some Aegyptians for Guides passed with the Fleet through a ditch and in a place something remote and out of sight landed his men and pitched his tents which being known by the Garrison a party issued out and fell upon them but the Graecians after a sharp contest slew their Captain and of them about 5000 nem Nectanebus upon report made of this
Antiquit lib. 11. cap. 7. said to have been done in Judaea during the reign of Artaxerxes and to have given an occasion of imposing a Tribute upon that Countrey After the death of Eliashib the Priest his son John succeeded him in his Office according to his birth-right Affairs of Judaea in the time of Ochus who had a brother named Joshua This Joshua being in great favour with Bagoses the Kings General had a promise from him that he should have the Priesthood by which he was so heartned as to strive with John in the Temple and so far provoked him as he slew him there Bagoses hearing this endeavoured to enter the Temple and when he was forbidden asked if they counted him more impure than the Carkess that lay within and entring by force took thence occasion to punish the Jews seven years for the death of Joshua For two Lambs being dayly offered in the constant sacrifices he imposed upon every one a Tribute of fifty drachms which amounted to the yearly rate of sixty Attick Talents But if these things hapned in the time of this Artaxerxes and he be taken for Ahasuerus then must this murther have been committed towards the beginning of his reign and this Tribute of seven years been exacted before Mordecai the Jew came in favour which was after the fall of Haman in the twelfth year of Ahasuerus 15. During the reign of Ochus in his ninth year Diodorus ad Olymp. 106. ann 4. died Mausolus the petty King of Caria more famous after his death than whilest living to whom his wife Artemisia succeeding because he left no Children burned with such affection towards him Strabo lib. 14. Gellius lib. 10. cap. 18. that reducing his bones and ashes into pouder she drunk it desiring to become a quick and breathing monument of her husband She proposed great rewards to such Orators as would speak eloquently in his commendation Mausolus his monument in which did several notable men of that time For the preservation of his memory she raised such a monument as deserved to be reckoned amongst the seven wonders of the World and in the work whereof the most exquisite artificers that then could be found were employed Scopas on the East part Bryaxes on the North Plinius lib. 36. cap. 5. Timotheus on the South and Leochares on the West who notwithstanding Artemisia died of melancholy before the work was compleated yet proceeded to the finishing of it intending it as a monument not onely of Mausolus upon which account the * Pausan in Arcadicis Romans called their most exquisite pieces of Architecture Mausolea but also of the excellency of their Art to transmit their own names as well as his posterity 16. Bagoas had risen to that power with Ochus that he ruled all things at his pleasure the King doing nothing without his consent Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. ann 2. Aelian Var. Hist lib. 6. cap. 8. Yet either misdoubting of his security through the cruel disposition of the King or willing to have a greater power owing Ochus also some displeasure for killing the Egyptian God Apis he belonging to that Countrey poysoned him by the means of a Physician after he had reigned 23 years Being dead he cast him to the Cats to be devoured another being buried in the Royal Sepulchre in his stead Bagoas killeth Ochus and setting up Arses maketh him away within a while and that he might expresse his cruel disposition of his Thigh-bones he caused sword hilts to be made In his stead he made King his youngest son Arses killing all his other sons that the new King being destitute of kindred friends might yield the more obedience to himself In reality he now reigned usurping all except the meer Title but Arses beginning to look to himself when he had ground to suspect that he intended to call him to an account for his wickednesse he made him away also with all his Children in the third year after he had set him up Darius Codomannus 17. All the Children of Arses perishing with him and the Royal family thereby being desolate Bagoas made choice of one (a) Diodorus Strabo lib. 15. Plutarch in Alexand. alibi Diodorus Arrianus Curtius Codomannus his friend and placed him in the Throne whom some Authors would have not at all to be descended of the Royal line being a Carrier of Letters but others make him the son of Arsames brother to Ochus by Sisygambis his sister according to the custom of the Persian marriages Whilest a private man in the Cadusian War he shewed himself valiant killing an Enemy who challenged any one of Ochus his Army to a single Combat and thereby for the present procuring great rewards honour and the Government of Armenia after Arses his death came to be remembred by the people Justin lib. 10. which made choice also of him for their King and that nothing of Royal Majesty might be wanting to him gave him the name of Darius Not long after his preferment Bagoas repented him of what he had done and being much versed in King killing provided a potion to send him after Ochus and Arses which he having notice of called him to him and in a pleasant humour offered it to himself to drink and thereto compelled him satisfying the people sufficiently in that he thus requited him Curtius lib. 6. cap. 6. who sought the same way to entrap him By this Darius was sent into Samaria as a Satrapa Sanballet Josephus Antiquit lib. 11. cap. 7. a Cuthaean by birth and so of the same Original the Samaritans themselves were He thinking it good policy to procure Amity with the Jews his Neighbours married his daughter Nicaso to Manasses the brother of Jaddus the High-Priest 18. Darius with the Empire of Persia was necessitated to espouse a quarrel with the greatest Monarch then known in the World except himself and with such a people in combination with him Together with his Kingdom espouseth a quarrel with the King of Macedonia as easily excelled all others in Military skill and valour The quarrels which hapned betwixt the Persians and Graecians had been many and as many bickerings and contests in the field had ensued thereupon wherein as the Greeks both at home and abroad had constantly had successe agreeable to their dexterity so each foil of the Persians gave as great a stroak to their credit insomuch as they were sleighted by the other especially after the retreat of those that assisted Cyrus who in despight of all Artaxerxes could do marched through the midst of his Territories as Conquerours and having seen the great riches of those Countreys through which they passed carried home a longing desire after them and an indignation that such things should be enjoyed by those who seemed not in capacity to defend them 19. The disadvantage of the Persians was the rising of the Kingdom of Macedonia to that high pitch of greatnesse to which it had
of the Persians sending for him The King of Sidon was one Strato who being the son of Gerostratus the King of Aradus the Island Governed it in his absence he joyning his ships as the rest of the Phoenician Kings to the fleet of Darius meeting Alexander as he came into Phoenicia put a Golden Crown on his head and gave up Aradus Diodorus ad Olymp. 111. anâ— 4. and Marathus a great and wealthy Town standing upon the Continent over against it with Mariamne and all that belonged unto them into his hands But now because he had done this rather for that the will of the people was such than out of his own inclination Alexander deprived him of his Kingdom and permitted his beloved Hephaestion to bestow it upon any of his friends He chose to confer it upon a Sidonian by whom he was entertained but he refused it for that it was unlawfull for any but one of the Royal stock to possesse it He wondring at the greatnesse of his spirit joyned with so much honesty bid him choose any one of the Royal Race on whom to bestow it who accordingly made choice of Abdalmon or Abdalomnius a poor Gardiner who wrought for his living but of unblameable life and descended of the Royal family Alexander admitting of him said the habit of his body could not withstand the noblenesse of his stock but desired to know with what patience he had endured such poverty to whom he answered That he wished he could as well bear a Kingdom and that those his hands had satisfied his desire whilest he had nothing nothing was wanting to him The King being much taken with his carriage not onely gave him the hous-hold stuff of Strato but most of the booty got from the Persians subjected the Countrey adjacent unto his power and afterwards also the Citie of Tyre according to Diodorus 38. Now was all Syria in the hands of the Macedonians Curtius lib. 4. and whole Phoenicia also except Tyre which Citie was seated in an Island about half a mile distant from the Continent As he marched thitherwards the Tyrians sent him a Crown of Gold of great value in a Congratulatory way Justin lib. 11. and a large quantity of provisions which he received as from friends Diodorus ad Olymp. 112. ann 1. Plutarch in Alexandro and friendly signified to the Messengers his intention to go into their Citie to pay some vows he had made to Hercules They told him there was a Temple of Hercules without the Citie in the place called Old Tyre wherein his devotion would be most suitably performed and so disswaded him from entrance that he was inraged thereat and threatned ruin to the Citie telling them Arrianus lib. 2. that though they were confident in the strength of the place and despised his Land-Army yet in short time he would make them find they were in the Continent And in confidence that their Town not onely fenced with high and strong Walls but also with the Sea was impregnable they resolved to stand out against him being incouraged also by the Carthaginian Ambassadors who after their yearly custom in token of observance to their Mother City were come to celebrate the sacred Anniversary and promised them certain and speedy supply by Sea which for the most part at that time was commanded by their Fleets 39. Alexander yet having not his Navy at hand and foreseeing that a long siege would be a great hindrance to his designs sent to them about an agreement but contrary to the Law of Nations they slew the Messengers and threw them into the Sea with which affront being much moved he resolved to besiege them Ere he could do this such a quantity of earth or other matter was to be cast into the Sea as to joyn the Island to the main land which for the depth of the water the force of the Current was a task almost insuperable but there being great store of stones and rubbish at hand in Old * Palaetyrus Tyre Alexander his great attempt for the Conquering of Tyre he caused it to be utterly demolished and by the hands of many thousands of his own men and the people of the neighbouring places set upon the work The Tyrians whose King Azelmicus being absent with Darius his Admiral had left them to the Government of his son hindred it all wayes possible and when it was near concluded a violent wind spoiled a great part of it but to repair it he caused great Trees to be cut down in the Mountains which together with the boughs being cast in and earth being heaped upon them resisted the violence of the waves and at length by the great number of hands and incredible industry the Island became but a Peninsula But for all this the Tyrians having the command of the Sea their City seemed yet to be impregnable whereupon Alexander had thoughts of gathering together a Fleet but in the mean time came in the Kings of Aradus and Byblus who had withdrawn themselves with their Fleet from Autophradates the Persian Admiral and with them the Sidonian Gallies Besides these Vessels belonging to Phoenicia which were 80 in number at the same time came ten from Rhodes from Solos and Mallos three and from Lycia ten besides one great Gally from Macedonia All these he pardoned as having been necessitated to joyn with the Persians And Azelmicus the King of Tyre now left Autophradates and came home Arrianus writing that he was taken in the City 40. From the Mountain Libanus was wood brought for the making of Engines Towers and Ships in which work whilst Alexander his men were imployed some of the wild Arabians fell upon them slew thirty and took scarcely so many He upon notice hereof left the charge of the Siege to Perdâ—â—cas and Craterus and speedily with a ready Band of men went into Arabia where when they came to the mountainous parts of the Hill called Antilibanus they left their Horses and marched on foot When it grew night and the Enemy approached though his men were before yet would he not leave his School-master Lysimachus being weary and spent but still drawing him on was parted from the Army and forced with a few about him to passe the night in a dark and cold place But seeing many fires to be kindled afar off by the Enemy he being nimble of body ran to one of them and killing two Babarians that there sate brought away a fire-stick burning to his Companions who therewith kindled a great fire and thereby struck such a terror into the Arabians as all that night they passed in quietnesse Then partly by force and partly by agreement he reduced the Country into obedience and in eleven dayes time returned to Sidon where he found arrived out of Peloponnesus 4000 Greekish Mercenaries under the conduct of Alexander the Son of Polemocrates 41. Having then got together a Navy of 190 or 200 ships he set sail from Sidon and
to take revenge furnished him with provisions and sent him away with a Convoy esteeming that the wasting of their grounds would be well recompensed if they should make friends of their Enemies With this Convoy he passed through the Countrey of the Thracians in Asia and so came to Chalcedon 25. At this time the Inhabitants of Megara were much distressed what by the several inrodes of the Athenians and their own Exiles whom they had cast out and now preyed upon them from the Villages Wearied with these continual disturbances they thought of recalling the Exiles but the Magistrates understanding that Stirs about Megara and presently apprehending what danger might arise to themselves from those of whose banishment they had been the cause conspired with Hippocrates and Demosthenes the two Athenian Captains to betray the Town to them The Gates were opened and the Athenians had been Masters of the place but that some of the Conspirators changed their minds and obstructed the businesse which the other seeing seized upon part of the long Walls and casting up a crosse work against the Town set themselves with all their might to compasse about the Nisaea or Port hoping if they could get it the more easily to obtain the Town And the Garrison in it being presently discouraged by the stopping of victuals which they were wont dayly to receive out of the Town yielded the Spartans to mercy and the rest upon condition of liberty to Ransom themselves Then the Athenians provided for setting upon the Town but were hindred by the coming of Brasidas the Spartan who hovering about Corinth upon notice how things passed here hasted thinking to prevent the taking of Nisaea and after he had heard of its surrender yet used all expedition hoping to save the Town and to recover it But when he came the Megarians were divided in their affections yet both parties feared to let him in for that they thought it best to reserve themselves for that party that should have the better and Govern themselves according to Occurrences and therefore he was forced to depart at this time without having done one thing or other 26. Not long after the Boeotians came and joyned themselves to Brasidas and thereupon followed an Engagement with the Athenians which ended with equal successe to both sides That party of the Town which favoured the Exiles being incouraged with the presence of their friends sent for Brasidas and other Peloponnesian Officers into the Town to consult with them who confirming them in their resolutions then departed home The Athenians also following The Exiles re-admitted rage against their Adversaries contrary to their Oath such as sided with them for fear betook themselves to flight Then were the Exiles recalled having first taken an Oath to forget all things past and not consult their own passion but the good of their Countrey but having got the power into their hands and having the Guards of the Citie at their disposal they caused 100 of those they suspected to be apprehended and being condemned by a forced judgement of the people they put them to death Then taking all the Government to themselves it continued in an Oligarchical way a long time 27. At the same time several amongst the Boeotians attempted to change the frame of their Government Several amongst the Boeotians attempting to bring in Democracy are disappointed being much desirous of Democracy as it was established at Athens and to this purpose held correspondence with them there plotting to betray several places into their hands but the matter being discovered succeeded not but onely to the losse of the Athenians who were overthrown in battel In the mean while the Lacedaemonians being invited by Perdiccas King of Macedonia and some of the Inhabitants of Chalcis who promised them some pay for their men resolved to send some Forces into Macedonia and Thrace to divert the power and design of the Athenians Brasidas the Spartan sent into Thrace give trouble to the Athenians who now began to be ill thought of by many in those parts and feared by reason of their growing strength They made choice of Brasidas for their General a man of approved valour and remarkable integrity They did a thing at this time which is noted with cruelty and injustice Being something down the wind in their Fortune they suspected the power and number of their slaves the Helotes lest in this their weaknesse they should attempt something against them and took occasion at this expedition by offering all such of them liberty as would chearfully imbrace the service to observe who amongst them were most active and when they expected to be manumised instead thereof they made away though how is not known about 2000 of them and sent 700 away with Brasidas together with 1000 Mercenaries hired out of Peloponnesus 28. Brasidas after his arrival by fair means reduced Acanthus and Stagirus both Colonies of the Andrians from the Athenians and then in Winter set upon Amphipolis a famous Colony of theirs situate upon the River Strymon which almost compassing it gave an occasion to the later name of it being before called Nine-wayes In a dark night he seized on the bridge and all but the Citie it self and 't is thought had taken it also had he led his Soldiers on but such as had conspired with him to betray it being overmatched and stirring not he onely wasted the grounds about it and attempted nothing further for the present The Inhabitants who affected the Athenians being more in number Thycydides the Historian the Athenian General sent to Thucydides the son of Olorus and the Writer of the History of the Peloponnesian War then the Athenian General lying in Thasus an Island inhabited by a Colony of the Parians half a dayes sayl distant from Amphipolis who with seven ships hasted thither to prevent the delivery of it or however to save Eione But Brasidas being aware hereof to obtain Amphipolis before his coming offered them most large conditions that all should there remain and live in the same State as formerly as well Athenians as others or if they liked better to remove it should be free for them so to do which they accepted of hearing nothing from Thucydides who yet came to Eione that very night and saved it whereas Brasidas else had taken it the next morning Yet he took three other Towns near to Amphipolis and left them to be Garrisoned by Perdiccas 29. The Athenians were much moved for the losse of Amphipolis which had been of great use to them in affoarding them Wood for shipping as well as money and besides this how a free passage seemed to be open to the Lacedaemonians to invade their confederates who thereupon might be induced to revolt by Brasidas who being a very moderate and just man of himself gave out that his design was to set Greece at liberty And even so it fell out for the Cities hearing what had hapned and great commendations of Brasidas
Commissioners returned with great stomack and disdain to have been so ill used by him 65. And Tissaphernes to prosecute that design of setting the Graecians upon each other and keeping them in equal power fearing that if he detained any longer the pay from the Peloponnesians that they would be too much weakened by the Athenians who now of late had had the better of it in some engagements and thereby the Kings Provinces should be exposed to danger he went this Winter into Caria where he renewed the League on better terms for the Peloponnesians Tissaphernes reneweth the War with the Peloponnesians paid the arrears due to the Army and promised to dispatch away the Phoenician Fleet. This new alliance was made in the thirteenth year of Darius Alexipidas being Ephorus at Sparta upon the River Maeander attested by the names of Tissaphernes Hieramenes and the Children of Pharnaces Towards the end of Winter Oropus a Town situate upon the confines of Attica and Boeotia revolted to the Boeotians being formerly in the jurisdiction of Athens Hereupon the Boeotians conceived hopes to alienate all Euboea from the Athenians especially for that the Eroetrians who were principal in that Island inclined to a revolt and sent away to the Peloponnesians to desire they would come into Euboea But their care for Chius which was distressed by the Athenians suffered them not to comply with their desire for they set out a Fleet to relieve that Island but the Athenians being masters of the Sea it durst not venture further than Miletus and therefore the Athenian ships returned unto Samus Thus ended the 20th year of the War 66. In the beginning of Spring Dercylidas was sent from Sparta by Land to the Hellespont with no great force where with ease he brought off Abydus a Colony of the Milesians from their obedience to Athens and after that Lampsacus but attempted the same upon Sestus to no purpose The Athenians and Chians had a battel at Sea upon equal terms but Strombichides the Athenian hearing what was done in the Hellespont hasted thither recovered Lampsacus was repelled by the Inhabitants of Abydus and then went to Sestus in Europe where he placed a strong Garrison for the security of those parts In the mean time Pisander and his Colleagues being returned from Alcibiades to Samus in conjunction with those therein resolved without him to change the Government They first did it in most of the Cities which were subject to Athens and found it almost effected there after that Androcles a man who was most earnest in the defence of Democracy with some others The Government changed to Oligarchy in Athens and the Cities subject to it were secretly murdered by some Conspirators who laboured thereby to gain the good will of Alcibiades and Tissaphernes These designed to have the State governed by 5000 men of the most able with bodies and estates to serve it and the People durst not contradict them such factions and jealousies had risen that no man was secure of his neighbour But Pisander and his Colleagues arriving obtained of the multitude that ten men might be impowred to conclude and set down in writing such things as seemed to them requisite for a setlement which on a certain day were to be referred to the People 67. When the day came these ten men first required that it might be lawful for any one to speak his opinion without danger of incurring any penalty by the Laws Then they proposed that no Magistracy should be undertaken and exercised after the usual manner The Model nor any receive salary for the exercising thereof that five Presidents should be chosen who should pick out 100 men and each of these chuse three more that all might make up the number of 400. That these 400 men should be invested with the Supreme power and authority Four hundred men have the executive power should decree and ordain what seemed good unto them and might call together the five thousand when they thought it convenient These propositions though of so great consequence for the change they were likely to produce were yet admitted of not as much as one man gainsaying them such a change there was made in the minds of the People which now since the banishing of the Tyrants had onely been governed by it's Laws and constitutions and not onely not subject to the authority of others but reigning over many devested it self of so great soveraignty and power But these 400 men thus authorised were conducted in a solemn manner to the Senate-house with daggers under their coats and compassed about with armed men where the old Senate having their Salaries paid were dismissed They chose the Prytanes or Presidents out of their own body and then began to exercise their authority They send to Agis about a peace who slighteth them but not without blood bonds and bannishment They sent to Agis the Lacedaemonian King then lying at Decelea to treat of Peace but he not having any opinion of their power as long to continue but thinking the People would shortly resume it rejected their Ambassie and sending for more Forces out of Peloponnesus came to Athens hoping that in these commotions he might affright the City into a surrender But he found the contrary for all agreeing in this to resist him as the common Enemy they stood notably in their defence and sallied out upon him so that having no hopes he dismissed his new forces and with the other returned to Decelea Refers their second address to Sparta 68. After his return the 400 sent other Ambassadors to him about a peace who referred them to Sparta whither they went but what successe they had doth not appear from Thucydides They knew the common Soldiers at Samus though Pisander and his Companions had stickled so for it to be Enemies to Oligarchy and therefore to take them off they sent to acquaint them that the power was not in them onely but in the 5000 also and laboured to satisfie them in this point that this was equivalent to Democracie seeing that during that Government when all things were done by the body of the People The Army at Samus inraged at them a greater number did not use to meet But they at Samus beng impatient of any but Popular Government after the departure of Pisander and his Colleagues had restored it there and sent to Athens to signifie so much not knowing what had hapned there which was very unwelcome news to the 400 who cast some of the messengers into prison But Chareas hiding himself for some time escaped and carried back a report how things stood amplifying much the oppression and insolence of these Governours whereat the Soldiers were grievously enraged and threatened death not onely to the authors of the Oligarchy but to all that had been partakers of it and at such a season when the Enemy expected such advantages they had committed something tending to the ruin of their Countrey had they not
The Athenians feared if the Islands should be left to their own liberty lest they should lose Lemnus Imbrus and Sciras The Thebans lest they should be compelled to set at liberty the Cities of Boeotia and the Argives concluded that then they must lay aside all thoughts of Corinth which they had conceived great hopes to make their own Their dissention hindred Teribazus from concluding a peace with the Lacedaemonians without the Kings special Warrant but underhand he supplied them with money to maintain their power at Sea and committing Conon to custody went to the King to know his pleasure 21. The King upon his giving account how affairs stood sent Struthas to take care of the maritime affairs who being sensible what damage Agesilaus had done his master was inclinable towards the Athenians which being understood at Lacedaemon they sent Thymbro into Asia to keep him in action who at first sorely afflicted the places subject to his command but at length was slain and his Forces defeated At this time certain Rhodians being banished by the people who had the power in their own hands came to Sparta and complained that the Athenians had brought the Island under their power by that kind of Government The Spartans understood their interest in so powerfull an Island and sent Ecdicus with eight Gallies to revive if possible the Oligarchy which was agreeable to their own model and in this Fleet they ordered him to convey Diphridas into Asia who was to gather up the Reliques of Thymbro's Army and renew the War against Siruthas He ordered his affairs very well being a man fitter for the purpose than Thymbro was But Ecdicus fearfull of the power of the people did nothing at Rhodes into his room Teleutias was dispatched and with a Fleet of 27 Gallies did that for which he was sent Thrasybulus sent against the Lacedaemonians The Athenians hearing of these motions sent out Thrasybulus against the Spartans who despairing of Rhodes went into the Hellespont where in Thrace he reconciled two Princes Odryses and Seuthes and made them friends of the Athenian State Departing thence he recovered several Cities and amongst the rest Byzantium and Chalcis whence going to the Island Lesbus all the Towns whereof except Mitylene were joyned to the Lacedaemonians he had good successe taking several places and wasting the Territories of the other 22. From Lesbus he sayled victoriously unto Rhodes where he obtained money from the Inhabitants of Aspendus Is slain but his men after the receit thereof dealing injuriously with them they issued out in great anger and killed him in his Tent. This is he who if virtue be to be valued without fortune Corn. Nepos one doubts whether he be not to be preferred before all others seeing that for faithfulnesse constancy greatnesse of mind and love towards his Countrey no man is to be preferred before him and whereas it hapned rarely to any to free his Countrey from the slavery of one man he did it from the Tyranny of thirty But whereas no man excelled him in worth many overtopped him in nobility and hereupon it fell ouâ— that though in the Peloponnesian War he doing many things of himself Alcibiades did nothing without him yet the eminency of that man easily swallowed the glory and profit of all atchievements The Lacedaemonians having notice of what he had done and fearfull of what the friendship of Pharnabazus to the Athenians might produce though they had nothing to say against Dercyllidas yet sent Anaxibius out to restore their fortune who had prevailed with the Ephori for this employment and promised great matters if he were but assisted with money and shipping They gave him three Gallies and pay for 1000 men He coming to Abydus skirmished with Pharnabazus and then getting three ships more infested the Athenians But the Athenians being sollicitous for keeping what Thrasybulus had recovered though they had nominated Argyrius to his place yet now sent Iphicrates with eight Gallies and 1200 men who was lately returned from the Corinthian War He setting upon Anaxibius whilest he carelesly went abroad slew him as he was going to Abydus and with him twelve more Governours of Towns and thence betook himself into the Cherronesus 23. At this time Aegina was withdrawn by Etâ—onicus from the Athenians who thereupon besieged it but to no effect Xenoph. lib. 5. Diod. At Sea both sides as it were played the Pyrats with each other for some time But Telentias being made General of the Lacedaemonian Fleet fell in upon the Haven at Athens where he took some Vessels laden with the men and putting the Citizens into a great fright in his return preyed upon the Coasts whence he took many Fisher-boats with other booty the places being not aware of any such things In the mean while Antalcidas the Spartan returned with Teribazus from the Persian King having concluded a League offensive and defensive with him in case the Athenians and others would not consent to their proposals for a general peace He coming to Sea took eight Athenian Gallies which came from Thrace under the Command of one Thrasybulus and making up the Fleet to the number of 80 sayl with 20 Syracusian Gallies and others which he procured of Teribazus obtained the Soveraignty of the Seas The Athenians were startled hereat fearing the issue of this War might be the same with that of the Peloponnesian especially the Persian being now Confederate with the Lacedaemonians and the Inhabitants of Aegina infesting their Borders The parties desire peace upon all which accounts they were very desirous of peace The Lacedaemonians also being much straightned in maintaining Garrisons in so many places both affected to them weary of them began to have enough of War having moreover much trouble about Corinth The Argives not ignorant that War was decreed against them and that their old shifts and pretences would stand them in no stead were also ready to imbrace peace They all then sent their Agents to Teribazus to know what was proposed by Artaxerxes Mnemon 24. Teribazus shewing them the Kings Seals read the Contents of the writing which imported that he thought it just that the Cities in Asia the Islands Clazomenae and Cyprus should be under his Jurisdiction and all the rest little and great should be left to their own freedom except Lemnus Imbrus and Scirus which having been time out of mind subject to the Athenians he thought it fitting they should so continue And such as would not admit of these conditions he with the rest of the Confederates would prosecute with War both at Sea and Land to the utmost ability The Agents returning home all the States imbraced the conditions except the Thebans who were unwilling to set at liberty the Cities of Boeotia but Agesilaus making preparations to invade them they were so far awed thereby as to receive them He constrained also the Argives to leave Corinth from which the Authors of the late massacre then flying
Inhabitants swallowed up Hereof Diodorus assigneth several causes laying the stresse upon an injury formerly offered by them to Neptune in refusing to lend the Ionians their Statues to which they should have sacrifized Five dayes before the ruin of these Cities all the Mice Weasils Serpents and such like Creatures came out of Helice in great numbers and took the way which leads to Coria The Inhabitants admiring so strange a sight Aelianus Hist Anim. lib. 11. cap. 19. had the next night their thoughts diverted by the Earth-quake which made way for that Inundation wherein they perished and with them ten ships of the Lacedaemonians then lying in the Haven 36. The next year being the first of the 102 Olympiad Diodorus ad Olymp. 102. ann 1. wherein Damon the Thurian got the prize Alcisthenes being Archon Artaxerxes sent his Ambassadors into Greece again to perswade the States to an agreement The Athenians were now grievously displeased with the Thebans for destroying Plataea and Thespes Xenoph. ut priùs two Cities which had so well deserved of Greece in the Median War and thereupon would no more joyn with them They sent Ambassadors to Lacedaemon about a peace who used such Rhetorick to that State specially Callistratus that they brought the Spartans to assent upon these Terms that the Cities should be set at liberty the Armies disbanded and whosoever would not acquiesce in these conditions it should be lawfull for any of the Confederates if they pleased not being constrained to it to help the distressed All others except the Thebans subscribed the League for they were unwilling as before to quit the Cities of Boeotia Hereupon the Spartans jealous of them resolved to make War in the behalf of all Greece and gave order to Cleombrotus their King who now lay in Phocis Cleombrotus the Spartan King invadeth Boeotia expecting what they would command him to invade Boeotia The Lacedaemonians having great Forces of their own besides their Allies and none willing to assist the Thebans every one gave them for lost who yet upon Cleombrotus his Summons refused to set free the Cities of Boeotia except the Spartans would restore Messene and permit the Laconians to enjoy their liberty In summe they desired they would no more meddle with what they did in Boeotia than they were concerned in any thing done in Laconia 37. They creaded Epaminondas General Diodorus ad ann 2. of whose rare skill and valour they had had abundant proof joyning with him the Baeotarchae He levying 12000 men marched away and possessed himself of the Straights of Coronea Xenoph. Plutarch in Pelopida Pausan in Boeoticis which Cleombrotus hearing marched through Phocis another way and came into Boeotia by the Sea's-side coming to Leuctra he there rested himself which the Boeotians understanding passed over the Mountains and came near to him but seeing such multitudes to overspread the plain were not a little discouraged The Boeotarchae then deliberating what to do were divided in their opinions three being for fighting amongst whom was Epaminondas and as many for departing Ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Patronymice fit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per Syncopen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but whilest they were still in doubt came in the seventh and through the perswasion of Epaminondas cast the ballance on his side Plutarch saith that Pelopidas first approved of his advice being Captain of the Sacred Company which was made up as is most probable amongst many opinions of intimate friends and lovers who fighting earnestly for one another when in danger did great harm thereby to the Enemy Whilest Epaminondas was several wayes incouraging his men to the fight came in Jason the Pheraean the most Eminent leading man of Thessaly with 1000 horse and 1500 foot in shew to help the Thebans but with intention to take up the quarrel and he perswaded both parties to accept of a Truce 38. Cleombrotus was then departing out of Boeotia when a new Army met him from Sparta under the Command of Archidamus for the Lacedaemonians seeing the courage and resolution of the Thebans whereas otherwise they could not do it resolved to oppresse them by their numbers The General then thinking it to be disgracefull at all to fear the Thebans valour marched back to Leuctra without any regard of the Truce where they found the Boeotians ready to receive them Cleombrotus and Archidaemus both descended from Hercules lead the Wings of their battel Epaminondas gave leave to all that would to depart which was done by the Thespians and others who bore no good will to the Thebans His prime men he placed in one Wing and the other by themselves whom he ordered to give back as though they fled Epaminondas overthroweth him in the battel of Leuctra wherein he is slain Making then an oblique battalion he with the stoutest men began the fight and whilest the other retired from the Enemy he followed him close who now brake his order to get into it The successe remained doubtfull as long as Cleombrotus lived but he being slain whilest he most valiantly demeaned himself first a great and bloudy contest hapned about his body which at length his men recovered and gave back in order and by degrees A.M. 3634. Olymp. 102. ann 2. Urbis cond 383. Artar Mnem 34. Xenoph. Plutarch ut suprà But Epaminondas still pressing upon them and doing great execution at length they fled having no body to govern them About 4000 of them were slain and 300 of the other party This battel hapned in the 34th year after the end of the Peloponnesian War the second of the 102d Olympiad the 34th of Artaxerxes Mnemon Phraesiclides being Archon A. M. 3634. 39. The message of this overthrow came to Sparta the last day of their gymnick solemnities wherewith though the Ephori were so affected as those that saw now a conclusion of that Principality they had almost enjoyed 500 years yet suffered not the exercises to be broken off but sending the names of the slain to their relations finished the Festival The day after when it was known who were slain and who escaped one might see the Parents and Kindred of the dead to meet together in the Forum with cheerfull looks and minds shaking one another by the hands but on the other side the friends of such as were living as in some solemn time of mourning to keep themselves at home or if they came abroad to signifie their sadnesse in their habit speech and countenance The behaviour of the Spartans after the battel of Leuctra and this was especially remarkable amongst the women But when their associates had revolted and Epaminondas was thought to be about to invade Peloponnesus they then called to mind the Oracles concerning what should happen to them under a Lame King yet reverencing the valour power and glory of Agesilaus they not onely tetained him in his several places of King and General but made use of him as a
Physician in this sad distemper Now whereas by the Laws of Sparta such as had fled from a battel were not onely made incapable of Magistracy and of marriage with others who thereupon were noted with ignominy but were to be strucken by every one that met them walking in a dejected posture in Fools Coats with their beards half shaved there being many and powerfull who fled from Leuctra lest any inconvenience might follow upon their discontent Agesilaus procured that the Law for his time should be silent and without repealing obtain its antient vigour for the time to come Then to recreat the minds of the Soldiers he lead them out into Arcadia where industriously abstaining from fight he took a little Town of the Mantineans and made excursions into their Territories to give his Citizens a little hope and shew them that the fortune of Sparta was not altogether desperate 40. The Ephori made new Levies listing those now that were above 60. The Tegeatans Mantineans Corinthians Phliasians Achaeans and other Cities sent their numbers the Conduct of all which was committed to Archidamus Archidamus invadeth Boeotia because his father was not yet recovered The Thebans presently after the victory sent a Messenger Crowned to Athens to let them know their successe and demanded aid but the Athenians being not a little troubled at what had hapned gave him no audience Then sent they to Jason the Pheraean Prince of Thessaly who though he was otherwise employed with the Phocians yet came and when Archidamus had now invaded Boeotia procured a Truce betwixt them and thereupon the Spartan Army returned home This by Xenophon is related as done after the battel at Leuctra and because he maketh no mention of any Truce made by Jason betwixt them before the fight we may suspect a mistake in the time either of him or Diodorus A Truce is procured by Jason Prince of Thessaly who is presently after murdred by his brothers who relateth the story as before Jason returning home was murdred by seven young men having great designs in his head after he had partly by perswasion and partly by awe caused all Thessaly to receive him as General the Lacedaemonians having refused to send them aid to defend themselves from his power After his death his two brothers Polydorus and Polyphron Authors of his death were made Generals of whom the former was slain within a while by the later who turning his Principality into Tyranny held it but one year being then slain by his brother Alexander under pretence of revenging the death of Polydorus and overthrowing the Tyranny But he proved ten times more Tyrannical * Plutarch in Pelopida burying men alive convering them in beasts skins and so setting them before the Dogs to be devoured and killing others with Darts to make himself sport At length having a plot against his Wives brothers he was slain by them by her means and Tisiphonus the eldest of all the brothers succeeded who continued in the Government when Xenophon wrote his History 41. The Athenians considering that the Lacedaemonians still expected they should follow them in the Wars as formerly Xenoph. and would compell them thereto if they could thought it best for saving their credit to revive the peace formerly made with Artaxerxes They sent therefore fifty men about it to the Cities to take an Oath of them to this purpose That they would observe the Truce established by the King and confirmed by the Athenians and their Associates and if any injury should be offered to any that took the Oath to assist them with their full power All the States willingly admitted of it and received the Oath except the Eleans who after the example of the Thebans pretended that the Marganians Scilluntians and Triphyllians ought not to be set at liberty because they belonged unto them All Cities both little and great being by virtue of this peace to be set at liberty the Mantineans taking occasion thereat made a Decree to build their Citie again and to fence it with walls which formerly had been demolished by the Lacedaemonians They were agrieved that this should be done without their consent and sent Agesilaus to them to stop their proceedings but the Magistrates refused to call the People together to give him audience though a friend upon his fathers account telling him what was once deceed by the people could not be altered Some of the Arcadians sent and promised them assistance and the Eleans helped them with thirty talents of Silver At this time the inhabitants of Tegea fell out amongst themselves whilst some would have all the Arcadians meet together and choose some one man to be their Prince A Sedition at Tegea but others were for living under their own Laws onely and the maintenance of their liberty These at the first had the better of it Alias Diodorus vide but by the help of the Mantineans at length the other prevailed and killing some drove the rest of their Enemies to Lacedaemon to the number of 80. 42. The Lacedaemonians thought they were bound by Oath to revenge the cause of the Exiles upon the Mantineans who by falling on them had broken theirs and gave order to Agesilaus to invade them They by the advice of their friends the Arcadians contained themselves within their walls nevv built and suffered him to spoil their Country vvhich doing vvith great caution and warinesse yet without any losse of honour he returned home At this time it must be according to * In Arcadicis Pausanias who placeth it in the same year with the battel at Leuctra that by the perswasion of Epaminondas the Arcadians built them one City to inhabit destroying there many small Towns which thence had the name of Megalopolis Megalopolis built Aelian var. hist lib. 2. cap. 42. The fame of Ploto being now spread abroad the Thebans and Arcadians sent to him to desire his help not onely for the instruction of their youth and to teach Philosophy but also to prescribe them Laws for their Commonwealth At first he intended to go but asking the Ambassadors how their Superiours stood affected to an equal distribution of goods and honours and hearing they were utterly averse to such a constitution he thereupon refused to go to them At this same time also Epaminondas sent into Sicilie Italy as far as the Islands Euesperites and all over where the old Messenians dwelt Pausanias in Messenicis to invite them home into their antient Country which was restored to them and called after the old name Messene The Messenians recalled re-establisht Which restauration hapned 298 years reckoned from the first of the 28th Olympiad after the taking of Ira and their banishment in the third year of the 102 Olympiad Dyscinetas being Archon During all this time of their Exile they preserved intirely their antient Rites and the Dorick dialect unchanged which in our Age saith Pausanias by them and onely by them is
still proceed to incommodate their affaires Accordingly five Ambassadors were dispatched away Philip lulleth the Athenians asleep whereof one was Aeschines but coming into Macedonia they were there forced to stay till Philip had setled all things in Thrace according to his own pleasure and passed through the Pylae or Straights into Phocis The Athenians hearing of his coming notwithstanding the place were in great fear and caused all their goods to be brought into the City The Thessalians and Boeotians earnestly now desired of him that he would undertake the conduct of all Greece against the Phocians and on the other side the Ambassadors of the Phocians Lacedaemonians and Athenians earnestly dehorted him from the War He hearing both sides beeing accustomed to double dealing promised them he would do as all had desired and so making them secure hereby seized upon the Straights of Thermâ—pylae 25. The Phocians having sent to Lacedaemon for aid procured 1000 Footmen of heavy Armour which were commanded by Archidamus Diodorus ad Olymp. 108. an 3. Philip in conjunction with the Thessalians with a strong Army went down into Locris where finding Phalaecus restored to his Generalship he hasted to decide the controversie by action but the other lying at Nice and perceiving himself too weak to fight sent to treat with him and they agreed that he should have freedom to depart with his men whither he pleased Faith being given and received he departed with his Mercenaries to the number of 8000 into Peloponnesus He endeth the Phocian War and the Phocians being thus deserted were forced to yield So the War was ended by Philip without a stroak in the tenth year after the beginning thereof in the third year of the 108 Olympiad according to Diodorus when Archias was Archon but as * In Phocicis Pausanias writeth in the first of this Olympiad and in the government of Theophilus 26. Philip calling a Council of the Boeotians and Thessalians Diodorus ibid. it was resolved to remit the matter of the Phocians wholly to the judgment and sentence of the Amphyctiones Pausan ut prius They decreed that Philip as a reward for his good service should be enrolled in the number of themselvâ— and have the double voice which the Phocians formerly had That the Phocians should be debarred from the Temple That they should neither have Horse nor Arms till such time as they had repayed the money which they had stolen from Apollo All their Exiles and as many as were guilty of Sacrilege in their own persons should be accounted piacular and it might be lawful to take them out of any place The Phocians how punished by the Amphyctiones All their Cities were to be levelled with the ground and they reduced into Villages not exceeding the number of Fifty little Families apiece and distant a furlong one from another They were to pay to the Temple a yearly tribute of Sixty talents till the money stolen was made up But from this punishment Pausanias telleth us the Abaeans were excepted who alone had not contaminated themselves The Council then took order for restoring of the Oracle and for the establishment of peace in Greece and Philip having confirmed their Decrees imbracing them all with singular kindnesse returned into his own Kingdom flourishing with great glory both upon the account of Piety and Martial matters This Expedition made not a little for the enlargment of his Empire and the improvement of his design already laid to procure himsef to be chosen Captain General of Greece and to make War upon the Persians 27. Two years after and in the 17 of his reign he invaded the Illyrians his old Enemies with a potent Army took therein many Towns Diodorus ad Olymp. 109. an 1. wasted the Country and with rich booty returned into Macedonia Then went he into Thessalie where casting out the Tyrants out of the Cities he much won upon the People having a design hereby to make use of their favour as a decoy to bring in the affections of the rest And it failed not for their neighbours led by their example very readily entred into League with him The year after he prosecuted this design to a further advantage for Kersobleptes the King of the Thracians much distressing the Greek Cities in Thrace Idem ad an 2. he exhorted them to joyn together and with a strong force going against him overthrew the Thracians in several battels and forced them to pay the tenths of their Lands to the Kingdom of Macedonia Philip overthroweth the Thracians He built Forts in such places as were convenient for the bridling of their power whereby the Cities being delivered now from their fear most gladly imbraced his alliance and society The year after this Arymbas King of the Molossians died Idem ad an 3. who left a Son named Aeacides the Father of Pyrrhus but Philip deprived him of the Kingdom and gave it to Alexander the brother of his wife Olympias * Justin l 7. 8. Another saith that he deprived Arymbas yet alive and expelling him the Kingdom setled Alexander therein 28. The next Expedition Philip undertook Diodorus ad an 4. was against Perinthus a strong City situate upon the shore of the Propontis the Inhabitants whereof in favour of the Athenians crossed his designs With his utmost might he fell upon it continuing the storm without intermission by fresh men sent in the place of the dead or wounded Besiegeth Perinthus he built Turrets higher than theirs and with battering rams and mines brake down a part of the wall But the defendants being relieved from Byzantium manfully resisted and built a stronger wall in the room of that which was thrown down By this means the Siege being drawn on in length and great talk being in Asia of the power of the Macedonian Ochus the Persian King being now jealous of his power thought it wisdom to ballance him and for that purpse gave order to his Satrapaes upon the Sea Coasts to assist the Perinthians They uniting their Forces together gave them their utmost assistance which with the natural strength of the place inabled them to stand it out For it was seated upon the cliff of a Peninsula about a furlong in length the houses were thick and high rising one rank above another according to the ascent of the hill so that the whole Town represented the form of a Theatre Hereby though the wall was batterd down yet stopping the ends of the streets their defence was little diminished Marcheth thence to Byzantium which Philip perceiving and how all things necessary for the War were abundantly supplied from Byzantium he left a strong party under expert Captains to carry on the Siege and with the rest of the Army hasted against that City the inhabitants whereof having sent their men and arms to the Perinthians were thereby much straightned 29. By this time the grudges betwixt Philip and the Athenians were
story of Aeneas and Dido to be a fiction and utterly against the course of History Further Eusebius noteth that some accounted Carthage built 143 years after the destruction of Troy about the 2966 year of the World and the 23 of the reign of David 164 years or more before the time assigned to Dido by Menander It consisted of three parts For the reconcilement of these several assertions it must be considered that Carthage consisted of three parts viz. Cothon Megara and Byrsa whereof the first was the Port and the last the Citadel compassed about by the second called Magalia and Magaria but more truely Megara signifying properly in the Punick language dwellings in a strange Countrey 'T is conceived that these might be built at several times as that part about the Haven before the War of Troy the other some time within 144 years after the destruction of it which might rightly in respect of the other be called Carthada or New Town and lastly the Byrsa by Dido 166 years after For the Phoenicians being masters at Sea might according to their pleasure as they had occasion send out Colonies which they began to do from the time that Joshua expelled them out of the Land of Canaan The Greeks themselves believed that Cadmus made an expedition into Africk and there built many Cities as appeareth out of Nonius and he built the Citadel at Thebes about the time of Joshua In Procopius his age who lived under Justinian the Emperour about the 540 year of Christ the two Pillars were yet standing which those Canaanites erected that fled from the face of Joshua in that part of Africk called Tingitana as the inscription testified which we formerly mentioned and Eusebius writeth that these same Canaanites led Colonies into Tripolis in Africk Lastly amongst several other Cities built by the Phoenicians the most considerable after Carthage was Utica Utica some ten miles distant from it which Aristotle from the Phoenician Histories reporteth to be 287 years antienter than Carthage and Velletus Paterculus to have been built by the Tyrians a few years after Gades about the time of Codrus who being Contemporary with Saul this Citie obtained the name of Utica or Ityca that is saith Bochartus in the Phoenician language Old or Antient. The story of Dido 6. Dido was sister to Pygmalion King of Tyre wife to Sichaeus Menander Ephesius apud Josephum ut priùs Justin lib. 18. Appian lib. de bellis Punicis Servius in Aeneiad lib. 1. or Sicharbas their Uncle the Priest of Hercules Sichaeus being murdred by Pygmalion for his Wealth she out of hatred to or for fear of her brother fled into Africk with all she could take thereby disappointed the murderer of his prey The story goeth that coming into Africk she her Companions were repelled by Hiarbas the King of that place till they craftily desired to buy of him so much ground as an Ox's hide would compasse The Africans laughed at their folly and out of desire to see what use they could make of so little ground swore to make good the bargain The Phoenicians then cut the Hide all into one small thong with which they encompassed twenty furlong and thereon built a Castle thence said the Greeks called Byrsa But learned men explode this story of the Hide as a meer invention and a fable raised from a false explication of the word which in the Hebrew tongue is Bosra and signifying a fortified place or Castel is changed into Byrsa for the better sound because the Genius of the Greek language suffereth not S R to be joyned together Justin out of Trogus relateth that Hiarbas King of Mauritania sent for ten of the principal Carthaginians and required Dido in marriage threatning else to make War upon them At their return they told her he desired some one who might teach his people breeding and manners but none could be found that was content to leave his Countrey and joyn himself with the Barbarians whose lives were like to those of wild beasts She blaming them all exceedingly that they preferred their private commodity before the good of their Countrey to which if need required they ought their very lives they opened to her the whole matter saying that what she would impose upon others she ought not her self to refuse Being caught with this wile she long called on the name of Sichaeus her husband with many tears and great lamentation then taking three moneths time for the doing of what there was necessity for she made a pile of wood as though to make a Parentation to Sichaeus and appease his Ghost before her second marriage Having killed many beasts she ascended the Pile with a Sword in her hand and turning to the people said that now she was going to her husband and therewithall killed her self Before the name of Dido which some make to signifie Loved or Amiable Vide Bocharti Canaan lib. 1. c. 14. Simson ad A.M. 3132. and others more probably Wandring or Erratick she had that of Elissa betokening a Divine Woman or Virago The Latin word Virago in Greek written Ouirago is in Eusebius corrupted into Origo and being applied as a name to the Citie and not to the woman by a misunderstanding hath much perplexed Joseph Scaliger and others 7. Carthage then being re-edified or inlarged by Dido and the Colony she brought thither about the 3132 year of the World in the dayes of Johas King of Judah and Jehu of Israel 310 years after the destruction of Troy The form of Government at Carthage 97 before the first Olympiad and 120 before the building of Rome was at first under Monarchical Government but afterwards rejecting it indured many hazards and hardships which followed loose liberty whereof most are briefly recited by Justin in his eighteenth book and those that follow The (a) Polit. lib. 2. cap. 9. Philosopher compareth this Commonwealth with those of the Cretans and Lacedaemonians saying that it was mixed of Aristocracy and Policy as he calleth it (b) Lib. 16. Polybius saith it was composed of Kingly Aristocratical and Democratical Governments and (c) In Nycocle pag. 61. tolius operis editi Genevae 1636. Isocrates maketh it Oligarchical at home and in War Monarchical As two Kings at Lacedaemon had the first rank of Magistracie with equal power so at Carthage two persons by them called Suffetes and by Aristotle and Polybius and Corn. Nepos termed Kings yet onely nominal As the former were for life so these were but Annual in which respect (d) Lib. 10. Livie compareth them with the Consuls of Rome and their dignity being hereditary those were yearly elected out of any noble Families Such were especially preferred as were accounted most eminent for Virtue and able to defray the charges of their place Aristotle commendeth this above the Lacedaemonian custom all but that concerning their wealth imputing it as an error to the Legislator who ought another way to
have provided for Magistrates that they might attend publick businesse without any detriment to themselves and so be preferred meerly for their Virtue The Suffetes 8. These Suffetes were more rightly in their own Language called Sophetim the Hebrew name of those chief Judges amongst the Israelites who from Joshua to Saul governed their Commonwealth and the History of whose actions by us called Judges hath the same title of Sophetim for that interpretation which renders it Sophim i. e. Overseers at the first sight appeareth lesse probable Their Office was to * Livius ibid. Lege Ubbonem Emmium in Descr Reâ—p Carthaginiensium assemble the Senate in which doubtlesse they presided and proposed They decided causes Criminal but their power was confined to home nothing appearing of their medling with warlike matters or having command of the Armies To these Suffetes was added a Senate which because Aristotle compareth it with that of Lacedaemon Senate may be supposed elective out of the best sort and most antient men and the Senators it 's likely injoyed the dignity all their lives How many they were in number doth not appear but that herein this Senate exceeded the other of Lacedaemon is to be gathered from * Lib. 19. Justin who speaketh of 100 persons that out of it were chosen for Judges to take account of the actions of all Generals at their return from the Wars This Senate as that at Rome was the chief member and as the Soul of the State wherein the Suffetes propounding as the Consuls there all thines of moment were brought to it especially what concerned those great things of Empire viz. Peace War and Leagues The Suffetes deliberating with the Senate if it was unanimous and they resolved the same thing their Decree was Law to the whole State but if the Senate and Suffetes disagreed then was the matter referred to the People Concio or Assembly 9. In the Concio or Assembly of the People any one of the rabble might speak his mind freely and without danger contradict the Magistrates The People's Decree concerning any thing referred was taken for the ultimate determination of the whole and State and being once passed was so binding that it was not lawful to offer any thing against it which Aristotle reprehendeth and well may he as too Popular and too much declining from the best form of a Commonwealth affirming this Constitution to have no place in the best modelled States But * quo supra Polybius dissenting from the Philosopher where he compareth the Carthaginian with the Laconick and Roman Commonwealths sheweth that it was poised of the three kinds of Government that the Suffetes were as Kings the Senate held the place of Optimates or Nobility and the People a convenient power Yet he addeth that when Hannibal made War upon the Romans which happened ten years after the death of Aristotle the State of Carthage declined from it's antient and best condition the People having assumed more than formerly vvhen the Roman Senate's authority was yet whole This he thinketh to have much incommodated their affaires and brought great advantage to the Romans Consule Polybium But what authority the People had during the best and most ancient State he no where in those Books and fragments that are remaining declareth Emmius thinketh that it consisted in electing Magistrates making Laws Leagues Peace and War in appointing and ordering Negotiations Customs Tributes and such like things which concerned the generality and respected the profit of the multitude But some of these things seem rather to have fallen under the consideration of the Kings and Senate however the disorders that followed as in all other such Governments will satisfie the Reader in his opinion of the excellency of Monarchy Council of 104. 10. Besides the Senate there was a Council of 104 men whereof Aristotle onely informeth us and which according to the round number from him we may call the Centumvirate They had power to chuse five men out of their body who had very large and great authority Both these sorts of Magistrates retained their povver longer than any other enjoying it both before and after they came to be of the five vvhich thing vvas plainly Oligarchical But in that they were not chosen by lot but by the Suffrages of the People and served without wages in that they alone took cognisance of and judged controversies and publick actions none being remitted to others as the custom was at Lacedaemon this he taketh notice to be Aristocratical He compareth the power of the Centumvirate with that of the Ephori at Sparta whereby he teacheth us that the power of judging lay in it And as the Ephori were acording to him Conservators of Popular liberty at Sparta protecting the Plebeians against the power of the great ones so it is likely from these words of Aristotle that those 100 men at Carthage were the Keepers of the Popularity Herein he prefereth them before the Ephori that they were not chosen out of the rabble but the better sort of Citizens wherein lay also a piece of Aristocracy for mean persons being preferred to greatest places do much hurt a Commonwealth saith he and have already endamaged that of the Lacedaemonians Censors Amonst civil Officers there were some that made inspection into the manners of the Citizens as Corn. Nepos telleth us in the life of Amilcar Pretorship the Father of famous Hannibal from whom they removed a beautiful young man called Asdrubal because he was reported to be more familiar with him than modesty required There was also a Praetorship which had authority to look to the Customs and Tributes and also to prefer Laws as appeareth by Hannibal who being chosen into this office not onely reformed the Customers but also taking notice of the corruption of Judges procured a Law for them to be chosen every year But whether there were more than one of these Officers is not to be discovered from antient Writers 11. Besides the faults before mentioned Aristotle reprehendeth the Custom of chusing the Suffetes for their riches which openeth a dore to avarice and indirect practices thence arising Faults in the Common-wealth He also noteth it as a fault that one and the same man had several Offices which yet they esteemed as a great honour One detestable practice they used of old to sacrifize to their gods humane Sacrifices when any affliction or disaster fell upon them and even their own Sons as Plato witnesseth which custom they seem to have brought with them out of Palaestine every year sending thither such kind of presents unto Hercules as we find in Pliny Another absurd Law they had Lib. 30. cap. 5. which forbad any Citizens to learn the Greek Langage lest they should hold intelligence with the Enemy because one Suniator had so done with Dionysius the elder Good Laws as Justin writeth This indeed was laudable that this City abhominated Drunkennesse
contended not Cleareth himself but that very night sent for Carpenters who demolished the house ere morning the next day the People were presented with a new and unexpected sight which fully altered their opinion concerning Valerius who now wanting an house of his own was glad to accept of the courtesie of friends till the People gave him a place wherein he built a mansion lesse stately than the former Further that he might render not onely himself but also his Office in stead of terrible familiar and acceptable to all he removed Axes from the bundle of Rods and the Rods themselves vvhen he came into the Assembly he bowed or vailed to the People thereby intimating that in them lay the chief power which custom his Successors followed Hereby as to his own person he lesned not himself but cut off envy and got so much power as he renounced of liberty the People willingly submitting to him because he flattered them out of which respect they gave him the Sirname of Poplicola not Publicola as Sigonius hath evinced He gave free leave to any to sue for the Consulship but before a Colleague should be joyned with him being ignorant what might happen and fearing he might either through emulation or ignorance crosse his designs by his sole authority he gave birth to several Popular Constitutions which at length produced such effects as shewed the excellency of that Government which he had helped to destroy 11. First he filled up the Senate which had been exhausted by an addition of 164 Persons as some delivered the number Then made he several Laws His constitutions which gave beginning to that paramount or rampant liberty whereof the People was afterwards possessed By one he gave leave to an accused person to appeal from the Consuls to the People By another he made it death for any one to take upon him an Office of Magistracy without the People's order A third gave relief to poor Citizens by taking away the payment of Tribute Another punished disobedience towards the Consuls and appointed the mulct to be the price of five Oxen and two Sheep the price of a Sheep was ten Oboli each Obolus was worth 1 d. q. and 100 the value of an Oxe For at that time the use of money was but rare amongst the Romans wealth consisting in plenty of Cattel whence riches were afterwards called Peculia from Pecus and upon the antient money an Oxe Sheep or Hog was stamped which gave it the name of Pecunia and hence they imposed upon their sons as Plutarch observeth the names of Suillii Bubulci Caprarii and Porcii Another Law Valerius made which gave power to any man to kill him unheard that affected the Supreme power if he could demonstrate the crime The last was a Law for the creation of two Quaestors or publick Treasurers as Plutarch writeth For it being necessary that the People should contribute money for maintenance of Wars he would neither undertake the keeping of it himself nor commit the care of it to his friends neither thought it convenient that the Publick money should be kept in a private house therefore he made the Temple of Saturn the Aerarium or Treasury and caused the People to chuse out two young men to be Quaestors The Quaestors The first were P. Veturius and M. Minucius A great quantity of money was now brought into the Aerarium For at the Census 130000 were cessed or valued besides Widdows and Orphans Thus much Plutarch delivereth concerning this Office 12. But some give a more antient beginning to the Quaestors making theirs antienter than any Office except that of the Kings (a) Lib. de Potestatibus Gracchanus a Lawyer wrote When first made that both Romulus and Numa had their Quaestors created by the consent of the People however he saith it is certain that Tullus Hostilius had his (b) Lib. de officio Quaestoris Ulpian confirmeth the later and (c) Annal. l. 16. 11. Tacitus seemeth to agree with either of them affirming that under the Kings there were Quaestors which the Lex curiata sheweth that was renewed by L. Brutus He addeth that the Consuls had power to chuse them till the People took that honour to it self and first of all created Valerius Potitus and Aemilius Mamercus that they might follow the Army in the 63 year after the banishment of Tarquinius Lipsius thinketh this number should be read 23 that it might agree with (d) Lib. 8. Dionysius and also (e) Lib. 3. Livie who first mentioneth the Quaestors in the 269 year of the City 23 years after the banishment of the King and differeth onely in one of their names having for Aemilius Caeso Fabius Concerning the antiquity of these Officers (f) Lib. 2. ff de Orig. Juris Pomponius also the Lawyer agreeth with the rest They had their name à quaerendo saith (g) De Lingua Latin lib. 4. pag. 22. ex Edit Joseph Scalig. Varro because they made inquiry after publick money and also Malefactors or the actions of such which later employment was afterwards committed to the Triumviri for capital matters so that Quaestor is written as for Quaesitor Justus Lipsius is of opinion that though the Kings might have these Officers for the punishment of vice yet the Treasurers were not created till the change of the Government when the Publick Treasure being increased there was need of such At the beginning they were but two by consent of all Their number and those were made for the City retaining afterwards the name of Urbani But afterward when they were to look to the paying of the Armies abroad and selling plunder and booty then were there other two made to accompany the Consuls as Livie saith which hapned about the 232 year of the City 13. This number long continued until all Italy was brought in then was it again doubled no fewer than eight being thought to suffice for the Tributes of the Provinces and this hapned when Silver money was first coined about the 439 year of the City as may be gathered from the Epitome of Livie's 15 Book Not long after Sylla procured by a Law that twenty should be made for the assistance of the Senate as Tacitus writeth to which he had delivered the judicial power and for such an end did Caesar cause fourty to be created The Quaestorship was the first step to Offices of Magistracy Their duty as is clear from several Authors was to gather lay up and pay out the publick revenues Their duty to keep the military Ensignes of Gold and Silver for they then used no banners in the Treasury to sell plunder and booty receive lodge and carry out Ambassadors They had also the government of certain places as Ostia and Cales They received from Augustus the privilege of keeping the Senatus consulta which formerly belonged to the Aediles and Tribunes And the Emperours had a certain Quaestor of their own called Candidatus
upon their publick faith that all Justice shall be duely executed From this League it appeareth that the Carthaginians speak of Africk and Sardinia as absolutely their own but far otherwise concerning Sicily expresly distinguishing of that part thereof which they had subdued The Romans also include in this League onely Latium making no mention of the rest of Italy which was not in their power After this another League was made or rather this renewed wherein the Carthaginians comprized the Tyrians and the people of Utica To the Fair Promontory were added Mastia and Tarseium beyond which it was neither lawfull for the Romans to make any depredations nor build a Town These things Polybius observeth concerning these Leagues which he also exemplifieth and to which we referre Students in History 17. Tarquinius after that great battel wherein he lost his son Aruns in a Combat with Brutus betook himself to Clusium the King whereof Porsena by name one of great account for his power and munificence amongst the Kings of Italy he procured to take upon him his quarrel He first sent to Rome Porsena warreth against Rome commanding them to receive their King according to their duty Livius lib. 2. and upon refusal both threatned and made War upon them Plut. ut priùs Now were created Consuls Poplicola the second time being absent and T. Lucretius Tricipitinus on the Calends of October according to the Pompilian year which answered to September 14. of the Julian in the new Moon Ad A.M. 3492. 3507. Jacobus Cappellus observeth that the Consuls Commenced at this time of the year from the first of Poplicola till fifteen years after in the 261st year of the Citie Sp. Cassius and Posthumius Cominius began their Office a moneth sooner viz. on the Calends of October The reason might be for that the new Moon sell in with the Autumnal Aequinoctial on the 29th of Julian September from which the Pompilian or Numan September seemeth to have Commenced that year the Moon increasing although without order For the Calends of October ought rather to have been on that day but such errors were frequent in the Pompilian year either through the negligence or wilfull neglect of the Priests After the third year the Calends or first day of January recovered their true place viz. the next new Moon to the Winter Solstice but September obtained to be the beginning of the year untill the 278th year of the Citie wherein the Comitia for Creation of Consuls were cast back to the Calends of the moneth Sextilis afterwards called August at what time A. Virginius Tricostus and Sp. Servilius Structus were made Consuls in the Summer Solstice as Dionysius observeth 18. Poplicola returning to Rome first resolved in magnanimity to outvy Porsena and for that purpose when the King was now approaching founded the Citie Sigliucia or rather Signia which with great expence he fortified and then planted it with 700 Inhabitants making hereby a show that he could without any trouble or fear sustain the War Plut. in Poplicol Dionys lib. 5. Livius lib. 2. Florus lib. 1. cap. 10. Aurel. Victor de viris Illustr Val. Max. lib. 3. cap. 2 3. Vide etiam Polyb. lib. 6. But Porsena laying close siege to Rome very fiercely with all his might set upon the Citie The two Consuls with much ado repelling the Toscans at length were both so wounded as they must needs be carried off after which the Romans fled from before their Enemies who in their retreat into the Town followed them close and flocked upon the bridge Horatius Cocles There Horatius sirnamed Cocles either for that he had but one eye having lost the other in War or because his Nose was so depressed that both his Eyes seemed to go into one whence intending to call him Cyclops by ignorance of the language they pronounced it Cocles together with Herminius and Lartius opposed himself against the Toscans Cocles stood before the bridge and repulsed the Enemy so long till it was broken down behind him which done he cast himself armed as he was into the River and swom out to his friends having received a wound with a Spear To require him for the lamenesse he contracted by this wound and in admiration of his valour Poplicola caused all the Romans to give him every one so much provision as would serve one for a day then conferred he on him so much ground as he could plow round about in one day and they erected to his memory a Statue in the Temple of Vulcan But Porsena drawing out the siege in length sore straitned the Citie Poplicola now executing his third Consulship together with his last year's Collegue M. Horatius Pulvillus led forth his men and giving the King battel overthrew him and killed 5000 of his men Yet this little availed the honour of finishing this War being reserved for the valour and policy of Mutius Cordus 19. Mutius a man of excellent courage and no lesse skill in War resolving with himself to ly in wait for the life of Porsena Mutius Scaevola put on the Tuscan habit and using that language came into the King's Camp where observing the place in which the King was but being ignorant of his person A.M. 3498. Ol. 68. ann 2. V.C. 247. Darii 15. he stabbed his Secretary who sate with him amongst several others Being taken in the act when they went about to examine him he thrust his right hand into the fire as intending to punish it for so great a mistake and whilest it burned beheld Porsena with a stedfast and angry countenance who admiring his resolution dismissed him and reached him back his sword from his seat Mutius took it with his left hand whence he had the name of Scaevola which word signifieth one that useth his left hand saith Plutarch and telling the King that he was now overcome by his bravenesse of spirit whose threats he had contemned he said in way of requital he would reveal a thing to him which no force of torment could have compelled him to discover He affirmed there were 300 Romans now in his Camp watching an opportunity to kill him As for his part having been by lot destined to make the first attempt it did not trouble him that he had failed in killing him a right good man one much worthier of the friendship than hatred of the Romans Porsena hearing this inclined presently to a composure of the difference not so much out of fear of the 300. as admiration of the Roman courage Poplicola having notice hereof was glad of such a friend and content to make him Umpire betwixt the Commonwealth and Tarquinius He often challenged Tarquinius to put the matter to arbitration to which the King answered couragiously that he vvould not admit of any Judge much lesse of Porsena vvho having promised him aid now basely falsified his word Peace made with Porsena Porsena hereat displeased especially through the solicitation of
matter Some were for a free remission of the debts after the manner of the Athenian Sisachthea as the onely way to remove all prejudice and beget a fair correspondence betwixt Nobility and Commons Others condemned this as too great a condescention and which would encourage them to like Seditions for the time to come thinking it the better way to list such as would give their names and not at all value the rest who though gratified at present would hereafter be unserviceable Betwixt these extremes several other wayes were propounded but this at length prevailed that nothing should now be determined bur the War being happily finished the Consuls should report it again to the Senate and in the mean time all sutes and processe concerning debts were to cease that Magistrates might make effectual provision for the matter now mainly incumbent This expedient though something it wrought had not sufficient strength to end the difference and therefore the Senate was put upon another exigent Whereas by the Law of Valerius power of life and death was taken away from the Consuls and all constraint by an appeal to the People so that no man could be forced to the War It seemed necessary to create a Magistrate who for six moneths should rule as absolute above the Laws and from whom should lye no appeal Thus having renounced Monarchy in effect they had again recourse to it and shewed as well the necessity as excellency of it The Dictaror 27. This Supreme Officer was called Dictator either for that he was dictus or named by the Consul according to (a) De Ling. Latin l 4. p. 56. Varro or rather from dictating or shewing and commanding what was to be done which Etymology (b) Lib. 5. Dionysius approveth He was also called (c) Varro quo prius Cicero de Fin. l. 3. Festus in voc Optima Lex Magister Populi and (d) Lex Antiqua Praetor Maximus Both name and thing came from the Albans whose Dictator Metius Suffetius we have formerly mentioned Spartianus saith it was an ordinary Magistrate of old Latium Dionysius bringeth the testimony of Licinius Macer for this opinion yet he thinketh the Office first taken from the Greeks who had their Aesymnetae or extraordinay Kings made upon some urgent occasion with absolute power The Dictator was created upon some urgent occasion of War or Sedition for fixing a nail in time of a Plague to hold the Comitia for election of Consuls celebrate Games make inquisition choosing Senators or in sum when there was need of a sodain and extraordinary command The manner of his creation was not as of other Magistrates by the Suffrages of the People but at the command of the Senate the Consul named some one of Consular dignity whom he pleased in the night and who was approved by the Auspicium or divination from birds a ceremony observed ever in the election of some Officers The occasion being many times sodain they could not stay for the Suffrages of the People and the design being to restrain or constrain the multitude many times he was not to be chosen out of their body although sometimes these rules were not fully observed either through the absence of the Consul or some other respect L. Cornelius Sylla alone was named by the Interrex as C. Caesar by the Praetor both which nominations Cicero in his Epistles conceiveth done contrary to right and order The autority of the Dictator was exteeding large His power He had power of Peace and War to levie Forces lead them forth and disband them and act all things according to his pleasure without referring them to the Senate So that not onely had he the power of both Consuls whence the Greeks called him Disypatos or Double Consul but more also in that upon his Creation all other Magistrates except the Tribunes laid down their Offices and the whole Government was left in his hands He could punish as he pleased without all appeal and for the ostentation of his power had 24 bundles of Rods caried before him with as many Axes or Hatchets as Plutarch and Polybius do testifie although Livie dissenting from them will have Sylla first of all others to have had 24 bundles Hence this Office came to be so terrible as the Edict of the Dictator was ever observed as the command of a Deity The bounds of his Office 28. It was necessary according to the Roman Government that this extraordinary power should be bounded by certain limits wherein might lie redresse of inconveniences thence arising Six moneths were the time assigned for it's duration and never was it lengthned except for meer necessity as might be instanced in Camillus L. Papirius and Fabius Maximus for the perpetual Dictatorships of Sylla and Caesar were notorious violations of the Laws And not onely the time but the place also was limited it being unlawful for the Dictator to stir out of Italy lest being out of sight he should take advantage at the distance of place to attempt some new matter and this constitution was never violated but once whilst the old Commonwealth stood by Attillius Collatinus He was not to come on horse-back but march continually on foot to shew saith Plutarch that the Roman strength lay in the Legions or rather to teach him humility Now because in great Expeditions this could scarce be observed he formally before his departure asked leave of the People that he might ride as Livie informeth us But those restrictions were inconsiderable in respect of the Appeal which afterwards came to be made from him to the People Festus in these words Optima Lex Appeal from him saith that first the power of the Magister Populi or Dictator was full or absolute as that of Marcus Valerius but afterwards an Appeal lay from this Magistrate to the People Lib. 8. Livie seemeth also to hold out the same thing where he bringeth M. Fabius in behalf of his son thus speaking to L. Papirius the Dictator Seeing that neither the authority of the Senate nor mine age which thou goest about to bereave of my son neither the virtue and Nobility of the Master of the Horse-men named by thy self prevaileth with thee nor yet prayers and intreaties which are wont to appease an enemy and the anger of the gods I appeal to the Tribunes of the People and the People it self which I make our Judge seeing thou regardest not the judgment of the Army and Senate which alone can do more than thy Dictatorship I shall see whether thou wilt give place to that Appeal to which the Roman King Tullus Hostilius yielded Hereupon the People assembled and the Tribunes were present at the meeting Papirius denieth neither the power of the one nor the other but continueth resolute for the punishment of the Master of the Horse-men who had fought in his absence contrary to his command shewing how all discipline else would be destroyed A way was found out to preserve the
honour of both Offices the power of People Tribunes and Dictator with the strength of discipline For the People betook it self to intreaties and was seconded by the Tribunes Whereupon the Dictator pardoned the party granting his life to the request of those who as he confesseth might have commanded it 29. At what time this Appeal was brought in or how long it continued in force seeing that Sylla and other Dictators made use of the old and absosute power is uncertain It is probable that the People being overwitted in ratifying the Decree of the Senate as Dionysius telleth us they were grew sensible how they had thereby given the power again out of their hands SECT 2. it being lawfull for the Senate at any time when they should pretend a necessity and that for the bridling of the People it self to give order to the Consul to name a Dictator and therefore resumed its antient power of Appeal without which no lawlesse freedom could be enjoyed But in the declining condition of the Commonwealth when Dictators grew more imperious their Soldiers more dissolute and the Tribunes of the people especially more factious an opportunity might be wanting for it to exert that right which as yet it had not given up to any other If what Dionysius writeth of the Dictator's being approved by the people after the Consul's nomination be true the State stood in lesse need of the Appeal but it being not possible for a multitude never to mistake in its opinion of a person this defect might at length experimentally be discovered and thence a recourse had to that remedy which was ever certain whilest it could be applied By these cautions and restrictions with the modesty of the Romans this Grand Office was for 400 years managed for the publick good as it was accounted till Sylla and afterward Caesar converted it into a Tyranny as the multitude counted it and rendred the very name thereof so odious that after Caesar's death in the 710 year of the Citie when M. Antonius and P. Cornelius Dolabella were Consuls a Law was made from the former Consul called Lex Aâ—tonia whereby it was for ever banished The Magister Equitum The Dictator when he was Created made choice of one who had either been Consul or Praetor to be Magister Equitum who saith Varro had chief power over the hors-men De Ling. Latin lib. 4. p. 22. and Adcensi Criers Beadles or publick Messengers as the Dictator had over the Roman people whence he also was called Magister Populi The rest because they were of lesse value than these Magistri were named Magistratus as from alâ—us Albatus If the Dictator was absent the Master of the hors-men executed his place in the Army but if he present he commanded the horse yet so as to be obedient to the Dictator's orders and not to fight either contrary to or without his command In the second Punick War M. Fabius Buleo was made Dictator for filling up the Senate without a Master of hors-men But he alleged that he could not approve of two Dictators to be at the same time nor a Dictator without a Master of hors-men and having perfected his work on the same day laid down his Office The time of the first Dictatorship 30. Concerning the time of the first Dictatorship Authors differ in the space of two years and do not full agree about the person Dionysius a grave faithfull and wary Author by consent of the most learned sort of men referreth it to the 255 year of the Citie but Livy and most Latine Authors assign it to the 253. Dionysius saith expresly that T. Largius Flavus was the first Dictator The Person being Consul that year Livy saith it could not be certainly known from antient Authors who was the first yet confesseth that the most antient mentioned Largius and upon good grounds approveth of their opinion rather than that which maketh M. Valerius the son of Marcus yet living and Grand-son to Volesus the first of all which Festus seemeth to follow Livy mentioneth no other cause of the Original than a falling out with the Sabines and the conspiracy of the 30 Latine Cities putting off the Sedition till after the finishing of the Latine War but as there can little hold be taken of one who uncertainly relateth matters so no need would there have been of an absolute Authority for the Latine War if no stir had been made in the Citie all giving their names with alacrity and obeying the Consuls as in former Wars And if the Consuls had been suspected to favour the cause of Tarquinius as some wrote they were then new ones might have been made in their rooms nothing being prevalent to alter the ordinary form of Government but a necessity of absolute power for a time and no ordinary accident about War could make this necessity so that compulsion must have been the end and the taking away that help from the multitude which was unalterably given to it against the Consuls by the Valerian Law Thus might the Nobility if they had had that duty have seen cause to repent in time of their Kings banishment SECT 1. 31. T. Largius the first Dictator having named Sp. Cassius for his Master of hors-men who had born the Office of Consul in the 70th Olympiad câ—used Axes to be carried before him with the Rods T. Largius the first Dictator as had been wont till the time of Poplicola before the chief Magistrates both Kings and Consuls Having with these other Ensigns of power terrified the Seditions he began the Census after the Pattern of Ser. Tullius according to the Tribes taking the names and ages of such as were Cessed and of Children In a short space fear of losing freedom of the Citie and Estates so prevailed as 150700 of such as were ripe of age gave their names which he distributed into four parts whereof taking one to himself he gave the rest to his Master of hors-men and two others one being to continue in the Citie for the defence thereof This done he sent some who underhand dealt with the several Latine Cities and procured them to suspend the War and make a Truce for a year notwithstanding all that Mamilius and Sextus Tarquinius could do to the contrary Then returned he home with the Army and ere his 6 moneths were out the Consuls being appointed laid down no Citizen being killed banished or otherwise chastized by any grievous punishment which carriage was imitated by his Successors untill the third age from that wherein we live saith Dionysius But in the time of our fathers 400 years from the Dictatorship of Largius L. Cornelius Sylla first of all others behaved himself cruelly in this Office so that the Romans conceived then what before they had cause to be ignorant of that the Dictatorship was a Tyrannis 32. When the Truce betwixt the Latines and Romans was ended both parties prepared for the War The former were
Arimaspi or Agriaspae called also Euergetae by Cyrus the Great Diodorus ut priùs Curtius lib. 7. cap. 3. Arrianus for that when he went against the Scythians they furnished him with Provisions in his great necessity He used them very curteously bestowing upon them Mony and as much Ground as they would ask which was not much And here he heard that Satibarzanes being returned from Bessus had withdrawn the Arii from obedience Against him he sent 6000 Greekish Foot and 600 Horse under the command of Erygius and others who joyning Battel with him he pulled down his Helmet and challenged any one to a single Combat Erygius accepting of the Challenge slew him in the place and then his Soldiers who had followed him rather by constraint The King marcheth against Bessus than out of any good will yielded themselves Alexander having staid among the Euergetae 60 days passed on and in his way subdued the Gedrosians the Drangi and Dragogi as also Arachosia where he got that Army into his power of which Parmenio had the command consisting of 6000 Macedonians and 200 Gentlemen besides 5000 other Greeks and 600 Horse 5. The next People he passed through were the Paropamisadae This being in the Winter-season Passeth the Mountain Paropamisus his Army suffered extreamly through the coldnesse of the Climate Thence he came to the Mountain Caucasus or Paropamisus as that part of it was call'd which he passed in 17 days A. M. 3677. Ol. 113 an 1. V.C. 426. Alexandri 9. and built some Cities about it Bessus had now in Bactria about 8000 of the Inhabitants up in Arms who thinking that Alexander would rather turn towards India than come against them kept with Bessus till they plainly perceived that the King invaded their Country Then they all betook them to their own homes and Bessus with his other followers passed over the River Oxus into the Country of the Sogdians being still accompanied with Spitamenes and Oxyartes in whose fidelity he confided Invadeth Bactria But Alexander invading Bactria after he had taken divers Cities had the whole Country yielded to him after which he passed to the great River Oxus but in his way was so distressed for water that his Army languished and when it came at the River so many drunk intemperately that he lost more men thereby than he had formerly done in any Battel Ere he passed the River he sent home 900 Macedonians and Thessalians the former being old and wounded and the later the remnant of the Volunteers those he rewarded and gave thanks to such of the rest that remained as were willing to serve in the Wars yet behind He passed over the River upon Skins and Bladders joyned together wanting materials to make a better Bridge and came to the place where he heard Bessus lay with all his Forces Bessus was now forsaken by his friends for Spitamenes conspiring against him with Dataphernes and Catanes snatched the Diadem from his head tore Darius his Roab from off his back and gave notice to Alexander that if he would send any of his Captains with some Forces they would deliver him up Alexander sent Ptolomie the son of Lagus Bessus delivered up to him and one of his Guard who brought him to his presence in an Halter whence he was delivered to Oxyartes the brother of Darius to be tormented to death in that place where he had most wickedly slain his Soverain his Lord and Master Curtius l. 7. Strabo l. 11 14. 6. About this time he utterly destroyed the City of the Branchidae with all its Inhabitants in revenge for a fault committed 150 years before For Xerxes flying out of Greece He destroyeth the Braachidae they betray'd the Treasures of Didymaean Apollo into his hands and for this not daring to stay behind they left Miletus and followed him who gave them this place where their Posterity dearly paid for their fault After this he marched to the River Tanais another than that which severeth Europe from Asia falling down from the Mountain Caucasus into the Hyrcanian Sea Here some of his Soldiers going forth to gather forage were intercepted by the Enemy which to the number of 20 or 30000 betook himself to an Hill and thence was beaten down and wasted to 8000 Curtius Arrianus yet with great difficulty and hazard to the King himself who received a wound in his thigh Cometh to Maracanda Thence in four days he marched in a Litter to Maracanda the chief City of Sogdiana where leaving a Garrison he over-ran the neighbouring Territories and shortly came an Ambassage from the Scythians called Abii who thereby gave up themselves into his power But in the mean time the Barbarians of Maracanda slew the Garrison of the Macedonians being together with the greatest part of the Sogdians drawn back by those that took Bessus who also drew to their party some of the Bactrians and Susians Alexander sent to suppresse them Spitamenes and Catenes who had delivered up Bessus but they confirmed them in their Rebellion and became Leaders in the Revolt giving out that the Bactrian Horse was sent for by the King on purpose to be made away 7. To reduce these Revolters Alexander presently sent Craterus who besieged Cyropolis the chief City so called because built by Cyrus the Great and he himself besieged another called Gaza which be took and put all of ripenesse of age to the sword for a terror to their Country-men After this he reduced several other Cities and then went to the assistance of Craterus against Cyropolis which was defended by 18000 men Here he lost many a valiant Soldier and by a stroak of a stone on his neck was fell'd down sensless but this increased his natural vigor so that out of indignation he set furiously on and presently took the place Eight thousand of the Inhabitants were slain and the rest retiring into the Castle shortly after yielded for want of water and then one City remaining onely of seven whither the Barbarians had fled he reduced that also in a short time Spitamenes now had shut himself up in Maracanda where he besieged the Macedonians in the Castle Against him he sent a Party and began to build a City upon the River Tanais which being raised in few days with a wall six miles in compasse he called after himself Alexandria Curtius ut suprà Justin l. 12. Arrianus l. 4. His design was to have a convenient Fortresse for the Invasion of Scythia which the Scythian King inhabiting beyond the River suspecting sent his brother with a party of Horse to beat away the Macedonian forces and demolish it Comming to the narrowest place of the River they not onely cast over their Darts but opprobrious speeches which so incensed Alexander as though he was extream ill and for some time had nor been able as much as to speak to his Soldiers yet he resolved to passe over against them Marcheth against the
it with Darts afar off whereof the greatest part being kept off by the boughes and leaves of the Tree the rest he received on his Target But the Indians drawing nearer Casteth himself into extream danger threw showers of Darts upon him and with stones broke his Helmet Being spent and not longer able to stand he fell upon his knees whereupon despising him they came to him and yet he so received them with his sword as two fell down dead before him and after this he killed their General who boldly set upon him then none would venture to approach nearer but plied it with Darts afar off By this time those three that mounted the wall after him were got down and fought stoutly for him of whom Abreas was shot in the face and fell the King also in the breast with an Arrow which piercing through his Armor near his Pap some affirmed that blood and breath issued together out of the wound and he swooned being covered by Peucestes with his shield Now the Macedonians brake into the Castle and put all to the sword sparing neither Sex nor Age. They carried their King out on a Target not knowing whether he was alive or dead but shortly after he came to himself and his wound was dressed some say by Critobulus the Physician others by Perdiccas out of which much blood issuing he swooned again and that very thing staunched the bleeding While he stayed a little in this place a report flew to the Army then lying with the Fleet at the meeting of the two Rivers Hydraotes and Acesines that he was dead and it gained such belief that the Letters he sent were taken but as counterfeit Therefore he hasted to the Camp where he presented himself to the view of them all there 25. Having escaped this great danger amongst the Malli for amongst them it was and not amongst the Oxydracae as some have mistaken and returned to his Fleet he sailed down the River and on the fourth day came to a place forsaken of its Inhabitants but convenient for to make some stay in Here he rested many days for the better curing of his wounds and employed his men this while in building of ships Hither the Malli and Oxydracae sent to ask pardon and submit themselves After which he sailed further and came to the confluence of Hydraotes and Acesines the former whereof loseth it self in the later Proceeding further he came through Acesines into Indus subduing a certain People in his way who lived in a Free State Saileth into Indus and here he made Philip Governor of the Malli and Oxydracae with all the Country down to this place wherein he also gave order for a City to be built Following on his voiage he arrived at the Country of the Sanbestae or Sabracae who living also in a popular way of Government were very populous and strong and hearing of his coming had got together 60000 Foot and near 8000 Horse but upon a sight of his Fleet they let fall their courage and sent fifty of their principal men to ask peace From this place on the fourth day he came to the seat of the Sogdae who also yielded themselves and here by the River Indus he caused to be built another Alexandria Upon which he buildeth an Alexandria and subdueth Musicanus which he furnished with convenient Havens and Arsenals Thence he sailed down with such expedition into the Country of Musicanus that he was upon him ere he heard of his coming therefore the Indian met him with such gifts as his Country afforded and gave up himself with all he had into his hands acknowledging his fault that he had no sooner done it 26. Having here commanded Teryestes whom he had set over the Paropamisadae to be put to death for abusing that People by a covetous and tyrannical Government he caused a Fort to be raised in the chief City of Musicanus wherein he left a Garrison because the place seemed very convenient for keeping the neighbouring Nations in obedience Leaving Musicanus in his former power though not authority he sailed down to the Praesti another Indian Nation over which ruled Oxycanus Here he stormed two Cities in one whereof their King being retired into the Castle sent to him to beg pardon but too late for ere the Messengers could come at Alexander two Towers fell down which made way for the Macedonians who entring and Oxycanus killed Oxycanus amongst the rest which being reported to the other Cities they all yielded themselves After this he came into the borders of the Brachmans whose King Sabus or Sambus caused the Gates of his principal City to be opened but afterwards revolted at the instigation of his Subjects some of whom paid dearly for it in a certain City wherein they were taken Sambus himself with thirty Elephants escaping Some of them were upon pain of death to answer to certain hard Questions which having done they were dismissed with rewards as Plutarch informeth us But ere this Musicanus had revolted against whom Pithon was sent who overpowering him took him prisoner He was Crucified in his own Countrey by Alexander's Command with all such Brachmans as had drawn him to revolt 27. Returning to the River Indus in the fourth day he came to a Citie of the Brachmans called Hamatelia the inhabitants whereof hearing that he was invincible poisoned the heads of their Arrows trusting to their own valour and the natural strength of the place He sent a party which by approaching their Walls and then retreating drew them forth by which stratagem of 3000 he took 1000. and killed 600. Many of his own men died and those who survived were brought into extream danger amongst whom was Ptolomy the son of Lagus He being almost ready to die the story goeth that Alexander in a Dream had an Herb shewed to him which drunk and outwardly applied helped against the poyson the truth being Strabo lib. 15. that the virtue of this plant was by some declared to him and this story feigned out of flattery For all this the besieged yielding had indemnity granted to them and then came Maeris King of the Island Pattalena which he gave up into the Conquerours power Alexander restored and sent him back commanding him to provide all necessaries for his Army but sailing down thither he found that he had left the Citie and retired to the Mountains with all his subjects both of Town and Countrey Alexander sent some hors-men to perswade them to return which accordingly diverse did Then did he order Hephaestion to build a Fort in the Citie and sent a party to dig Wells in that Coast of the Countrey which wanted water The Enemy fell upon these men out of the Wildernesse and killed many of them which forced the King to send others for a supply He sayleth to the Island Pattalena Now had he sayled almost 10 moneths when he came to Pattalena 28. At this Island the River Indus parteth into two
his power almost three years * Corn. Nepos in Eumene One reporteth that he was slain at the River Nile by Seleucus and Antigonus 7. Ptolomy came over to the Kings whom with the Officers he magnificently entertained and then an election being to be made of a new Governour for them in the room of Perdiccas though he could easily have procured himself to be chosen yet he got two others elected viz. Pithon one of Alexander's most intimate friends and Aâ—idaeus who having the care of the funeral committed to him Pithon and Aridaeus chosen into his place And Eumenes declared an Enemy Pithon layeth down Antipater chosen into his place had at the desire of Ptolomy buried the King's body at Memphis against the will of Perdiccas The Army now being displeased at the death of Craterus declared Eumenes an Enemy and chose Antigonus together with Antipater Generals for the subduing of him But Pithon and Aridaeus held not their places long for Eurydice the wife of Aridaeus the King being a woman of a notable spirit would have nothing done without her knowlege and grew so intolerable that Pithon therewith wearied and seeing the Macedonians too much addicted to her called the Soldiers together and laid down his Protectorship Into his room then Antipater was elected with full power 8. Against him also Eurydice raised such a Sedition in the Army A. M. 3685. Ol. 115. an 1. V.C. 434. Ptolom 4. taking occasion at the want of pay that with much ado he escaped the danger of his life by the means of Antigonus and Seleucus After this he anew divided such Provinces as he saw convenient placing and displacing Governours He created Antigonus General against Eumenes sending his own son Cassander as Collonel with him He createth Antigonus General against Eumenes by whom he might be certified in case he attempted any thing for his own establishment and then with the two Kings he marched for Maceâ—onia Eumenes having intelligence concerning these Councils made all preparations possible for resistance In the Spring Antigonus came against him into Cappadocia where he first attempted by Libels thrown into his Camp to draw his Soldiers from their obedience offering a great reward for his head Eumenes gave his Soldiers thanks for their fidelity but told them that these Libels were feigned by himself to try them which was a notable device and of such he was full to make them wary of giving credit to such for the time to come Yet some proved false to him as one Perdiccas who drew away a considerable party but was pursued and taken and being put to death the Soldiers returned to obedience But Apollonides his General of the Horse did most mischief Eumenes worsted through treachery for being corrupted by Antigonus when they came to joyn battel he passed over with his Troops to him whereby Eumenes had the worst of it and lost about 8000 men with his Cariages 9. Apollonides the Traytor he caught and hanged then flying a private way he returned to the Camp and there buried his dead to the wonder and amazement of the Enemy after which he could have plundred the carriages of Antigonus but for burthening his Soldiers with the booty Being driven to and fro in this flight at length he betook himself to a Castel called Nora situate in the Confines of Cappadocia and Lycaonia and dismissed all his Army except 500 Horse-men and 200 Foot as also such friends as were unwilling to undergo the hardship of a Siege Antigonus before he would lay close siege to the place called him forth to a Treaty requiring him to come to him a Superiour to which he answered that he accounted no man his Superiour so long as he had a Sword by his side Besieged in Nora This parley though managed with much respect came to nothing and Antigonus leaving a party sufficient to carry on the Siege marched against Alcetas and Attalus A. M. 3686. Ol. 115. an 2. V. C. 435. Ptolom 5. two of Eumenes his confederates whom he suppressed About this time Antipater died in Macedonia and at his death more swayed by the Publick good than any selfish respect Antipater dieth and leaveth his place to Polysperchon left Polysperchon who after himself was the oldest of Alexander's friends now living Protector of the Kings and Captain with full authority Cassander his son stomached this very much and consulting how to advance himself to be chief secretly entered into confederacy with divers Captains Amongst these was Ptolomy whom he desired that he would send him some ships out of Phoenicia for all that Country together with Judaea hee had now got into his power into the Hellespont But the death of Antipater strangely also made way for the inlargement of Eumenes 10. For Antigonus now being lest chief in Asia thought of no lesse than getting it all into his power and for that end strove to ingtatiate himself with the several Captains Judging that the conjunction of Eumenes might be of great advantage to him he sent Hieronymus his Country-man who being an * Vide Vossium de script Graecis l. 1. c. 11. Historian wrote of the acts of Alexander and his Successors to desire him that forgetting the fight in Cappadocia he would enter into society with him and receive a larger Province He required that he should take an oath which slightly passing over the Kings he had framed to his own advantage His death procureth the inlargment of Eumenes Eumenes unwilling to swear fealty to him with the assent of Hieronymus and the besiegers changed the form of the oath and swore to have the same friends and enemies not onely with him but with Olympias and the Kings Hereupon the Siege was raised after a years continuance which he had born with admirable chearfulnesse and prudence and now being let loose drew many followers after him so that within a few dayes besides the 500 which had continued with him in the Castel he had 2000 at his devotion Antigonus was very angry that he had changed the form of the oath and by Letters checked the besiegers for admitting of it requiring them to besiege him again but it was too late Thus they were as far from closing as before and still were further set at distance by the affaires which now were on foot in Macedonia 11. Polysperchon having succeeded Antipater as was before said recalled Olympias out of Epirus A. M. 3687. Ol. 115. an 3. V. C. 436. Ptol. 6. whither her enmity with Antipater had driven her inviting her to take the care of her young grand-son upon her But Cassander resolving to venture for Macedonia entred into confederacy with Ptolomy and Antigonus the later whereof gladly promised him assistance out of love to the memory of his father as he pretended but indeed desirous that he should be diverted by so great a Warre whilst he in the mean time might make sure of Asia Polysperchon to secure Greece in
was taken away by one Epitades an Ephorus who having a son that displeased him that he might disinherit him procured a Law to be passed Lege Plutarchum in Agide Cleomene that any one might dispose of his Lands either in his life time or at his death to whom he pleased Hereby it was come to that passe that there being 700 Citizens of Sparta and more of those not above 100 possessed all the Lands and Estate and the rest being void both of wealth and honour lay idle at home unwillingly ingaging in War and expecting an occasion of change The Ephori tyrannized with unparalleld impudence domineering over the Kings and ordering those at their pleasure the servants of whom they had formerly been Agis one of the Spartan Kings of the family of Eurytion the son of Eudamidas and the sixth from Agesilaut burned with a desire of bettering the state of affaires and as a means unto it endeavoured the reduction of Lycurgus his model for the equal division of Lands but Leonidas his Collegue being of a luxurious temper opposed him and he was wickedly murdered by the hands of the Popular Villains the Ephori 11. This noble spirited man being taken away and his brother Archidamus destroyed Cleomenes the son of Leonidas was King alone and being of a far different temper from his Father upon hearing what Agis had gallantly endeavoured resolved to pursue and accomplish what he had attempted and to take away utterly the power of those Popular Tyrants who usurped the whole authority Neither did these two Kings desire to become assertors of Popular power by the restitution of the Lots of Lycurgus but rather of Monarchy for the restitution of those Lots would not promote the power of the Commons who were still to be kept under as they were by the Laws of Lycurgus but onely reduced them to that equality of wealth which might secure them from being insulted over by their fellow Commoners as they had been of late by such as had ingrossed the riches of the State As this might be intended by the two Kings so it appeareth from Plutarch that Agis attempted to get himself reputation and Cleomenes for his preservation by gaining the good-will of the People and making them sure on their side when soever they should be ready for the great design of destroying the Ephori Now though Agis miscaried in his attempt Cleomenes killeth the Ephori and restoreth Lycurgus his Laws yet Cleomenes perfected what he had intended For he surprized the Ephori by his Mercenaries killed four of the five overthrew all their chairs except one which he intended as a Chair of State for himself Then restored he the Laws of Lycurgus as to equal possessions and discipline and for that there was none left of the family of Eurytion made his own brother Leonidas King with him But as was said perceiving this change would be better made in War than Peace he caused the War betwixt the State and the Achaeans and bribed the Ephori to send him forth in the Expedition 12. To him therefore the Aetolians sent and stirred him up against the Achaeans and that they might strengthen themselves and more easily suppresse them they made peace again with Macedonia and without doubt had brought about their purpose had they not had to do with Aratus who undermined their Councils They suffered Cleomenes to take in divers Towns which belonged unto themselves not onely not opposing but confirming him in the possession of them which Aratus knowing well enough to be intended onely to strengthen him against his party yet thought none were to be first opposed with War but after that Cleomenes with great boldnesse had begun to build a Fort in the Territories of Megalopolis then were the Lacedemonians declared Enemies At first the Acheans undertook the Warre against them by themselves partly for that they thought it more honourable and safe to defend their own Estate and partly for that they were loth to displease Ptolomy who had been formerly a good friend to them by seeking for the patronage of any other but the War going on Cleomenes now having overthrown the Achaeans in divers battels Aratus thinking it a disgrace for him to be worsted by the young Lacedaemonian and being jealous still of the knavery of the Aetolians concluded it was high time to look about him at least for a supply 13. Considering with himself the power of Antigonus King of Macedonia and withall his faithfulnesse and that he was prone to enter into Leagues and alliances he resolved to make a Confederacy with him but that secretly as well because he knew the Aetolians would seek to prevent him as for that his people would be discouraged at the thought of expecting help from an Enemy Knowing therefore the Megalopolitans to be sore pressed with the War having little help from the Achaeans and how good affection they bore to the Macedonian Court ever since Philip the son of Amyntas who deserved very well of them he sent for two of his friends thence Nicophanes and Cercidas and dealt privately with them to perswade their Citizens to crave aid of Antigonus These two were therefore sent to the Achaeans and to Macedonia if they should think fit who giving way to it they coming to the King according to the instructions from Aratus proposed to him to consider whither this conjunction of Cleomenes and the Aetolians would tend and whether when the Achaeans were eaten up he himself would not be in danger seeing the covetousnesse of the Aetolians and Cleomenes his ambition could not be contained in lesser limits than those of Greece it self He answering that if it should seem good to the Achaeans he would send aid to those of Megalopolis these being at this much encouraged laboured to perswade them to give way to it but Aratus then fearing that if the coming down of Antigonus should breed any inconvenience the blame would fall all upon him disswaded his People from receiving as yet any aid and made them try first what they could do of themselves exhorting each particular City to fight stoutly for their liberty but Ptolomy finding the Lacedaemonians now to be more for his pupose to withstand the Macedonian stirred up Cleomenes against him and furnishing him with money he also had brought the Achaeans by divers ingagements to such a low ebb as they were now in great danger to lose all and therefore they implored aid of Antigonus and Aratus sent his son to confirm whatsoever had been offered on his part 14. He then marched down though a great difficulty there was at first for this to be hoped for by the Achaeans by reason that the Castel of Corinth which they had taken out of the hands of the Macedonians together with the Town Who marcheth down And also Antigonus and which would be now mighty convenient for the carrying on of the War they knew not how to restore unto him But Cleomenes now prospering
years they shall joyn themselves together for the Kings daughter of the South shall come to the King of the North to make an agreement But as it followeth she shall not retain the power of the Arm neither shall he stand nor his Arm c. For Philadelphus dying shortly after Appian in Syriacis Antiochus took again his former wife Laodice who being sensible of the injury and fearing her husbands inconstancy poysoned him after he had reigned 15 years 6. Laodice his wife kept his death close Idem ibid. Justin lib. 27. till such time as she had secured the Kingdom to Seleucus her eldest son sirnamed for his victories though of none but one we read Callinicus Seleucus sirnamed Callinicus and Pogon and from his beard Pogon The next thing she went about was to make away Berenice who understanding that some were sent to kill her shut up her self in Daphne a Town near Antioch and when she was besieged news flying about the Cities of Asia they commiserated her condition and out of respect of her Fathers and Grandfathers Dignity sent men to her relief But above all A. M. 3759. Ol. 133. ann 3. V.C. 508. Ptol. Euerget 1. her brother Ptolomy Euergetes being affrighted at her danger hastened out of his Kingdom with his whole power Yet ere any relief could come she was taken by treachery promise of safety being made to her and quickly slain at which base and unworthy act the Cities conceiving great indignation Ptolomy Euergetes revengeth the death of his sister Berenice provided a great Fleet and to revenge her death gave up themselves to Ptolomy who invading Syria slew Laodice seized upon Caelesyria with Seleucia got into his hands Syria Cilicia and the upper Provinces beyond Euphrates and almost all Asia even as far as Bactria Without doubt he had Conquered all Seleucus his Kingdom had he not been forced by a Domestick Sedition to return after whose departure Seleucus having prepared a great Fleet for the reducing of those Cities which revolted from him lost it in a great Tempest at the which they were so far from rejoycing that pitying him for this shipwrack they voluntarily returned to obedience 7. Rejoycing that he fared so well by his shipwrack he now made War upon Ptolomy but being overthrown fled to Antioch in great fear Idem ibid. being as destitute as before though he found not such relief For writing to his younger brother Antiochus He invadeth Ptolomy and thence is cast into great straights he craved his help offering him all Asia within the Mountain Taurus for a reward who though he was but yet fourteen years old being greedy of reigning imbraced this occasion and then behaved not himself as an helper or brother but like a robber intending to get the whole Kingdom He shewed incredible boldnesse in invading and snatching whence he had the Sirname of Hierax or Goshauck Ptolomy hearing of his aiding his brother lest he should have two to deal with at once made Peace with Seleucus for ten years and then Antiochus hiring the Gauls with them made War upon his brother in the other's stead in which he had the better of it Antiochus Hierax his brother rebeleth and they supposing Seleucus to be slain in the battel that cutting off all the Royal race they might be Lords of Asia turned their force against him that hired them so that Antiochus was glad to purchase his freedom with Gold and enter into society with his Mercenaries The two brothers being thus at odds and every one gaping after Asia Eumenes of Bithinia puts in amongst the rest and overthrowing the Gauls and after them Antiochus got a great part of it into his possession Idem lib. 41. Now also Arsaces hearing of the distresse of Seleucus perfected the revolt of the Parthians for invading that Country with a band of robbers he slew the Governour Andragorus and invaded the Principality and not long after seizing on the Kingdom of the Hyrcanians Arsaces perfecting his revolt establisheth his Parthian Kingdom so strengthened himself thereby that after some years he overthrew Seleucus and established his Kingdom Hence the Parthians accounting ever after the day of this Victory as the day of their liberty constantly observed it and Arsaces being no lesse memorable to them than Cyrus to the Persians Alexander to the Macedonians or Romulus to the Romans out of honour to him they called all their Kings by his name This beginning of Arsaces fell out in the first of the 135 Olympiad of the City 510 the second of Seleucus and the third of Ptolomy Euergetes A. M. 3761. 8. Idem lib. 27. Now understanding that Eumenes had got the greatest part of Asia into his power and both the brothers had even lost their Principalicies yet could they not agree but instead of opposing the forein and common Enemies sought the destruction of each other by renewing the War In the next battel Antiochus was overthrown and flying many dayes and not knowing how to bestow himself The two brothers renew the War and at length being wearied he went to Artamenes King of Cappadocia his Father in Law by whom at first being received very civilly he afterwards understood there was a plot laid against him and fled thence Whereupon not knowing where to be secure he betook himself to Ptolomy judging he might rather trust to him than his brother being as well he might be mindful of what he would have done to him or had deserved of him Ptolomy commanded him to be narrowly looked to but by the help of a certain whore with whom he had been too familiar he deceived his Keepers and got away Yet as he was flying he was slain by thieves Seleucus also almost at the same time being outed of his Kingdom and thrown by an horse ended his life Dye after he had reigned about twenty years A. M. 3779 the third of the 138 Olympiad 98 years after the death of Alexander 9. He left two sons Seleucus and Antiochus Seleucus Ceraunus of which the former succeeded according to his birthright in the seventh year of Antigonus Doson King of Macedonia and was Sirnamed Ceraunus Eumenes King of Pergamus who had got so much of Asia into his power now being dead of Drunkennesse Attalus his younger brother's son succeeded him and had got all on this side Taurus into his power which being understood by Seleucus Ceraunus he thought it concernd him to look about him Polybius lib. 4. Appian in Syriacis and with Achaeus whose Father Andromachus was brother to Laodice his wife passed over Taurus with an Army against him but then was poysoned in Phrygia by the treachery of Apaturius a Galatian and Nicanor after he had reigned scarce three years Achaeus to revenge his death presently slew the conspirators and then ordering the Army with great wisdom and courage recovered all on this side the Mountain Taurus which had been lost A. M.
3779. Ol. 138. an 3. V.C. 528. Ptolom Euergetae 21. insomuch that the People admiring him would have accepted of him as King if he would have taken this opportunity but he refused it and kept the Soveraignty for Antiochus brother to Seleucus who afterwards was called the Great He in his brothers time lived a private life in the upper Provinces Antiochus the Great and now was called from Babybon by the Army in Syria to take upon him the Government being about fifteen years old after which he entrusted Achaeus with all that Region he had lately recovered made Molon Governour of Media and his brother Alexander of the Country of Persis 10. Folyb lib. 5. He fell into great troubles immediately upon his first entrance upon the Kingdom for Molon and his brother considering his youth and hoping that Achaeus would joyn with them in their enterprize especially out of fear and hatred of one Hermias who now ruled all at Court conspired together to withdraw all the upper Provinces from their allegiance This Hermias a Carian by birth had been left by Seleucus to look to his Kingdom when he took his Expedition over Taurus and then being set in so high a place began to envy the power of all others grew proud and cruel his malice above all others being against Epigenes who had been Seleucus his General for that he saw him to be a wise and prudent man and the Army much at his devotion A Council being called to consult about the rebellion Epigenes advised that the King should go in person to suppress it for thereby the rebels would either be terrified and desist or the Country at his presence would be moved to crosse their designs Falleth immediatly into great troubles by the means of Hermias and deliver them up but Hermias interrupting him imputed this to a desire that the King should miscarry that thereby he might seize upon his estate and prevailed that two others should be sent against Molo and the King go against Ptolomy Philopator who now thinking himself secure in the youth of Antiochus and Philip of Macedonia had given himself up to all luxurie hoping thereby to have an easie War of it for that he was of a cowardly disposition and hoped by exposing the young King to dangers and hazards to escape the punishment due to him and maintain that power he already enjoyed Antiochus being very young was very earnest to get Caelesyria and Hermias to prick him still forward framed a letter from Achaeus wherein he tells he is desired by Ptolomy to take the Diadem and assume the title of King to himself promising to send him ships money and all things necessary for that enterprise 11. Having maried first Laodice daughter of Mithridates King of Cappadocia Who procureth him to march against Ptolomy though Molon rebelled he prepared for his Expedition when news came that Molon went on with his design and how the Captains sent against him out of fear had secured themselves in Garrisons Hereupon he bent his mind to go himself but Hermias being tenacious of his purpose again diverted him telling him it was fitter for Subjects to fight against such and Kings against their equals and so sending one Xinaetas an Achaean against Molon again turned his mind now obnoxcious to him for want of years Then marched they to Laodicea and thence through the Desert to the Valley called Marsya lying between the Mountains of Libanus and Antilibanus A. M. 3783. Ol. 139. an 3. V. C. 532. Antioch M. 2. Ptol. Philom 1. where about the Straights he took in divers Towns but the principal Fort held out and put him to a stand which made him the more desirous to go now against Molon For Xinaetas who was sent against him with full power growing arrogant and carelesse had rashly ventured over the River Tigris and then Molon making as if hee fled came upon him in the night and cut him off with most of his men and those that escaped the Sword taking the River scarce any got to the other side After this Molon pursuing his Victory took Seleucia all the upper Provinces the Principality of Babylon those parts lying upon the red Sea all about Tigris as far as Europus and Mesopotamia as far as Dura onely the Castle at Susa stood out the Town being taken Antiochus at this report called a Council to consult what was to be done where Epigenes expostulating that his former advise was not followed moved the same again but was taken up as before by Hermias with foul language who desired the King he would not think of leaving Caelesyria He is necessitated to go against Molon but all being for going against Molon it was concluded and he was glad to comply for his own turn 12. The Army before it stirred mutinied for pay and then Hermias taking advantage at the Kings necessity offered to lay down money on condition Epigenes might be removed from his presence which having obtained he procured the man to be murdered The Army marched and came to Antioch in Mygdonia at the Winter solstice where staying 40 dayes till the extremity of the cold was over after 40 dayes it came to Liba Molon then lying at hand about Babylon Here a Council of War being called to consult which way was to be taken that they might not fail of provisions Hermias was for going along by Tigris that it and two other Rivers Lycus and Kapros they might have for a defence but Zeuxis though fearful to speak because of him shewed the danger of that advice because it would be a great compasse and after six dayes travel through a Desert they should come to place called The Kings Ditch which if the Enemy got before them they should in no wise be able to passe and be reduced into great straights for want of Victuals but on the contrary if they passed over Tigris there was no doubt but the Inhabitants of the Country called Apolloniatis would return to obedience obeying Molon at present onely out of necessity further in that plentiful Country they should have plenty of victuals and what was most considerable Molon would be hindred from retreating into Media and thereby being straightned after that the place where he yet remained was emptied of provisions would be forced to fight or if he durst not do that then his Soldiers would revolt to the King This counsel being taken all things fell out accordingly for Molon fearing his passage into Media might be stopped little trusting those parts in which he then was determined to get if he could to the hilly Country of Apolloniatis but it hapned that the Scouts of both parties met there and skirmishing for some time afterwards retreated to their several Bodies and so gave occasion to a total ingagement the day following 13. Molon considering how dangerous it was to bring his Soldiers out in open face against their King thought it the best way to chuse out the most strong
and whilst he lay before it came Ambassadors from the Rhodians to denounce War against him in case he came within Nephelis the Promontory of Cilicia not out of any hatred to him as they said but lest joyning with Philip he should hinder the Romans now active for the liberty of Greece Though he heard this with much disdain yet thought he it wisdom to give them good words for the present and please them in this particular but they after all danger was over from Philip who this Summer was beaten at Cynoscephalae not tying themselves with him to the former condition sent aid to the Cities their associates and preserved several in their liberty He took at length Coracesium and after it several others and amongst the rest Ephesus where wintering he endeavoured to reduce also the Cities of Asia under the obedience they paied to his Ancestors and thinking it not difficult to be done by any of them except two viz. Smyrna in Aeolis and Lampsacus upon the Hellespont he sent Forces to besiege them both Antiochus the Great and the Romans grow jealous one of another 27. Now the Romans with all others doubted not but his Army was for Europe after his affaires had succeeded in Asia and they had the more cause to be jealous of him for that Hannibal their old and sworn Enemy had now been with him Livius l. 33. therefore in the setting of the Greek Cities at liberty after the overthrovv of Philip King of Macedonia the Senate had left it to the Commissioners appointed for that vvork to deal as they should think fit vvith Chalcis Demetrias and Corinth the keys of the Country and vvhether out of a desire of the glory of setting all the Greeks at liberty or to awe and affright him they decreed that all such Cities as well in Asia as Europe should be freed Appian in Syriacis Polybius Excerp Legat. 9. Lib. 17. The ten Commissioners sitting now in Greece about these affairs they of Smyrna and Lampsacus whom he had besieged sent to them for relief and Antiochus himself thinking fit not to anticipate his opportunities sent thither also his Ambassadors to whom the Commissioners lay'd open the pleasure of the Senate and in case he contain not himself and Forces in Asia threaten him with War and withall promise that some of their number should come to him Yet he in the beginning of Spring comes over into Europe got a great patt of the Chersonesus into his power and then marching to Lysimachia there found the Commissioners who pressing him to the things formerly mentioned he demanded by what right the Romans questioned with him about Asia seeing he medled with nothing done in Italy and added that the Greek Cities should obtain their liberty not by their commands but his bounty Now it was moved that those of Smyrna and Lampsacus might be heard which being obtained and the Delegates using their liberty of speech he out of indignation that he should be forced to plead with them before those Judges interrupted them saying the Rhodians and not the Romans should have the hearing of the cause and so the Treaty ended without any conclusion or agreement at all 28. A rumour was spred abroad during this Treaty Livius Appian ut supra that Ptolomy the King of Aegypt was dead which much affected both parties yet strove they to hide it from each other Lucius Cornelius one of the ten who was also ordered to endeavour the reconcilation of the two Kings demanded a little time to go into Aegypt and Antiochus being restlesse out of an itching desire to get that Country into his hands Upon a false rumour of Ptolomie's death he resolveth to invade Aegypt sailed with his Fleet back to Ephesus whence sending again his Ambassadors to treat with T. Flamininus chief of the Commissioners on purpose to hold them a little in hand till he could bring about his design came to Patara where he heard that Ptolomy was alive Now he changed his purpose of invading Aegypt but withall resolved for Cyprus to attempt that Island but such a tempest fell upon him that he almost lost his whole Fleet. Not long after Hannibal being driven from home by the malice of such as incensed the Romans against him whilst he onely endeavoured the Publick good returned to Antiochus who though before he did but fluctuate in his resolutions for the War Hannibal's advice to invade Italy yet was now confirmed by him so in his purpose that henceforth he thought not so much of it as of the reward of the Victory Hannibal denied that the Romans could be overcome any where but in Italy and desired but 100 Gallies Livius lib. 34. Appian ut prius 16000 Foot and 1000 Horse with which he would first go to Carthage hoping to draw his Countrymen to revolt and though that should not succeed yet would he seize upon some part of Italy The King closing with his propositions at this time he went not himself but sent a certain Tyrian to Carthage who under pretence of trading should break the ice but he being suspected by Hannibal's adversaries was glad to shift for himself and notice thereof was presently given to the Romans In the mean time Antiochus sent three Ambassadors to Rome who under colour of procuring a right understanding should feel how the Senate stood affected They expostulating the matter that their Master should be forced to quit the Cities of Asia and forsake his antient right in Thrace were referred to the Commissioners in Greece for answer to whom repairing Flamininus and his Collegue urged that the King should either leave Europe or the Romans have power to protect their friends in Asâ—â— and make as many more there as they could The Ambassadors answer they neither can nor will conclude any thing to the prejudice of their Master's crown and so the Peace was not nearer than before 29. Antiochus his resolution being set therefore for the Warre Livius lib. 35. Appian ibid. that he might prevent any thing that would divert or call him back he resolved to make alliances with his neighbours To Ptolomy he maried his Daughter Cleopatra giving with her in portion all Coelesyria which before he had taken from him Antiochus intending a war seeketh Confederates to Ariarathes King of Cappadocia another named Antiochis and a third he offered to Eumenes of Pergamus but he being acquainted with his design to make War upon the Romans and by this affinity to oblige him to his party A. M. 3813. Ol. 147. ann 1. V. C. 562. Antioch Mag. 32. Ptol. Epiphan 12. conceiving it also his interest rather to stick to them whom he had some ground to think would prove victorious he waved his offer In Spring he set upon the Pisidae a people inhabiting about Selga being desirous first to bring all Asia to his beck at the same time came Ambassadors from Rome to discover his designs and preparations
returned to the King declaring the holinesse of the place and power of God Simon after this calumniated Onias as if he who had well deserved of his Nation had been the cause of this evil and being backed by Apollonius in his fury proceeded to slaughters so that Onias was forc'd to go to Seleucus and as some have it got him banished though it seems not incredible that the King was dead ere he came to him Seleucus is slain being slain by the treachery of Heliodorus after he had reigned twelve years 40. He left a son behind him named Demetrius whom he sent being but young to Rome an Hostage in the room of Antiochus his younger brother for that he was tied by the agreement made with his Father to change the Hostages at the pleasure of the Romans But when he died Antiochus was in his way home come as far as Athens Eumenes therefore and Attalus that they might bind him to them being now a little offended at Appian in Syriacis Excerpt Diodor. Siculi per Valesium and jealous of the Romans drove out Heliodorus who affected the Kingdom and placed him in possession of it He was called by the Syrians Epiphanes or Illustrious because strangers usurping the Kingdom he appeared the vindicator of the Dominion of his Ancestors though others accounted him rather Epimanes or Mad because of his fanatick practices and by the Angel he was termed a vile person Antiochus his brother succeedeth him Sirnamed Epiphanes Being possessed of the Kingdom he would slip privately out with two other in his company and wander about the City keep company and drink with the meanest persons coming on a sodain upon them with his cup and musick Laying off his robe he put on a gown and according to the custome of the Roman Candidates who stood for Offices took the People be the hand A. M. 3829. Ol. 151. an 1. V. C. 578. Ptolom Philometoris 5. desiring their voices for the Aedileship or Tribuneship of the People Having then obtained the Magistracy by the Suffrages of the People after the Roman manner he sate and gave Judgment out of an ivory chair with such diligence as the wisest wondered what he meant some attributing it to simplicity some to imprudence and others to madnesse it self 41. Hieronym in Dan. cap. 11. Appian ibid. In Syria he was not acknowledged at first by those who favoured Ptolomy but afterwards obtained it by a counterfeit clemency and then having entered into League with Eumenes setled himself strongly enough In the beginning of his reign Jason the brother of Onias the third the High-priest of the Jews purchased the Priesthood of him for 360 Talents of Silver and another rent of 80 Talents 2 Maccab. 4. and not satisfying himself with wronging his brother promised 150 more for a licence to set up in Jerusalem a place of exercise for the training up of youth after the fashion of the Heathen whereby an inlet was made Jason the Jew having bought the High-Priesthood out of his brother's hands is served in the same manner by Menelaus as unto idolatrie and prophanenesse so unto that bloodshed and cruelty which ensued from the wickednesse of this Prince his instruments and successors For three years onely kept he this Office being then served in his own kind For sending Menelaus the brother of that Simon whom we before mentioned to the King to carry the money promised and sollicit his affaires he circumvented him after the same manner he had done his brother promising for the Priesthood over and above what he paied 300 Talents so that he had his desire and Jason was forced to flie into the Country of the Ammonites Antiochus being seized of Coelesyria Ptolomy Philopater who pretended it belonged to him being passed over to his father as his mothers portion sought to recover it out of his hands whereupon he marched down to Aegypt which having overthrown his Enemies in battel betwixt Pelusium and the mountain Casius Antiochus seizeth on Aegypt he easily got into his power pretending friendship to the young King for all this and a provident care for his affaires Menelaus taking occasion at his absence took divers Golden Vessels out of the Temple at Jerusalem some of which he gave away and others he sold to Tyre and other places for which being accused of Sacrilege by Onias the lawful High-priest he procured him to be murdered Going on in such mischiefs he was accused to the King but bribing Ptolomy the son of Dorymenes got off and procured the death of his accusers 2 Maccab. 5. At this time Antiochus went down the second time with a great power into Aegypt Again which he recovered again the King thereof flying before him and getting the fortified Towns into his hands there staied till the sons of the Jews procured his return to their destruction 42. A false rumour being spread abroad of his death Jason having got 1000 men at his heels set upon Jerusalem and getting the City into his hands forced Menelaus into the Castle and then made slaughters as if he had not been amongst his Countrymen and kindred but foreiners and Enemies yet obtained he not the Priesthood Jason rageth at Jerusalem against his Countrymen but was forced to betake himself back into the Country of the Ammonites where being accused to Aretas King of the Arabians he fled from place to place like a Vagabond hated of all men as a forsaker of the Laws and as the publick Enemy of his Country and died at length at Lacedaemon Antiochus hearing in Aegypt that they at Hierusalem rejoyced at the report of his death and suspecting because of these stirs of Jason Antiochus his cruelty and prophaneness against Jews and Temple that Judaea was about to rebel in a great rage departed thence and came and took the City by force and giving no quarter for three dayes space put 80000 to the Sword and afterwards sold as many Yet not contenting himself with this he prophanely entered the Temple Menelaus that Traitor to his Country being his guide and rifling it of the holy Vessels killed swine upon the Altar and with the broath of the flesh of them sprinkled the place then taking away with him 1800 Talents Joseph Antiq. lib. 13. he got him back to Antioch leaving behind him to afflict still the People at Jerusalem Philip a Phrygian and Andronicus in Samaria and besides them Menelaus more grievous to and despightful against his fellow Citizens than the other Two years also after this he sent Apollonius a cruel man with an Army of 22000 commanding him to kill all that were arrived at ripenesse of age and sell the women and children for slaves He coming to Jerusalem kept himself still until the Sabbath and then taking the opportunity of the solemnity of the day set upon those imployed therein then running through the City slew a great multitude plundering it and setting it on fire pulled
for the Tributes of the places other 500 upon pain of being prosecuted with War To these things Simon answered that he held no Towns belonging to any other but had recovered his own by right of War but as for Joppe and Gazara which had done great harm to his people he offered to pay him 100 Talents at which the King was so displeased that following at that time Tryphon to Orthosias Cendebaeus sent by Antiochus against the Jews is defeated by John the son of Simon he left Cendebaeus to oversee the Sea-Coasts with order to build up Cedron whence he might make War upon the Jews He coming to Iamnia made inroads upon Judaea and built up that Town according to order which John the son of Simon then lying at Gazara understanding gave notice thereof to his father who now being decrepit committed the War to him and his brother Judas He taking with him 20000 foot and a party of horse marched straight down against Cendebaeus and then placing his horse in the midst of the foot that it might protect and be protected against the Cavalry of the Enemy which was exceeding strong he overthrew him and putting the whole Army to the rout some betook themselves into the Fort newly built and others flying away he pursued them as far as the Towers of Azotus which having set on fire and slain 2000 men he retreated safe into Judaea 74. This successe of John sufficiently moved Antiochus to punish Simon but it was done to his hand by one who of all others might least have done it There was one Ptolomy the son of Abubus son-in-law to Simon and by him set over the Province of Jericho He entertaining his father-in-law as he went his Circuit about the Countrey to take care for the Government thereof slew him treacherously after a feast together with his two sons Mattathias and Judas Simon and his two sons murdered by his son-in-law when he had governed the people 8 years His design was being rich to obtain the Principality of that Countrey where he lived and therefore he presently certified Antiochus of his feat desiring an Army of him wherewith he might subdue the Cities of Iudaea He also sent certain cut-throats to murder Iohn Simons son wrote to the Collonels of the Army to draw them over to him and sent others to seize upon Ierusalem and the Temple But Iohn having timely notice of his treachery prevented his death by that of the Messengers and was made High-Priest in the room of his father and here the Author of the first books of Maccabees concludes his work having therein delivered the history of 40 years Antiochus besiegeth Jerusalem Josephus Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 16. Antiochus taking the opportunity of Simons death came into Iudaea which wasting round about he drove up Iohn sirnamed Hyrcanus into Ierusalem to which he laid close siege his Army being divided into seven parts The besieged being exceedingly helped from the strength of the Walls stood out manfully so that he raised an hundred Turrets from which he endeavoured to scale the Walls and compassed in the Town with a double Trench that none might escape but they still defending themselves sometimes sallied out and did him harm Hyrcanus seeing a great and uselesse multitude in the Citie which consumed the victuals put out the more infirm out of the Walls whence being hindred from going any further by the siege they wandred about the Walls almost famished till at the feast of Tabernacles out of pity they were again admitted 75. At this feast of Tabernacles Hyrcanus sent out to Antiochus to desire a Truce for seven dayes because of the celebration thereof He not onely granted this but sent in also Bulls with gilded horns golden and silver Cups with all sorts of spices and beasts for sacrifice and made a feast to the Army by which the other taking notice of his great humanity whence he was sirnamed Pius as also uncertain for what other reason Sidetes withall considering that the Sabbatical year being now at an end and the people being hindred from sowing a famine was likely to insue he sent out to him desiring that the Iews might be suffered to live according to their own Laws Many about the King advised him utterly to destroy the Citie to blot out the very name of the Iews from under heaven at least to dissolve their Laws and change their course of life so diverse from and disagreeable to other Nations but he being moved by a principle of magnanimity and bounty rejected this counsel and approving of the piety of the Iews commanded them to deliver up their Arms But departeth upon good terms for the besieged pull down their Walls pay Tribute for Joppe and other Towns without Judaea and receive a Garrison A. M. 3870. Ol. 161. ann 2. V.C. 619. Seleucid 178. Ptol. Physconis 12. Joh. Hyrcan 1. upon which conditions he offered them peace They yielded to all but the last because they would not converse with the Gentiles yet in Lieu of it chose to give Hostages amongst others Hyroanus his own brother and pay 500 Talents whereof 300 at present whereupon the siege was removed and they were freed from any further incumbrance Hyrcanus opening the sepulcher of David who had been the richest of Kings took out thence 3000 Talents wherewith filling his Coffers he first listed strangers in his Militia and entertained Antiochus and his Army in Ierusalem very plentifully 76. Antiochus Sidetes in the eighth year of his reign Iustin lib. 38. Appian in Syriacis Livius lib. 59. three years after his departure from Ierusalem undertook an expedition against Phraates the Parthian to fetch back his brother Demetrius still kept there in free custody who had twice attempted an escape but being retaken still was sent back to his wife and children not so much out of any pity or respect of alliance as because that King having an itching desire of getting Syria also into his power preserved him to use against his brother as time and opportunity should serve Antiochus with a great but extraordinarily effeminate Army marched into Media where many Eastern Princes met him with all their hearts giving up themselves and Countreys to him and cursing of the pride of the Parthians whereby he got such strength as overthrowing the Enemy in three several battels he reduced him within the bounds of his own Countrey But what he thus suddenly got he almost as quickly lost again for upon the approach of Winter quartering his Soldiers abroad in the Countrey the people were so oppressed what by the exaction of provisions and their insolence that they again revolted to the Parthian and upon agreement at one and the same time set upon them as they were severally disposed of in their quarters Antiochus Sidetes is slain by the Parthians Antiochus hearing this with that party which lay with him came in to relieve the next to him and there met with Phraates himself
choler After this such as had an hand in the murder of Euridice the Queen were knocked in the head by her women The infamy of the Nation being thus in some measure expiated by the slaughter of these miscreants Aristomenes an Acarnanian was made Protector of the King his Realms and Dominions who though for his own interest he beforetime temporized with Agathocles yet now managed the affaires of his Prince with much honesty and wisdom And indeed such there was need he should be at this time when the King being obnoxious by reason of his years to injury and wrong was struck at by two the greatest Princes then living viz. Antiochus King of Syria Anthiochus and Philip gape after Aegypt and Philip King of Macedonia who pretending fair things to his Father and nothing towards him but kindnesse now sought to devour him and make a prey of his Kingdom Philip by laying hold upon Aegypt and Caria and Antiochus on Coelesyria and Phoenicia Idem lib. 3. The onely remedy was to send to Rome to complain and desire aid and an Ambassage was quickly dispatched away for that purpose 9. The Ambassage was no whit displeasing to the Romans who sought an occasion against Philip for his entering into alliance with Hannibal Justin lib. 30 31. and were seldom backward to medle in the affaires of other Nations especially now fearing none of them after the overthrow of the Carthaginians Ambassadors were sent then to the Kings to require them to abstain from Egypt and M. Lepidus thither to be Governor and Protector of the young King whose Father at his death left him to the tuition of the People of Rome over and above that it was now desired of his friends Antiochus his Conquests But ere the Ambassadors could reach to him Antiochus had got Phoenicia and other Cities belonging to Ptolomy into his power and then despising their errand went on in his conquests Josephus Antiq. lib. 12. c. 3. Hieronymus in Daniel Scopas the Aetolian a year or two after sent into Coelesyria with a great Army reduced many Cities thereof with Judaea to Ptolomie's obedience but again quickly lost all being overthrown by Antiochus at the head of the River Jordan near to Paneae whence he fled to Tyre where the King besieged him with 10000 men and though Aeropus and Menocles two famous Captains were sent out of Aegypt to relieve him yet was he forced for want of provision to yield the Town and march thence without his Arms. Appian in Syriacis Antiochus then in pursute of this Victory besides what he did in Coelesyria withdrew divers places in Cilicia and Caria from Ptolomy concerning whom also a rumour being spread that he was dead he made haste to seize upon Cyprus What Cities he had got in Asia the Romans divers times by Ambassadors demanded to be put into their hands which being refused by him this with his ambition and other things ministred occasion of a Warre betwixt them as is shewed before and that turned to the commodity of Ptolomy For he being unwilling to have any Enemies at his back sought to enter into affinity with several Kings and amongst the rest gave to him in mariage his daughter Cleopatra He marieth his daughter to Ptolomy and with her in dowy all Coelesyria and Judaea having this also in his eye by means of her to get some footing in Aegypt though he was mistaken For Ptolomy his Officers understanding his cunning well enough behaved themselves more warily and Cleopatra together with the man maried his interest and acted accordingly 10. Scopas the Aetolian Ptolomie his General in Coelesyria Polyb. lib. 17. returning to Alexandria after this overthrow fell into discontent and thence to plot against the King and State Yet though he had many Soldiers at his command had he no heart to stir and though having a sufficient opportunity in the minority of the King he still delayed to execute his designs till he was prevented For Aristomenes having discovered what he was about just when he was plotting with his associates sent for him to the Council whither being constrained to come Scopas the Aetolian ploteth against the King and receiveth his reward he was accused by the King first now sitting in Council then by Polycrates the Governour of Cyprus and lastly by Aristomenes who laboured to prove him guilty of what was alleged for that he was found in consultation with his friends and refused to come unto the King when sent for and he confirmed the charge from the testimony of divers eminent Graecians and the Ambassadors of the Aetolians who were then sent about a Peace His answers were no whit satisfactory so that being condemned not onely by all the Council but such forein ministers as were present and being secured that night was together with his complices the next day taken away by poyson being a man so extraordinarily covetous above all others that having broke down the walls as Polybius terms it of the Kingdom he had exhausted it with rapines With him fell Dicaearchus one of his companions who being tortured to death thereby as the Historian tells us made satisfaction to all Greece against which he was made Admiral of the Fleet by Philip of Macedonia when he wickedly set upon the Islands Cyclades and also to the gods into whom as well as men he thought to strike a terror for casting anchor in the Haven he there erected two altars one to Impiety and another to Iniquity on which he sacrifized to them as gods This conspiracy being thus suppressed such Aetolians as would had leave to depart with all they had A. M. 3809. Ol. 146. ann 1. V.C. 558. Ant. Mag. 28. Ptolom Epiphan 8. and then the Country betook themselves to prepare for the solemnity constantly observed when any one was saluted King termed Anacleteria for though he was as yet something too young yet they thought that when it was known he was his own Master and at his own disposal his Kingdom would be more quiet and his affairs be more promoted 11. He caried himself exceedingly well for some time Excerp Diodori Siculi and with great commendation but afterwards was undone by flatterers and so far corrupted as he poysoned Aristomenes whom he had before constantly observed as a Father and who had deserved well of him and the Commonwealth After this he degenerated more and more whence he contracted such hatred of his Subjects as he well nigh had lost his Kingdom thereby Towards his later end having some high designs in his head Polybius Legat. 37 40 57. he sent Demetrius an Ambassador to the Achaeans to renew friendship and alliance with them who gladly accepting of his offer sent back to him Lycortas Father to Polybius the Historian Theodoridas and Rhositeles to confirm it by oath on their part and to receive the like assurance from him Ptolomy contracteth amity with the Achaeans which they obtained with
a great present of money and arms Some six years after he sent other Ambassadors to them now having well nigh fallen out with the Romans offering them ten ships of fifty oares sufficiently manned and furnished for War which as of concernment amounting almost to ten Talents they accepted of most gladly and dispatched back to him Lycortas again with Polybius his son though he was too young by the Laws for such an employment with Aratus the son of famous Aratus the Sicyonian to give him thanks for the former present and fetch the ships into Peloponnesus but he was dead ere they could get out of their own Country For plotting now against Seleuous Philopator who had succeeded Antiochus his Father in the Kingdom of Syria and preparing an Army against him Hieronym in Danel when one of his Captains asked him where he would get money sufficient for such an enterprize he answered that his friends were riches to him which being told abroad amongst the People his Officers fearing he would fleece them to supply himself Is poysoned took him away by poyson after he had lived 27 years and reigned 24 thereof A. M. 3825 and the first of the 150 Olympiad Ptolomy Philometor 12. He left two sons and one daughter all very young A. M. 3825. of which the eldest son succeeded him being sirnamed Philometor in the eighth year of Seleuous Philopator King of Syria After his Anacleteria Idem ibid. his mother Cleopatra the daughter of Antiochus the Great being lately dead through the perswasion of Eulaius the Eunuch and Lenaeus his principal Counsellours he began to cast his thoughts upon Coelesyria Prepareth for Soelesyria which being given to his mother as a portion was unjustly kept from him as he conceived by his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes who now had succeeded his elder brother in the Kingdom of Syria Antiochus hearing of their preparations for the War at Alexadria came down into Egypt to prevent them and overthrew the King several times as hath been said But his uncle Antiochus Epiphanes preventeth him by getting all Aegypt into his hands and got the whole Country except that City Polyb. Legat. 81 82. into his power after which Ptolomy deliberating with Comanus and Cineas what was to be done it was resolved that a Council of the most expert Captains should be erected by the advice whereof all things should be managed The first resolve of this Council was that such Graecian Ambassadors as were present should be sent to Antiochus about an agreement with whom Ptolomy joyned of his own two others The first day after their arrival they were entertained very nobly and on the next had audience wherein they laid all the blame upon Eulaius the Eunuch and urging the youth and kindred of the King to him laboured to pacifie him He after he had assented to them in these things and spoken more to the same purpose laboured with much earnestnesse to demonstrate that Coelesyria belonged to the Crown of Syria alleging it to have belonged to Antigonus the first founder of that Kingdom and produced the conveiances of it to Seleucus after the death of the other from the Macedonian Kings Moreover calling to their remembrance that Antiochus his Father had lately obtained it again by right of conquest he flatly denied that ever he passed it over as a portion with his daughter to the late King of Egypt and so having discoursed on this subject to the satisfaction of all his hearers he then departed to Naucratis where friendly treating the Inhabitants and giving a largesse to such Greeks as dwelt there he thence departed for Alexandria deferring to give any answer to those that had been sent to him till such time as Aristides and Theris were returned saying he would have all the publick ministers of Greece to be conscious to and witnesses of all his intentions 13. But no satisfactory answer if any was given Porphyr in Graecis Euseb or any thing done for Philometor by Antiochus so that being thus outed of his Kingdom after 12 years reign and giving up himself for all that to nothing but sluggishnesse and luxurie the Alexandrians took upon them to make his younger brother King sirnaming him Euergetes though the badnesse of his manners made them afterwards change it into Cacergetes being also called Physcon from his extraordinary fat paunch Athenaeus lib. 12. cap. 17. Philometor was forced at length to betake himself to the Alexandrians too who receiving him made him partaker with his brother in the Kingdom Ptolomy Physcon made King but shortly after again expelled him which thing Antiochus made use of and under pretence of restoring him continued the War and overthrowing young Ptolomy in a Sea-fight besieged Alexandria Polyb. Legat. 83 84. but seeing that to be to no purpose arose and departed into Syria leaving Philometor at Memphis to whom he restored all Egypt except Pelusium which he kept as the key of the Country in his own hands not doubting but when one of the brothers had ruined the other to come and with ease enough devoure the Conquerour Livius l. 45. But though his two Nephews were otherwise sottish enough yet in this they shewed prudence to disappoint him A. M. 3837. Ol. 153. ann 1. V.C. 586. Ant. Epiphan 9. Ptol. Philom 13. for the elder seriously considering how little he ought to trust him sent to Cleopatra his sister who seconding him to her brother both by advice and entreaty The two brothers agree and are saved harmlesse from their Uncle by the Romans procured a peace to be made with consent of both their friends the Citizens of Alexandria giving way the more readily because of the dearth which troubled them by reason of the War as well when they were at liberty as besieged This drew off the Vizard from Antiochus who whereas he ought to have rejoyced if he really intended the restitution of Philometor fretted exceedingly hereat and nothing would serve him but needs he must come down again into Egypt and had laid siege to Alexandria the second time had not the Roman Ambassadors terrified him from his purpose as we shewed in its more proper place and forced him to quit both Egypt and Cyprus 14. Idem ibid. The Roman Ambassadors took some pains by their Authority to make them two friends not being throughly reconciled before and so they continued for six years peaceably together Porphyrius ut prius But then differences betwixt them arose so high thar the Senate at Rome wrote to their Ambassadors sent into Syria after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes by all means to reconcile them of which mediation we yet hear of no fruit at all Polybius Legat. 107. for presently the younger expelled his elder brother Philometor being thus spoyled of his Kingdom with a very few attendants and in a pitifull habit Valerius Max. Lib. 5. cap. 1. Exemp 1. came to Rome for help making
or otherwise to abuse it at their pleasure and withall to promise them to do nothing without their counsel and advice The Castle being taken she ordered her affaires according to his direction whereby she purchased the love of the Pharisees who going out and speaking to the People Idem cap. 24. de bello ut prius related the great things done by Alexander signified to them the losse of a just King and so stirred up the multitude to mourning and lamentation that hereby she procured him even as he foretold her a more honourable burial than else he could have had and so sumptuous a funeral as any of his Predecessors obtained Alexander left two sons by this his wife Which she followeth and reigneth her self Hyrcanus and Aristobulus but to her left the management of the Kingdom The elder of their sons was not at all made for government but dull and heavy She being in great grace with the People because she ever had pretended to dislike the proceedings of her husband made Hyrcanus the High-Priest not so much out of respect to his birthright as his lazinesse keeping the title of Queen and Governesse though indeed all things were ordered at the will and pleasure of the Pharisees whom the People were commanded to obey and against whom all such constitutious as were made by Hyrcanus were taken away Yet she took care for something her self for she kept in pay a great number of foreiners and so increased her power that she became formidable abroad and such a terror to the neighbouring petty Governours that she constrained them to give Hostages 11. Yet no great matters were done abroad but stirs sufficient hapned within the Kingdom for the Pharisees knowing no moderation in the prosecution of their own ambitious and envious desires caused her to put to death those that had counselled her husband to deal cruelly with the 800 before mentioned and they made away divers of them till such time as those of most power and esteem being backed by Aristobulus who complained of the too great power of his mother came to Court and there laid before her how unworthy it was that they should suffer so much for their faithfulnesse to Alexander and how joyful news it would be to Aretas the Arabian and others This raiseth stirs betwixt the two factions to hear that the Kingdom was deprived of such men who had done good service against him They besought her that if their adversaries were not satisfied with what blood they had spilt already to give them leave to depart and provide for their own safety or if that could not be granted to distribute them into several places of strength that there they might live quietly and meanly with which condition they would be contented seeing Fortune so frowned upon the favourers of Alexander They setting these things off with all advantage possible to gain compassion and calling on the ghost of Alexander Aristobulus also soundy reprehended his mother but withall added that they were justly punished for permitting the chief power to a woman as if no posterity had been left by his Father She not knowing what to do delivered into their hands all her Castles except three A. M. 3934. Ol. 177. an 2. V.C. 683. Seleucid 242. Alexandrae 8. in which she had hoarded up her choisest goods and shortly after sent her younger son against Ptolomy Mennaeus who troubled sorely Damascus but he returned without having done any thing A report went at the same time that Tigranes the Armenian had invaded Syria with 50000 men and would spedily come into Judaea which so terrified both Queen and People that they sent Ambassadors to him then lying before Ptolemais for Celene or Cleopatra then reigned in Syria and had advised the Subjects to exclude him He kindly received the Ambassadors because come so far to tender him respect and gave them incouraging words And after he had taken Ptolemais word being brought him that Lucullus in his pursute of Mithridates the Great King of Pontus was entred Armenia and wasted the Country he being son in Law to that King and therefore taking his part departed home with all Expedition 12. After this Alexandra falling grievously sick Aristobulus judged that now or never was there a fit opportunity for him to doe something and lest the Pharisees should get all into their hands departed by night with one man in his company and got the Castles within a short time into his power which she had committed to their adversaries even to the number of 22 within little more than fifteen dayes This being known she and all the People were struck with consternation Aristobulus her younger son assumeth the state of King knowing that he would take the Supreme Power and fearing they should dearly pay for what they had done to his familiars They thought good then to secure his wife and children in the Castle adjoyning to the Temple at Jerusalem He increased in followers and in power daily taking the state of a King upon him and got an Army from the Mountain Libanus Trachonitis and the petty Princes thereto adjoyning The chief of the Jews therefore with Hyrcanus came to the Queen beseeching her that some course might be entered into to prevent his attempts who now had gotten so many convenient places She with shortnesse of mind told them they might do whatsoever they thought meet and convenient for the Commonwealth that they had liberty and strength enough both as to Soldiers and money also the nervs of War but as for her self she could look to nothing her body being now spent and shortly after she breathed her last She dieth having reigned nine years and lived 73. A woman of wisdom courage and industry above her sex A. M. 3936. Ol. 177. an 4. V. C. 685. Seleucid 244. and who in the whole course of her government could not be drawn for the generality from moderation justice and honesty But whereas she looked more at the present than future times seemed to side with the Enemies of her house and to have made the Kingdom naked of fit Rulers after her death the effects of her mal-administration was felt by her family which came into such misfortunes as it miscaried and fell from that power wherein she had laboured and taken so much pains to establish it 13. Josephus Antiq l. 14. c. 1. de bello ut supra c. 5. For Hyrcanus having entered upon the High-Priesthood in the third year of the 177 Olympiad Q. Hortensius and Q. Metellus Creticus being Consuls his brother Aristobulus now presently made Warre upon him A battel being fought near Jericho most of Hyrcanus his Soldiers revolted to the other whereby he was forced to betake himself into that Castle where Aristobulus his wife and children were kept and he now made his condititions to be suffered to live quietly a private life remitting to his brother the Kingdom and Principality changing estates with him
forrage he set upon the rest with their Captain Whom he treacherously murdereth who though he resisted yet being overborn was slain most treacherously and Agathocles then forcing them to lay down their Arms got into his power the whole Army having aforehand stirred up his Soldiers against Ophellas by feigning that he lay in wait for his life Bomilcar seeketh to invade the Tyranny at Carthage and miscarrieth 14. Whilest Agathocles was in hand with this treacherous design Bomilcar having long intended but still out of fear deferred the invasion of the Tyranny communicating his intention to 500 Citizens and 1000 Mercenarieâ— broke out into open Rebellion against his Countrey Having seized on the new Citie he thence invaded the old which caused great consternation at first whilest every one feared they had been betrayed into the Enemies hands but understanding the matter they presently made head against him who going on in his way made slaughters of all he met but what with opposing him in the streets and throwing down stones from the houses they drove him back again into the new Citie through the narrow wayes and there besieged him At length upon promise of pardon for what had passed an agreement was made and his followers by reason of the danger the Citie stood in were all dismissed without any punishment but he notwithstanding the faith given to him was most ignominiously and with great Tortures put to death 15. Idem ad ann 2 The year after Agathocles hearing that the Captains of Alexander had taken the Titles of Kings upon them for that he thought himself neither inferiour to them in power Agathocles taketh the title of King Territories or for valiant acts he called himself King in like manner yet took he not the Diadem being accustomed constantly to wear a Crown of Myrtles heretofore either for the Ceremony of some Priesthood or as * Aelian Var. Hist lib. 11. cap. 4. others have conceived by reason of baldnesse which rendred him exceedingly uncomely about the head Then to attempt something worthy of so great a Title he fell upon Utica near which taking 300 of the Inhabitants which upon his coming had been shut out when he could not perswade them to yield he framed an Engine A. M. 3698. Ol 118. ann 2. V. C. 447. Seleuci 6. Ptol. Lagi 17. to which he tied many of them and drawing it along to that place where he intended to break into the Town exposed them either to be shot to death by their friends or else if they within out of affection to them should forbear then could he easily enter The Defendants yet preferring their Countreys safety before that of a few private men when they could do no lesse repulsed the Enemy with all possible endeavour but for all this Agathocles broke in at another place and filled the Citie with slaughter no regard being had to any condition and after he had overcome them also in a Sea-fight placed a Garrison there and subdued all the Maritime Towns under his power Though he prospered thus in Africk yet was he sollicitous for Sicily where the Agrigentines had made some progresse in freeing the Cities but now of late had received so great a blow from his Captains that broke in pieces their design Just after the fight was over he arrived and making a progresse about the Island recovered most of the Towns onely he was repulsed with great losse from Centorippa and upon the same terms gained Appollonia Henceforth his affairs began universally to decline Returning into Sicily his affairs go down the wind both there and in Africk In Sicily Dinocrates got so great an Army of Exiles together that he durst not fight him though continually dared and dogged at the heels In Africk his son Arthagathus prospered very much at the first through the good fortune of Eumachus who subdued many places But the Senate at Carthage dividing their Army into three parties whereof one was to march for the Maritime parts another for the Inland and the last for the upper Countreys they thereby attained their ends viz. to lessen their number in the Citie which made all Provisions scarce by sending out 30000 men to contain their Allies in fidelity by giving them hopes of relief and which was the chiefest to force the Enemy also to divide his Army and so draw him down from Carthage it self 16. For Archagathus dividing his Army to oppose the Carthaginians in the several quarters lost almost the two parts thereof which he sent out under Conduct of two several Captains to the number of about 19000 men so that the Carthaginians reduced almost all places back to obedience all the Confederates revolted except a few and Archagathus being distressed for want of all things and the remainder of his Army in great terrour he sent to his father into Sicily to acquaint him in what posture matters stood and to desire speedy relief He seeing his affairs go down the wind in that Island was sollicitous how to leave it and 300 Vessels of the Carthaginians blocked up the mouth of the Haven so that he could not stir out But 18 Vessels coming in from Hetruria he perswaded the Masters thereof being friends to put out and then when the Carthaginians as he expected gave them the chace he fell in upon their Rear and beyond all hope got a victory over them boarding five of their Fleet which he took together with the Defenders Hereat encouraged he sent Leptines against Agrigentum knowing Xenodocus their General then to be out of favour with a great part of the Town and he seeing himself unable to graple with him stirred not out but provoked by the Citizens so that being worsted for fear of condemnation he fled to Gela. Agathocles now feasted the people for joy making himself common with all and giving them vvine to excesse so that their vvits being out when that once was in they might speak their minds and he thereby know their inclinations for he feared that after his departure they might call in Dinocrates and the Exiles and restore again the popular Government Being to return into Africk he maketh a Massacre at Syracuse Having by this means got out who they were that distasted his power he feasted them again by themselves with other 500 who bore the most noble minds and compassing them in with his Mercenaries slew them every man 17. Then sayled he over into Africk vvhere he found his Army in a low and desolate condition for vvant of necessaries Therefore resolved he to fight though far inferiour to the Carthaginians vvho sought rather to draw out the time in length knowing the condition of the Enemy but he leading down his men to their Trenches forced them to come out and give battel in vvhich he fighting valiantly yet vvas vvorsted vvith the losse of 3000 men After this a sudden calamity seized upon both the Armies by reason of mistakes For the Carthaginians offering the
most beautifull of their Captives as a sacrifize to their gods it hapned that the fire thence vvas driven to their Tents vvhich being covered vvith Reed and Straw easily catched it and as easily vvere consumed vvhence it came to passe that all things vvere in great confusion But the vvorst of it vvas that the Africans vvhich had fought vvith Agathocles coming now over to them the Scouts seeing them gave an Allarm A strange accident which maketh great disorder in both the Camps as if all the Greeks taking their advantage of the fire vvere coming against them so that flying in great confusion they killed and trode dovvn one another mistaking one another for Enemies and having thus dispatched 5000 of their Company all run away to Carthage vvhere they vvere received vvith great trembling by their friends lest that vvith them the Enemy should enter The Africans vvhich vvere coming over being affrighted at the burning of the Camp retreated vvhich being seen also by the Greeks they gave notice to Agathocles that the Carthaginians vvere coming against him so that he drew out his men in great fear and terrour who meeting the Africans and they taking one another for Enemies they killed and slew all they could during the night season till such time as 4000 being slain the rest retreated to the Camp Agathocles after this seeing himself too weak now to graple with the Carthaginians Agathocles despairing of his affairs in Africk intendeth to fly away with his youngest son and thereby his affairs to be desperate in Africk resolved to return into Sicily and considering that the Enemy having the command at Sea would not suffer the Army to passe away quietly he resolved with his younger son Heraclides and a few more to passe over secretly and leave Archagathus behind him whom he was jealous of because of the report raised of him that he had to do with his Step-mother 18. But Archagathus having notice of his intention which he took in marvailous evil part communicated it to several of the Officers who raising a mutiny presently in the Army Agathocles was seized on and made sure in Fetters The eldest hearing of it raiseth a mutiny wherein Agathocles is bound in Fetters but being loosed escapeth away and both his sons are killed by his Army which maketh its own terms A little after it hapned that an Allarm was made in the Camp as if the Enemy approched which made all Arm themselves and run out and amongst the rest the Keepers of Agathocles whom then the multitude seeing in such a condition cried out presently that he should be loosed which being done he forthwith took Boat with a few attendants leaving both his sons behind him The Army understanding this killed them both and then agreed with the Carthaginians for 300 Talents to restore the Towns yet in their hands and that such as would should receive pay in their service And such as did so had the terms performed but those that out of hope of succour from Agathocles held out the places being all forced to yield their Captains were Crucified and the common Soldiers being bound in Fetters were forced with their hard labour to repair that Countrey which formerly they had helped to depopulate 19. Thus the Carthaginians obtained peace after four years Divine vengeance hurrying Agathocles to punishment after that perfidious murder of Ophellas his two sons being slain on the same day and by the hands of his Soldiers After his arrival in Sicily he went presently to Aegesta a Town confederate with him whence wanting money he exacted much Treasure but they grumbling and complaining thereof all the poorer sort he brought forth and slew at the River Seamander and then tortured the rest with all sorts of torments to make them confesse what they had Some he broke upon the wheel others he shot of from Engines as stones Some had their ancles cut off His horrid cruelty towards the Estians and endured other cruel torments He invented a kind of punishment also something resembling Phalaris his Bull being a bed of iron wherein one being put was burnt or fried to death by fire put underneath Rich women had their ancles broken with iron tongs others their breasts cut off Some out of terror burnt themselves in their houses and others hanged themselves so that the whole flower of the People being absolutely destroyed he sold the children to the Brutii in Italy and utterly to destroy the name of the City called it Dicaeopolis and Peopled it with fugitives Hearing then that his sons were slain in Africk to be revenged on the Soldiers he sent commands to Antander his brother to kill all their friends and kinsfolks at Syracuse wâ—ich he readily performing no sex nor age was spared but so horrid a massace committed that as well old and decrepit men as young infants were included in the slaughter Such as were thus murdered lying on the Sea shoar none durst bury them though never so nearly related so that the Sea washing them away was coloured with the blood carying along with it a note of this cruelty to other parts at a good distance Diodorus ut supra ad ann 3. Agathocles continued his progresse up and down the Island strengthning Towns and raising money but Pasiphilus his Captain despising him now for the lownesse of his fortune fled over to Dinocrates and withdrew the Army also from him This cast him into such despair that contrary to his former boldnesse he sent to Dinocrates offering to quit the Tyranny and restore the Government to the People so he might have but two Castles to maintain himself on Out of despair he offereth to lay down his power but Dinocrates intending to obtain the Tyranny himself rejecteth it and earnestly pressed him to admit of the conditions But he gaping after the chief power himself and unwilling to be reduced again to the estate of a private Citizen being now though but accounted Captain of the Exciles as a King indeed in regard of the great extent of his power and command put him off with one pretence or other still till Agathocles smelling out his device sent some to accuse him to the Army and sending to Carthage made Peace with them on these terms to restore all the places to them they formerly had in Sicilie and for this in way of requital to receive 500 Talents of Gold and a great quantity of Corn. 20. Furnishing then himself with a small Army Idem ad ann 4. he went against Dinocrates and his Exiles who seeing the little number he brought with him being but about 5000 Foot and 800 Horse in comparison of themselves amounting to 25000 Foot and 3000 Horse gave him battel The dispute at first was very sharp but shortly some 2000 of the Exciles revolting to the Tyrant so encouraged his men and discouraged those they had forsaken who thought them to be more than indeed they were that they were easily put to flight though so
him in his Office After this he fell into another danger being accused by Vettius and Curius as a partner of Cataline yet appealing to Cicero that he had discovered some things to him he came off and revenged himself upon his accusers Then obtained he by lot as we said the Government of Spain and having contracted a vast debt Goeth Praetor into Spain put off his Creditors for that time by the interposition of sureties Coming into his Province he spent not his time in administring Justice A. M. 3944. V. C. 693. but pierced farther into the Countrey and subdued certain people before this untouched seeking matter for a Triumph which then to obtain he hasted to Rome But it being now the time for the Consular Comitia he had an extraordinary desire to that Office and begged of the Senate that he might stand for it by proxy for that he could not himself be present it being against the custom for any that was to Triumph to enter the Citie ere that day came for which as yet he was not provided This though against the Laws was not without president but could not now be granted Therefore he resolved rather to lose his Triumph than misse of the Consulship and coming to Town stood for it himself 46. Great contests hapned about this Office and he had not carried it but that Pompey at this time stood in need of it Obtaineth the Consulship by the means of Pompey For Idem ibid. Plutarch in Pompeio Caesare Lucullo Velleius Patercul l. 2. c. 20. Appian de bello civili lib. 2. Dio lib. 37. pag. 55. A. Livii Epitom lib. 103. the great ones envying his fame refused to confirm those conditions which he had granted to the Kings Governours and Cities of Asia Lucullus his Predecessor in the War with Mithridates who since his return had given up himself wholy to idlenesse and luxury for he first brought into Rome the extravagancy of buildings and feasting they stirred up by his authority to promote their opposition and he presently fell upon him together with Metellus Creticus who bore him malice also ever since the Piratick War Lucullus bade him report his matters singly and not as a Soveraign Lord expect they should all be confirmed without any consideration and whereas he had rescinded several of his acts he desired of the Senate that this might be considered of whether justly done or otherwise Cato Metellus Celer the Consul and Crassus defended Lucullus who boasted that the victory over Mithridates was his own and he obtained that his decrees which Pompey had repealed might be in force and those that Pompey made in reference to the Conquered Kings should be null and he hindred by the help of Cato a Law which he would have preferred about dividing grounds to his Soldiers Pompey being thus used in the Senate betook himself to the Tribunes one whereof L. Flavius that the Law for the grounds might more easily passe would have given the suffrage to all Citizens but Metellus the Consul so earnestly opposed it that though the Tribune cast him in prison yet would he not depart from his former sence which pertinaciousnesse of him and others when Pompey saw he desisted repenting too late that he had disbanded his Armies and exposed himself thus to the malice of his Enemies 47. At this time came C. Julius Caesar to Rome to stand for the Consulship Pompey joyned with him upon condition that he procuring the Consulship for him he would confirm his acts And whereas Pompey and M. Crassus had formerly been at odds ever since their joynt Consulship which they executed with great discord Pompey and Crassus made friends and they three make the conspiracy called the Tricipitina Caesar now made them friends A. M. 3946. Ol. 180. ann 2. V.C. 695. Hyrcani 5. and not onely so but they all three conspired together that nothing should be done in the Commonwealth which displeased any one of them which conspiracy say Writers was pernicious to the Citie the World and at length to themselves This conspiracy of these three principal persons Varro who wrote 490 books described in one book called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tricipitina or Three headed Diodorus Siculus fetcheth the Original of Caesarean matters from this year wherein he travelled into Egypt when young Ptolomy Dionysus was King With this conspiracy also Asinius Pollio begun his History of the Civil War For the falling out of Caesar and Pompey did not as most have thought procure the Civil Wars but rather their Conjunction which was designed to break in pieces the power of the Nobility as Plutarch observeth in the life of Caesar This was the 694th year of the Citie the first of the 180th Olympiad Herodes being Archon at Athens the 58th year before the birth of Christ A. M. 3945. Q. Caecilius Metellus and L. Afranius being Consuls SECT 6. SECT VI. From the beginning of the Tricipitina or first Triumvirate to the absolutenesse of Julius Caesar containing the space of sixteen years 1. CAESAR by the help of Pompey obtained the Consulship but not without the assistance of money also There were two other Competitors L. Lucerius and M. Bibulus whereof he was much for the former Caesar and also his adversaries purchase the Consulship having agreed with him that because he was lesse in favour Velleius l. 2. c. 33. Appian belli civilis l. 2. p. 435. Strabo lib. 12. p. 558. Plutarch in Caesare Lucullo Pompeio Livii Epirom l. 10. but very rich he should give money for them both through the Centuries But the Grandees understanding this and fearing if he had him for his Collegue he might do what he listed they caused Bibulus to offer more they themselves contributing to the expence which corruption Cato denied not to be for the good of the Commonwealth now brought by the means of such evil members into absolute danger and necessity Caesar confirmed Pompey's acts according to agreement neither Lucullus nor any other opposing it and Pompey procured that what honour Lucullus had promised to certain men of Pontus should not be confirmed by the Senate filling the City with Soldiers and by force casting him and Cato out of the Forum In this his first Consulship he sold alliances with Rome and also Kingdoms and to procure the favour of the Commons His acts therein preferred a Law for dividing certain grounds in Campania which had been preserved to defray publick charges to such Citizens as had three children or more This he caused to passe by force and compelled all Plebeians to swear to observe the Law and the Senators also though Cato urged them to refuse for they did it to save their lives he having caused the People to decree that it should be capital for any to deny it He had recourse to the People in all cases making little use of the Senate which he seldom called together Bibulus his Collegue
appeared in that first Philip then Alexander his son and their Successors easily subdued and kept them under As for their Colonies each one usually followed the fortune of its Metropolis little but tumults banishments and Massacres do we hear of or of private mens getting the power over them for that wanting rightfull and successive Princes they lay open to the cheats of their fellow Citizens The particular cases of Corcyra Samus Syracuse and others demonstrate this and therewith the danger and infirmity of Antimonarchical Government 9. But in particular such were the several constitutions of these Cities that Aristotle himself liked none of them as appeareth in his books of Politicks The constitutions of their several States were dangerous The Cretian Commonwealth had its extravagancies and if a Government may be judged from the carriage and disposition of the people in the opinion of Epimenides one of their own Poets it was most naught Lycurgus by taking away the just and Hereditary power of the Kings of Sparta and contrary both to nature and loyalty dissolving the Government of his Forefathers made but way for many inconveniences in the too great power of the Senate and otherwise but especially for the tyranny of the Ephori five fellows chosen yearly out of the rabble who domineered with unparalleld insolence over all Solon's constitution after so many changes and alterations wherein no rest could be procured from the time they forsook Kingly Government gave no such setlement but that Pisistratus presently after cheating the rabble over and over very easily made himself Master of Athens Their Ostracism frighted all able persons from medling with the Commonwealth as also did the Petalism of Syracuse whereupon their affairs went down the wind till they were forced to recall the banished and change still from one constitution to another never being at quiet for that the multitude tyrannized in their assemblies As for the learning of the Greeks whereof they so much boasted they had it either from the Egyptians or Caldaeans who were subject to and from the beginning flourished under Monarchy and Pisistratus who was a Monarch though of his own making made the first Collection of books and thereby brought learning into Athens and Greece Finally the Greeks in their Wars were forced to make use of single persons and at home in their greatest necessities did they fly to them as Dionysius of Halicarnassus mentioneth the Harmostes of Lacedaemon the Archus of the Thessalians and the Aesâ—mnetes of the Mitylenaeans whom he compareth with the Dictator of the Romans 10. For the Romans 't is a meer mistake of Agrippa Their affairs never more prospered than under Monarchy if we consider the small beginnings of the City An answer to Agrippa's Argument taken from the Romans Romulus did exceeding much for his time and so did his successors in their several wayes with so small a power as such a Colony could produce insomuch as revengeful and furious Brutus acknowledged that no better way of Government could be found out than what they had chalked out to them The faults in it seem to have been his something too much indulging at his first constitutions a popular humour which might bring him to his end afterwards Then Servius to curry favour with the rabble that they might maintain him in his illegally procured power diminished the Regal authority and that of the Senate which gave the multitude such a scope as after could they not be reduced into any order After him Tarquinius the heir of Priscus might go about to recover this power for a little charity may be allowed us for one who lived in so dark and remote times and whose actions were onely recorded by his Enemies seeing we have formerly related his story as we find it and thereby might incur that prejudice which together with the fault of his son and the implacable malice of Brutus procured his banishment This may be added as an ill accident that Romulus dying childlesse the Kingdom came to be elective which thing must at length bring great inconveniences so that experience now hath taught such Kingdoms to continue the Government to particular Families But Brutus his giving to his Consuls full regal power though they were two and Annual and putting the sword fully into their hands together with his acknowledgement of the good government of all the former Kings do more than make us suspect his spleen to have acted him most in the change of the power especially the consequences considered For the power of the Consuls being shortly after diminished or rather enervated by Valerius who by flattering of the multitude got the name of Poplicola the common sort got head and confounded all things nothing but changes and re-changes hapening till at length they quite outed the Patricians of their power giving them leisure to repent their joyning with Brutus and brought things to that ruine and disorder formerly mentioned as compelled them to turn about and by their Lex Regia hereafter to be spoken of to devolve all their power upon a single Person 11. Such and so many were these seditions and tumults that thrice the common sort departed from the Patricians out of the City And no sooner was the War against their King ended but the stirs begun and these very stirs have we proved from Dionysius The disorders and tumults arising from their Antimonarchical Government to have procured immediately the setting up of another King in effect for half a year's continuance viz. the Dictator to which Officer they were forced to flye in all difficulties Now it sufficiently appeared that the want of a King hindred the promotion of their affaires for ever when any work was to be done abroad nay when the Enemy was even at the gates would the multitude mutiny and with so much adoe at length could be drawn out that businesse was retarded and thereby their affairs not a little impaired the Monarch being wanting who should have kept both orders in subjection and awe The weight of Usury and oppression was the first pretended cause of these stirs but from it the multitude passed on from one thing to another never resting till it had got all Offices of dignity power and profit into it's own hands as hath been at large made out To effect this they would one while have Consuls and another while Tribunes Military having formerly made Decemviri for the making of new Laws so that within the space of 134 years they had 37 changes in the Government 37 Changes of Government in 134 years wherof to make it clear fifteen were from Consuls to Tribunes Military and from Tribunes to Consuls the two grand ones from Kings to Consuls and from Consuls to Decemviri and twenty Dictatorships besides Interregnums many an one whereby for five dayes the chief power was in the hands of their Interreges Thus was the Government tossed to and fro by the multitude and little was done abroad by reason of these
confusions nay the City was taken by the Galls and razed all but the Capitol through the cowardise of their Tribunes who also being in number three or more by their several opinions confounded their Armies and shewed the truth of that speech of Agamemnon in Homer And this is worthy observation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that when the contention arose about the Consulship which the Commons would have equally with the Patritians so incredible were those confusions that for five years the Tribuni Plebis those great incendiaries suffered no supreme Magistrates at all to be created 12. All the great conquests afterwards were made by single persons who abroad had alone the command of Armies And so far was this present kind of Government from being instrumental to them that it manifestly hindred and obstructed all good procedings For when a Consul's year was out then must he be recalled Great conquests were made by single persons and a successor sent him though he was in never so fair a way for the conquering of any Nation which at length began to be understood and then was their command continued to them under the name of Proconsuls after which time it was that the great matters were performed before this the Generals being glad to shuffle up a Peace lest they should be defrauded of the credit of ending the Wars by their successors The main cause of the growth of their Empire under the all-disposing Providence of God was the valour and virtue of their Captains and Senators at that time when Pyrrhus set upon them the courage also of the Soldiers was extraordinary so that as Pyrrhus spoke of himself a King whose command and conduct would have been constant and uncontroled might have done greater wonders with such men But as for the Government so far was it from contributing to justice or virtue that even in these times which their Writers so celebrate for these things the multitude having by the Hortensian Law wrested this power from the Senate to oblige all whatsoever by their Plebiscita decreed aid to be sent to the Mamertines though against all equity and conscience the Senate having utterly refused to assist those thieves murderers intruders But the multitude was told of great profit which would accrue to all men in particular and therefore profit must bear down right and forces must be sent into Sicily to get footing there to inrich these vertuous and temperate men and hence is to be fetched the rise of the Carthaginian Wars which with what injustice they were managed on the Roman part hath been seen and indeed this was the original of all their conquests The main things performed were done by such as rather awed the people than were awed by it though to obtain their commands they corrupted the multitude with money Marius Sylla Pompey and Caesar after they had successively ingrossed the power made the greatest conquests After the overthrow of Carthage especially scarcely any great command was obtained but by some great promises under-hand some new attempts of innovation or money distributed to the Tribes So weak imperfect and vitious was the Government Hence appeareth the excellency and necessity of Monarchy 13. These things evidence the excellency of Monarchical Government above the rest a neceessity of it in any considerable Nation or Nations and in Cities which extend the freedom of Suffrages to their Subjects or Associates and are considerable for number power and interest Single Cities have for some time subsisted otherwise but if we view those that have been mentioned in this Work some of them we shall find to have been kept in that way by such strange discipline and principles of equality and levelling as are even repugnant to Nature and destroy that lawful use of such things as were ordained for man's comfort and delight Such was the constitution of that of Sparta which yet secured it not from the tyranny of the Ephori and when but the use of Gold Silver and other things very lawful in themselves came up the Lacedaemonians were sensible of their slavery to such harsh constitutions and the Government tottered Again in others that were left more to their liberty we see how impossible it was for the People to use it but for their own destruction so that for any one place to subsist without such miseries and disasters is near to a miracle Monarchy though it may have it's defects as all things managed by meer men yet in it self includes more order certainty and security it 's force being commonly turned outward It 's that which is most agreeable with primitive prudence when men were not arrived at that ambition and wickednesse The antiquity which later times have produced All Nations at first had their Kings from the very first foundation as is clear in the case of the Greeks and others so that they voluntarily submitted to them at the first leading out of Colonies from the East being their Captains and thence we may see that the Government is natural flowing from paternal rule and proceeding from that superiority which Masters of Families and Heads of Kindreds might well challenge over others It 's most suitable to the Government of the Universe And authority of it which is in God alone who therefore acknowledgeth Kings for his Vicegerents and calleth them gods promising they should be nursing Fathers to his Church and taking no notice herein of other Governments Hence our Kings owe account to him alone are Sacrosanct which term the Romans gave to their very Tribunes who were inviolable it being death to injure them in the least and therefore we may well apply it to Kings and that perpetually and are intrusted by him with a Prerogative which is necessary for the good of their Subjects For all power flowing from them it 's contradictory for authority to challenge it self as unnatural and violent for a derived stream to oppose the current of the Fountain 14. But to return from this requisite digression whereby an answer is given to Agrippa's arguments and Students are directed to make the right and natural use of History after that Maecenas had pressed Caesar with these urgent reasons Maecenas his advice to Caesar for the ordering of his affaires to take the Government upon him he gave him directions for the management of his affaires First he advised him to regulate the Senate Consule Dionem l. 12. p. 476. D. placing and displacing according to the worth of persons and to have a special regard to Nobility and Gentry to gratify them with imployments To admit none into the Equestrian rank before eighteen years of age and none into the Senate till 25 before which time the Romans were never accounted of full age When these had born the Offices of Quaestor Aedilis and Tribunus plebis then being thirty years old he would have them made Praetors all which at first were to be Romans alone lest he should seem suddenly to
largenesse of the Empire and nearnesse of Enemies The Militia and money it was necessary to have a standing Army he would have levies made out of the porest and lustiest young men who being continually exercised and trained up in Military discipline all others were to be forbidden the use of Arms. Then for money which he shewed to be necessary for carying on of affaires in all Governments as well as under Monarchy he advised him to make money of all publick things gotten in War and let it out upon moderate interest to look well to the Mines and impose Tribute upon all Subjects it being reasonable that all should contribute to the expense of that which tended to the protection and good of all But there was no danger he said but men would be willing to pay seeing most of them should receive it back with advantage either by bearing Offices of Magistracy or Government or serving in the War especially when they understood that Caesar himself lived soberly and frugally not improving the publick expence to any private excesse Rome to be adorned 19. For the rest he would have him adorn Rome with all magnificence and set it out with all sorts of solemnities to make it in great reverence and esteem abroad No Nation was to have any power in it's own hands nor meet in any publick Assemblies of debate for that would procure disturbance for which reason neither was the Roman People The Provinces curbed he said to be permitted either to come together for passing of Judgement to the Comitia or any other Council for the enacting of any thing No City or People was to be suffered to use any excesse in buildings or in games none to use any peculiar coin weight or measure None were to send any peculiar message to him except the matter required his inspection but have recourse to the Governour of the place who was therewith to acquaint Caesar Ambassadors either from Enemies or confederate Kings or States were to have audience from the Senate that the power seeming to be in thâ— Senate they might see how many Enemies they should have if the case so required and matters being dispatched by consent of the Fathers the Majesty of the Empire would be the more established All of Senatorian rank he would have impeached before and judged by the Senate that Caesar might escape the envy of condemnation and others by so formal proceedings might be kept in awe How scandalous words to be thought of As for any scandalous words against himself he told him he should neither hear any accusation nor punish them For it was not good he said that he should believe that any one would injure him who hurt no body but did good to all for saith he bad Princes onely do this whom their guilty consciences make credulous Neither is it fitting to take those things ill which if true ought not to have been done and if false should be neglected and dissembled for that many by punishing them minister greater occasion of worse discourse His sense therefore of scandalous words was this that he ought to be higher than all injury and neither himself to fancy nor make other believe that any one durst be so sawcy How Traitors to be punished but that the same opinion of veneration was had of him as of the eternal gods If any plotted his destruction he would neither have him himself to judge nor sentence him but refer him to the Senate and if he were convicted to punish him as lightly as might be that his crime might gain belief But he here excepted such as having command of Armies made open insurrections who were not to be formally arraigned but punished as Enemies The Senate to be made use of 20. These things and most of the rest which concerned the Common-wealth he would have him propound to the Senate wherein all the members should have equal power of voting except any of them were accused If the party indeed were not as yet a Senator or but of the rank of a Quaestor all might have voices but it was against reason that he who never had been a Tribune of the People or Aedilis should passe sentence upon him that had born these Offices or that those should do it upon one of Praetorian rank or such an one upon a Consular person but it was fitting enough that those of Consular Dignity might judge all the several sorts and the rest their equals or inferiours Caesar himself was to be Judge in all Appeals made from the greater sorts of Magistrates his Procurators the Governour of the Citie Subcensor Chief Justices Overseers of Provisions or Proveditors and Masters of the vvatches for none ought to have so absolute a power but that appeal ought to lie from him Of these he ought to take Cognisance as also of the causes of Equites Centurions or prime Officers when the controversie is about life or reputation 〈◊〉 what Cases â—eals ought 〈◊〉 to Caeâ— For these Cases ought to be referred to him alone and for the fore mentioned causes none other ought to Judge them Yet to the hearing of them he might nominate some of the principal men of Senatorian or Equestrian rank or of Consular or Praetorian Dignity that he and they having had hereby experience one of another he might imploy them in other matters abroad In the Cases of greatest consequence he would not have him ask their opinions openly lest favouring their friends they might not speak freely their minds but their opinions were to be written down and then presently blotted out which secrecy would procure them to use all freedom He advised him in his affairs of Causes Letters businesse of Cities and Petitions of private men and in other things of Government to use the assistance of the Equites To refuse to hear no mans advice and to look at the Will and not at the successe both of Councellors and Soldiers as neither to envy the glory of military men For many fearing the envy of Princes and States have rather chosen to lose than gain in the Wars to provide for their own safety Military men not to be envied Wherefore he would not have him whom especially the event either as to profit or disprofit would concern in word others and indeed to envy himself 21. He desired him speak and do such things as he would have his Officers to think and practice for this would more easily teach them their duty men being led more by example than precept and the actions of Princes being especially pried into and more imitated than their threatnings feared The lives of others he should look into Rules for Caesar's General carriage but not greatly enquire what Crimes by others were detected he ought to punish but dissemble such as had no accuser and know how to correct mildly which in some cases doth more good than rigorous proceedings Then as for rewards he told him Deserving persons
force but from the Laws all things which under the Popular Goverment were of greatest force and that by Universal consent together with the names they take upon them except Dictatorship For they are often Consuls and when without the Pomaerium are called Proconsuls and they bear the name of Imperator not onely such as have obtained victories but all of them to signifie their plenary and absolute power in the room of King and Dictator which being taken away they never assume but confirm the force and matter of them by the title of Emperour Accordingly they have the power of raising men and money making War and Peace commanding all things effectually both at home and abroad putting to death Equites and Senators even within the Pomaerium and doing all other things which a Consul and other Magistrates who had absolute power might do As Censors also they have Authority to inquire into our life and Maners to make the Census admit persons into the Equestrian or Senatorian rank and remove thence according to their pleasure And in as much as they are inaugurate in all Priesthoods admit Priests into the Colleges and ever one of them if there be two or three Emperours at one time is Chief Priest it is that they may have all religious things and sacred in their own hands As for the Tribunitial power which every eminent Emperour was wont to have it inableth them to interpose against any thing that may be done contrary to their pleasure and they are thereby Sacrosanct or Inviolable so that if any one injure them by the least not onely deed but word they may put him to death without processe as Piacularly Criminal The Emperours count it unlawfull to be Tribunes because they are Patricians but they receive Tribunitial power as large as ever any enjoyed and as renewing it yearly with the annual Tribunes the years of their reign or power are counted accordingly These things as they were established in the Popular Government do the Emperours together with the name take unto them that they may appear to have nothing but what was freely conferred on them 34. But they have another privilege so Dio proceedeth which never was universally granted to any Roman For the Emperours are loosed from the Laws by which thing alone liberty is given them to do those which we have related and all other things After this manner with these names which were used in the Popular State they receive all the power of the whole Commonwealth and the Kingly also shunning onely the name For the titles of Caesar and Augustus add nothing of peculiar power unto them but the one signifieth the succession and the other the splendour of their Dignity As for the name of Fathers though it giveth them such right over their subjects as Parents have over Children yet at first it was given onely for honour and to admonish them to hold their Subjects as dear as Children and these them as Parents These are the titles which the Emperours according to the Laws and Customs use even in our dayes and in our age all these are at the same time given to them except that of Censor but in times past they were severally according to the Laws decreed to them The name also of Censor some of them according to the antient custom have received and Domitian bore it all his life but now it is not so For the Emperours of our time having the thing it self are neither chosen to the Censorship nor bear the name of the Office except during the Census But * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus the Commonwealth was changed into a better form and order for it was utterly impossible it should subsist under the power of the people Thus far Dio excellently according to his custom of relating the principal matters of State It clearly appeareth from him how absolute the power of the Emperours was and how without any co-ordinate power of People or Senate in any respect The main of their Authority lay in the title of Imperator assisted by the Tribunitial power which two nay the former of them make good our exposition of the Lex Regia without the other titles which they might take upon them for popularity and to prevent the pretences of others though their Authority was large and strong enough without them Our Author concludeth this discourse with an Attestation to that truth we formerly asserted against Agrippa 35. The same night that Caesar received the sirname of Augustus Dio lib. 53. pag. 510. a considerable sign as it was accounted of his confirmation hapned For Tiber so overflowed that all the lower parts of Rome were Navigable which the Fortune tellers interpreted to signifie his great advancement and that he should have the whole Citie in his power Now many sought to flatter him but the indeavours of Sextus Pacuvius or Apudius exceeded all who being Tribune of the People after the custom of the Spaniard consecrated himself to him and caused others to do so Having now obtained the Government by consent of the people he set himself more effectually to look after it and made several Laws Yet did he not all on his own head but propounded many things to be debated in publick that if any were displeased he might amend them he desired all freely and openly to deliver their opinions and being moved by their reasons changed something but he especially desired to be advised by the Consuls or his Collegue if he himself bore that Office The general course of Augustus his administration Of the other Magistrates he made choice of one out of each sort and out of the Senate fifteen chosen by lot who were for six moneths to be his Counsellors that hereby he might seem to communicate his designs to the rest Some things he brought down to the whole Senate but he thought it fitter to consult with a few persons at leisure about the greatest affairs He called also these men sometimes to decide causes although the Senate still heard certain matters and gave answer to the Ambassadors of Kings and States as formerly Although the Comitia or Assemblies of the People were sometimes held yet nothing was done but according to the pleasure of Augustus He partly named Magistrates and left others to be created by the People onely taking care that no unworthy persons by indirect practices advanced themselves This was the general course of Augustus his administration saith Dio. He reduceth the Spaniards and shutteth the Temple of Janus the second time 36. The year following Augustus made an expedition into Spain Orosius lib. 6. cap. 2. Florus lib. 4. c. ult Sueton. in Octavio which never had been well quieted since the Romans first set footing there but now the Cantabrians and Asturians were not onely ready to defend their own liberty but endeavoured also to lay the yoak upon their neighbours Yet he reduced and brought all under and being then at Tarracon came Ambassadors from
the Hippodrome 47. Herod not long before his end renewed his Testament Cap. 10 11 13. wherein he ordained his son Antipas Tetrarch of Galile and Peraea having before this appointed him his Successor in the Kingdom for that he was incensed against Archelaus and Philip Archelaus his son being left his Successor in Judaea by the means of Antipater Now he made Archelaus King gave the Province Gaulonitis Trachonitis Batanea and Peneade to Philip left Salome very well and gave great Legacies to Caesar and Livia his wife Archelaus at first was much cried up by the people but afterwards the multitude calling to mind the death of Mathias and his Confederates whom Herod had slain for breaking down the Eagle fell into a Sedition many flocking out of the Countrey to the Passeover and demanded justice against divers of his Officers but this tumult was setled by the slaughter of 3000 about the Temple Then went Archelaus to Rome not daring to take upon him the title without the leave of Augustus to whose disposal his father had referred his Testament Many followed and spoke against him being affected better towards Antipas the Jews also sent their Ambassadors with whom joyned 8000 of their Countrey-men then living at Rome in a Petition to Caesar that they might be joyned to Syria and live under Roman Governours without any King Augustus giveth him half of the Kingdom and the other half to his two brothers At length Caesar came to this resolution to give half that Dominion which Herod injoyed unto Archelaus viz. of Idumaea Judaea and Samaria with Caesarea Sebaste Joppe and Jerusalem the other half he divided betwixt Antipas and Philip. The former had the Countrey lying on the further side of Jordan and Galile with 200 Talents of annual revenue Philip obtained Bathanea Trachonitis and Auranitis with 100 Talents Archelaus had 500 Talents of yearly rent out of his Countrey Whilest these things were in hand at Rome grievous Seditions tore the Jews in pieces at home for they being now destitute of a King several took upon them that title Sabinus Cap. 12. who superintended the affairs of Caesar there gave the occasion by pilling the people which now at the feast of Pentecoste gathering together from all quarters sought to shake off that yoak Seditions in Judaea After great slaughters at length all was quieted by the coming of Varus from Antioch who left the first Legion in Garrison at Jerusalem 48. The succession being setled by Augustus a young man and a Jew Cap. 14. born at Sidon counterfeited himself Alexander the son of Herod by Mariamne One counterfeits Alexander the son of Herod by Mariamne affirming that both he and Aristobulus were delivered by a friend who had it in charge to see them executed others being killed in their rooms He deluded thousands of Jews inhabiting Melas as also them at Rome by whom he was received as their King But he could not deceive Caesar who made him confesse the forgery and because he had promised him pardon if he would acknowledge the deceit for that he had formerly laboured with his hands And is detected by Augustus he condemned him to the Gallies and put the man to death who had perswaded him to turn counterfeit As for Archelaus Cap. 15. he tyrannized for ten years and then being accused by the Jews Augustus sent for him to Rome where his cause being heard he banished him to Vienna in Gall and confiscated his goods After this Cyrenius being sent into Syria to succeed Varus valued the goods of each Inhabitants and seized the estate of Archelaus This cesse or valuation of their estates Josephus Antiq. lib. 18. c. 1 3. Act. 5.37 gave occasion to a great Sedition by the means one Judas a Gaulonite Sodoc a Pharise and his confederate alleging that this description was no other than a manifest token of their servitude and exhorting all to maintain their liberty to no purpose Judaea governed by Deputies For Judaea now having no more Princes of it 's own was governed by Deputies of which Coponius being the first was shortly after succeeded by M. Ambivius and he by Annius Rufus 49. Dio l. 55. Augustus that we may return to Roman matters adopted his two Grandsons Caius and Lucius having got them to be called Principes Juventutis and designed them Consuls It hapned that the Armenians cast out Artavasdus whom he had placed as King over them and were in this Sedition assisted by the Parthians This troubled him exceedingly for he grew old himself and his adopted sons were too young on the other hand Yet sent he Caius with Proconsular power to compose these troubles giving him for a greater grace Lollia Paulina to wife Sueton in Claudio A. D. 3. V.C. â—55 Idem in Tiberio c. 12 13. the daughter or niece of M. Lollius Caius Caesar sent against the Armenians who went with him as his Governour Tiberius met him at Samus but was slightly looked on being little better than a banished man But Caius falling out with Lollius who had incensed him against him he had leave to return home in the eighth year of his retirement Augustus giving way to it through the importunity of Livia but denying to do any thing without the consent of Caius and then recalling him with this condition that he should not at all medle with affairs of State As for Caius he prospered at his first entrance into Armenia but not long after received an hurt in a rash and unadvised conference after which he grew listlesse and sluggish and this distemper was increased by flatterers so that he desired to stay in the East Patercul l. 2. c. 102 103. Floruâ— l. 4. c. ult and lead there a private life His Grandfather vehemently urged his return with condition also that then he might do what he pleased so that unwillingly journying for Italy Dieth 18 moneths after his brother Lucius he died at Limyra a City of Lycia His brother Lucius going into Spain was dead eighteen moneths before after whose decease Augustus would have adopted Tiberius but he if we believe Paterculus an egregious flatterer of him fearing the envy of Caius vehemently withstood the attempt A. D. 4. V. C. 756. But now both of them being dead and it 's thought helped away by his mother Livia for his sake he was adopted together with Agrippa Posthumus who had been born of Julia after Agrippa's death And lest he should attempt any new matters he was constrained to adopt Germanicus one of the sons of his brother Drusus Dio ut supra A. D. 5. V. C. 757. though he had a son of his own called also Drusus in the 757 year of the City Sexius Aelius Latus and C. Sextius Saturninus being Consuls the fifth after the birth of Christ 50. Tiberius was presently sent into Germany where three years before a famous War had broken out and
Herod by St. Luke labouring all manner of wayes to gratifie the Jews killed James the brother of John and shut up Peter in prison Act. 12. intending to bring him forth to the People after the Passeover but he was miraculously delivered by an Angel A just punishment from God overtook Agrippa not long after For having begun to build the walls of Jerusalem when upon complaint of Marsus President of Syria he was forbidden by Claudius he descended to Caesarea there to celebrate games in honour of Caesar Being clothed with a robe of silver which glittered exceedingly by the reflection of the Sun-beams he rejected not the flatteries of those who ascribed to him divine honours and was presently seized by a pain in his guts Whom vengence overtaketh for the death of James and being eaten with worms gave up the ghost within five dayes after he had reigned seven years in all A. D 45. V.C. 797. and three over Judaea His Kingdom was not committed to his son by reason of his youth for he was but seventeen years old and therefore Cuspius Fadus was sent to govern it 9. Claudius restored also Mithridates the Iberian to his Kingdom whom Caius had imprisoned On another Mithridates descended from Mithridates the Great King of Pontus he bestowed the Kingdom of Bosphorus giving one part of Cilicia to Polemo in requital and another part of this Country to Antiochus with Commagena Claudius restoreth several Princes for he had also been deprived of this his Kingdom by Caius But the Lycians and Rhodians he deprived of their liberty The former for that they had raised a Sedition wherein some Romans had been slain and the later because they had crucified some of them About this time the Britains were very tumultuous The Britains tumultuous for the reducing of whom to obedience he sent A. Plautius in his second year with an Army out of Gall. 10. Since the time of Julius Caesar the Romans had attempted nothing upon Britain Augustus seemeth of purpose to have neglected it Lege Cambdenum counting it policy to keep the Roman Empire within it's bounds to wit the Ocean the Rivers Ister and Euphrates limits set by nature to the end it might be a State Adamantine for so he himself speaketh in Julian or invincible and not miscary through it 's too great bulck and burthen This Island from Julius Caesar his Expeditions untouched by the Romans Strabo is of opinion that he despised it seeing no cause to fear nor hope of much profit from the Britans and yet it seemed that no small danger would be presented from other Nations lying about the said Island But at length he departed from Rome with a purpose to transfer the War into Britain but when he was come into Gall the Britains pacified him by Ambassadors and having obtained his amity dedicated presents and oblations in the Capitol They brought the Island now familiar to the Romans and endured taxes and imposts which saith Strabo are now nothing grievous to them being raised out of such marchandise and commodities as are shipped to and fro out of Gall and Britain those be Ivory works bits and bridles chains and wreathes Vessels of Electrum and glasse with other base and common wares of like sort And therefore there needs no Garrison for that Island For it would require one Legion at least and some Horsemen if tributes were to be levied from thence and the said tributes would but countervail the charges of maintaining a Garrison there Augustus was diverted from it for of necessity by imposing a tribute the revenues coming by tollage and poundage and such like imposts would be lesse and if any violent course were used some peril or other must be expected The year following also Augustus intended a second Expedition into Britain because there was some variance about the Covenants but by occasion of some insurrections made in Spain by the Cantabri and others that journey was staied 11. Tiberius nothing transported with an inordinate desire of inlarging the Empire seemeth to have rested in that counsel of Augustus For he brought out a Book written with Augustus his own hand wherein was contained the whole wealth and estate of the Commonweal what number as well of Roman Citizens as Allies were in Arms how many Navies Kingdoms and Provinces what tributes and imposts belonged to the State with a resolution annexed thereto of containing the Empire within the same bounds Which advise and resolution of Augustus contented him so well that as Tacitus reporteth Tiberius neglected it he would attempt nothing in Britain nor maintain any Garrison or Deputies there For whereas Tacitus reckoneth up the number of Legions and what Coasts and Countries they defended at that time he maketh no mention at all of Britain And yet it seemeth that the Britains entertained amity with the Romans For when as at the same time Germanicus sailed the Ocean some of his Company being by force of Tempest driven to this Island were by the Princes thereof sent back again That Caius Caesar cast in his mind to enter this Island is certain but by his shittle brain sudden repentance and wonderful attempts against Germany it came to nothing For to the end that he might terrifie Britain and Germany over which he hovered with the same of some mighty piece of work he made a bridge between Baiae and the Piles of Puteoli three miles and 600 paces in length Caius his rare exploits But having atchieved no greater exploit than received to grace Adminius the son of Cynobelliuus King of the Britans who being by his Father banished had fled over Sea with a small power and train about him he sent magnificent and glorious letters to Rome as if the whole Isle had been yielded up into his hands warning and wishing the Posts to ride forward directly into the Forum and Curia and in no wise to deliver the said missives unto the Consuls but in the Temple of Mars and that in a frequent Assembly of the Senate 12. After this to the Ocean he marched as if he minded to translate the War over into Britain There upon the shoar he embattelled his Soldiers he himself took Sea in a Gally and having lanched forth a little from the Land returned again Then mounting an high scaffold he sate him down and gave his Soldiers the sign for battel And great atchievement and commanding the Trumpets to sound on a sodain charged them to gather Cockles Muskles and other small shel-fishes Having gotten these spoils he waxed proud as if he had conquered the Ocean and having rewarded his Soldiers he brought some of these shel-fishes to Rome to shew the booty he had gotten In token and memorial of this great atchievement he caused to be built a brave high Turret out of which as from a watch-tower there might blaze all night long lights and fires for the better direction of Sea-men The ruines hereof are some times
was even now out of the Consulship and neither provoking nor being provoked coveted slothfull idlenesse as Tacitus telleth us with the specious and comely name of Peace 32. The year after was Albinus sent into Judaea to succeed Festus who died in his Government Albinus succeedeth Festus Josephus Antiquit lib. 20. cap. 8. About the same time Agrippa who had power after his Uncle of Chalcis to bestow the High-Priesthood on whomsoever he pleased gave it to Ananus son of that Annas or Ananus who beyond example having himself enjoyed the Office had five sons who every one of them executed the same This young Ananus being a Sadduce as also very bold and cruel conceiving he had got a convenient opportunity Festus being dead and Albinus not yet arrived called a Council and condemned James the brother of Jesus Christ James the Just killed by the procurement of Ananus the High-Priest as Josephus writeth with some others as guilty of impiety to be stoned This act displeased saith the Historian A. D. 63. V.C. 815. all good men and especially such as were most studious of the Law who desired of Agrippa that he would command Ananus to forbear the like for the time to come some going also to meet Albinus told him that the High-Priest had no authority to call a Council whereupon he wrote to him very angrily and threatned him upon which account Agrippa the King removed him from his Office after the third moneth Burrhus dieth At this time died Burrhus at Rome Tacitus Annal. lib. 14. capp 51 52 c. not without suspition of poyson and Seneca's power was weakned by the losse of that conjunction whereby they had mutually strengthned the hands of each other Seneca was now backbited and by Nero sleighted of whom he desired leave to withdraw himself having been with him fourteen years and he offered to give up his great estate into his hands for that had brought him so far into envy but Nero having learnt and practised dissimulation under colour of respect denied his Petition Nero marrieth Poppaea Now did Nero marry Poppaea whom all this while he had kept as his Concubine and dismissed Octavia loaded with accusations of barrennesse and greater Crimes and when the people troubled at it grew seditious he caused her to be put to death in that fatal Island Pandateria The same year also as 't is believed he poysoned the Chief of the Liberti or Freed-men Peryphorus because he was against his marrying Poppaea and Pallas for that living very long he had scraped together a vast sum of money 33. At this time were the stirs renewed in Armenia Tacitus Annal. lib. 15. capp 1. 2 3 c. For Vologeses seeing his brother thus beaten off and Tigranes set up in his stead had invaded the Countrey to revenge the injury offered to the line of the Arsacidae Corbulo though very warily yet resisted and repelled him when Cesennius Paetus was sent to defend that Countrey who by his ignorance in Military matters and rashnesse undid all The stirs in Armenia renewed Being besieged he was glad to Covenant for his preservation to quit Armenia and remove the Garrisons thence which done Nero was to be sent to Yet so ridiculous and degenerate were they at Rome as to erect Trophies over the Parthians though they knew nothing of the successe either one way or other The Parthian Ambassadors came to Rome to desire that as they hinted which had been gotten by force but without effect for War was decreed against them to be managed by Corbulo yet were they dismissed with gifts so as there might be hope that if Tiridates himself would intreat for the Diadem it should not be in vain Corbulo again invaded Armenia at which the Parthians affrighted came to a Treaty wherein it was agreed that Tiridates laying down his Diadem at the feet of Nero's Statue should not receive it without his leave Nero now growing now worse and worse broke out into most horrid impieties well nigh beyond all belief 34. The next year being the 817 of the Citie Idem ibid. capp 37 38 c. the 65th after the birth of Christ and of his own reign the 10. C. Lecanius Bassus and M. Licinius Crassus being Consuls acting the common Stage-player and giving up himself to all luxury and unheard-of pollutions Sueton in Nâ—â—urone cap. 38. amongst the rest he married himself as a woman to one of his filthy crue called Pythagoras all things being provided and celebrated as at a marriage He made himself also the husband of Sporus from whom he took as much of the Male as possible and ordered him to be brought to him in a Veil as a Bride Nero's wickednesse Being offended at the deformity of the old buildings and the narrownesse of the streets or else to feed his cruel eye with so sad a spectacle as he had read to have hapned at the siege of Troy he caused the Citie to be set on fire which burning six dayes and seven nights of the fourteen divisions four onely remained whole A. D. 65. V. â— 817. Idem ibid. cap. 16. Tacitus ut suprà cap. 44. the other being wasted or defaced with the fury of the flame He beheld the fire from the Tower of Maecenas and very merry at the beauty of it as he termed it in a Player's habit sung the destruction of Ilium This calamity being generally attributed to him as the cause he accused the Christians thereof Setting Rome on fire he accuseth and persecuteth the Christians and raised the First Persecution torturing them with most exquisite kinds of punishment About this time he sent Gessius Florus into Judaea to succeed Albinus who desiring to gratifie them of Jerusalem for all the mischief he had done ere his departure brought out all the prisoners whereof those that were commited for any capital offence he put to death but the rest he fined onely and dismissed whereby all the Gaols being thus emptied the Country was filled with thieves more than before The year following was discovered a conspiracy against Nero which gave him occasion further to indulge his cruel humour 35. Who was the Author of it is uncertain as also upon what particular grounds it was hatched though all the persons bore him malice Idem ibid. c. 49 c. as they thought they had reason But Lucan the Poet who wrote the Civil Wars betwixt Caesar and Pompey A conspiracy against him and was nephew to Seneca by his brother Annaeus Mela was aggrieved that Nero envied him the glory he had got by his Verses and several others joyned with them out of love to Cn. Piso the head of the party It was discovered by Milichus the Freed-man of Sceninus who had commanded him to scour his dagger and provide necessaries for wounds whereupon some would have had Piso to have gone to the Rostra and laid open the Tyrant to the People to
wish good to them that persecute us Now have we greater Enemies and ruder persecutors than those who make offended Majesty the ground of the crime they impute unto us Holy Scriptures content not themselves with this commandment they have another more precise and clearer Pray say they for Kings Princes and Powers that you may live in peace in the midst of publick tranquillity In another place But why should I stay longer in making known with what sence of Religion and Piety Christians honour Emperours It sufficeth to say we are obliged to render them our duties Chap. 32. as to whom our Master hath commanded us so to do 28. As these Primitive Saints were good Christians in the excercise of their Religion and dutiful Subjects towards their Princes so also good men free from vice and adorned with Virtues Chap. 44. or if any were noted to be of contrary practice they were disowned and the Censures of the Church cut them off from it's society We speak as boldly saith Tertullian of the Christians you put to death for we have an unreproveable testimony of their integrity which we take also from your Registers You who are imployed every day in judging those that are kept in prisons and who terminate their processes by the sentences you give against them And good men of all the malefactors accused before you of so many sorts of crimes is there any of them charged with Murther Robbery Sacrilege and other faults to whom they impute also that he is a Christian either when Christians are presented to be punished as Criminals because they are Christians is there any amongst them whose life is like that of other prisoners all the Malefactors wherewith your prisons are so filled that they are overcharged are of your Religion they are also of your Religion that make the Mines grone under the weight of their stroakes they are the wretched creatures of the same Religion you are wherewith the wild beasts fill their bellies All those poor Criminals which your Citizens keep to make them cruelly kill one another before a bloody people have the same opinion you have of the Deity Finally among all those wretched creatures there 's not one Christian unlesse he be charged by justice because of his name Christian Or if there be a Christian found attainted of the same crime he hath no more the name Christian because he hath lost that divine quality in losing his innocency Chap. 46. Elsewhere But some will say even among us there are a people that give themselves the liberty of doing evil that free themselves from subjection to our Laws from any what ever exact observation of what is legally commanded by us It is true there are some such but so soon as they fall into this disorder we hold them no more for Christians The fear of God and purity of his precepts constrained them to this holy demeanour for opinion of men and their rules as this our Author observeth canot reach the heart not procure that Virtue which is truly good The admirable fruits their doctrine produced the knowledge whereof became publick by the commerce they had in the World made so down-right a conflict with rude incredulity that to defend herself she was forced to say that their profeson had no Divine matter in it but was onely a Sect of Philosophy that obliged Christians to rank themselves there in the exercise of Moral Virtues 29. Though there was some diversity of opinions amongst them yet as we shewed before they maintained mutual Love and that herein they were highly eminent as to all pious effects is already evident Origen in his Work against Celsus wherein he especially answereth to cavils raised against the Author and Doctrin of Christian Religion takes off that prejudice that might arise from diversity of opinions They were eminent for love and unity of affection by a comparison of this difference with the numerous or rather innumerous Sects of Heathen Philosophers Tertullian layeth the great guilt of Heresie upon such who being animated with the spirit of Philosophy infected the purity of the Gospel with the corruption of their own opinions In the same place he acquainteth us what was the Primitive touch-stone of Doctrines most worthy now to be considered These People saith he that are separated from us have violated the Faith of Jesus Christ and we beat down their errors by this onely exception Apolog. c. 47. that the true rule of Truth is that which hath been taught by our Master and transmitted to us by those holy persons who had the happinesse to hear his Word and receive his Divine Institutions we shall shew in another place that all which is not conformable to this rule hath been invented by new Doctors who came not till after the blessed companions of the Sonne of God They forced Devils out of bodies and to confesse the truth 30. All these excellent qualities in those holy persons might have sufficed to stop the mouths of Calumniators and had weight sufficient to have moved the minds of all men to the truth But that Victory which Christians obtained over Devils might much more have convinced them of the power which was superiour to that of their false Gods Christians were wont to drive away these Devils from the bodies of men forced them to confesse that they were no other than Devils and that Jesus Christ was the Son of God and his way the true Religion As to the former first hear Tertullian Apolog. c. 37. But if we were not near you who would snatch you away from these secret Enemies whose malignant operations make so strange a confusion in your minds and so horrible an alteration of your healths I have heard speak of the possession of Devils wherewith you are tormented from whence we deliver you freely and without reward if we had the spirit of Revenge it were enough to satisfie us that these corrupted spirits might at all times seize on your bodies and that entrance therein were alwayes open to them But as you do not think of that you ought viz. so dear a protection you cease not to declare a People to be your Enemies who do you no hurt whose assistance is so absolutely necessary for you It is true we are Enemies yet not of men but of their errors In another place Chap. 31. As for Devils or Genies we are wont to conjure them to drive them away from the bodies of men whereof they are seized and render them not the honours due to God only by swearing by them Justin Martyr in his fifth * Pag. 45. totius operis Apology 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For many possessed with Devils throughout the World and this your City whom many Exorcists Inchanters and Conjurers could not cure Many of our men through the name of Jesus Christ crucified under Pontius Pilate have healed and now also do heal disarming and driving out of men
three moneths after the foundation was laid The number of the Colony 2. The number of the Colony amounted scarce to 300 horsmen and 3000 foot Dionys lib. 2. Livius lib. 1. wherewith Romulus which some make but the diminutive of Romus his true name planted this new Citie called Rome after himself To increase the number of his Citizens he opened a Sanctuary to all malefactors and discontented persons which then resorted to him in great numbers from the Countreys adjoyning Setting about the frame of the Commonwealth by his Grandfathers advice he remitted it to the choice of the people what kind of Government they would have whereby obtaining the Kingdom in way of gift his power became the more plausible He divided the people into three Tribes The division and distinction of Citizens every Tribe into ten Curiae and every Curia into ten parts or Decuriae over all which he appointed Officers According to the number of the Curiae he divided the grounds into thirty parts onely excepting one portion for publick use and another for superstitious Ceremonies He made a distinction of his people according to honour and dignity giving to the better sort the name of Patres either for that they were elder had Children for the Nobility of their stock or if detractors may be heard he therefore named these Patricii because they alone could shew their fathers the other multitude being a rable of fugitives that had no free and ingenuous parentage wherefore when an Assembly of the people was called by the King the Patricians were by a Cryer cited by their own and fathers name but the inferiour sort or Plebeians were gathered together by the sound of Ox horns Having distinguished his subjects into these two ranks he ordered what each should do The Patritii were to take care of superstition bear Offices of Magistracy administer Justice and Govern the Commonwealth together with the King The Plebeians till the fields feed Cattel and exercise trades lest by their medling in the Government and by mutual contention of the poorer and richer sort such seditions might arise as were too visible in other Commonwealths 3. To bind each to the other he commended to the Patricians certain of the Plebeians Patrons and Clients whom they should protect and countenance liberty being given to the common sort to make choice of whom they would for their Patrons This custome of Patron and Client was very ancient in Greece Dionysius especially amongst the Thessalians and Athenians where yet the Clients were very imperiously used their Patrons imposing on them services ill beseeming freemen and beating them like slaves if they disobeyed their commands The Athenians called them Thetae for their service and the Thessalians Penestae upbraiding them with their fortune But Romulus refined the use of Patronage rendring it profitable unto both Patrons by him were ordered to advise their Clients concerning Law of which they were ignorant and take care of them as well absent as present as their own children in what concerned mony and contracts undertaking sutes for them when oppressed and procuring them quiet both as to publick and private businesse On the other hand it was the duty of Clients to help their Patrons with money in the marriage of their daughters if need should be and redeem them or their sons if taken captive to bear the charges of private sutes or publick fines and that at their own cost in way of gratitude to assist them with their purses in defraying the charge of Magistracy or honourable employments This was common to both that neither ought to accuse the other to give any testimony or suffrage or to be reckoned amongst his Enemies which if any one did he was held guilty of treason by Romulus his Law and it was lawful for any one to kill him Hereby for many Ages this Patronage continued in force and was as effectual for love and mutual help as consanguinity or alliance it was the glory of the Nobility to have many Clients devolved upon them from their Ancestors and obtained by their own virtue But not onely the Plebeians in the City found themselves secured by this Patronage but in processe of time all Colonies associate Cities and such as were subdued by war had their Patrons to whom many times the Senate would remit such controversies as were brought before it from the said Cities or Common-wealths and ratifie their judgement Lastly such firm concord followed this constitution of Romulus that for 730 years as Dionysius reckoneth though many and great contests arose betwixt the Nobility and Commons about the Commonwealth as is usual in all both great and little States yet it never came to blood or slaughter but mutually yielding and granting all controversies were composed by civil expostulations till Caius Grachus Tribune of the people overthrew the peace of the City after which they neither spared to kill and banish one another nor to commit any other wickednesse whereby they might compasse Victory and their own devices 4. After this Romulus resolved to chuse a Senate which should assist him in the Government and from amongst the Patricians selected 100 after this manner Out of them all he first made choice of one particular man to whom Idem when he was constrained to be absent in the wars he committed the Government of the City Then he commanded every Tribe to chuse three men such as were eminent for birth and wisdom The Senate and every Curia to elect three out of the Patricians This number he called a Senate either for their age or virtue or because as Festus will have it nothing was done without their permission the Senate being named a Sinendo Perceiving after this that he stood in need of a Guard for his own person he caused the Curiae by their suffrages Celeres to chuse him out 300 young men ten out of each whom he called Celeres from their readinesse to execute his commands as most have written or according to Valerius Antias from their Captain whose name was Celer Under him were three Centurions and other inferiour Officers this Company with their Spears defended the King in the City and received his orders in battels were the first leaders and the keepers of his body beginning the fight first and retreating last of all which custom Dionysius thinketh Romulus to have taken from the Lacedaemonians Things being thus appointed The Office of King he limited unto all their work and honours The King's duty was to take care of their superstition to look to the preservation of the Laws and Customs either natural or written to decide the most weighty causes betwixt man and man and refer those of lesser consequence to the Senate into which he was also to have an inspection He was to call together the Senate assemble the people first to speak his opinion and ratifie what was approved by the major part This was the King's work at home who in
the Wars had absolute authority To the Senate this honour and power was given to debate and resolve about such things as the King propounded Senate which were decreed by the greater number of voices as agreeable to the constitution of Lacedaemon as our Author observeth People To the People he committed three things to create Magistrates make Laws and resolve about War what was propounded by the King yet so as that the authority of the Senate interposed All the whole multitude together gave not their votes but the Curiae apart and whatsoever seemed good to most was referred to the Senate which custom was afterwards changed when the Senate did not confirm the Decrees of the People but the People the resolves of the Senate 5. For the increase of the City besides the opening of a Sanctuary which Dionysius ranketh after this setlement of the civil policy he forbad when any Town was taken Prisoners to be preserved that prisoners of ripe age should be slain or sold or their grounds left untilled but commanded a Colony to be sent from Rome to which part of them should be assigned and some of the strangers to be admitted to the freedom of the City which device our Author esteemeth of great weight and consequence He made many good and profitable Laws Laws in reference to marriage whereof most were unwritten He ordained in reference to marriage that the wife should be partaker of all that was her husband's when chast and modest If he died intestate she was his absolute Heir Consule Val. Max. l. 2. c. 1. and if he left children equally with them When she offended she was left to his disposal for punishment who admitted his kindred to judge with him concerning the fault if she either violated chastity or drank wine which Romulus utterly condemned as an incentive to wantonnesse So effectual became this constitution to the preservation of the conjugal knot that for 520 years there hapned not any divorce in Rome till in the 137th Olympiad when Marcus Pomponius and Caius Papirius were Consuls Sp. Caruilius an eminent man put away his wife and then though he sware to the Censors that he did it onely to provide for posterity yet was he ever hated by the people He gave to Fathers absolute power over their Sons and that for all their lives either to imprison Parents and their Children c. beat carry away bound to rustick labours or kill although the son bore the greatest Office in the Commonwealth or publickly commended and honoured By virtue of this Law some eminent Persons making Orations to the People in opposition to the Senate in the midst of popular applause have by their Parents been pulled down from their seats and led away to be punished according to their pleasure and as they passed along the Forum none could deliver or rescue them not the Consul Tribune nor multitude it self which they had flattered And because of this absolute paternal dominion several valiant men have been put to death for their valour shewed in some way against the Enemy contrary to the direction or Command of their Fathers 6. He compelled parents to educate all their male children and their eldest daughters he permitted a child younger than three years to be made away if it was born defective in some member or monstrous and yet then was it not to be exposed without approbation of the five next neighbours If any one broke this Law he besides other punishment forfeited half of his goods The Father was permitted by the Law-giver to sell his Son and that three times over if it hapned that he recovered his liberty a greater power than was had over slaves who if once made free thenceforth so continued All sordid Arts and such as were subservient to luxury he forbad which being left to slaves and strangers for a long time the Romans scorned to meddle with Two courses of life onely he enjoined them Warfare and Husbandrie allowing a Market once in nine dayes He divided equally to them the grounds slaves and money taken from the Enemy Concerning injuries be presently decided all controversies or referred them unto others inflicting punishment acording to the crime and seeing the people to be by fear best retained in order he set up his Judgment-seat in the most conspicuous place of the Forum where his guard of 300 Celeres and twelve Sergeants or Lictors carrying rods and axes and in the view of all men either beating or putting to death Malefactors made a terrible shew This is the form of the Commonwealth as Romulus first established it much admired by Dionysius above all the constitutions of his own Country-men the Graecians whose Religion also as giving occasion to the vulgar sort to contemn their gods involved in such misfortunes or to abstain from no iniquity and filthinesse to which they heard that their deities were also abnoxious he esteemeth vain frivolous and dangerous in comparison of that which was instituted by the Roman Law-giver 7. Romulus considering that there were several powerful Nations round about him which with evil eyes beheld the growth of his City bethought with himself how he might contract amity with them Concluding that affinity was the onely means by the advice and consent of the Senate he resolved upon a course to provide wives for his Subjects He caused at the suggestion of his Grand-father Numitor The Rape of the Sabine Virgins a Solemn Feast and exercises in honour of Neptune to be proclaimed throughout the Country to which many flocking with their wives and children upon sign given his men laid hold on such Virgins as were come to see and violently carried them to their houses The number of them amounted to 683 for which Romulus chose out so many husbands and married them after their own Country Rites making them covenant a Society or Communion of fire and water which custom continued for many Ages Some write that this happened in the first year of Romulus but others assign the fourth of his reign for it which scarce could be done till matters were something setled Some delivered that scarcity of women was the cause of this rape others thought that by it an occasion was onely sought for War but a third party will have that by this violent act an affinity with the neighbouring Cities was endeavoured 8. Some were grievously moved and others put a good construction upon the businesse Romulus his defensive wars but at length the matter brake out into a manyfold War of which that with the Sabines was most grievous The Cities Caenina Antemna and Crustumium first began after they could not perswade the Sabines to joyn with them The two former inhabited by the Aborigines Romulus presently subdued and afterwards the later also which was a Colony of Alba the grounds were divided betwixt some Romans sent thither to plant and the old Inhabitants of which such as would were made free of the City and without
and after this he went to Dascylium where Pharnabazus his Palace was and there it being a place plentious of provisions he took up his Winter-quarters 67. Whilst his Soldiers straggled abroad for booty in great contempt of the Barbarians Pharnabazus light on a Party of Horse and thereof slew 100. Three or four dayes after Herippidas the principal of the 30 Counsellors who accompanied Agesilaus having notice from Spithridates that Pharnabazus lay incamped in a large Village named Cave 20 miles of procured of Agesilaus 4000 Foot and as many Horse-men as he could perswade to accompany him Pharnabazus defeated with which beginning his march as soon as it was dark by break of day he fell in upon the Enemies Camp killing most of the Mysians who kept the watch before it Then the Persians fled Pharnabazus fearing to be besieged so that he wandred from place to place like the Scythian Nomades and Herippidas got much rich plunder amongst which the costly stuff of Pharnabazus but seeking out too austerely all the concealed prey he took from Spithridates and the Paphlagonians all that they had gotten with which disgrace being exceedingly affected they went away by night to Ariaeus lying at Sardis who had formerly rebelled and waged War with Cyrus against the King At this departure of Spithridates and Megabates his son who was most dear to him Agesilaus was so troubled as also at that of the Paphlagonian Forces that nothing more vexed him of all things that fell out in this Isiatick Expedition 68. Afterwards Agesilaus and Pharnabazus met together to treat about a Peace by the procurement of Apollophanes of Cyzicus Plutarch in Agesilao Artax Apotheg Laconicis Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 4o. who was guest unto them both Pharnabazus professed that if he were not made General of the War he would revolt from the King but if he should be he would carry it on against the other with all his might and to his utmost ability Agesilaus on the other side promised he would speedily depart out of his Territotories and as long as any other remained to make War upon would spare him and his estate Upon the approaching of Spring he led down his Forces into the Plains of Thebes where pitching his Tents near the Temple of Dianâ— Astyrina he levied all the Forces he could for he intended an Expedition into the upper Countries being confident to turn all in his passage from their obedience to the King his fame being spread abroad far and near having spent now two years in the War But the gold sent into Greece the last year by Tithraustes had by this time so wrought upon the humours of the several States there that they conspired together in a great and dangerous War against the Lacedaemonians who thereupon sent to Agesilans setting him a day by which he must needs be at home with his Army for the preservation of his Country Agesilaus called home through the device of Tithraustes It troubled him much to leave Asia for the conquest of which he was in so fair a way yet he resolved to obey the call of his distressed Country seeing as he himself expressed in his answer to the Ephori a General then truly and justly commandeth when he obeyeth the Laws and the Ephori or whatsoever Magistrates else are in the City At his departure he is reported to have said that the King expelled him Asia by 30000 Archers wittily intimating the same number of Daricks stamped with the effigies of an archer whereby he had procured the conspiracy of the Graecian Cities against Lacedaemon 69. Having passed the Hellespont and being come to Amphipolis he received news of a Victory obtained by the Lacedaemonians about Corinth whereupon he dispatched Dercyllidas presently back into Asia Xenoph. ibid. Plutarch in Agesilao Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 4. Diodorus ad ann 2. Olymp. 96. Corn. Nepos iâ— Conone by these tidings to confirm the associated Cities In the mean time while he marched through Macedonia and Thessalie towards the Straights of Thermopylae Conon the Athenian and Pharnabazus Admirals of the Persian Fleet lay about Doryma a place in the Chersonesus with about 90 Gallies who having notice that the enemies Fleet were about Gnidus prepared themselves for an engagement Periarchus or Periander the Lacedaemonian Admiral weying anchor sailed from Gnidus with 120 ships to Physeus another place in the Chersonesus and thence directed his course strait against the Kings Fleet and at the first had the better of it but the Persian Gallies coming in apace to the relief of their friends the Lacedaemonian confederates began to shift for themselves Justin lib. 6. The Admiral thought it unseemely and unworthy of the Spartan valour to run away and therefore directed his ship to the front of the Enemy where first killing many of his Enemies at length he was slain Then the followers of Conon pursuing the Lacedaemonians to the contnent Conon the Athenian obtaineth a Victory against the Lacedaemonians took 50 Vessels and 500 men the most part swimming to shore and saving themselves the rest of the Gallies with safety recovered Gnidus By this victory of Conon who made use of the Kings Forces for the recovery of the estate of his own country Athens and all Greece which heretofore were under the Lacedaemonian yoke again recovered their liberty Diodorus placeth it in the second year of the 96th Olympiad when Diophantus was Archon at Athens bur Lycias in the year following being under the government of Eubulides and the eleventh of Artaxerxes 70. Pharnabazus and Conon for the improvement of this Victory Idem ut supra Plutarch in Apotheg Laconicis laboured with the Islands and Maritime Towns of Ionia to revolt from the Lacedaemonians which they effected some casting out the Garrisons and maintaining themselves in their antient liberty others yielding unto Conon onely Dercyllidas lying at Abydus at the time of the fight retained that place and Sestos over against it still in hostility against the Persians though endeavoured also to be reduced In the next Spring the two Persian Generals invaded the Maritime parts of Laconia which after they had wasted as they might and now were about to return Conon perswaded the other to let him have the Navy with which he said he would sail to Athens and there build up again the long walls and the Piraeus or Haven than which he affirmed nothing could happen more disagreeable to the Lacedaemonians This he easily obtained and money also to rebuild the walls for which sailing thither with 80 Gallies he took order giving those 50 Talents which he had received of Pharnabazus unto the Athenians The Lacedaemonians having notice of this Idem cum Diodoro Olymp. 96. an 3. being very fearful the Athenian State should again recover it's antient power sent away Antalcidas to Teribazus another of the Persian Lieutenants who governed Sardis if possible to draw him to their Party and reconcile them to the King After
such another case of extremity Returneth to Rome For the Aerarium or Treasury in the Temple of Saturn was three-fold One wherein the tributes or customs gathered from Citizens and associates was kept as also booty got by Generals Rifleth the Treasury which was reserved for the ordinary expenses of Warre Another more private wherein the Vicessimae or twentieth parts gathered from them that were manumized were laid up for extraordinary causes And there was a third yet more private and sacred wherein money was treasured up for any extremity that might happen from the Galls and upon no other occasion might it be touched A. M. 3957. V. C. 706. bitter curses being laid upon him or them that should do or suffer it But Caesar did it though L. Metellus the Tribune did all he could to hinder it pretending that the People was discharged of the curse for that nothing more was to be feared from the Galls whom he had throughly subdued 29. Then went he into Spain where in a short time he brought all under though Pompey had there a strong Army under three Captains Petreius Afranius and Varro whom yielding he permitted to depart with all their Forces Goeth into Spain At this time he lost two legions in Africk under Curio and Antonius was overthrown in Illyricum by Dolobella one of Pompey's Officers But now M. Lepidus the Praetor of the City pronounced him Dictator and therefore he returned to Rome where the People being struck with fear he took upon him the Office and held the Comitia But finding it to be odious he laid it down again after eleven dayes and procured himself to be chosen Consul with Servilius Isauricus Then about the midle of Winter did he order all his forces to meet him at Brundusium Dictator for eleven dayes and then Consuâ— expecting in the City the beginning of January for his entring into the Consulship Caesar de bello Civili l. 2. Appian When he came to Brundusium though his forces were not all come together desiring to set upon Pompey at unawares he passed over with all he had viz. five Legions and 600 Horse although in the depth of Winter and without provisions Pompey now having eleven Italian Legions and 7000 Horse besides other supplies out of Greece and Asia Passeth over into Epirus But those five Legions and two that followed being landed he took Oricum and Appollonia without fighting one stroak and then matched streight to Dyrrhachium the magazin and granary of Pompey Both of them sate down by the River Apis Caesar expecting his other forces which at length Antony brought over though the Seas were watched by the other party and Pompey exercising his men who were raw and unexperienced Pompey hearing of Antonie's coming departed with his whole Army to the River Asparagus Caesar followed him and would have fought but he not stirring out of his trenches he marched back to Dyrrhachium which having on one side and Pompey on the other he was grievously straitned for provisions and above all things desired to fight In several skirmishes he had the better but in another considerable ingagement was shrewdly beaten and chased to his Camp which might have been taken and a period put to the Warre as he himself confessed had the Enemy known how to improve the Victory Pompey neglecting the advantage either through the advice of Labienus or his own inadvertency for that providence had otherwise determined Though some now advised Caesar to make use of the shame and anger of his Army which desired again to be led out to battel Cometh to the plains of Pharsalum to redeem it's credit yet he thought it most convenient to depart thence and so went into Thessaly whither Pompey followed him and pitcht his Camp on the fatal plains of Pharsalum not of Philippi as * L. 4. c. 2. 7. Florus falsly relateth and with him Manilius and Virgil. 30. Betwixt that Town and the River Enipeus was fought that great and famous battel betwixt these two great Captains who both of them are said to have wept in the heads of their Armies Vide Plutarch in Caesare Pompeio Appian ut supra considering that so many of the same Country and Nation should be slain brother fighting against brother to satisfie the ambition of two men The Armies stood for some time gazing on each other both being unwilling to begin till Pompey's Auxiliaries whom he had commanded to stand aloof off till such time as the Enemy should be broken and then give the chase as unwilling to have them ingage in the battel being wearied with expectation began to break their ranks Fearing they might cause his main body to do so too though he was unwilling at this time to fight and managed not his command with wonted alacrity he caused a charge to be founded his word being Unconquered Hercules and Caesar's Victorious Venus The battel was fought with great courage and admirable silence on both sides Where he overthroweth Pompey but Pompey's Army though greater by far being lesse experienced was at length broken and put to flight at the beginning of which fight all his Auxiliaries though great multitudes ran away as fast as might be whom Caesar onely suffered in the pursute to be slain commanding that all Italians should be spared Pompey betook himself to his tent and sate silent thinking of Ajax who was thus served in the siege of Troy till Caesar bringing his Legions to storm his Camp he took Horse and with four in his company rode as far as Larissa ere he stopped On Caesar's part were said to be slain 30 Centurions and 200 common soldiers but as others affirmed 1200. On Pompey's fell ten Senators amongst whom that Domitius who had been sent to succeed Caesar with about 40 Equites or Knights and of the common sort they that say most 25000 but Asinius Pollio who was in the Fight and one of Caesar's Captains in his Commentaries wrote but of 6000. 31. Pompey thought first of flying to the Parthian then to Juba into Numidia but being disswaded by those about him he resolved upon Egypt Plutarch in Pompeio Appian ubi supra Livii Epitom l. 112. Paterculus l. 2. c. 53. as a Country at hand Pompey flying into Aegypt powerful and the King whereof was ingaged to him in way of friendship as his Guardian Thither when he came and sent to be received the King being a boy Achillas Pothinus the Eunuch and Theodotus his Schoolmaster consulting about the matter one would have him received and another not but the last to shew his eloquence declared both their wayes to be bad and that he was to be received and then slain subjoyning Mortuum non mordere that the dead bites not which saying long after Patrick Grey traiterously suggested to Queen Elizabeth perswading her to put to death the Queen of Scots though he was sent from King James this Queen's son to work her
deliverance This was resolved either out of fear as they pretended that he should get Aegypt into his power or because they contemned so great a person now unfortunate or rather to curry favour with Caesar Pompey then being received into a little boat as though to come to the King who stood on the other side of one of the mouths of Nile with his Army was treacherously slain when he could neither flye nor defend himself Is treacherously slain He covered his face with his gown and neither speaking nor doing any thing unbecoming him with a groan patiently received the stroaks So fell this great man being in War a most able Captain and in Peace except when he stood in fear of a concurrent equal full of modesty in the 58 year of his age and the very day preceding his birth-day and the third year of these unhappy differences His head was cut off and reserved as a present for Caesar his body was cast upon the shoar for every one to gaze at and afterwards being washed with Sea-water by Philip his Libertus or Freed-man who stood by it till all had looked their full he wrapped it in his own coat and burnt it with the rotten pieces of a Fisher's boat which he there found 32. Caesar having staid two dayes at Pharsalum on the third pursued Pompey lest he should renew the War and so came to Alexandria where his head and ring were presented to him He took the ring but was grievously offended at the sight of the head Dio lib. 42. and weeping which Lucan accounteth but feigned commanded it to be buried The news of Caesar's successe was not believed at Rome till he sent Pompeys ring thither Then was power given him by them there Caesar thereupon honoured at Rome to determin of his Enemies as he pleased and to make War where he would without asking leave of the People They voted him Consul for five years and Dictator not for half an one as was the custom but a whole year with the power of a Tribune for his life which thing was never granted to any before him He accepted these honours and entred upon his second Dictatorship But ere his departure out of Aegypt he was put to much trouble and danger For there being at that time a difference betwixtt young Ptolomy and his sister about the Government he stood much her friend which favour she is said to have purchased with the losse of her chastity His endeavours for her Pothinus the Eunuch Caesar de bello civili l. 3. Dio l. 42. Hirtius de bello Alexandrino Sueton. in Julio who now feared to be punished for the sedition he had raised about Pompey interpreted as sinisterly meant towards the King The Alexandrian War and thereby raised a dangerous War which yet though in Winter was prosperously ended by Caesar and the young King flying from his Camp was drowned too many of his followers pressing into and sinking the boat Caesar then gave the Kingdom to Cleopatra and to colour the matter caused her to take as an husband her younger brother but eleven years of age But she brought the Dictator himself a son not long after who by his permission she named Caesario and had kept him longer with her than nine moneths or else had followed him to Rome but that he was necessarily drawn another way by the means of Pharnaces who now had invaded Pontus his father's Kingdom Plutarch in Antonio Yet this woman after his departure is said to have been as familiar with his Enemy Cn. Pompey the eldest son of Pompey the Great 33. Caesar then went against Pharnaces and taking Syria in his way visited the Cities He restored Hyrcanus to the Priesthood in Judaea Josephi Antiquit lib. 14. cap. 15. though Antigonus the son of Aristobulus who being let out of Prison by him and sent home had been poysoned by Pompey's party sued to him for the Government He made also Antipater whom Hyrcanus had sent to joyn with Mithridates of Pergamus with 3000 horse Hirtius and who did good service in the Alexandrian War Governour of Judaea He promoted his own Kinsman Sexius Caesar from a Quaestorship to the Government of Syria A. M. 3958. V. C. 707. which Scipio father-in-law to Pompey had enjoyed the year before From Syria he sayled into Cilicia and thence marched with all speed against Pharnaces who out of fear sent several times to him about a Peace but he returned him onely good words that he might surprize him At length he gave him conditions which he neglected to perform Caesar overthroweth Pharnaces hoping Caesar would be called away and therefore he fell on Plutarch in Caesare Appian belli civil lib. 2. and overthrew him at the Hill Scotius where formerly Mithridates defeated Triarius within five dayes after his arrival and four hours after he had got a sight of his Army so that writing to a friend at Rome to note the celerity of this Enterprize he expressed it in three words Veni Vidi Vici Then receiving such places as Pharnaces had seized on and setling things in Asia as he passed exacting much money of the people he was called home into Italy by stirs which hapned in the Citie Returneth to Rome 34. He quieted the Seditions and the mutiny of his own Soldiers Plutarch in Caesare Dio lib. 42. Appian ut suprà A. M. 3959. V. C. 708. Lege Plutarch in Catone minore who flew high in their demands for a dismission and a payment of what he had promised them Then being declared Consul for the following year for that the year of his Dictatorship was out he passed over into Africk where Scipio Cato Labienus Petreius and others of Pompey's Captains were with Juba Suppresseth Pompey's friends in Africk He got the better in several battels Juba caused his slave to kill him and his young Son Caesar led in Triumph who being brought up in Italy proved an excellent Historian Cato at Utica stabbed himself having read over Plato his Phaedo of the Souls immortality The wound not being deep enough he died not presently but strugling betwixt life and death cast himself off from his bed and threw down a Geometrical Table which making a noise his son and servants rushed in and finding him in that condition his Freed-man who was a Physician began to put in the bowels which were untouched and sow up his belly But he coming to himself pushed him from him and tearing out his bowels inlarged the wound and died being a man of wonderfull Justice Severity and Magnanimity Caesar hearing of his death let fall some expressions which signified a great desire to have got him into his hands and hinted as was thought an intention of dealing mildly with him Petreius and Scipio also perished in Africk After these things returning to Rome he Triumphed four times over Gall Pontus Alexandria and Africk it being unlawfull to do it over