Prerogative many dangerous practises against the peace and safety of this Kingdome have been undertaken and promoted The increase of Popery and the favours and incouragement of Papists have been and still are a great grievance and danger to the Kingdome The Innovations in matters of Religion the usurpations of the Clergie the manifold burdens and taxations upon the people have been a great cause of our present distempers and disorders and yet those who have been chiefe Furtherers and Actors of such Mischiefes have had their Credit and Authority from this That they were forward to maintain this Power The E. of Strafford had the first rise of his greatnesse from this and in his Apologie and Defence as your Lordships have heard this hath had a maine part The Royall Power and Majesty of Kings is most glorious in the prosperity and happinesse of the people The perfection of all things consists in the end for which they were ordained God onely is his own end all other things have a further end beyond themselves in attaining whereof their own happinesse consists If the means and the end be set in opposition to one another it must needs cause an impotency and defect of both The eight Consideration is The vanity and absurdity of those excuses and justifications which he made for himself whereof divers particulars have been mentioned in the course of his Defence 1. That he is a Counsellor and might not be questioned for any thing which he advised according to his conscience The ground is true there is a liberty belongs to Counsellors and nothing corrupts Counsels more then fear He that will have the priviledge of a Counsellor must keep within the just bounds of a Counsellor those matters are the proper subjects of Counsell which in their times and occasions may be good or beneficiall to the King or Common-wealth But such Treasons as these the subversion of the Laws violation of Liberties they can never be good or justifiable by any circumstance or occasion and therefore his being a Counsellor makes his fault much more hainous as being committed against a greater Trust and in a way of much mischiefe and danger lest his Majesties conscience and judgement upon which the whole course and frame of his Government do much depend should be poysoned and infected with such wicked principles and designes And this he hath endeavoured to doe which by all Lawes and in all times hath in this Kingdome beene reckoned a Crime of an high Nature 2. He labours to interest your Lordships in his cause by alledging It may be dangerous to your selves and your Posterity who by your birth are fittest to be near his Majesty in places of Trust and Authority if you should be subject to be questioned for matters delivered in Counsell To this was answered that it was hoped their Lordships would rather labour to secure themselves and their posterity in the exercise of their vertues then of their vices that so they might together with their own honour and greatnesse preserve the honour and greatnesse both of the King and Kingdome 3. Another excuse was this that whatsoever he hath spoken was out of a good intention Sometimes good and evill truth and falshood lie so near together that they are hardly to be distinguished Matters hurtfull and dangerous may be accompanied with such circumstances as may make it appeare usefull and convenient and in all such cases good intentions will justifie evill Counsell But where the matters propounded are evill in their own nature such as the matters are wherewith the E. of Strafford is charged to break a publique faith to subvert Laws and Government they can never be justified by any intentions how specious or good soever they be pretended 4. He alledgeth it was a time of great necessity and danger when such counsels were necessary for preservation of the State Necessity hath been spoken of before as it relates to the Cause now it is considered as it relates to the Person if there were any necessity it was of his own making he by his evil counsell had brought the King into a necessity and by no Rules of Iustice can be allowed to gain this advantage by his own fault as to make that a ground of his justification which is a great part of his offence 5. He hath often insinuated this That it was for his Majesties service in maintenance of that Soveraign Power with which he is intrusted by God for the good of his people The Answer is this No doubt but that Soveraign Power wherewith his Majesty is intrusted for the publique good hath many glorious effects the better to inable him thereunto But without doubt this is none of them That by his own will he may lay any Taxe or Imposition upon his people without their consent in Parliament This hath now been five times adjudged by both Houses In the Case of the Loanes In condemning the Commission of Excise In the Resolution upon the Saving offered to be added to the Petition of Right In the sentence against Manwaring and now lately In condemning the Ship-money And if the Soveraigne Power of the King can produce no such effect as this the Allegation of it is an Aggravation and no Diminution of his offence because thereby he doth labour to interest the King against the just grievance and complaint of the People 6. This Counsell was propounded with divers limitations and Provisions for securing and repairing the liberty of the people This implies a contradiction to maintain an Arbitrary absolute Power and yet to restrain it with limitations and provisions for even those limitations and provisions will be subject to the same absolute Power and to be dispensed in such manner and at such time as it self shall determine let the grievances and oppressions be never so heavy the Subject is left without all remedy but at his Majesties own pleasure 7. He alledgeth they were but words and no effect followed This needs no answer but that the miserable distempers into which he hath brought all the three Kingdomes will be evidence sufficient that his wicked Counsels have had such mischievous effects within these two or three last years that many years peace will hardly repaire those losses and other great mischiefes which the Common-wealth hath sustained These excuses have been collected out of the severall parts of his Defence perchance some others are omitted which I doubt not have been answered by some of my Collegues and are of no importance either to perplex or to hinder your Lordships judgement touching the hainousnesse of this Crime The ninth Consideration is this That if this be Treason in the nature of it it doth exceed all other Treasons in this That in the Design and endeavour of the Author it was to be a constant and a permanent Treason other Treasons are transient as being confinde within those particular actions and proportions wherein they did consist and those being past the Treason ceaseth The Powder-Treason
that County and thence to London and other parts to excite them to take Armes for the throwing in of all inclosures throughout England nothing was done nor no Assembly The Statute of 13. Eliz. cap. 1. during the Queenes life made it Treason to intend or advise to levy war against the Queen In Easter Tearme 39. Eliz. All the Iudges of England met about the case it was resolved by them that this was a warre intended against the Queene they agreed that if it had beene of one Towneship or more upon private interest and claime of right of Common it had not been Treason But this was to throw in all inclosures thorough the Kingdome whereto these parties could pretend no claime that it was against the Law in regard that the Statute of Merton gave power of Inclosures in many Cases Upon this Resolution Bradshaw and Burton were executed at Aynestowe hill in Oxford-shire the place where they intended their first meeting So that my Lords if the end of it be to overthrow any of the Statutes any part of the Law and setled Governement or any of the great Officers intrusted with the execution of them this is a warre against the King My Lords it will be further considerable what shall be accounted a leavying of warre in respect of the Actions and things done There 's a designe to alter some part of the Lawes and present Governement for the effecting thereof people bee provided of Armes gathered together into troopes but afterwards march not with Banners displayed nor doe Bellum percutere Whether the arming themselves and gathering together upon this Designe whether this be a warre or such prosecution of the Designe with force as makes it Treason within the Statute First If this be not a Warre in respect that it necessarily occasions hostile preparations on the other side 2. From the words of the Statute shall levy warre and be thereof probably attainted of open Deed by people of their Condition although the bare conspiring be not an open Deed yet whether the arming and drawing men together be not an open Declaration of Warre In Sir Thomas Talbots case before cited in the seventeenth yeere of Richard the second The Acts of force are expressed in the Parliament Roll. That hee caused divers of the people of the County of Chester to bee armed in a warre-like manner in assemblies heere is no marching no bauners displayed In the 28. yeare of Henry the 6 th William Bell and Thomas Lacy in Com' Kanc. conspired with Thomas Cheney called the Hermite of the Queene of Faires to overthrow the Lawes and customes of the Realme and for the effecting of it they with two hundred more met together and concluded upon a course of raising greater forces in the county of Kent and the adjacent Shires this adjudged Treason these were open Actes My Lords for the application of both these to the Case in question First in respect of the end of it here was a warre against the King It was to subvert the Lawes This being the designe for the effecting of it he assumed to his owne person an arbitrary power over the lives liberties and estates of his Majesties Subjects and determined Causes upon paper petitions at his owne will and pleasure obedience must be forced by the Army this declared by the Warrant If it bee said That the Warrant expresseth not any intent of subverting the Lawes It expresseth fully one of the principall meanes whereby this was to be done that is obedience to his arbitrary orders upon paper petitions this was done in reference to the maine designe In the Cases of the Towne of Cambridge and Sr. William Cogan that have formerly beene cited to your Lordshippes upon other occasions the things in themselves were not Treason they were not a levying of Warre In that of Cambridge the Townesmen met together and in a forcible manner broke up the University treasury and tooke out of it the Records and Evidence of the liberties of the University over the Towne In the other they of Bridgewater marched to the Hospitall and compelled the Master of the Hospitall to deliver unto them certaine Evidences that concerned the Towne and forced him to enter into a bond of two hundred pound These if done upon these private ends alone had not beene Treason as appeares by the very words of the Statute of 25. Edw. 3. before mentioned of marching openly or secretly But my Lords these of Cambridge and Bridgewater they were of the conspiracy with the villaines as appeares in the Parliament Roll of the fift yeare of Richard the second number the one and thirtieth and two and thirtieth where the Townes of Cambridge and Bridgewater are expressely excepted out of the generall pardon made to the Villaines This being done in Reference to that designe of the villains of altering the Lawes this it was that made it Treason If the designe went no further then the enforcing obedience to these paper orders made by himselfe It was sufficient it was to subvert one fundamentall part of the Lawes nay in effect the whole Law what use of Law if hee might order and determine of mens estates at his owne pleasure This was against the Law notoriously declared in Ireland In the close roll in the Tower in the five and twentieth yeare of Edw. 1. a Writ went to the Justices in Ireland that Kingdome at that time was governed by Justices declaring that upon petitions they were not to determine any titles betweene party and party upon any pretence of profit whatsoever to the King In the eight and twentieth yeare of Henry the sixt the second Chapter Suites in equity not before the Deputy but in Chancery Suits at Common Law not before him but in Cases of life in the Kings Bench for title of land or goods in the proper Courts of the Common pleas or Kings Bench. This declared in the Instructions for Ireland in the latter end of King James his time and by the Proclamation in his Majesties time my Lord took notice of them called the Commissioners narrow hearted Commissioners The Law said he should not thus proceed in subversion of it he saith he will and will enforce obedience by the Army This is as much in respect of the end as to endeavour the overthrow of the Statutes of Laborers of victualls or of Merton for Inclosures Here is a warre against the King in respect of the end In respect of the Actions whether there be either a levying of warre or an open deed or both My Lords there was an Army in Ireland at that time of two thousand horse and foot by this Warrant there is a full designation of this whole Army and an Assignement of it over unto Savill for this purpose The Warrant gives him power from time to time to take as many Souldiers horse and foot with an Officer throughout the whole Army as himselfe shall please heere is the terrour and awe of the whole Army to enforce obedience
My Lords if the Earle had armed two thousand men horse and foot and formed them into companies to this end your Lordships would have conceived that this had beene a warre It 's as much as in the case of Sir Thomas Talbot who armed them in assemblies This is the same with a breach of trust added to it That Army was first raised and afterwards committed to his trust for defence of the people is now destined by him to their destruction This assignation of the Army by his Warrant under his hand and seale is an open Act. My Lords heer 's not onely an open act done but a levying of warre Souldiers both horse and foot with an Officer in warlicke manner sessed upon the Subject which killed their Cattell consumed and wasted their goods Ob. O but five or sixe were the most imimployed at any time a mighty warre of six men scarce a Ryot Your Lordships observe a great difference where six single men goe upon a designe alone and when sent from an Army of six hundred all engaged in the same service so many were sent as were sufficient to execute the Command if upon a poore man fewer more upon a rich if the six had not beene able the whole Army must make it good the reason that the Sheriffe alone or with but one Bayliffe to doe execution is because hee hath the Command of the Law the Kings Writ and the posse Comitatus in case of Resistance heer 's the warrant of the Generall of an Army heer 's the posse exercitus the power of the Army under this awe of the whole Army six may force more then sixty without it and although never above fix in one place yet in the severall parts of the Kingdome at the same time might be above sixty for sessing of Souldiers was frequent it was the ordinary course for execution of his orders The Lord Lievetenant of a County in England hath a designe to alter the Lawes and governement nay admit the designe goes not so high hee onely declares thus much that he will order the freeholds and estates of the Inhabitans of the County at his owne will and pleasure and doth accordingly proceed upon paper petitions foreseeing there will be disobedience he grants out warrants under his hand and seale to the deputy Lievetenants and Captaines of the traine bands that upon refusall they shall take such number of the traine bands thorow the County with Officers as they shall think good and lay them upon the lands and houses of the refusers Souldiers in a warlike manner are frequently sessed upon them accordingly Your Lordships doe conceive that this is a levying of Warre within the Statute The Case in question goes further in these two Respects That it is more against the declared Law in Ireland not onely against the Common Law but likewise against the Statute of the eight and twentieth yeare of Henry the sixt against the Acts of the Commissioners against Proclamations in pursuance of the Law against that himselfe took notice of narrow hearted Comissioners In this that here was an Army the Souldiers Souldiers by profession Acts of hostility from them of greater Terror then from free-holders of the same County My Lords I have now done with the first of levying warre The second is the machination the advising of a warre The Case in this rests upon the Warrant to Savill and the advice in the 23 Article The Warrant shewes a resolution of employing the old Army of Ireland to the opprossion of his Majesties Subjects and the Lawes In the 23 Article having told his Majesty that he was loosed and absolved from rules of Government and might doe every thing which power might admit hee proceeded further in speech to his Majesty in these words You have an Army in Ireland You may employ to reduce this Kingdome My Lords both being put together ther 's a machination a practise an advise to levy warre and by force to oppresse and destroy his Majesties Subjects Object It hath beene said the Statute of 25. Edw. 3. is a penall Law and cannot bee taken by equity and Construction there must be an actuall warre the Statute makes it Treason to counterfeit the Kings Coyne the conspiring the raising of furnaces is no Treason unlesse he doth nummum percutere actually coyne Answ My Lords this is onely said not proved the Law is otherwise 19. of Henry the sixt fol. 47. there adjudged that the conspiring and ayding to counterfeit coyne was Treason and Iustice Stamford fol. 3. 44. is of opinion That this or conspiring to counterfeit the great Seale is Treason The Statute is If any shall counterfeit the great Seale conspiring to doe it by the book is Treason if a man take the broad Seale from one Pattent and put it to another here is no counterfeiting its tuntamount and therefore Treason as is adjudged in 2. Henry 4. fo 25. and by the opinion of Stamford If machination or plotting a warre be not within that clause of the Statute of levying warre yet it s within the first of compassing the death of the King as that which necessarily tends to the destruction both of the King and of the people upon whose safety and protection he is to engage himselfe That this is Treason hath beene adjudged both after the Statutes of the first of Henry the fourth Chapter the tenth the first of Queene Mary the first Chapter so much insisted upon on the other side In the third yeare of King Henry the fourth one Balshall comming from London found one Barnard at plough in the Parish of Ofley in the County of Hertford Bernard asked Balshall what newes he told him the newes was That King Richard the second was alive in Scotland which was false for he was then dead and that by Midsomer next he would come into England Bernard asked him what was best to be done Balshall answered get men and goe to King Richard In Michaelmas Tearme in the third yeare of Henry the fourth in the Kings Bench rot 4. this advise of warre adjudged Treason In Queene Maries time Sir Nicholas Throckmorton conspired with Sir Thomas Wyat to levy warre within this Realme for alteration in Religion he joyned not with him in the execution This Conspiracy alone declared to be Treason by the Judges This was after the Statute of the first of Queene Mary so much insisted upon That Parliament ended in October this opinion was delivered the Easter-Tearme after and is reported by Justice Dyer fo 98. It 's true Sir Thomas Wyat afterwards did levy warre Sir Nicholas Throgmorton hee onely conspired this adjudged Treason Storie in Queene Elizabeths time practised with Forreiners to levy warre within the Kingdome nothing done in pursuance of the practise The intent without any adhering to Enemies of the Queene or other cause adjudged to be Treason and he executed thereupon It 's true my Lords that yeare 13. Elizabeth by Act of Parliament it 's made Treason
the fourth he was outlawed by the stay of the outlawry so long it seemes the Judges had well advised before whether it were Treason or not At the same Session Thomas Heber was indited of Treason for these words That the last Parliament was the most simple and insufficient Parliament that ever had beene in England That the King was gone to live in Kent because that for the present hee had not the love of the Citizens of London nor should hee have it for the future That if the Bishop of Bath and Wells were dead the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury being Cardinall of England would immediately loose his head This Inditement was returned into the Kings Bench in Trinity Tearme in the eighteenth yeare of Edward the fourth Afterwards there came a Privy Scale to the Iudges to respit the proceedings which as it should seeme was to the intent the Iudges might advise of the Case for afterwards he is outlawed of high-Treason upon this inditement These words were thought sufficient evidence to prove these severall Inditements That they were spoken to with draw the peoples affection from the King to excite them against him to cause risings against him by the people in morē destructions of the King Your Lordships are pleased to consider that in all these Cases the Treason was for words only words by private persons and in amore private manner but once spoken and no more only amongst the people to excite them against the King My Lords here are words Counsells more then words and actions too not only to disaffect the people to the King but the King likewise towards the people not once but often not in private but in places most publique not by a private person but by a Counsellor of State a Lord Leivetenant a Lord President a Lord Deputie of Ireland 1. To his Majesty That the Parliament had denied to supply him a slander upon all the Commons of England in their affections to the King and Kingdome in refusing to yeeld timely supply for the necessities of the King and Kingdome 2. From thence that the King was loose and absolved from rules of governement and was to doe every thing that power would admit My Lords more cannot be said they cannot be aggravated whatever I should say would be in diminution Thence You have an Army in Ireland you may imploy to reduce this Kingdome To counsell a King not to love his people is very unnaturall it goes higher to hate them to malice them in his heart the highest expressions of malice to destroy them by war These coales they were cast upon his Majesty they were blowne they could not kindle in that brest Thence my Lords having done the utmost to the King he goes to the people At York the Country being met together for Justice at the open Assizes upon the Bench he tells them speaking of the Justices of the Peace that they were all for Law nothing but Law but they should find that the Kings little finger should be heavier then the loines of the Law They shall find my Lords who speaks this to the people a Privie Counsellor this must be either to traduce his Majesty to the people as spoken from him or from himselfe who was Lord Leivetenant of the County and President intrusted with the forces and Justice of those parts that he would imploy both this way add my Lords to his words there the exercising of an arbitrary and vast Jurisdiction before he had so much as Instructions or colour of warrant Thence we carry him into Ireland there he represented by his place the sacred person of his Majesty 1. There at Dublyn the principall Citty of that Kingdome whether the Subjects of that Country came for Justice in an Assembly of Peeres and others of greatest ranke upon occasion of a Speech of the Recorder of that Citty touching their Franchises and Legall Rights he tells them that Ireland was a Conquered Nation and that the King might do with them what he pleased 2. Not long after in the Parliament 10. Car. in the Chaire of State in full Parliament againe That they were a conquered Nation and that they were to expect Lawes as from a Conqueror before the King might do with them what he would now They were to expect it that he would put this power of a Conqueror in execution The Circumstances are very considerable in full Parliament from himselfe in Cathedrâ to the representative body of the whole Kingdome The occasion adds much when they desire the benefit of the Lawes and that their Causes and Suites might be determined according to Law and not by himselfe at his will and pleasure upon paper Petitions 3. Upon like occasion of pressing the Lawes and Statutes That he would make an Act of counsell board in that Kingdome as binding as an Act of Parliament 4. He made his words good by his actions assumed and exercised a boundlesse and lawlesse Jurisdiction over the lives persons and estates of his Majesties Subjects procured judgement of death against a Peere of that Realme commanded another to be hanged this was accordingly executed both in times of high Peace without any processe or colour of Law 5. By force for a long time he seised the yarne and flax of the Subjects to the starving and undoing of many thousands besides the Tobacco businesse and many Monopolies and unlawfull Taxes forced a new Oath not to dispute his Majesties royall commands determined mens estates at his owne will and pleasure upon paper Petititions to himselfe forced Obedience to these not only by Fines and Imprisonment but likewise by the Army sessed Souldiers upon the refusers in a hostile manner 6. Was an Incendiary of the warre between the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland My Lords we shall leave it to your Lordships Judgements whether these words Counsells and Actions would not have been a sufficient Evidence to have proved an Inditement drawne up against him as those before mentioned and many others are That they were spoken and done to the intent to withdraw the Kings heart from the people and the affections of the people from the King that they might leave the King and afterwards rise up against him to the destruction of the King if so here is a compassing of the Kings death within the words of the Statute of the five and twentieth yeare of Edward the third and that warranted by many former judgements My Lords I have now done with the three The 4. Generall Head Treasons within the Statute of the five and twentieth of Edward the third I proceed to the fourth upon the Statute of the eighteenth yeare of Henry the sixt Chapter the third in Ireland I shall make bold to read the words to your Lordships That no Lord nor any other of what condition soever he be shall bring or lead hoblers kerves or hooded men nor any other people nor horses to lie on horseback or on foot upon the Kings Subjects without their good
Commotions of Civill distempers whereby the Kings that then reigned were alwayes kept in want and distresse the people consumed with Civill wars and by such wicked counsels as these some of our Princes have beene brought to such miserable ends as no honest heart can remember without horrour and earnest Prayer that it may never be so againe The third Consideration is this The subversion of the Lawes And this Arbitrary power as it is dangerous to the Kings Person and to his Crowne so is it in other respects very prejudiciall to his Majesty in his Honour Profit and Greatnesse and yet these are the gildings and paintings that are put upon such counsels These are for your Honour for your service whereas in truth they are contrary to both But if I shall take off this varnish I hope they shall then appeare in their owne native deformity and therefore I desire to consider them by these Rules It cannot be for the Honour of a King that his sacred Authority should be used in the practise of injustice and oppression that his Name should be applyed to patronize such horrid crimes as have beene represented in Evidence against the Earle of Strafford and yet how frequently how presumptuously his Commands his Letters have been vouched throughout the course of this Defence your Lordships have heard When the Iudges doe justice it is the Kings justice and this is for his honour because he is the Fountaine of justice but when they doe injustice the offence is their owne But those Officers and Ministers of the King who are most officious in the exercise of this Arbitrarie power they doe it commonly for their advantage and when they are questioned for it then they fly to the Kings interest to his Direction And truly my Lords this is a very unequall distribution for the King that the dishonour of evill courses should be cast upon him and they to have the advantage The prejudice which it brings to him in regard of his profit is no lesse apparent It deprives him of the most beneficiall and most certaine Revenue of his Crowne that is the voluntary aids and supplies of his people his other Revenues consisting of goodly Demeanes and great Manors have by Grants been alienated from the Crowne and are now exceedingly diminished and impaired But this Revenue it cannot be sold it cannot be burdned with any Pensions or Annuities but comes intirely to the Crowne It is now almost fifteene years since his Majesty had any assistance from his people and these illegall wayes of supplying the King were never prest with more violence and art then they have been in this time and yet I may upon very good grounds affirm that in the last fifteene years of Queen Elizabeth she received more by the Bounty and Affection of her Subjects then hath come to His Majesties Coffers by all the inordinate and rigorous courses which have beene taken And as those Supplies were more beneficiall in the Receipt of them so were they like in the use and imployment of them Another way of prejudice to his Majesties profit is this Such Arbitrary courses exhaust the people and disable them when there shall be occasion to give such plentifull supplies as otherwise they would doe I shall need no other proofe of this then the Irish Government under my L. of Strafford where the wealth of the Kingdome is so consumed by those horrible exactions and burdens that it is thought the Subsidies lately granted will amount to little more then halfe the proportion of the last Subsidies The two former wayes are hurtfull to the Kings profit in that respect which they call Lucrum Cessans by diminishing his receipts But there is a third fuller of mischiefe and it is in that respect which they call Damnum emergens by increasing his Disbursements Such irregular and exorbitant attempts upon the Libertie of the people are apt to produce such miserable distractions and distempers as will put the King and Kingdome to such vast expences and losses in a short time as will not be recovered in many yeares Wee need not goe farre to seeke a proofe of this these two last yeares will be a sufficient evidence within which time I assure my selfe it may be proved that more Treasure hath beene wasted more losse sustained by his Majesty and his Subjects then was spent by Queene Elizabeth in all the War of Tyrone and in those many brave Attempts against the King of Spaine and the royall assistance which she gave to France and the Low-Countries during all her Reigne As for Greatnesse this Arbitrary power is apt to hinder and impaire it not onely at home but abroad A Kingdome is a society of men conjoyned under one Government for the common good The world is a society of Kingdomes and States The Kings greatnesse consists not onely in his Dominion over his Subjects at home but in the influence which he hath upon States abroad That he should be great even among Kings and by his wisdome and authority so to incline and dispose the affaires of other States and Nations and those great events which fall out in the world as shall be for the good of Mankind and for the peculiar advantage of his owne people This is the most glorious and magnificent greatness to be able to relieve distressed Princes to support his owne friends and Allies to prevent the ambitious designes of other Kings and how much this Kingdome hath been impaired in this kinde by the late mischievous counsels your Lordships best know who at a neerer distance and with a more cleare sight doe apprehend these publique and great affaires then I can doe Yet thus much I dare boldly say that if his Maiestie had not with great wisdome and goodness forsaken that way wherein the Earle of Strafford had put him we should within a short time have been brought into that miserable condition as to have been uselesse to our friends contemptible to our enemies and uncapable of undertaking any great designe either at home or abroad A fourth Consideration is That this Arbitrary and Tyrannicall Power which the E. of Strafford did exercise in his own person and to which he did advise his Majesty is inconsistent with the Peace the Wealth the Prosperity of a Nation It is destructive to Justice the Mother of Peace to Industry the spring of Wealth to Valour which is the active vertue whereby the prosperity of a Nation can onely be procured confirmed and inlarged It is not only apt to take away Peace and so intangle the Nation with Warres but doth corrupt Peace and puts such a malignity into it as produceth the Effects of warre We need seek no other proofe of this but the E. of Straffords Government where the Irish both Nobility and others had as little security of their Persons or Estates in this peaceable time as if the Kingdome had been under the rage and fury of warre And as for Industrie and Valour who will take
pains for that which when he hath gotten is not his own Or who fight for that wherein he hath no other interest but such as is subject to the will of another The Ancient encouragement to men that were to defend their Countries was this That they were to hazard their Persons pro Aris Focis for their Religion and for their Houses But by this Arbitrary way which was practised in Ireland and counselled here no man had any certainty either of Religion or of his House or any thing else to be his own But besides this such Arbitrary courses have an ill operation upon the courage of a Nation by embasing the hearts of the people A servile condition doth for the most part beget in men a slavish temper and disposition Those that live so much under the Whip and the Pillory and such servile Engines as were frequently used by the E. of Strafford they may have the dregges of valour sullennesse stubbornnesse which may make them prone to Mutinies and discontents but those Noble and gallant affections which put men on brave Designes and Attempts for the preservation or inlargement of a Kingdome they are hardly capable of Shall it be Treason to embase the Kings Coyne though but a piece of twelve-pence or sixe-pence and must it not needs be the effect of a greater Treason to embase the spirits of his Subjects and to set a stamp and Character of servitude upon them whereby they shall be disabled to doe any thing for the service of the King or Common-wealth The fift Consideration is this That the exercise of this Arbitrary Government in times of sudden danger by the invasion of an enemy will disable his Majesty to preserve himselfe and his Subjects from that danger This is the onely pretence by which the E. of Strafford and such other mischievous Counsellors would induce his Majesty to make use of it and if it be unfit for such an occasion I know nothing that can be alledged in maintenance of it When warre threatens a Kingdome by the comming of a forrain Enemy it is no time then to discontent the people to make them weary of the present Government and more inclinable to a Change The supplies which are to come in this way will be unready uncertain there can be no assurance of them no dependence upon them either for time or proportion And if some money be gotten in such a way the Distractions Divisions Distempers which this course is apt to produce will be more prejudiciall to the publique safety then the supply can be advantagious to it and of this we have had sufficient experience the last Summer The sixt That this crime of subverting the Laws and introducing an Arbitrary and Tyrannicall Government is contrary to the Pact and Covenant betwixt the King and his people That which was spoken of before was the legall union of Allegeance and Protection this is a personall union by mutuall agreement and stipulation confirmed by oath on both sides The King and his people are obliged to one another in the nearest relations He is a Father and a childe is called in Law Pars Patris Hee is the Husband of the Common-wealth they have the same interests they are inseparable in their condition be it good or evill He is the Head they are the Body there is such an incorporation as cannot be dissolved without the destruction of both When Iustice Thorpe in Edw. the thirds time was by the Parliament condemned to death for Bribery the reason of that Judgement is given because he had broken the Kings Oath not that he had broken his own oath but that he had broken the Kings oath that solemne and great obligation which is the security of the whole Kingdome If for a Judge to take a small summe in a private cause was adjudged Capitall how much greater was this offence whereby the E. of Strafford hath broken the Kings Oath in the whole course of his Government in Ireland to the prejudice of so many of his Majesties Subjects in their Lives Liberties and Estates and to the danger of all the rest The Doctrine of the Papists Fides non est servanda cum Haereticis is an abominable Doctrine yet that other Tenet more peculiar to the Iesuites is more pernicious whereby Subjects are discharged from their Oath of Allegeance to their Prince whensoever the Pope pleaseth This may be added to make the third no lesse mischievous and destructive to humane society then either of the rest That the King is not bound by that Oath which he hath taken to observe the Laws of the Kingdome but may when he sees cause lay Taxes and burdens upon them without their consent contrary to the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdome This hath been preached and published by divers And this is that which hath been practised in Ireland by the E. of Strafford in his Government there and indeavoured to be brought into England by his Counsell here The seventh is this It is an offence that is contrary to the end of Government The end of Government was to prevent oppressions to limit and restrain the excessive power and violence of great men to open the passages of Iustice with indifferency towards all This Arbitrary power is apt to induce and incourage all kind of insolencies Another end of Government is to preserve men in their estates to secure them in their Lives and Liberties but if this Designe had taken effect and could have been setled in England as it was practised in Ireland no man would have had more certainty in his own then power would have allowed him But these two have been spoken of before there are two behind more important which have not yet been touched It is the end of Government that vertue should be cherisht vice supprest but where this Arbitrary and unlimited power is set up a way is open not onely for the security but for the advancement and incouragement of evill Such men as are aptest for the execution and maintenance of this Power are onely capable of preferment and others who will not be instruments of any unjust commands who make a conscience to doe nothing against the Laws of the Kingdome and Liberties of the Subject are not onely not passable for imployment but subject to much jealousie and danger It is the end of Government that all accidents and events all Counsels and Designes should be improved to the publique good But this Arbitrary Power is apt to dispose all to the maintenance of it self The wisdome of the Councell-Table the Authority of the Courts of Justice the industry of all the Officers of the Crown have been most carefully exercised in this the Learning of our Divines the Iurisdiction of our Bishops have been moulded and disposed to the same effect which though it were begun before the E. of Straffords Imployment yet it hath beene exceedingly furthered and advanced by him Under this colour and pretence of maintaining the Kings Power and
The Kings writ runs not within the County Palatine of Chester and Durham nor within the five Ports neither did it in Wales before the union in Henry the eighth's time after the Lawes of England were brought into Wales in King Edward the first 's time suits were not originally commenced in Westminst Hall for things done in them yet this never excluded the Parliament suits for life lands and goods within those jurisdictions are determinable in Parliament as well as in any other parts of the Realme Ireland as appeares by the Statute of the thirtieth yeer of Henry the third before mentioned is united to the Crowne of England By the Statute of the eight and twentieth yeere of Henry the sixth in Ireland it is declared in these words That Ireland is the proper Dominion of England and united to the Crowne of England which Crowne of England is of it selfe and by it selfe fully wholly and entirely endowed with all power and authority sufficient to yeeld to the subjects of the same full and plenary remedy in all debates and suits whatsoever By the Statute of the three and thirtieth yeer of Henry the eighth the first Chapter when the Kings of England first assumed the title of King of Ireland it is there enacted That Ireland still is to bee held as a Crown annexed and united to the Crown of England So that by the same reason from this that the Kings writ runs not in Ireland it might aswell bee held that the Parliament cannot originally hold plea of things done within the County Palatine of Chester Durham nor within the five Ports Wales Ireland is part of the Realme of England as appears by those Statutes aswell as any of them This is made good by constant practice In all the Parliament rolls from the first to the last there are receivers and tryers of petitions appointed for Ireland For the Irish to come so farre with their petitions for justice and the Parliament not to have cognizance when from time to time they had in the beginning of the Parliament appointed receivers and tryers of them is a thing not to bee presumed An appeale in Ireland brought by William Lord Vescye against John Fitz Thomas for treasonable words there spoken before any Judgement given in the case there was removed into the Parliament in England and there the defendant acquitted as appeares in the Parliament pleas of the two and twentieth yeere of Edward the first The suits for lands offices and goods originally begun here are many and if question grew upon matter in fact a Jury usually ordered to try it and the verdict returned into Parliament as in the case of one Balliben in the Parliament of the five and thirtieth yeere of Edward the first If doubt arose upon a matter triable by Record a writ went to the Officers in whose custody the Record remained to certifie the Record as was in the case of Robert Bagot the same Parliament of the five and thirtieth yeere of Edward the first where the writs went to the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer Sometimes they gave judgement here in Parliament and commanded the Judges there in Ireland to doe execution as in the great case of petition between the coparceners of the Earle Marshall in the Parliament of the three and thirtieth yeere of Edward the first where the writ was awarded to the Treasurer of Ireland My Lords The Lawes of Ireland were introduced by the Parliaments of England as appeares by three Acts of Parliament before cited It is of higher jurisdiction dare Leges then to judge by them The Parliaments of England doe binde in Ireland if Ireland bee particularly mentioned as is resolved in the Book case of the first yeere of Henry the seventh Cokes seventh Report Calvins case and by the Judges in Trinity Terme in the three and thirtieth yeere of Queene Elizabeth The Statute of the eighth yeere of Edward the fourth the first Chapter in Ireland recites that it was doubted amongst the Judges whether all the English Statutes though not naming Ireland were in force there if named no doubt From King Henry the third his time downward to the eighth yeere of Queene Elizabeth by which Statute it is made felony to carry sheepe from Ireland beyond seas in almost all these Kings reignes there be Statutes made concerning Ireland The exercising of the Legislative power there over their lives and estates is higher then of the Judiciall in question Untill the nine and twentieth yeere of Edward the third erroneous judgements given in Ireland were determinable no where but in England no not in the Parliaments of Ireland as it appeares in the close rolls in the Tower in the nine and twentieth yeere of Edward the third membr 12. Power to examine and reverse erroneous judgements in the Parliaments of Ireland is granted from hence Writs of errour lie in the Parliament hereupon erroneous judgements after that time given in the Parliaments of Ireland as appears in the Parliament rolls of the eighth yeere of Henry the sixth no. 70. in the case of the Prior of Lenthan It is true the case is not determined there for it 's the last thing that came into the Parliament and could not be determined for want of time but no exception at all is taken to the jurisdiction The Acts of Parliament made in Ireland have bin confirmed in the Parliaments of England as appears by the close rolls in the Tower in the two and fortieth yeere of Edward the third memb 20. dorso where the Parliament in Ireland for the preservation of the Countrey from the Irish who had almost destroyed it made an Act that all the land owners that were English should reside upon their lands or else they were to bee forfeited This was here confirmed In the Parliament of the fourth yeer of Henry the fifth chap. 6. Acts of Parliament in Ireland are confirmed and some priviledges of the Peeres in the Parliaments there are regulated Power to repeale Irish Statutes power to confirme them cannot be by the Parliament here if it hath not cognizance of their Parliaments unlesse it be said That the Parliament may doe it knowes not what Garnesey and Jersey are under the Kings subjection but are not parcels of the Crowne of England but of the Duchy of Normandy they are not governed by the Lawes of England as Ireland is and yet Parliaments in England have usually held plea of and determined all causes concerning lands or goods In the Parliament of 33. H. iâ— there be plactia de Insula Jernesey and so in the Parliament 14. E. 2. and so for Normandy and Gascoyne and alwaies as long as any part of France was in subjection to the Crown of England there were at the beginning of the Parliaments receivers and tryers of petitions for those parts appointed I beleeve your Lordships will have no cases shewed of any plea to the jurisdiction of the Parliaments of England in any things done in any
to the common Law treason as appears by the words immediatly foregoing By the second part for the paines and forfeitures of treasons if it intend only the punishment of treason or if it intend both treason and punishment yet all is referred to the provision and ordinance of 25. E. 3. any Act of Parliament or other declaration or thing notwithstanding It saith not other then such penalties or treasons as are expressed and declared in the Statute of 25. E. 3 that might perhaps have restrained it to those that are particularly mentioned No it referrs all treasons to the generall ordination and provision of that Statute wherein the common-Law-treasons are expresly kept on foot If it bee askt what good this Statute doth if it take not away the common-Law-treasons 1. It takes away all the treasons made by Act of Parliament not onely since the first of H. 4. which weremany but all before 1. H. 4. even untill 25. E. 3. by expresse words 2. By expresse words it takes away all declared treasons if any such had been made in Parliament these for the future are likewise taken away so that whereas it might have been doubted whether the Statute of 1. H. 4. took away any treasons but those of 21. Richard 2. this clears it both for treasons made by Parliament or declared in Parliament even to the time of making the Statute This is of great use of great security to the subject so that as to what shall be treason and what not the Statute of 25. E. 3. remaines entire and so by consequence the treasons at the common Law Onely my Lords it may be doubted whether the manner of the parliamentary proceedings bee not altered by the Statute of 1. H. 4. the 17. chapter and more fully in the Parliament roll number 144. that is whether since that Statute the parliamentary power of declaration of treasons whereby the inferiour Courts received jurisdiction be not taken away and restrained onely to Bill that so it might operate no further then to that particular contained in the Bill that so the parliamentary declarations for after times should be kept within the Parliament it selfe and be extended no further Since 1. H. 4. we have not found any such declarations made but all Attainders of treason have bin by Bill If this be so yet the common Law treasons still remaining there is one and the same ground of reason and equity since 1. H. 4. for passing of a Bill of treason as was before for declaring of it without Bill Herein the Legislative power is not used against my Lord of Strafford in the Bill it s onely the jurisdiction of the Parliament But my Lords because that either through my mistaking of the true grounds and reasons of the Commons or my not pressing of them with apt arguments and presidents of former times or that perchance your Lordships from some other reasons and authorities more swaying with your Lordships judgements then these from them may possibly bee of a contrary or dubious opinion concerning these treasons either upon the Statutes of 25. E. 3. 18. H. 6. or at the common Law If all these five should faile they have therefore given me further in command to declare to your Lordships some of their reasons why they conceive that in this case the meer Legislative power may be exercised Their reasons are taken from these three grounds 1 From the nature and quality of the offence 2 From the frame and constitution of the Parliament wherein this Law is made 3 From practises and usages of former times The horridnesse of the offence in endevouring the overthrowing the Lawes and present governement hath beene fully opened to your Lordships heretofore The Parliament is the representation of the whole Kingdome wherein the King as Head your Lordships as the more noble and the Commons the other members are knit together into one Body politick This dissolves the arteries and ligaments that hold the Body together the Lawes Hee that takes away the Laws takes not away the allegeance of one subject alone but of the whole Kingdome It was made treason by the Statute of 13. El. for her time to affirme That the Lawes of the Realme doe not binde the descent of the Crowne no Law no descent at all No Lawes no Peerage no ranks or degrees of men the same condition to all It 's treason to kill a Judge upon the Bench this kils not Iudicem sed Iudicium Hee that borrowed Apelles and gave bond to returne again Apelles the Painter sent him home after he had cut off his right hand his bond was broken Apelles was sent but not the Painter There bee twelve men but no law there 's never a Judge amongst them It s felony to embezill any one of the judiciall Records of the Kingdome this at once sweeps them all away and from all It s treason to counterfeit a twenty shill-piece here 's a counterfeiting of the Law we can call neither the counterfeit nor true coine our owne It s treason to counterfeit the great Seale for an acre of land no property hereby is left to any land at all Nothing treason now either against King or Kingdome no law to punish it My Lords if the question were asked in Westminster Hall whether this were a crime punishable in Starre-chamber or in the Kings Bench by fine or imprisonment they would say It went higher If whether felony they would say That 's for an offence onely against the life or goods of some one or few persons It would I beleeve be answered by the Judges as it was by the chiefe Justice Thirning in 21. R. 2. That though he could not judge the case treason there before him yet if he were a Peere in Parliament hee would so adjudge it My Lords if it bee too bigge for those Courts we hope it s in the right way here 2. The second consideration is from the frame and constitution of the Parliament the Parliament is the great body politicke it comprehends all from the King to the Beggar if so my Lords as the naturall so this body it hath power over it selfe and every one of the members for the preservation of the whole It s both the Physician and the patient if the body bee distempered it hath power to open a veine to let out the corrupt bloud for curing of it selfe if one member be poysoned or gangrened it hath power to cut it off for the preservation of the rest But my Lords it hath bin often inculcated that Law-makers should imitate the supreme Law-giver who commonly warnes before he strikes the Law was promulged before the jugdement of death for gathering the stickes no law no transgression My Lords to this the rule of Law is Frustra legis auxilium invocat qui in legem committit from the lex Talionis he that would not have had others to have law why should he have any himselfe why should not that be done to him that himselfe
would have done to others It s true we give law to Hares and Deeres because they be beasts of Chase It was never accounted either cruelty or foul play to knock Foxes and Wolves on the head as they can be found because these be beasts of prey The Warrener sets traps for Powlcats and other Vermine for preservation of the Warren Further my Lords most dangerous diseases if not taken in time they kill Errors in great things as Warre and Marriage they allow no time for repentance it would have been too late to make a law when there had been no law My Lords for further answer to this objection he hath offended a law a law within the endeavouring to subvert the lawes and politie of the state wherein he lived which had so long and with such faithfulnesse protected his Ancestry himself and his whole family it was not malum quia prohibitum it was malum in se against the dictates of the dullest conscience against the light of nature they not having the law were a law to themselves Besides this he knew a law without That the Parliament in cases of this nature had potestatem vitae necis Nay he well knew that he offended the promulged and ordinary rules of law Crimes against law have been proved have been confessed so that the question is not de culpa sed de poena what degree of punishment those faults deserve we must differ from him in opinion that twenty felonies cannot make a treason if it be meant of equality in the use of the Legislative power for he that deserves death for one of these felonies alone deserves a death more painful and more ignominious for all together Every felony is punished with losse of life lands and goods a felony may bee aggravated with those circumstances as that the Parliament with good reason may adde to the circumstances of punishment as was done in the case of John Hall in the Parliament of 1. H. 4. who for a barbarous murder committed upon the Duke of Glocester stifling him between two feather-beds at Calice was adjudged to be hanged drawn and quartered Batteries by Law are punishable only by fine and single dammages to the party wounded In the Parliament held in 1. H. 4. cap. 6. one Savadge committed a Battery upon one Chedder fervant to Sir John Brooke a knight of the Parliament for Sommersetshire It s there enacted that he shall pay double dammages and stand convicted if he render not himselfe by such a time The manner of proceedings quickned the penalty doubled the circumstances were considered it concerned the Common-wealth it was Battery with breach of priviledge of Parliament This made a perpetuall Act no warning to the first offendor And in the Kings Bench as appears by the booke case of 9. H. 4. the first leafe double dammages were recovered My Lords in this of the Bill the offence is high and generall against the King and the Common-wealth against all and the best of all If every Felony be losse of life lands and goods what is misuser of the Legislative power by addition of Ignominie in the death and disposall of the lands to the Crowne the publicke patrimony of the kingdome But it was hoped that your Lordships had no more skill in the Art of killing of men then your worthy Ancestors My Lords this appeale from your selves to your Ancestors we admit of although we do not admit of that from your Lordships to the Peers of Ireland He hath appealed to them your Lordships will be pleased to heare what Judgement they have already given in the Case that is the severall attainders of treason in Parliament after the Statute of 25. E. 3. for treasons not mentioned nor within that Statute and those upon the first offendors without warning given By the Statute of 25. E. 3. its treason to levy war against the King Gomines and Weston afterwards in Parliament in 1. R. 2. num 38. 39. adjudged traitors for surrendring two severall Castles in France onely out of feare without any compliance with the Enemy this not within the Statute of 25. E. 3. My Lords in 3. R. 2. John Imperiall that came into England upon letters of safe conduct as an Agent for the state of Genoah sitting in the Evening before his doore in Breadstreete as the words of the Records are paulo ante ignitegium John Kirby and another Citizen comming that way casually Kirby trode upon his Toe it being twilight this grew to a quarrell and the Embassadour was slaine Kirby was indicted of high treason the inditement findes all this and that it was onely done se defendendo and without malice The Judges it being out of the Statute of 25. E. 3. could not proceede the Parliament declared it treason and judgement afterwards of high treason there 's nothing can bring this within the Statute of 25. E. 3. but it concernes the honour of the Nation that the publicke faith should be strictly kept It might endanger the trafficke of the Kingdome they made not a Law first they made the first man an example This is in the Parliament roll 3. R. 2. num 18. and Hilary Terme 3. R. 2. Rot. 31. in the Kings Bench where judgment is given against him In 11. R. 2. Tresilian and some others attainted of treason for delivering opinions in the subversion of the Law and some others for plotting the like My Lords the case hath upon another occasion beene opened to your Lordships only this is observable That in the Parliament of the first yeare of Henry the third where all treasons are again reduced to the Statute of 25. E. 3. these Attainders were by a particular Act confirmed and made good that the memory thereof might bee transmitted to succeeding ages They stand good unto this day the Offences there as here were the endeavouring the subversion of the lawes My Lords after 1. H. 4. Sir John Mortimer being committed to the Tower upon suspicion of treason brake prison and made an escape This no way within any Statute or any former Judgment at common Law for this that is for breaking the prison only and no other cause in the Parliament held the second yeer of Henry the sixth hee was attainted of high treason by Bill My Lords Poysoning is only murder yet one Richard Coke having put poyson into a pot of pottage in the kitchin of the Bish of Rochester whereof two persons died hee 's attainted of treason and it was enacted that he should bee boyled to death by the Statute of 22. H. 8. cap. 9. By the Statute of 25. H. 8. Elizabeth Barton the holy maid of Kent for pretending revelations from God that God was highly displeased with the King for being divorced from the Lady Katherine and that in case he persisted in the separation and should marry another that he would not continue King above one moneth after because this tended to the depriving of the lawfull succession to the Crowne shee is attainted of treason In the Parliament 2. 3. H. 6. cap. 16. the Lord Admirall of England was attainted of treason for procuring the Kings Letters to both Houses of Parliament to be good to the said Earle in such matters as hee should declare unto them for saying that hee would make the Parliament the blackest Parliament that ever was in England endevouring to marry the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sister taking a bribe of Sherrington accused of treason and thereupon consulting with Councell for him and some other crimes none of them treason so cleerely within the Statute of 25. E. 3. or any other Statute as is the case in question My Lords All these Attainders for ought I know are in force at this day the Statutes of the first yeere of Henry the fourth and the first of Qu. Mary although they were willing to make the Statute of the five and twentieth yeere of Edward the third the rule to the inferiour Courts yet they left the Attainders in Parliament precedent to themselves untoucht wherein the Legislative power had been exercised There 's nothing in them whence it can be gathered but that they intended to leave it as free for the future My Lords In all these Attainders there were crimes and offences against the Law they thought it not unjust circumstances considered to heighten and add to the degrees of punishment and that upon the first offender My Lords We receive as just the other Lawes and Statutes made by these our Ancestors they are the rules wee goe by in other cases why should we differ from them in this alone These My Lords are in part those things which have satisfied the Commons in passing of the Bill It is now left to the Judgement and Justice of your Lordships FINIS