violence But because at the first they which reade this place of Commines may peradventure thinke that he seemes too much to limit and restraine a Princes power I will here as it were by an interpretation of his saying a little cleare this point You must then understand and presuppose that in a soveraigne Prince there A Prince hath a double power an absolute and a civile are two powers the one is called an absolute power and the other a civile power The absolute power is that which cannot nor ought not to be any thing limited but stretcheth it selfe to all things whatsoever they be unlesse it be to the lawes of God and of nature and of those lawes which are the foundation of the principalitie and estate For a Prince hath not power over God no more than the vassall hath over his liege Lord but ought himselfe to obey his commandements and ordinances So much there wants that he can any thing abolish or derogate from them The Prince also cannot abolish the fundamentall lawes of his principalitie wherupon his estate is founded and without which his said estate cannot subsist nor endure for so might he abolish and ruinate himselfe As in France the king cannot abolish the Salicke law nor the three estates nor the law of not alienating the countries and provinces united to the crowne For the Realme and the Royaltie are founded upon those three points which are as three pillars that sustaine and hold up both the king and kingdome neither can the Prince breake nor abolish any law naturall approved by the common sence of all men But in all other things the absolute power of a Prince reacheth without limitation for it is above all other lawes which he may make and unmake at his pleasure he hath power also over the body and goods of his subjects without restriction purely and simply True it is that he ought to temperat the use of that Absolute power by the moderation of his second power which is Civile as we shall say hereafter But suppose he will not moderate his absolute power by the Civile we must notwithstanding obey because God commandeth us But before we speake of the Civile power we must a little more amply cleare the points before touched The first point then which is that the Absolute power of a Prince stretcheth not above God is a matter of all confessed And there were never found any Princes or very few which would soare and mount so high as to enterprise upon that which belonged unto God yea even the Emperours Caligula and Domitian are blamed and detested by the Paynim hystories which had no true knowledge of God for that they durst enterprise upon God and upon that which appertained unto him Also it is a Maxime in Theologie That we must rather obey God than men which Maxime hath at all times ben practised by all good people and holy persons which are praised even with the mouth of God in the holy Scriptures as by Daniell and his companions the Apostles the Christians of the primitive Church and many of our time As for the other point which is that the Prince cannot abolish the foundamentall The Prince cannot abolish the fouÌ„damentall lawes of his principality lawes of his principalitie it is as cleare of it selfe For if a Prince overthroweth the foundations of his principalitie he ruinateth and overthroweth himselfe and his estate cannot endure for the first sencelesse and unwise man that comes thereunto will overthrow all upside downe As if in Fraunce a king may overthrow the Salicke law and so subject his Crowne unto the succession of women it is certaine that long ago the estate of France had been overthrowne For kings which have left none but daughters after them as Philipâ—le long Charles le bel and Lewis the twelfth had been easily enclined upon naturall affection towards their daughters to have broken that Salicke law if they so could to cause the Crowne to have falne unto their said daughters by the meanes whereof the kingdome after should have falne into strangers hands and by consequent into ruine and dissipation For the nature of the inhabitants of France is such that they cannot long suffer a strange Prince wherein they differ from many other nations as they could not long beare the domination of the Romane Emperours but against the reigne of the Emperour Tiberius they began to kicke and be greeved with the rule of Princes of another nation than their owne and finally they rid themselves of the Romanes yoke and Gaule was the first Province that cut it selfe from the Empire Neither was there ever found king that durst enterprise to breake the Salicke law True it is that king Charles the sixt at the instigation of Philip duke of Bourgoigne gave the kingdome of France in dowrie with his daughter Katherine which he maried to the king of England and declared the Dolphin unable and incapable to succeed in the kingdome of Fraunce because at Monterean-fante-Yonne Iohn father of the said Philip duke of Bourgoigne was by him slaine But this donation held not as being made against the Salicke law insomuch that the said duke Philip himselfe which had procured and caused to declare the said Dauphin unable to be king of France after the death of king Charles the sixt acknowledged him for king and lawfull successor to the Crowne of Fraunce For as for incapacitie it was knowne there was none because that duke Iohn which the Dauphin had slaine deserved it well having before caused to be slaine the duke of Orleance the kings only brother Yet because the manner of the execution which the said Dauphin caused to be made upon the said duke Iohn was not by lawfull meanes he acknowledged his fault in that case and made a great satisfaction to the said duke Philip as shall hereafter be more at large set forth So then the Salicke law hath alwaies remained firme as one of the three pillars of the kingdome and royaltie of France our ancestors neverbeing willing to suffer women to raigne and rule over them As much is to be said of the Estates generall the authoritie of which hath alwaies remained whole untill this present even from the foundation of the kingdome as being the second piller whereupon the kingdome is founded For if it happen that the crowne fall to a king under age or to one that is not well in his wit and understanding or that the king be a prisoner or captive or that the kingdome have urgent necessitie of a generall reformation how necessarie is it in all these cases that the estates assemble to provide for all affairs otherwise the estate of the kingdome and of the Roialtie would incontinent fall to the ground and without doubt it could not long continue in his being if the generall estates were abolished and suppressed For to say that in the aforesayd cases other than the foresaid estates may well order the affairs of the
hardie withall he suffered them to take upon him some small advantages seeking still to draw them unto some place of advantage to fight with them as indeed he did They beeing swelled for that in some light skirmishes they had overthrowne some few of Annibals souldiors and thereby thought it was not honourable to recoile and that men would think their hearts failed them to flie before such as they had alreadie beaten resolved to give battaile and indeed they gave it but they lost it to their great shame and confusion Which the Romane Senate seeing sent against Anniball Fabius Maximus who was not so forward and it may bee not so hardie in enterprizing as Flaminius or Sempronius were but he was more wise and carefull as he shewed himselfe For at the first arrivall as the other did he did not aboord and set upon Anniball who desired no other thing but began to coast him a farre off seeking alwayes advantageous places And when Anniball approched him then would he shew him a countenance fully determined to fight yet alwaies seeking places of advantage But Anniball which was not so rash as to joine with his enemie to his own disadvantage made a shew to recoile and flie to draw him after him Fabius followed him but it was upon coasts and hils seeking alwayes not the shortest way but that way which was most for his advantage insomuch as Anniball saw him alwaies upon some hill or coast nigh him as it were a cloud over his head so that after Anniball had many times assaied to draw Fabius into a place fit for himselfe and where he might give battaile for his owne good and yet could not thereunto draw him said I see well now that the Romanes also have gotten an Anniball and I feare that this cloud which approching vs still hovers upon those hils will some of these mornings poure out some shoure on our heads Breefely the prudencie and wisdome of Fabius brought more feare and gave more adoe unto Anniball than all the Romane forces which yet was not small I have above recited another example witnessed of king Edward of England who said That he feared more the missives and letters of king Charles le Sage than he feared the great and puissant armies of 40 and 100000 men of his Father and Grandfather and that wrought him more trouble and broke more of his purposes and enterprises in enditing of letters than they ever did with their great forces Which is another witnesse made for prudence and good Counsell like unto the example of Anniball which witnesses are so much the more worthie of credite as the one proceeded from a most valiant king and the other from a most noble and hardie Captaine both which well knew by long use and experience how to helpe themselves with force and armes And if we consider the Romane hystories we shall truly find that the ancient Romanes made themselves lords and maisters almost of all the world more by wisdome and good Counsell than by force although they used both Therefore said Varro as by a common proverbe received in his time That the Romans vanquished sitting as if he would say As they sit in their chairs in their Senate they provide so for their affaires by good Counsell and wisedome that they get and obtaine the upper hand in all their enterprises Yea and we see that at this day the Venetians maintain very well their estate yea do augment and make it greater although they understand no thing how to handle armes and indeed when they must needs goe to warre they hire and wage people to doe it but yet notwithstanding are they wise and prudent keeping themselves as much as they can from the warre and when they have warre they do discreetly seeke meanes to quiet and appease it by some other way than by battailes besiegings of Townes or any other exploits of warre And assuredly they know better how to finish and bring a warre to an end by their wisedome and good Counsell without striking any stroke than many puissant princes by their forces and armes Hitherto we have spoken of a princes Counsell which in the time of the Roman A Senat and the Estates are things correspondēt emperours men called The princes Consistorie and our French The kings Priuie Counsell But now we must know that as well the Romane emperours as the kings of France of old have yet had another Counsell whereunto they had recourse in all their waightie affaires which were of great consequence as when they stood in need to make lawes ordinances and rules concerning the universall estate the Romanes called this Counsell the Senat and the French call it the Parlement But this name of Parlement aunciently signifieth an assemblie of the three estates as Philip de Comines saith and as is seene by all our French hystories Our kings also De Comines lib. 1. cap. 64. convocated sometimes with their ordinarie and priuie Counsell some good number of great Prelats and Barons of the realme and that assemblie they called The great Counsell But afterward men attributed the name of Parlement unto the assemblie of Iudges and Senators which judged causes and processes from whome there is no appeale And some thinke that our Parlement is at this day like unto the Senat of Rome but they are greatly deceived for the Romane Senat tooke not any knowledge of the processes and causes of particular persons but only dealt with affairs of the State of the universall government and pollicie and of matters of consequence unto all the Commonwealth and therefore the assemblie of the three estates in France doe much better resemble the Roman Senat than the Parlements doe at this day which might better be compared unto the Romans Centumvirat or to their Praetorian government which dealt in the knowledge of appellations and matters of justice distributive from which judgement ther was no appeale And as the name of Parlement is at this day otherwise applied than it was anciently so is it of the name of Great Counsell But to come to our purpose Wee read that the good Emperours never contemned or thought much in waightie affairs to take the advice of the Romane Senat and to governe themselves thereby for although that by the change of the estate which happened in the time of Iulius Caesar when the commonwealth was changed into a Monarchie the authoritie of the Senate was much abated and weakened yet there was never emperour found that durst enterprise altogether to abolish it but contrarie the good and wise emperors rather helped to establish their authoritie and power And the reason why no emperor good or wicked durst enterprise to abolish the Senate was because by the Law Roiall whereby the estate Monarchicall was established at Rome there was only transferred unto the king the authoritie and power of the people and not that which the Senat had Which people although they had sovereigne power over every particular person of
at Paris shewed him in all humilitie how of themselves they were rid of the English obedience and that again they would remit themselves into his Majesties obedience as being their king and naturall soveraigne Prince but that they besought him humbly to accord Priviledges of Rochell them certaine priviledges The king demanded what priviledges First said they That it would please your Majestie to agree unto us that the Towne of Rochell may be inseparably united unto the Crowne of France so that it may never be seperated nor dismembred by peace mariage nor by any compact condition or misadventure that can come in Fraunce Secondly that the Castle may be throwne to the earth without which we will keepe the towne of Rochell well for your Majestie The king perceiving their demands and finding them reasonable and proceeding from a true French heart accorded their requests and so the Rochellois returned merily into the French obedience from whence they had been seperated to their great greefe Here then you see how well to the purpose and to the great profit of the king and of the kingdome that law of not alienating the Lands Townes and Provinces of the Crowne was made But upon this that I have said of the Rochellois some Messer will say How happeneth it then that the Rochellois are at this day so bad French subjects hereunto the answere is easie and evident that is that they are at this day as good Frenchmen as ever were the ancestours but they are not good Italians neither meane to be subject under the yoke of strangers no more than their ancestors Let us now come to the other example King Francis the first of that name being prisoner at Madril in Spain in power of the emperour Charles the fist there was made a traitie and an accord betwixt the two great princes whereby amongst other things the king promised the emperor to grant him all his right and possession of the Dutchie of Burgoigne and that he would imploy himselfe to cause the Estates of the countrey to condiscend therunto This accord being concluded the emperor caused the king to be conducted to Bayonne and there by his embassadours summoned him to ratifie the accord which he had made at Madril when he was prisoner to the end to make more valeable and that it might the rather appeare to be made without constraint unto which embassadours the king answered that he could doe nothing in that article concerning the Dutchie of Burgoigne without first knowing the intent and will of his subjects because he could not aliene it without their consent and that he would cause the Estates of the countrey to assemble to know their wils therein Not long after the king caused the Estates of Burgoigne to come together which would by no meanes consent unto the said alienation whereof hee advertised the emperour who seeing that by reason they could not be alienated without their consents was content with that answer upon this condition That the king would assure the said Dutchie unto the first heire male which the said king should have by Elenor the said emperours sister unto whom he was then espoused so that that law That the king cannot alienate the Crowne-land was then verie profitable unto the king and the kingdome And unto this agree the doctors of the Civill law which hold that the emperour cannot aliene any thing of the Empires but he is bound to increase it to his power And from thence they drawe but foolishly the etymologie of that name Augustus saying The Emperors are called Augusti for that they ought to encrease and cannot diminish the Empire as much say they of other kings and monarchs for there is therein the like reason For a conclusion no man of perfect judgment can denie but these three lawes of the kingdome of France namely the law Salicke the law of the Estates general and the law of not alienating the lands and provinces of the crowne are the verie true pillars bases and foundations of the kingdome and the royaltie which none can or ought to abolish I doubt not but there will be found manie which will be quarelling at those aforesaid examples and reasons and will say That to sustain and defend that the king cannot abolish the said lawe is to diminish his power and to give limitation and restriction to his soveraigne authoritie But for reply I will only demaund If it be not puissance in a prince to conserve him and his estate If they confesse yea as none can denie it if he be not altogether without judgement I say it followeth by argument taken from contraries that it is then impuissance and want of power in a prince to ruinate himselfe and his estate And by consequent it followeth that when we say that a Prince cannot abolish the fundamentall lawes of him and his estate so much there wanteth that we diminish his power that by the contrarie we establish it and make it more firme greater and as it were invincible As also on the contrarie they which say that a Prince can abolish and change his lawes upon which he and his Estate are founded they establish and place in him an impuissance to conserve himselfe For to take it rightly and in good sence it is an act of impuissance to ruinat destroy overthrow and to participate his estate And contrarie it is an act of power to conserve himselfe and maintaine his estate No more nor no lesse than when a building falleth upon the earth or when a man letteth it fall these be acts of feeblenesse frailetie and impuissance but when the one and the other holdeth and standeth streight and firme without cracking or falling these be acts of force and power As for the law Naturall it cannot be abolished For if a Prince will authorise The law naturall cānot be abolished by the king or any other adulteries incests thefts murders and massacres and other like crimes which naturall reason and common sence causeth us to abhorre and detest certaine and evident it is that such authorising is of no value and that the Prince cannot doe this When the emperor Claudius wold espouse Agrippina his niece his brothers daughter he made a Law whereby he authorised the mariage of the uncle with the niece which was published all over but sayth Suetonius no man would imitate and follow the Emperours example but a bad servant newly enfranchised and a souldier every body so detested and abhorred such kind of mariages as being contrarie to the naturall law and common sence And indeed this mariage fell not out well for Sueto in Claudio cap. 26. Tacitus Annal lib. 12. him For Agrippina his neece and wife poysoned him to bring to the Empire Nero hir sonne whom she had had by another husband and had caused him to be adopted for his sonne although he had by his first wife Messalina another naturall sonne called Britanicus whom Nero when he came to the Empire empoysoned to
death so that by the incestuous mariage wherewith Claudius had contaminated and poysoned his house he and his naturall sonne who by reason should have been his successor were killed with poyson We read likewise that the Emperour Bassianus Carracalla Spartian in Carac beholding one day Iulia his mother in law with an eye of incestuous concupiscence She said unto him Si tu le veux tu le peux If thou wilt thou maiest Knowest thou not that it belongs unto thee to give the law not to receive it which talke so enflamed him yet more with lust that he tooke her to wife in marriage Hereupon Hystoriographers note that if Bassianus had knowne well what it was to give a law he would have detested and prohibited such incestuous and abhominable copulations and not to have authorised them For breefely a Prince may well give lawes unto his subjects but it must not be contrary to nature and naturall reason This was the cause why Papinian the great Lawyer who well understood both naturall and civile law loved better to die than to obey the said Emperor Bassianus who had commanded him to excuse before the Senate his parricide committed in the person of Geta his brother For Papinian knowing that such a crime was against natural right so much there wanted that he would have obeied the Emperor if he had commanded him to have perpetrated and committed it that he would not obey him so far therein as to excuse it Wherein the Paynim Lawyer may serve for a goodly example to condemne many Magistrate Lawyers of our time which not only excuse but also cause to be executed unnaturall murders and massacres against all law divine and humane But now we have spoken of a Princes absolute power let us come to the other The other power which we call Civile is that which is governed and as it were The Civile power temperateth the Absolute limited within the bounds of Reason of right and equitie and which we must presume that the Prince will use and useth ordinarily in all his commaunds unlesse expressely he shew and declare that he willeth and ordaineth this or that of his absolute power and of his certaine knowledge This is that second power which is guided by prudence and good Counsell and which giveth a sweet temperature and counterpoise to that absolute power no more nor no lesse than the second motion of the Sunne tempereth the course of the first as we have abovesaid This is that power which establisheth and conserveth in assurednesse kingdomes and empiers and without which they cannot stand but incontinent shal be ruinated annihilated and laid on the ground This is that power which all good Princes have so practised letting their absolute power cease without using any unlesse in a demonstration of Majestie to make their Estate more venerable and better obeyed that in all their actions and in all their commands they desire to subject and submit themselves to lawes and to reason And in this doing they never thought or esteemed to doe any thing unworthie of their Majestie but contrary have ever accounted that there was no thing more beseeming the majestie of a soveraigne Prince than to live and carrie himselfe in all his actions according to right and equitie And that the domination and power of a Prince that so governeth himselfe is greater more secure and more venerable than his which governeth himselfe after the absolute power And truly all the good Romane Emperours have alwayes held this language and have so practised their power as we read in their hystories Yea the Emperour Theodosius L. digna Vox C. de Lege made an expresse law for it which is so good to be marked that I thought good to translate it word by word It is the majestie of him that governeth to confesse himselfe to be bound unto lawes so much doth our authoritie depend upon law And assuredly it is a farre greater thing than the Empire it selfe to submit his Empire and power unto lawes And that which we will not to be lawfull unto us we shew it unto others by the oracle of this our present Edict Given at Ravenna the eleventh day of Iune the yeare of the Consulship of Florentius and Dionisius To come then to our purpose you must understand that de Comines spoke of this second power in the place above alledged and not of the absolute power of a Prince for by that power it is certain that the Prince hath good authority to enterprise wars to levie imposts upon his subjects without their consent Because that by the roiall law above mentioned the Roman people gave all the like power unto the Prince as Dion de August ◠I. D. de Constit. Princ. they had themselves to use it towards the people against the people gave him absolute power without any astriction or bond to laws to do what he would We see also by the law of God the same absolute power is given unto kings soveraign Princes For it is written that they shall have full power over the goods persons of their subjects And althogh God have given them that absolute power as to his ministers 1. Sam. 8. lieutenants on earth yet wold he not have thē use it but with a temperance moderation of the second power which is ruled by reason equitie which we call Civile For so much there wanteth that God would that Princes shold use the said absolute power upon their subjects as he wold not so far constrain them as to sell their goods as is declared unto us in the example of Naboth For most unlikely is it that God 1. King 22. the great Dominator and Governor of al Princes would have Princes to abuse their powers with cruelties rapines injustices or any other unreasonable way of absolute power But as God by justice punisheth the wicked and by kindnesse and clemencie maintaineth the good and rightly and most holily useth his divine power so would he that Princes which are his lieutenants on earth should do the like not in perfection for that they cannot but in imitation To conclude then now our talke concerning the place of Comines certaine it is that a Prince may well make warre and impose tallies without the consent of his subjects by an absolute power but better it is for him to use his civile power so shuld he be better obeyed And as for Aydes and Subsidies whereof Comines speaketh some say they are not at this day levied by an absolute power but by the peoples consent Because in the time of Charles the seventh who had great and long warres against the English the Estates generall of the kingdome agreed unto him to levie Aydes and Subsidies every yeare without any more calling them together for that the warres endured so long and that their every yeares assembly would have come to great expences so that if the cause had alwaies continued then necessarily
called with these gracious names Subsidies Subventitions Aydes Grants not with these tearmes Tailles Imposts Tributes Impositions which were tearmes more hard and odious Examples appeare of the first cause when the generall Estates assembled at Paris after the death of king Charles le Sage to provide for the government as well of king Charles the sixt being under Annal. upon An 1380 and Fross li 2. cap. 58. 60. age as of the kingdome which government they gave unto three of the kings uncles namely to the Duke of Berry Languedoc to the Duke of Bourgoigne Picardie and Normandie and to the Duke de Aniou the remainder of all the realme and the rule of the young kings person was committed to the said Dukes of Berry and Bourgoigne So was there ordained during the said kings life another ordinance In like manner the generall Estates were held at Tours after the decease of king Lewis the eleventh to purvey for the government of king Charles the eighth under Annal. upon An. 148. and Coâ—â—n â—ib 1. ca. 109. age and of the kingdome And by the same Estates was established a Counsell of twelve persons good men and of good calling to dispatch the affaires of the kingdome yet in the kings name and under his authoritie And the rule of the young kings person was committed unto Madame de Beavien his sister When king Charles the sixt le bien aime was come to the age of one and twentie yeares his uncles were discharged from the government of the kingdome by the Froiss lib 1. cap. 134. lib. 4. cap. 44. advise and deliberation of the kings great Counsell But this good prince by an accident of sicknesse fell a certaine time after into a frenzie which sometimes bereaved him of his sences insomuch that the Estates assembled at Paris gave the government of the kingdome during the kings indisposition to his two uncles the dukes of Berrie and Burgoigne The yeare 1356. that king Iohn was taken prisoner nie Poictres at the journey of Annal. upon An. 1356 and Fross li. 1. cap. 170. 171. Maupertins with his sonne Philip after Duke of Burgoigne and that they were led into England there remained in France three of the said king Iohns children namely Charles Dauphin and duke of Normandie Lewis duke de Aniou and Iohn duke of Berrie There was a question about the providing for the government of the kingdome because of the kings captiuitie but none of them would enterprise the mannaging thereof of himselfe insomuch that the generall Estates were assembled at Paris whereby were elected thirtie six persons some say fiftie to governe the affaires of the kingdome with Monsieur le Dauphin who at the beginning called himselfe the Lieutenant of the king his father but afterward he named himselfe Regent The yeare 1409. during the raigne of Charles the sixt king of France were held Monstrelet lib. 1. ca. 59. the generall Estates at Paris for the reformation of abuses in the kingdome And there it was ordained that all accountants for the kings revenues and rents should make their accounts By the meanes of which reformation great summes of money were recovered upon the same accountants and there were also made some good lawes and ordinances In other conventions of Estates the money and coine hath been reformed from weake and light unto thicke and of good waight and goodnesse Also of late at the generall Estates held at Orleans were made manie goodly ordinances for the good and comfort of the poore people reformation of justice and for the cutting off of manie abuses which were committed in plaies at Cardes and Dise in superfluitie of apparell and in matter of benefices But commonly commeth such euill hap that all good things which are introducted and ordained vpon good reason and to a good end incontinent vanish away and wicked examples are alwaies drawne into consequence As for the last cause for which we haue said the generall Estates in old time were called namely for the graunt of Helps Subsidies ther are manie examples in our Histories As in the time of king Iohn wherein the Estates accorded great subventions Froiss lib. 1. cap. 155. Annal. upon An 1354 58. 59. or subsidies to make warre against the English men which then held a great part of the kingdome And after he was taken prisoner and led into England the said Estates agreed to give vnto Monsieur le Dauphin his soune great summes of money to pay for the said kings raunsome and for Philip his sonne being also a prisoner And well to be marked it is that our histories doe witnesse that all the people of France generally were meruailously anguished grieved with the prisonment captivitie which they saw their king suffer but especially the people of the countrey of Languedoc For the Estates of the said countrey ordained that if the king were not delivered within a yeare that every one both men and women should lay by all coloured garments such also as were jagged and cut and such as were enriched with gold silver or other strange and costly fashion Likewise to make cease all stage-plaies morrisdauncings piping yea and plaies pastimes and daunces in signe and token of their mourning and lamentation for their princes captivitie A thing whereby appeared the great and cordiall affection of this people towards their king As truely the Frenchmen have alwaies been of great love and affection towards their kings unlesse they were altogither tyrants But to make an end of this point Certaine it is that before king Charles the seventh called le Victorieux no Subsidies were imposed without assembling the generall Estates And that our kings used thus to do was not because they had power by an absolute authoritie to impose tallages and subsidies without calling the Estates but it is to the end they may be better obeyed with a voluntarie and unconstrained obedience and to shunne all uprores and rebellions which often happen upon that occasion And truly the French people have alwaies been so good and obedient unto their kings that they never refused him any thing if there were but any appearance of reason to demand it Yea often the Estates have granted their king more than he would demand or durst looke for as is seene by that which our histories write of the Estates held for Subsidies But because Aydes and Subsidies were customably granted for the making of De Com. lib. 5. cap. 18. warres M. Philip de Comin saith That kings should also communicat and consult with their Estates whether the causes of such warres be just and reasonable and that the Prince cannot nor ought not otherwise to enterprise a warre For it is reason that they which defray the charges and expenses should know something But yet he passeth further and saith There is no Prince in the world which hath power to lay one pennie upon his subjects without their grant and consent unlesse he will use tyrannie and
realm as the princes of the blood and the kings Counsell is to say nothing because it may so come to passe that the princes themselves be under age or prisoners or captives or witlesse or suspected or dead or otherwise uncapable as also it may come to passe that the kings Counsell shall be dead or quashed or suspected or otherwise unable so that the estate of the kingdome and the Roialtie shall be evill founded and assured upon such foundations and leaning stocks But the body of the estates Generall is a body not subject to minoritie captivitie perclusion of understanding suspition nor other incapacitie neither is it mortall therefore is it a more certaine and firme foundation of the kingdomes and Roialties estate than any other For the body of the Ewates which is a body composed of the wisest fittest of the kingdome can never faile because it consisteth not in Individuis and certain perticular persons but it standeth in Specie being a body immortal as al the French nation is immortall The Princes the kings Counsellors are but fraile brittle leaning stocks and means subject to incapacitie so is not the body of the Estates and therefore the Estates being the true and perpetuall foundation to sustaine and conserve the kingdome cannot be abolished but ought to be convocated whensoever there is to be a provision in the cases above mentioned Withall also Reason willeth that the Estates whom the affairs of the realme toucheth most should have a part in the conduction of publike things but most especially in the cases aforesaid where the king cannot order them Therefore is it a strange damnable and pernitious position which our strangers that governe France at this day dare impudently hold That it is treason to speake of holding the Estates But contrary a man may rather say That it is treason to abolish the Estates and that they which wil hinder that they shall not be held in the cases aforesaid but especially for the reformation more than necessarie of so many abuses as these strangers haue brought into Fraunce are themselves culpable of treason being such as doe overthrow and ruinat the Realm the Roialtie and the King in taking away the principall piller which sustained them And truly such people do merit that processes and indictions should be laid upon them as upon the enemies of the Commonwealth which doe subvert overthrow the foundations upon which our Auncestors have with great wisdome founded and established the estate of this goodly and excellent kingdome The like may we say of the Law whereby the lands and provinces united to the Crowne of Fraunce are inalienable For a king of France cannot abolish that Law because it is the third piller upon which the realme and his estate is founded For proofe hereof I will alleage but two examples the one was practised in the time of Charls le sage king of Fraunce and the other in the time of king Francis the first of happie and late memorie By which two examples may appeare not onely that this law of Not alienating the lands of the Crowne is a pillar of the kingdome but also that the Estates are as the very and true basse and foundation thereof King Iohn having been taken prisoner at the battaile of Poiters was conducted Froiss lib. 1. ca. 201 211 212 214 246 247 310. into England where he made treatie of peace with king Edward of England But the estates of the kingdome which were assembled would not agree unto that treatie as too prejudiciall and to the diminution of the Crowne of France King Edward was so angry and despited thereat that he made a great oth that he would end the ruinating of Fraunce And indeed whilest king Iohn was his prisoner he passed over the sea and made great warre in France and much wasted the flat Countrey but he made no great conquest of the Townes In the end the Duke of Lancaster counselled him to make peace with the French shewing him that he did but leese time so to run over the fields and spoile the champion countrey and souldiers only had the profit and he himselfe losse of people and expences These reasons could not much move the king to make peace he was so sore offended and animated But God who had pitie of this poore kingdome which was in extreame desolation and confusion wrought and brought to passe as it were by miracle a peace sending from heaven a tempest accompanied with lightening so great over the campe of the English that they thought that heaven earth would have met and the world have finished for so great stones fell with the tempest that they overthrew men and horses Then the king of England seeing God fight against him being in a great fear and distresse made a vow unto God That if by his grace he escaped from that peril he would hearken unto peace and would cease to saccage and destroy the poor people as indeed he did after the tempest seased Which peace yet was accorded to his so great advantage that thereby besides the ransome of three millions of franks Guienne remained unto him in soveraigntie also the countrey of Armignac de Albret de Comines de la Marche de Santongeois Rochellois and a good part of Languedoc which before never was in the peaceable obedience domination of English Vnto this peace which was concluded in a village called Bretigni nigh to Chartres the French subjects of that countrey would not in any sort agree nor condiscend but refused to obey and yeeld themselves English For their reasons they alleaged That the king had no power to dismember and alienate them from the Crowne of France and that therupon they had priviledges from king Charlemaine whereby they could not nor ought not to be cut off from the truncke and house of France After that they had long debated refused to obey the king Iohn who upon good hostages was returned into Fraunce sent into his countries M. Iames de Bourbon his cousin and a Prince of his bloud to make them obey the English insomuch that whether they would or no those good French subjects should forsake the French obedience and be under the English governement This could not be without great greefe of heart sadnesse and incredible displeasure But above all others most remarkable for great constancie were they of Rochell to remaine French for they many times excused themselves unto the king and stood stiffe more than a Rochellois good Frēchmen yeare before they would let the Englishmen into the towne And thinking that their excuses and remonstrances might stand in some stead they sent to the king their Orators which arriving at Paris and being brought before the king fell at his feet with weepings sobbings and lamentations making this speech Most deare sir your poore and desolate subjects of your towne of Rochell have sent us hither to beseech your Majestie in all humilitie and with joined hands that it
would please you to have pitie and compassion upon them They are your naturall subjects and they and their ancestors have ever been under the obedience of your majestie and your auncestors Alas Sir what greater evill hap can there come unto us than to be now cut off and alienated from the kingdome and from the Crowne of France They are borne and have been nourished in the French nation They are of manners condition and language naturall Frenchmen What a strange and deplorable miserie should it now be to them to bend themselves under the yoke and obedience of the English a strange nation altogether different from us in manners conditions and language shall not this be unto them a cruell and slavish servitude now to become subjects unto them which of long time have not ceased to vex this poore kingdome with warre For if upon some divine punishment and for our sinnes the poore town of Rochell must needs be violently plucked and seperated from France as the daughter from the mothers dug to submit it selfe unto the sad servitude of a stranger yet that evill should be farre more tollerable to serve and yeeld to the yoke of any other nation than to that which so long time hath been a bloudie enemie of Fraunce and hath shed so much of our bloud Wherefore most humbly we beseech you Sir said they with teares that you will not deliver us into the hands of the English your enemies and ours If in any thing we have offended your Majestie for which you will now leave and abandon us we crie you mercie with joined hands and pray you in the name of God and of our Lord Iesus Christ that it would please you to have mercie and compassion upon us and to retaine us alwaies under your obedience as we and our auncestors have alwayes been We are not ignorant Sir that your Majestie having been prisoner in England hath been constrained to accord with them to their great advantage and that we are comprehended in the number of the Townes and Countries that must be delivered but yet we have some hope that we may be taken from that number by silver and for that purpose your poore town of Rochell offereth contribution to yoâ—r Majestie all that it hath in her power and besides we offer to pay with a good heart hereafter for our Subsidies and taillies halfe the revenue and gaines of all our goods Have pitie then Sir upon your poore Towne which comes to retire her selfe under your protection in most humble and affection at obedience as a poore desolate and lost creature to his Father his King and his naturall Lord and Soveraigne We obtest and beseech you most deare Sir in the name of God and of all his Saints that you will not abandon and forsake us but that it would please your clemencie and kindnesse to retaine for your subjects most humble them which cannot live but in al vexation languishment and bitternesse of heart unlesse we be your subjects The king having heard the piteous supplication of these poor Rochellois mourned and pitied them greatly but he made them answere That there was no remedie that which he had accorded must needs be executed This answere being reported at Rochell it is impossible to speake what lamentations there were through all the Towne this newes was so hard that they which were born nourished French should be no more French but become English Finally they being pressed constrained by the kings Commissaries to open the Towne-gates to the English Well said the most notable townsmen seeing we are forced to bow under the yoke and that it pleaseth the king our soveraigne lord that we should obey the English we will with our lips but our hearts shall remaine alwaies French After that the English had been peaceable possessors of Rochell and all the other countries abovenamed king Edward invested his eldest sonne the prince of Wales in that government a valiant and very humble Prince towards greater than himselfe but haughtie and proud towards his inferiors who came and held his traine and court at Bourdeaux where having dwelt certaine yeares he would needs have imposed upon the countrey a yearely tribute of money upon every fire But to withstand this new impost and tribute the Lords Barons and Counties of those countries but especiall the Countie d' Armignac de Perigourd de Albret de Commenges and many others all which went to Paris to offer in their appeales against the Prince of Wales Arriving there they dealt with king Charles le Sage for king Iohn was then dead about their appeale who answered them That by the peace of Britaine which he himselfe had sworne the dead king his father for him and his successors to the Crowne had acquited and renounced all the soveraignetie of the said countries and that he could not with a good conscience breake the peace with the English and that it greeved him much that with good reason he could not accord their appeale The said Counties and Barons contrarily shewed him by lively reasons That it is not in the kings power to release acquite the soveraigne power and authoritie of his subjects and countries without the consent of the Prelats Barons Cities and good Townes of those Countries and that was never seene nor practised in France and that if they had been called to the treatie of Britaine they would never have consented unto that acquittance of soveraigntie And therefore humbly praied his Majestie to receive their appellation and to send an huisher to adjorne in case of appeale the Prince of Wales to appeare at Paris at the Court of Fraunce to the end to quash and revoke the said new ordinance for the said tribute Finally the king Charles was nothing offended to heare them so speake of a kings power much unlike our Machiavelistes at this day which call them culpable of treason which speake of Estates neither replied unto them that the power of a soveraigne Prince ought not to be limited neither that they spoke evill to revoke into doubt that which his dead father had done but contrary rejoycing at that limitation referred the cause to the debating and resolution of the wise men of his Counsell And after he was resolved that it was true which they said he accorded unto these Counties and Barons their demaund and sent to adjorne in case of appeale to the Court of Paris the Prince of Wales which done the said Counties and Barons easily revolted from the English obedience so did Rochell get all Englishmen out of their towne and castle This done the duke of Berry the kings brother would have entred there but for that time with good words they refused him the entrie thereinto saying they would send unto the king certain Delegates to obtaine some priviledges and therefore desired of the duke a safe-conduct which he willingly granted and having the same they sent twelve chosen for that purpose amongst their Burgesses which finding the king
above shewed that our predecessors were sometimes miscontented with the Englishmen that would needs have all estates and offices in Aquitaine as much may happen in this time for nothing hath beene in times past which may not againe be in this time The Salicke law which is observed in Fraunce and through all Almaigne was not onely made to fore-close and barre women from the succession of the crowne and from soveraigne domination by reason of the imbecilitie and incapacitie well to commaund which is in the feminine sex for in the masculine sexe happen often such incapacities But especially the Salicke law was made to the end That by marriages strangers should not come to the said succession of the Crowne For it should be as an intollerable thing to a Frenchman to obey a strange king as to obey a queene of the French nation so odious is a strange domination in Fraunce As also for that the consequence thereof with us should be ever evill For a strange king would alwayes to estates and offices of the kingdome advaunce straungers of his nation a thing which would alwayes cause in the end disorders and confusions as is seene by the examples which we have before discovered There is also an auncient example of Queene Brunehant or Brunechile who advanced Annal. upō Anno 607. to the estate of Maire du Palais de France which was as much as governor of all the kingdome a Lumbard called Proclaide who was much in her good grace and amitie This stranger seeing himselfe lifted up so high became so fierce and so proud that he made no estimate of the princes of the kingdome but put them to many troubles and vexations Hee became also very rapinous and covetous as sayth the hystorie is the nature of the Lumbards insomuch that hee did eat up and ruinated the subjects of Fraunce Breefely his behaviours and dealings were such that hee got the evill wils of all men from the nobleman to the carter At that time was there warre amongst the children of the queene Brunehant Theodoric king of Orleans and Theodebert king of Metz. The barons and great lords their vassales desirous to make a peace betwixt the two kings brothers but this great Maire Proclaide hindered it withall his power which the said lords seeing resolved amongst them That it were better that strangers died than that so many gentlemen and subjects of the two kings should sley one another and so indeed they did slay him as an enemie to peace and concord The example of this Lombard should be well marked in this time by the Lombards which governe in Fraunce Lewis le Debonance sonne of Charlemaigne king of Fraunce and emperour Annal. An. 829. Maire du Palais a stranger cause of civile warre of the West altogether gave the Estate of Maire du Palais de France to a Spaniard called Berard who incontinent mounted into great pride The king had three sonnes Lotharie Lewis and Pepin who could not support the arrogancie and fiercenesse of this stranger who as it were would parragon them This was the cause of an evill enterprise of these three young princes against their owne father For they seized upon his person and brought him into the towne of Soissons and there caused him to forsake his crowne of Fraunce and the Estate of the empire and to take the habit of a monke in the Abbey of S. Marke in the said Soissons within which they caused him to be kept straitly for a time But in the end the great barons and lords of Fraunce and Almaigne medled therein and dismonked him and restored him to his Estate and agreed the father with the children This had not happened if that good king and emperour had had that wisedome not to have lifted up a stranger so high a thing which could not be but displeasant to his naturall subjects great and little For a conclusion of this matter I will here place the witnesse of M. Martin du Bellay knight of the kings order a man of qualitie of vertue and of great experience who sayth That hee hath seene in his time more evill happen unto the affaires of king Francis the first of that name by the meanes of straungers which revolted from his service than by any other meanes Amongst which strangers Strangers enclined to commit treasons hee placeth the Bishop de Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquesse of Mantua the Lord Andrew Doria M. Ierome Moron of Millaine who caused Millaine to revolt and certaine others But because these things are not of very auncient memorie but happened in our world I will make no longer discourse thereof Seeing also the examples and reasons which wee have above rehearsed are sufficient to shew against the opinion of Machiavell his disciples That a Prince cannot doe better than to serve himselfe in offices and publicke charges of the countrey of his domination with his owne subjects of the same countries as beeing more fit and agreeing to the nature of the people of that countrey than are strangers And there is not a more odious thing to the people as M. Comines sayth than when they see great offices benefices and dignities conferred upon strangers And as for offices it hath not beene seene aunciently and commonly that they have beene bestowed upon straungers but that within this little space of time they have found meanes to obtaine the greatest and best For of old there was committed unto them but offices of Captaineships to the end that under that title they might the better draw people of their owne countrey to serve the king But as for benefices of a long time it hath been that the Italians have held and possessed the best in Fraunce which the Pope bestowed upon them and our kings durst not well contradict Yet notwithstanding it gave occasion unto king Charles the sixt to make an edict in the yeare 1356 whereby hee forbad That any benefices of the kingdome of France should be conferred upon strangers which both before and since by many royall Edicts hath often beene renued and reiterated Which Edicts merite well to be brought into use but it shall not bee yet since that they onely are they which yet doe governe all But I pray here all them which are good Frenchmen that they will consider a little neerer the wrong they do themselves to suffer themselves to be reputed for strangers in their owne countrie and by that meanes recuiled and kept from the Charges and Estates of the same For Italians or such as are Italianized which have in their hands the governance of France hold for true the Maxime of Machiavell That men should not trust in strangers as it is true and this is because they would not advance any other but men onely of their owne nation and certaine bastardlie and degenerous Frenchmen which are fashioned both to their humour and their fashions and which may serve them as slaves and most vile ministers of their trecheries cruelties rapines
which is so odious to the world brought him to prison where they caused him to finish his daies I will then conclude this recitall That if all Christian princes would practise the Magistrall determination of our masters of Sorbonne and of the Vniversitie of Paris the same would fall unto S. Peter which fell unto Frier Iohn his bird Yet is it not onely by the change of lead into gold that his Holinesse dooth Froisart lib. 2. chap. 132 133. 135. 140. much evill to provinces farre from Rome but also by his interdicts and excommunications In the time of the aforesaid schisme of Popes hee of Rome who was called Vrban sent Buls unto king Richard of England who tooke his part and was an Vrbanist by which hee commaunded him to make warre upon the king of France who was a Clementine and gave him power to levie silver upon the Warre for the Pope of Rome English Cleargie Moreover hee gave so great quantitie of pardons to all them which with a good heart did furnish silver for that warre that it seemed hee meant cleane to have emptied both hell and purgatorie of Englishmen for every man or woman might draw out his father grandfather great grandfather uncles aunts children nephewes and others ascendants descendants and collaterals by paying so much for every poll He further promised their soules to be guided right into paradice which died in this warre or which died that yeare after they had paied the money for that said warre nor that there should be any necessitie for the said soules to stray out of their way by purgatorie and the Limbo but to goe right to paradice The said buls being thus preached and published through England there was every where a great prease that yeare to die and to give silver so that in a small time there was heaped up the summe of 2500000 franks One part of this silver was given to the bishop of London who was chosen generall to make warre upon the Clementines in Spaine and the other part was delivered to the bishop of Norwitch who was elected generall of another armie to make warre upon France which also was Clementine And indeed these two armies did much harme as well in Spaine as in France yet the bishop of Norwitch being a young man and inconsiderat entring upon Flaunders an Vrbanist the king of Fraunce meeting him therewith 100000 men constrained him to retire homeward with shame and great losse In the yeare 1513 happened great damage and hurt unto the kings of Fraunce Annales upon the said yeare Du Bellay lib. 1. of his Memories and of Navarre by the meanes of an interdict and excommunication which Pope Iulius the second of that name cast against all the princes which had sent their embassadors to the counsell of Pise whose lands and seignories he exposed and gave as a prey to all men that would take and invade them For under colour of those wicked and detestable buls the emperour Maximilian and the Switzers constrained king Lewis the twelfth to abandon and forsake Millaine and almost all that hee held in Italie And on the other side the king of England fell upon Fraunce which by the Pope was exposed as a prey with an armie of 3000 English assaying to conquer part thereof But God suffered it not for in the meane time this wicked Pope died and the interdict was revoked and peace made with the English On the other side also king Ferdinand of Arragon feigning he would come to prey upon France entred into the kingdome of Navarre and got and usurped it upon king Iohn d' Albert The Pope cause of the losse of the kingdome of Navarre from the right heirs who was disseased thereof without being defied yea before he knew the king of Arragon his purpose whose successours have alwayes since detained and usurped the said kingdome of Navarre upon the said king Iohn d' Albret and upon his lawfull successors as they doe yet by this title onely of usurpation prey and bootie yet notwithstanding the said unjust usurpers call themselves most Catholike I could here accumulate many other examples of many great domages losses committed by Popes in strange countries and even in Almaigne where they have commonly sowen warres betwixt the emperour and the princes of Almaigne but I will content my selfe with the abovesaid examples for I will not at length handle such an ample and almost infinit matter but it sufficeth mee to have shewed That the contrarie of that which Machiavell saith is true and that the Pope and his holy seat doe much good in the place where they are and many evils and mischeefes in farre countries And as for that which Machiavell saith That Italie is the province of Christendome where there is least Religion he saith very true but what would hee now say if he were alive hee should then find that if in his time they had so well profited in his schoole as to be very great Atheists and contemners of God and of all Religion that now his schollers know farre more than his master And there is no doubt but alreadie long agoe all Religion is contemned in Italie yea and even the Romane Catholicke Will you have a better example than that which M. Comines rehearseth He saith That in the time of king Lewis the twelfth there were two houses at Florence which were principall that is to say of Medicis and of Pacis which were in quarell and enmitie together They of the house de Pacis favoured the Pope and the king of Naples and by their counsell and advice did they enterprise to slay Lawrence de Medicis who was cheefe of his house and all his race and to surprise him the better unprovided and without heed taking they resolved to sley and massacre him with all his race and sequele upon a solemne feast day at the houre that the great Masse was sung and that when the priest begun to sing Sanctus Sanctus it should be the watch word to rush upon them And indeed they executed their enterprise except that they slew not Lawrence de Medicis who saved himselfe in the revestrie but Iulian his brother and certaine others of his race were slaine I demand of you if they which enterprised and gave counsell to attempt such an act beleeved in the Masse we need not doubt but they were very Atheists But if in that time some hundred yeares agoe Italie were so furnished with Atheists and contemners of Religion what thinke you it is now In conclusion Italie Rome the Pope and his seat are truly the spring and fountaine of all despight of Religion and the schoole of all impietie and as they alreadie were in Machiavels time as he confesseth so are they farre more in this time For although the papall Church of Rome both heretofore made and yet dooth certaine demonstrations to sustaine a Religion yet in effect it maintaineth it no otherwise but by subtilties and words for it commaundeth
of the commons which committed those barbarous inhumanities was called Cappeluche the executioner or hangman of Paris Those comparteners of the house of Burgoigne not contented to suscitate such popular commotions stirs in France but brought also the English men into Fraunce which were like to have beene masters therof yet not herewith content they caused king Charles the sixt to war against his owne son who after was called Charles the seventh and one moietie of the kingdome against another And not to leave behind any kind of crueltie no not towards the dead they caused to bee spread and published all over Fraunce certaine Popes buls wherby they indicted and excommunicated all the house of Orleance and his partakers both quicke and dead insomuch as when there died any in the hands of the parteners of Bourgoigne either by ward prison or disease they buried them not in the earth but caused their bodies to be carried to dunghils like carrion to be devoured of wolves and savage beasts What could they have done more to the execution of all barbarousnesse and crueltie Behold what fruits civile warres doe bring wee see it even at this day with our eyes for there is no kind of crueltie barbarousnesse impietie and wickednesse which civile warres have not brought into use The prince then that is wise will leave nothing behind to appease civile warres under his owne governement but will spend all his care power and dilligence to hinder it after the example of that good and wise king Charles the seventh king Lewis the eleventh his sonne Charles the seventh being yet Daulphin the duke Iohn Monstr lib. 2. ca. 175. 180 181 182 183 186 187. of Bourgoigne a man very ambitious and vindicative after by secret practise hee had caused to be slaine Lewis duke of Orleance the onely brother of king Charles the sixt and after hee had filled the kingdome with warres both civile and strange contented not himselfe herewith but laid hold of the king who by a sickenesse was alienated of his wits and of the queene to make warre upon the Daulphin These occasions seemed sufficient to such as then governed the Daulphin and at last to the Daulphin himselfe being yet very yong to enterprise an hazardous blow He then sent to the said duke that hee would make a peace with him and prayed him they might appoint a place and day together to meet for that purpose The day was appointed the place assigned at Montean-fant-Yonne whither the said duke came under the trust of the word of the Daulphin his faith and assurance As soone as hee arrived making his reverence unto Monsieur le Daulphin he was compassed in and straight slaine and withall also certaine gentlemen of his traine Philip sonne and successor of this duke Iohn tooke greatly to heart this most villanous death of his father and sought all the meanes he could to be revenged which still continued the civile warres This meane while the English did what they could in France and conquered Normandie Paris the most part of Picardie and marched even unto Orleance which they besieged The abovesaid king Charles the sixt died so that Monsieur le Daulphin his son who was called Charles the seventh comming to the crown and finding himselfe despoiled of the most part of his kingdome insomuch as in mockerie he was generally called the king of Bourges This wise king well considered That if civile warres endured he was in the way to loose all one peece after another hee therefore laid all his care power and diligence to obtaine a peace and an accord with the duke of Bourgoigne Therefore he sent in embassage unto him his Constable Chancellor and others his cheefe Counsellors to say that he desired to have peace with him and that he well acknowledged that by wicked counsell he had caused his father duke Iohn to be slaine at Monterean and that if he had been then as advised and resolute as hee was at that present hee would never have committed such an act nor have permitted it to have beene done but hee was young and evill counselled and therefore in that regard hee offered to make him such amends and reparation thereof as he should be contented therewith yea that he would demand pardon althogh not in person yet by his embassadors which should have expresse charge thereof and prayed him to forgive that fault in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that betwixt them two there might be a good peace and love for hee confessed to have done evill being then a young man of little wit and lesse discretion by bad counsell so to sley his father And besides this he offred to give him many great lands seigniories as the Countie de Masconnois S. Iangon the Counrie de Auxerre Barsur Seima la Counte de Boloigne Surmer and divers other lands that during his life he would acquite him and his subjects of personall service which he ought him as vassale of Fraunce yet made many other faire offers unto him This duke Philip seeing his soveraign prince thus humiliate himself to him bowed his courage justly exasperated for his fathers death harkened unto peace which was made at Arras where there was held an assembly of the embassadors of all Christian princes of the counsell of Basil of the Pope insomuch as there were there above 4000 horses All or the most part of those embassadors came thither for the good of the king and his kingdome but there was not one there which found not the kings offers good and reasonable as also did all the great princes lords of the kingdome all the kings counsel so that his majesties embassadors which were the duke of Bourbon the countie of Richemont constable of France the archbishop of Rhemes chancellor the lord de Fayette marshall many other great lords in a full assembly in the king their masters name demanded pardon of the duke of Burgoigne for his fathers death confessing as abovesaid that the king their master had done evil as one yong and of litle wit following naughtie counsell therfore they praied the duke to let passe away all his evill wil so to be in a good peace love with the king their master And the duke of Burgoign declared that he pardoned the king for the honor reverence of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ for compassion of the poor people of the kingdome of France to obey the Counsels reasons the Pope other Christian princes which praied him Moreover besides the aforesaid things it was accorded to the said duke that justice punishment should be done upon all such asâ—ed slain his father of such as had given the Daulphin counsell to cause his slaughter that the king himself should make diligent search through all his realme to apprehend them Here may you see how king Charles 6 appeased the civile wars of his kingdome by humilitie and
that if Sertorius had not been slaine of his own people he had sooner overcome Pompeius than he him Yet Sertorius was but a simple souldier who had neither silver nor treasure he had no authoritie to command neither did any obey him against their wils Spartacus also was but a poore slave which escaping from his master gathered together a great number of people and made strong warre upon the Romanes whom hee many times vanquished And but that Pompeius and Crassus with great armies were greatly busied to hinder his desseignes he had made himselfe master of Italie And was not Cleon another poore slave yet gathered under his conduction an armie of 70 thousand other slaves wherewith he had like to have gotten all Sicilie And Viriatus was but a shepheard on the mountaines of Spaine and gathering together a great number of shepheards and theeves he made infinit worke for the Romanes yet in the end certaine Romane captains sent against him not being able otherwise to overcome him caused him traiterously to be slaine This the Senat found not good but greatly blamed those captains which overcame by so villanous a meane After Viriatus was slaine his people disbanded not but still made warre upon the Romanes insomuch as the Romanes were constrained to give unto them to appease them the towne and territorie of Valence in Spaine to inhabite and so they were satisfied and gave over their armes Of late memorie Philibert de Chaton Prince of Orange Antonie de Leva Andrew Doria the Marquis of Mantua and many others whereof we have spoken in other places which revolted against king Francis the first and did him more hutt than all the forces of the emperour Charles the fift yet were they no great lords in comparison of the king Therefore he which is a wise prince will estimate no enemie to be pettie and little but will guard himselfe from justly offending any man fearing least by that meanes hee procure enemies For enmities will come too fast on a man before hee lookes for them As for that hee saith That the Romanes had colonies in countries which they Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 1. lib 7. Dec. 3. lib. 8. Dec. 4. conquered they did it not to serve their turnes as fortresses in that countrey as Machiavell saith but to disburden the citie of Rome of their too great a multitude of people which were still stirring up rebellions and seditions in their towne as in the time of the consulship of Marcus Valerius and Quintus Apuleius The towne saith Titus Livius was brought to a great quiet and tranquilitie by discharging it of a great part of the common people by deduction of colonies which when they were sent into any countrey that the Romanes had conquered the publick and common fields were divided amongst them yet the old inhabitants were not chased away neither were their goods taken from them but only mingled with the Romans goods which dwelt with them in their townes in houses they themselves builded or els which were publicke and conquered to the Roman commonweale The Romans also set up colonies as a multiplication of their race but not to serve them for fortresses in conquered countries and that it was so appears because they erected not colonies in all the countries they conquered no not in the most strongest places but rather in the amplest fattest and fertilest places These said colonies also were no more faithfull unto them than the other subjects but often rebelled as well as others as was seene after the battaile that the Romanes lost at Cannas against Anniball for then twelve Roman colonies revolted from them and entred league with Anniball And it is commonly seene that citizens transported into other countreyes doe incontinent degenerate taking the manners and conditions of the countrie as came to passe in the townes of Alexandria in Aegipt Seleucia in Siria Babilon in Parthia which were colonies of the Macedonians and to the towne of Tarentum a colonie of the Lacedaemonians for all these foresaid townes were straight despoiled of the manners natures and the originall generositie of their nation and became soft effeminate and cowardly as they were into whose countries they were removed A great and memorable calamitie fell to Philip king of Macedonie by removing Titus Livi. lib. 10. Dec. 4. to other places the naturall inhabitants of the maritime and sea townes of his countrey This king fearing to enter into warre with the Romanes because many of his neighbours went to complaine of him to the Senat of Rome thought it good to stand upon his guard and something distrusting the inhabitants of such townes as were nigh the sea hee tooke away from thence the naturall inhabitants and gave them grounds in Emathia to dwell in and in their places planted the inhabitants of Thracia in whom he trusted This caused in all Macedonie a great discontentment for every one saw to their great griefe their ancient poore dislodged carrying their children on their shoulders weeping and lamenting their calamities and making exercations and imprecations against the king that it might so happen to the king and his race to bee driven from his kingdome and countrey The king being advertised of this universall murmuration began to enter into a distrust of every man and especially of the children of certaine gentlemen which hee had caused to die and hee feared that the saide children making use of the peoples discontentment should attempt some enterprise against him and therefore determined to have seased certaine young children of the slaine gentlemen for his better assurance Theoxena the widdow of a great lord which was slaine by the king called Herodicus resolved rather to make die the children of her and her dead husband than that they should come into the hands and power of the king So she resolved to save her-selfe and them at Athens and yet if the worst fell she provided good swords poisons after shee was embarked with her children to obtaine the towne of Athens shee was followed by another boate of the kings people which when shee saw that they rowed with great dilligence to the barke wherein shee was Loe said she my childen you have now no other meanes to shun the tyrannie of king Philip but death which you may see shewing the swords and the poison chuse which you had rather die on either on sharpe whetted swords or to swallow this poison on my children let the eldest shew themselves most hardy and couragious This exhortation persuaded so much that they slew themselves some with swords some with poyson then she caused them all to fall into the water even when they yet had breath and cast her-selfe after them Straight the kings people ioyned to the barke but they found it emptie of the persons they looked for The crueltie of this fact added a new flame of envie and evill will towards the king so that it seemed to every one they heard the infernall furies preparing themselves to bring
world which that hideous monster Perfidie hath not engendred Assuredly it is an Alecto an infernall furie excited and called lately from hell to the vexation and Perfidie an infernal furie Subtill palliations are not profitable Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 3. utter overthrow of this poore world And as for that which Machiavell sayth That a man may finde reasons and covertures to cloake and colour the breach of Faith this hath no place amongst good men which respect their honour which also repute palliations but trumperies and frauds and doe make mens perfidies but the worse and more damnable The Carthaginians after the first Punick warre made a treatie of peace with Caius Luctatius lieutenant generall of the Romane armie upon which treatie Luctatius made this reservation Vnder the good pleasure of the Senate and Romane people This treatie pleased not the Romanes and therfore as soone as they were advertised therof they certified the Carthaginians that they would not ratifie it Not long after Asdruball lieutenant generall of the Carthaginian armie made another treatie with the Romanes wherin they comprehended the Saguntines This treatie a long time was observed on both sides yet the Carthaginians never expresly only secretly approved and ratified it At the end of which time the Carthaginians sent Anniball to besiege Saguntum which they tooke and ruinated The Romans after this sent embassadors to Carthage to know wherefore the Carthaginians had done contrary to the treatie of peace made with Asdruball wherein expressely the Saguntines were comprehended The Carthaginians in their Senate would have cloaked and coloured this fact according to Machiavels counsell with certaine fond subtilties saying that they never ratified the treatie made by Asdruball and that it was as well lawfull for them to disavow that which Asdruball had done therein as the Romans had abrogated the truce of Luctatius This colour seemed to have some appearance in it but being more narrowly entred into nothing will be discovered but deceit and fallacie For there must a greater estimation be made of a ratification by Deed than by Word as the assurance of Deeds is far greater than that of Words so that the Carthaginians which by the space of many yeares had approoved effectually the treatie of Asdruball could by no meanes afterward reprove it as also because in that truce there was no reservation contained as there was in the treatie of Luctatius The Romane embassadours then espying the palliation and quarrelling deceit of the Carthaginians vouchsased not otherwise to replie but to present to their choise either peace or warre The Carthaginians left that choise to the Romans which chused warre by which the Carthaginians lost themselves and their countrey And this came of their deceitfulnesse and breach of Faith Not unworthie the rehearsall are the subtile distinctions of king Antiochus his Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 4. embassadour unto Titus Quintius lieutenant generall of the Romane armie then resident in Greece to defend the Greeke townes in their liberties against that barbarous king This king perceiving his affaires could not well succeed against the powers of the Romans which by the Grecians themselves were drawn into Greece purposed to seeke peace without any further hazard Quintius made Menippus and Hegesianax the kings embassadors to understand that the only meane of peace was that their king should avoid Europe and leave Greece at libertie Hereunto Menippus replied by goodly distinctions well trussed together whereby hee shewed that there are three kinds of confederations and treaties of peace one with such as are vanquished by warre unto whom the vanquishers may give law the second kind when two enemies equall in forces doe make peace without battaile in which kind as they are like in force so ought the compacts and conditions of peace to be alike and egall and the third is when they which never were enemies before are reduced to amitie and confederation in which kind neither of them ought to give law to the other adding to this distinction that the king their master was of this third kind and that therefore they were abashed that Quintius would give him a law saying That he must needs avoid Europe Quintius who was nothing expert in making distinctions unlesse it were with the sword although otherwise of good naturall sence Well said he you have made me a distinction and I will make you another There are two kinds of warres the one may be made in Asia the other may be made in Europe Touching the last kind the Romans have just cause to enterprise wars against your master for the guard of the townes of Greece least they should fall into the hands of Antiochus according as they have preserved them from the hands of Philip king of Macedonie and as for the first kind the Romanes are content not to deale at all and if king Antiochus your master will make warre in Asia let him doe it we will not hinder him The said embassadors which accounted to have brought much to passe by their subtill distinction were much astonished when they heard this contradistinction of Quintius for they could not replie one word And in the end ther was no remedie but Antiochus must passe by the distinction of Quintius to avoid Europe Hereby is seene that such subtilties and palliations in treaties of peace and observation of Faith are but ridiculous things For the affaires of the world ought to be governed by a common sence and solid judgement and not by subtilties of distinctions which should bee sent unto Sophisters and Logicians to maintaine their arguments in schooles The Grecians have alwaies been great masters in subtilties as their writings Thusi lib. 1 de bello Peâ—o shew yea too much for often it hath happened that determining to governe the affaires of their commonweales rather by subtill reasons than by arguments founded upon good judgement they have overthrowne themselves into utter ruines and confusions Hereof there is a very memorable example in the Peloponesiake warre described by Thucydides which endured eight and twentie yeares and well nigh ruinated all Greece from top to toe as wee say for it was founded upon a subtiltie of small importance This was the matter Two of the greatest commonweales of all Greece were the commonweales of the Athenians of the Lacedaemonians for all the rest were small in comparison of them and were in a conjunction by a association either with the one or the other except some few as that of the Corcyrians which neither associated with the Athenians nor with the Lacedaemonians These two great commonweales had a treatie of confederacie together wherein amongst other articles there was one which said That if any of the cities of Greece which were not then leagued with either the one or the other of the commonweales would associate themselves either to one or the other they lawfully might But so it happened that the Corcyrians had warre against the Corinthians which were associated with the
king is good and Plutarch in Apo. excellent when kings use it well but because there were farre more kings which abuse their powers than that use them well he provided for himselfe and his successors certaine Censors and correctors to reprehend them of their faults which were called Ephori Certaine then said unto Theopompus that by this establishment of Ephori he had lessened and enfeeblished his power Nay then said he I have fortified it and made it perdurable meaning to say as true it is that there is nothing which better fortifieth nor which makes more firme and stable a princes estate than when he governes himselfe with such a sweet moderation that even he submits himselfe to the observation of lawes and censures The emperour Severus otherwise endowed with Spart Dion in Carac many great vertues had not this good to be debonaire and clement but rather was rigorous and cruell yet he knew well and himselfe confessed that Clemencie is a vertue most worthie of a prince and he much desired to bee so esteemed although his actions were contrarie I know well that here the Machiavellists may reply upon me that he faigned and only made a shew to esteeme of Clemencie upon a certain kind of playing the Fox and dissimulation which Machiavell holdeth to be convenient for a prince Here unto I make a double answere And I say suppose in this place Severus meant to play the Fox yet when he so much praiseth Clemencie and so faine would seeme clement he therby seemes to approve that vertue as both lowable and good Secondly I say that it is credible that Severus although he was exceeding sanguinarie and cruell during his raigne yet in the end he found that it had been better for him if he had been Clement for with his owne eyes he saw Plautianus his greatest and especiallest friend and Bassianus his eldest son whom with himselfe he associated in the empire both of them though not together conspire to slay him insomuch as he durst not punish them because they had learned of him to be sanguinarie and cruell and at the end of his dayes the last words hee spake were That he left the empire firme and assured to his Antonines meaning Bassianus and Geta which he named Antonines that they might be beloved provided that they proved good princes but if they were wicked and cruell then he left them weak and evill assured And indeede these last words were as a prophecie to his children For Bassianus his eldest sonne who succeeded him in the empire was as cruell as he and begun to exercise his crueltie in slaying with his owne hand Geta his brother and after continued it upon his friends and other notable people a great number which he brought to their deaths and therefore was not his foot long in the empire but according as his father prophecied of his death hee was soone despoyled thereof and of his life withall for he was slaine by Macrinus his lieutenant and lived but nine and twentie yeares whereof he raigned sixe The emperour Domitian also was a very cruell prince yet he greatly praised Clemencie in a prince and ordinarily when he reasoned upon any affaire in the Senat he often enterlaced amongst his speeches some commendations of his owne Clemencie although he was most cruell and wicked And breefely we may say and conclude that this vertue of Clemencie is so excellent and lowable of it selfe that even the wicked which reject it are notwithstanding constrained to have it in estimation and to confesse it is a vertue worthie of a prince From the beginning that Rome was reduced into the forme of a commonweale and delivered from the tyrannie of the Tarquins the people were sent to the warre Dioni Halic lib. 5. without wages and whilest they were at the warre for the commonweale the interests and usuries which they ought to the rich for alwaies the poore are debters to the rich left not to encrease and multiplie insomuch as when the souldiers returned from the warre some being maimed and wounded in stead to have rest in their houses they had the usurers on their backs which demanded the usuries run on during the time of the warre Hereupon arose there in the towne a great sedition for the poore amongst the people could not suffer this rude handling that they thus should be tormented with seisures and pawning of their goods and with imprisonments of their persons for the interests growing during the warre and being in the common-wealths service This cause finally comming in deliberation in the Senate house Valerius Publicola who was one of them which helped away the tyrant from Rome spoke thus This the usurers rigorous dealing is but a new tyrannie and it is but a small thing for us to have expulsed from Rome the tyrannie of the Tarquins if now wee will establish another that it was too unreasonable that souldiers should pay interests running on whilest they served the commonwealth since also they served without wages Therefore he exhorted the Senate to releeve the people of those interests for their content and that afterward they might with so much the better will serve the commonweale at a need For els saith he certaine it is if there be a continuance of this rigorous dealing it will bring the people into a great disobedience a sedition into the commonwealth the estate wherof by this means may be shrewdly shaken and hazarded But if the people be kindly and graciously used in acquiting them of the said interests by this meanes you shall make most assured the estate of the citie The Senate followed this advice of Publicola knowing well that the firmitie and assurednesse of the publicke State is founded upon Clemencie and Gentlenesse Anniball making warre in Italie meaning to goe to Capua commanded one of Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. the prisoners he held to guide him to a place called Casin which was in the way to Capua This prisoner supposing Anniball had bidden him guide him to Casilin and that because Anniball spoke not well the Latine language hee conducted his armie on that side to Casilin farre from the way to Capua Anniball perceiving hee was evill guided caused to whip and hang the prisoner which had done this before he would heare any excuse This rigorous execution and other cruelties that he used never caused such as were allied with the Romanes to breake from them although on every side they saw themselves in great perill because saith Titus Livius they knew that they were commanded by a just and a moderate government and by good people that hated crueltie therefore refused they not to obey which is the true bond of Faith the best most prudent and humane Antiochus king of Syria and a great dominator in Levant having enterprised a Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 3. warre against the Romanes they sent against him Lucius Scipio for captaine generall of their armie although otherwise he
the Antonines Alexander Severus Constantine the Great Theodosius and other like Such before them were the great Darius king of the Persians and Medes conquerour of the monarchie of Affrica the great king Sirus and Alexander the Great Such also were the ancient kings of France the great Cloius the generous Charlemaigne the good S. Lewis Philip August the conquerour Charles le Sage Charles the seventh the victorious Lewis the twelfth father of the people Francis the great restorer of letters Henry the second le Debonaire and many others These bee they that a prince must propose to imitate not such of no account as deserves not a place amongst princes such as Agathocles a potters sonne and usurper of the Sicilian tyrannie or Oliver de Ferme a barbarous and most cruell souldiour who massacred his owne parents friends to usurpe the tyrannie of the place of his nativitie or that Caesar Borgia the Popes bastard full of all disloyaltie crueltie inconstancie and other vices and farre from all Royall vertues which Machiavell proposeth for patternes to bee imitated of princes Reasonlesse creatures themselves doe they not shew that a prince ought to bee constant to maintaine his subjects in peace and tranquilitie without stirs or motions The king of honnie Bees is hee not alwaies resident and abiding in his hive with constancie to keepe his little subjects in tranquilitie And whensoever amongst these small creatures there are found some unconstant and straying kings which cannot abide in their hives and within the circuit and limits of their power do we not see that they bring all their little people out of order For straight as their king begins to stirre and goe out his subjects remoove withall so that oftentimes by the remooving of the king hee himselfe is lost with all the troupe of his little subjects by precipitation headlong casting himselfe by his inconstancie into marrishes pooles where both himselfe and his are lost Set princes then and all other ment learne of these pettie creatures how necessary Constancie is unto them and that they beeing unconstant and variable as Machiavell teacheth them they can not faile but destroy and ruinate themselves and others Heereupon is very woorthie to be noted that which Euripides saith That a good and vertuous man never changeth his manners for the change of either aire or countrie or either for prosperitie or adversitie his verses englished are these An evill ground under an heaven sirene good store of Corne oft times doth bring wee see Eurip. in Heâ—â—ba Good ground also with a sharp aire I weene bad store of fruit produceth unto thee Yet by the heavens a good man or an ill his nature change will not for any hap For alwaies wicked wicked prooveth still and good men good will prove for evill clap In good mens hearts there 's no adversitie in life of his can breede diversitie And assuredly this facion of the Machiavellists with each wind to change manners cannot bee found any way good by good and vertuous men who have their hearts in a good place no more than they can approve the riming verses which the Machiavellists have alwaies in their mouths Cum fueris Romae Romano vivito more Cum fueris alibi vivito sicut ibi That is to say When thou at Rome a Romane life then must thou lead when other where doe as they doe in the other stead For these manners are proper to the Chamaelion which take all coulours of the place where hee is and of the Polypus which alwaies seemes to bee of the coulour of the earth whereupon it shineth But this is not convenient nor comely for a good man who ought alwaies to bee constant in vertue without changing or varying no not though the heavens should fall upon him But because the Poet Horace very elegantly describeth what kind of person a constant man ought to bee I will set it downe as an end of this Maxime So constant is a good man alwaies in his life that hee stirres not for all the peoples rage and strife Hor. lib. 3. Carm. Ode 3. The tyrants fierce cannot move him nor boistrous winde which all the sea doth turne nor thunder claps I finde His constant vertue cannot alter any way No though the heavens should fall upon his head I say No feare could touch his hautie heart by night or day 26. Maxime Illiberality is commendable in a prince and the reputation of a mechanique or handicrafts man is a dishonour without evill will IF the prince saith he vvill bee liberall incontinent hee impoverisheth Cap. 8. 16. Of a prince himselfe and beeing poore shall bee despised of every man And if hee will repaire and help his poverty by pilling his subiects hee shall make himselfe hated of them and shall bee reputed and handled as a tyrant But contrarie being covetous he shall be iudged puissant and having wherewith to furnish any affaire vvhen it happeneth hee shall bee honoured and esteemed And if the reputation of a mechanicke or illiberall person be dispersed of him this cannot bee hurtfull unto him seeing by force hee seekes nothing at his subiects hands Yet a prince may vvell bee prodigall of anothers good as of booties acquired by vvar as Cyrus Alexander Caesar but of his own hee ought to bee an houlder and illiberall For there is nothing that more consumeth it selfe than largenesse and freenesse of giving which by the practising thereof leeseth the meanes to be practised In our time vve have seene no great matters effected but by such men as had the reputation to bee covetous all others have come to nothing Pope Iulius vvas liberall till hee obtained the Popedome but as soone as hee had gotten it hee forsooke that trade to the end to make warre upon the king of France Lewis the twelfth as hee did The king of Spaine likewise hee understood that king Ferdinand grandfather of the emperour Charles the fifth had not so happely atchived so many great enterprises if hee had affected to bee esteemed liberall IN my opinion this Maxime should not please courtiers either Machiavellists or others which ever like best that a prince bee not onely liberall but rather profuse and prodigall so farre are they from opinion that hee should bee covetous But certainely as illiberalitie and covetousnesse is damnable and no way beseeming a prince so also is profusion and prodigalitie But most praiseable it is that he hould a course betweene both and that hee bee liberall acknowledging the services which is done him and to use bountefulnesse toward good and vertuous people and for the advancement of the commonwealth For that is true liberalitie when men employ to good uses the goods and gifts dispended and not when they employ them to evill uses But to shew how liberalitie ought to be exercised in a prince wee will first speake of Illiberalitie and prodigalitie his two extreames As for Covetousnes which Machiavell houlds to bee covenable for a
so that if it please you my lord to use benefits and liberalitie towards such as you esteeme your enemies and towards such as feare you will doe them wrong you shall easily gaine them and others from henceforth for your friends This remonstrance of Livia was the cause that Augustus let loose and set at liberrie all them which were accused to have enterprised any thing against him satisfying himself with the admonishments he gave them and besides gave great goods and benefits unto some of them so that as well those as other of his enemies became his friends and good subjects Behold heere what good came to Augustus by his beneficence and liberalitie The emperour Marcus Antonine feared nothing more than the reputation of an hard and covetous man and alwayes wished and desired that such a spot of infamie Dion in Marco might never bee imposed upon him And indeede all his carriage and actions were such that none could impute unto him any spot of Covetousnesse but al Liberalitie worthie of a good prince for first hee established publicke professours of all sciences in the towne of Athens unto which he gave great wages which prooved a most profitable act to the commonweale woorthie of such a prince and this was partly the cause that in his time there was so great store of learned people in all manner of sciences insomuch as the time of his kingdome was and hath ben since called the golden world In our time king Francis the first of happie memorie did imitate the example of this great and wise emperour establishing publicke lectures at great wages in the Vniversitie of Paris a thing wherof his memorie hath ben and shall be more celebrated through the world than for so many great warres as hee valiantly sustained and demeaned during his raigne Secondly the emperour Antonine forgave the people all the fiscall debts and arrerages which they ought him by scedules obligations or otherwise for fiftie yeares before which was an huge and unspeakable liberalitie But he did this to take away all meanes matter from all officers and fiscall procurators of molesting and troubling his subjects afterward with researches and calling on of old debts Thirdly hee never laid impost or extraordinarie exaction upon his people but handled them in all kindnesse and generositie He never made profuse and superfluous expences but held an estate both at home and in the court sober and full of frugalitie And finally to shew how he delighted in liberalitie he caused a temple to be builded to Beneficence Behold here a true patterne after which princes should conforme themselves to know how to practise that goodly vertue Liberalitie And very notable is that point that that good emperour Antonine held the estate of his house ruled by frugalitie and sobrietie and farre from the straunge profusions of those monsters Caligula Nero and Vitellius for he considered that it were much better to employ for the publicke wealth of his empire the revenues and money therof than in riotousnesse and vanities and that such unmeasurable profusion constraineth a prince to fall to rapines and to deale evill with their subjects because as the common proverb saith Vnmeasurable largesse hath no bottome Therefore did that great emperour Traian Dion in Traiano Lampr. in Alex. Spar in Andria also hould his estate soberly governed and hee maintained no unprofitable persons in his service No more did the emperour Severus who would not suffer in any offices any persons to be placed which were not necessarie They had also good sallaries and rewards of him yea he would often rebuke them for not demaunding gifts of him And wherefore saith he wilt thou that I should be thy debter seeing thou askest me nothing Adrian also had this propertie that hee gave great gifts unto his good friends and servants and made them rich before they demaunded any thing And above all hee was liberall towards professors of letters and learned men which he enriched but he much hated such as by evill meanes became rich and generally all good emperours were adorned with the vertues of liberalitie and munificence which they practised with such moderation and prudence that they were never spotted neither with Machiavels Covetousnesse nor his Prodigalitie And therefore they flourished and prospered during their raignes and left after them a perpetuall memorie to posteritie of their vertues and praises Our kings of Fraunce as Clovis Charlemaigne Lewis the piteous his sonne Robert Henry the first Lewis le Gros Lewis the eight S. Lewis and many others were very liberall but they exercised their liberalitie and principalitie upon the Church and Churchmen which they but too much enriched Yet wee reade that Charlemaigne was also very liberall towards learned men and that he spent much in founding and maintaining the Vniversitie of Paris And a man may generally marke in our kings of Fraunce a Christian liberalitie which they have alwayes had that is That they have been great Almoniers exercising their liberalitie upon poore people which is an exercise of that vertue exceeding woorthie of a Christian prince which he should never forget By this abovesaid I hope the Maxime of Machiavell is sufficiently confuted and that it evidently appeareth by our examples and reasons That Covetousnesse is domageable and dishonourable to a prince as also is his contrarie profusion and that Liberalitie is profitable and honourable unto him And as for the reasons which Machiavell alledgeth they are foolish and false as his Maxime For to say That a rich prince shall be esteemed puissant because he hath great treasures that reason dooth evill conclude King Perseus of Macedonie of whome wee have spoken had The power of a prince lieth not in treasures great treasures yet left he not to be esteemed a king pusillanimous and of small valour and such was his reputation in his owne countrey and amongst his owne subjects Crassus also was knowne to be more richer than Pompeius but he was not esteemed so valiant nor so good a man neither in his life had hee the tenth part of Pompeies honours Mauricius and Phocas Romane emperours by their covetousnesse heaped up great treasures but were they therefore esteemed puissant and valiant nay contrarie they were esteemed cowards and in the catalogue of such emperours as held the most abject and infamous places But I pray you let us come to the reason When a prince hath the fame to bee a great treasurer doth he not give his neighbours occasion to seeke meanes to enterprise upon him to obtain those treasures Wherfore is it that the Venetians which if they list might bee the greatest treasurers of the world have made a law amongst De Con. l. b. 2. cap. 21. them to have no treasure in their commonwealth other than of armes It is because they know well as they be wise that if they heape up treasures in money they shall but prepare a bait to draw rheir neighbours on to make warre upon them
the Romanes our allies The Chalcedonians then governed themselves after this answere and it happened well unto them But the Aetolians were almost all ruined and lost by practising their foolish opinion to entertaine both the Romanes and Antiochians together for so were they of necessitie forced to seeke practises alwayes to maintaine warre betwixt that king and the Romane commonweale to the end that the two powers might alwayes stand on foot without abilitie one to overthrow another because otherwise could they not attaine to their desseigne and purpose which was to keepe themselves in friendship with both parties yet thus seeking and practising to sustaine them both and maintaine them enemies they made themselves hated of both So that after the retreat of Antiochus into his countrey these miserable Aetolians fell into a desperate case like to have torne one another in pieces burdening and accusing mutually one another to be the inventors of that wicked counsell yet in the end by the Romanes clemencie and bountie which pardoned them they had a certaine subsistence though in a meane sort In the towne of Ardea a neighbour of the Romanes there was a like partialitie Titus Livius lib. 4. Dec. 1. as there is at this day at Genes for now at Genes the people is banded against the nobles and they will by no meanes receive any for duke of Genes of the nobilitie insomuch as all dukes of Genes must needs be villaines and base men of race and it may be there will be found in France of the like race as at Genes The like partialitie I say being in the towne of Ardea betwixt the nobilitie and the people it happened that two young batchelers one of the people and another of the nobilitie fell at debate one against another about the obtaining in marriage a yong maid of excellent beautie but of a base and carterly race Great bandying there fell out about this mariage they of the nobilitie all casting their heads and employing their abilities for their gentleman who loved and desired that maid and they obtained so much as they got the maids mother on their side who affected that her doughter might bee placed in a noble house But contrarie the people which were for the other young man of their owne race and qualitie did so much for him as they gained the maids tutors which thought that it was more reasonable that their pupill should espouse an husband of her own qualitie than to mount into an higher degree for that equalitie ought as much as might be to bee observed in marriage Vpon altercation of this marriage the parties were drawn unto justice and the maid was adjudged to the gentleman after the advice of the mother yet although by law the gentleman got the cause by force he could not for the tutors with strong hand forced the maid from her mother The gentleman unto whom she was adjudged being almost enraged at this tape and injurie that was done him gathered together a great companie of other gentlemen his parents and friends and gave charge upon those which had taken away his betrothed wife Breefely there was a great stirre and noise through the towne and a great number slaine on both sides and at last the gentlemen remained masters of the towne and the people were driven away The people straying about the fields ruinated the houses and possessions of the nobles The abovesaid nobles sent to Rome embassadors for succours The people likewise sent to the Volsques people of Tuscane for their aid By this meanes the Romanes and the Volsques fell to warre one against another But the Romanes carrying away the victory beheaded the principall authors of the insurrection which happened for this marriage in the towne of Ardea and confiscated all their goods which was adjudged to the communaltie of the Ardeates Here you see how the partialitie which was in the towne of Ardea was cause of that great calamitie and combustion and therefore well to be noted are these words of Titus Livius The Ardeates saith he were continually in an intestine warre the cause and commencement whereof proceeded of the contention of partialities which alwaies have and will bee ruinous and domageable to people farre more than externe warres than famine than pestilence or than all other evils which the gods doe send upon citties which they will altogether destroy These words are full contrarie to the Machiaveline doctrine as indeed they are the words of another manner of author than Machiavell at whome I doe much marvell that he dare attempt to write discourses upon Titus Livius since any may see be understands him not and his doctrine is also cleane contrarie to that of Titus Livius Vnto the said sentence of Titus Livius I will adde that which he reciteth from Quintius Capitolinus who admonishing the souldiors of his armie Our enemies said hee come not to assaile us upon any trust they have in our cowardize or their owne vertue for many times alreadie they have assayed both the one and the other but it is for the confidence they have in our partialities and contentions which now are betwixt the Patricians and the people for our partialities are the venome which empoysoneth and corrupteth this citie because we are too imperious and you too unmeasurably desirous of libertie The partialities of the Carthaginians were they not cause of their utter ruine There were two factions at Carthage the Barchinian whereof was Annibals house Titus Livius lib. 1. Dec. 3. and the Hannoenne contrarie As soone as Amilcar the father of Anniball was dead the Carthaginians elected for captaine generall of their armie Asdruball their citizen one of the Barchian faction which they sent to make war in Spaine with a great armie This Asdruball had learned his art of warre under Amilcar which was the cause why he sought to have Anniball nigh him who at that time was very yong to administer unto him the same benefit which he had received at his fathers hands and therefore writ to the Senate of Carthage The Senate brought this to deliberation and Hanno his advice being demanded he reasoned in this sort Masters said he me thinkes the demaund of Asdruball is very equall yet I am not of opinion his request should be graunted him For it is equall in that hee desireth to restore a like benefit to the sonne as he hath received of the father yet may not we herein accommodate our selves to his will and give him our youth to nourish after his fancie I am then of advice that this young Anniball be nourished and educated in this cittie under the obedience of lawes and magistrates and that he be learned to live after justice and in egalitie with others least this little fire do one day raise up a farre greater The wisest and best advised of the Senate were of this opinion but the pluralitie which was of the Barchian faction was to send young Anniball into Spaine to the warre who as soone as he
Volsques practised in the campe towards the souldiers the same rigour and severity which hee did against the common people at Rome and cared not to bee beloved but onely sought to make himselfe to be feared This was the cause that his people of warre would not obey him but as constrained they executed their charge cowardly and negligently When hee commanded to march quickly and swiftly his souldiers would goe slowly and softly when hee came towards them to command them any thing they would not vouchsafe to regard him but fixed their eyes on the ground and as hee passed by cursed him Hee once went about to assemble them all in one place to have persuaded them to have performed their dueties in a battaile but in place being assembled they scattered themselves hither and thither When hee saw this manifest disobedience in lieu to correct his rigour which was cause thereof hee augmented and redoubled it by causing them to bee whipped with rods and by putting to death the captaines which dispersed themselves when they should have joyned together and at last he fell to decimer and to tythe all the rest of his army by lot putting to death one of each ten through his army Yet for all this hee did nothing of account or to his honour Returning after to Rome hee was accused by the tribunes of his great severitie and inclemencie and by not getting the love of his souldiers hee effected nothing but his dishonour and shame But fearing to bee condemned hee procured his owne death in his house and this evill hap accompanied with great opprobrie ignominie had not happened unto him if hee had beene of a gentle and good nature to have obtained love The Bountie Clemencie and Gentlenesse of a prince manifest themselves by many meanes towards his subjects as by good tractations and comforts farre from oppression by maintaining their liberties and franchises by making edicts equall ordinances and in observing and causing good justice to be observed But the pleasantest meane which most contenteth the subjects is when the princed dooth them this honour to communicate himselfe to them deales in publick affaries with them and demands their advises aids and meanes for subjects seeing themselves on the one side so much honoured of their prince as to be called into the participation of his counsell and seeing and understanding on the other side the urgencie of the publicke affaires and just reasons wherefore the prince demaundeth such a thing or such a thing it is certain that they will obey much more voluntarily than when they know nothing of his affaires and when they know not wherfore nor wherein mony should bee employed that is demanded This was seene and practised at the beginning in a parliament held at Tours of the generall States during the raigne of king Charles the eight Anno 1483 as M. Philip de Comines witnesseth for the poore people De Comines lib. 1. cap. 109 110. of Fraunce were before vexed and eaten up by the space of 20 yeares and more with great tallages and imposts and great civile warres which never comes without a great ruine yet notwithstanding seeing themselves so much honoured by their prince as by him to be convocated together with the States to understand publicke affaires and therein to give their aid and advice not onely the States accorded to their king the impost which he demaunded but also humbly besought his majestie that it would please him to assemble them againe within two yeares after and that if his said Majestie had not money ynough to dispatch his affaires they would at his pleasure furnish him and that if he had any warre or that any would offend him they would employ their persons and goods for his service and never would denie him any thing whereof hee had need Behold then how this soft and sweet manner of a princes actions to conferre of his affaires with his subjects makes him so obeied as by this meanes hee may sooner obtaine a great thing than by rigour a small thing And to this purpose he askes certaine questions with a good grace Might it Comines not bee accounted a farre more just thing both before God and the world by such force as this to levie money than upon a disordinate will For no prince cannot otherwise levie it but by tyrannie would priviledges to take it at their pleasure bee alledged against so good subjects which so liberally give that which is demaunded was such an assembly daungerous and treasonable according as some men of base condition and baser vertue say alledging that to congregate the States is to diminish the kings anthoritie and to commit treason but rather those commit treason towards God the king and the commonweale which hold estates and offices which they never merited neither serve they to any other thing but to whisper and tattle in princes eares things of small account and they feare nothing more than great assemblies that so they may not appeare and bee knowne as they are These words of Comines are very notable to be applied to our time Let us now come to the other effect of the Clemencie of a prince which concerneth the assurance of his estate Hereupon I thinke every man will confesse unto me A clement prince assured in his State that there is nothing that better assureth a prince in his estate than when hee hath no enemies But a debonaire and gentle prince shall never lightly procure enemies but rather daily friends because that vertue of Clemencie is of it selfe so amiable and attractive that they are alwayes loved which are endowed therewith And if sometimes enemies arise against a good and gentle prince as the envie and desire to have and to make themselves greater causeth ambitious and covetous men sometimes to enterprise upon such clement princes yet very hardly shall such enemies shake their estates or prevaile against them and especially if that prince with his Clemencie have about him a good Counsell For his vertues will procure him many friends of his neighbours and make his subjects voluntarie and obeisant insomuch as it shall be very easie for him to resist the enterprises of such as will invade set upon him We reade that the emperour Alexander Severus was very modest Lampri in Alex. Sever. soft clement and affable towards all his subjects wherewith Mammaea his mother was not content So that one day she said unto him that he had made his authoritie not regarded but contemptible by his Clemencie Yea but answered hee I have made my estate so much the longer and more assured And in truth he had in likelyhood lived longer time but she so ruled him that he got the evill will of his subjects and so did his sonne by the extreame avarice and arrogancie that was in her which caused the death of them both The same notable speech of Alexander is attributed to Theopompus king of Sparta who knowing that the puissance of a