Monarchy WAS that the Monarch without his Counsell could do no considerable thing pag. 3. By his fair leave the Excellency of the GOVERNMENT he would have said for 't is the Imperfection of the Monarchy But why WAS IS it not de Iure still the same He prosecutes this Train of Errors yet with more All things were to be done in conjunction with his Counsell either that Grand one his Parliament consisting of Nobles and Commons or his Lesser Counsell consisting of Nobles chiefly c. Our Author I perceive is willing to confound Counsell and Authority Whereas to represent is one thing 't is another thing to Iudge It is the Counsell's duty to propose and advise according to their Reason but still it is the Monarch's part to Act according to his own without that Freedom the Prince is bound to Act in many Cases against his Conscience and his Assistants are become his Governours Not to insist upon the Gentleman's mistake in asserting All things to be done in conjunctioÌ„n with his Counsell This is too evident to need a refutation He spends his two next Pages in dilating upon the Desire of absolute Power in the Monarch and the Reserves or acquisitions of the People were he dashes the Kings Prerogative and the Privileges of Parliament the One against the Other Whereas the King hath some Prerogatives without a Parliament but the Parliament hath not so much as any Being without the King he being an essentiall of it To pass over his False-fires I shall come now to his main strength And thus it runs The Monarch cannot Rationally be thought to have other Business or Study than to confirm and establish the Monarchy to himself pag. 5. To this First Hee 's Entitled to the Government That pro concesso Next hee 's Entrusted in Order to the Publique Welfare to Uphold it and That not only in the Form but to Himself 'T were to Betray his Trust should he do less As to the appetite of Rule which as our Popular Champion will have it transports the Monarch into a dangerous elevation above the People That Restless Impotency is much more Hazzardous in any other Government than in that of Monarchy For the Monarch's upper-most already and rationally Ambition seeks rather to Raise it self above all others than when 't is at that Height still to exceed it self 'T is but a glorious envy which aspires till it be highest and there determines As there is less temptation from without so must the inclination be much calmer Greatness is native and familiar to the Monarch or in case any eagerness of Spirit should enflame him It spends it self upon his Neighbours liberties rather than upon his Peoples and 't is extent of Empire abroad not enlargement of Prerogative at home he covets This is not to exempt the Person of a Prince from the frailties of a Man he may be vitious But that too with less mischief to the publique than to Himself He ha's no private aims but what proceed from Principles nearer ally'd to Kindness then to Malice Now to examine the likely Incidences to popular Government and to proceed upon his Postulatum That in all men there 's an inbred appetency of Power That granted what can we expect from Persons of mean Fortunes and extraction invested with a title to Dominion but Bondage and Oppression The short is there are many men earnestly intent upon the same end spurr'd on by keen and craving Desires to make themselves Rich Great and these design to raise their Fortunes and Reputations upon the publick stock of blood and treasure At last when they have skrewed themselves up to that pitch of Power by force and craft where divine providence by birth had placed the single Person when after a sharp long and chargeable contest they have brought us within view but of the counterfeit of what we quietly enjoy'd before Ready to seize the sum of their own wishes and the dear-pâ—rchas'd Fruit of all their Labours they find that point which supports Soveraignty too narrow for them all too large for any one of them and as they climbed together so they fall crush'd by those Hands and Principles that rais'd them We need not look far Back for instances What ha's obstructed our long look'd-for Settlement but Competitours for a personal rule even among the Salus-populi-men themselves 'T is nobler at the worst to yield our selves to prey to a single Lyon than to a Herd of Wolves and that 's the Difference upon experiment betwixt the tyranny of One and of a Hundred old Oliver and the Rump Methinks 't is a strange Confidence to Argue for a Cause confuted by the loss so many Lives and Millions For these twelve years last past we have been Slaves to Tyrants Divided in design to supplant one another but still United to destroy the Nation under the gay amusement of a Free-state But I grow tedious The next thing I take notice of is very remarkable i. e. Our Author 's in the right he sayes that From the Soveraignty there lies no appeal But then he follows that where a People will be ruled by a King they must give that King absolute power to Govern pag. 6. No need of that sure neither the Soveraignty is in the King tho' in a Limited Monarchy which so attemper'd as that the People may not Rule in any Case nor the King singly by himself in All secures all Interests I must fix one note here before I pass Although our Author tellsus pag. 7. that Absolute Monarchy is unlawful Regulated Dangerous nevertheless he rather advises the former than the latter That which he terms Disconsonant to the Laws of God than the Other which he pronounces only Dangerous as related to the civill Good and Utillity of the People This is the Method of the whole party they decry first the Form it self as being too Tyrannical yet they condemn the Limited of Insufficience as to the Exercise of Government and the absolute of Exorbitancy as to the End of it One has too much Liberty the Other too Little What is 't they offer in Exchange a Free-State of a Model ten times more Arbitrary and Pernicious When they have spent their Powder upon the Government for 't is but Powder their Shot is still directed to the Person Hinc illae Lachrymae How have they courted the Generall whose Honesty is as Invincible as his Courage to Accept of what these Paper-Kites so much disclaim against Our Grave Philosophising Mounsieur he makes one too and tells us that Providence hath cast the Lot upon the Peoples side and the Monarch has lost if the People will exclude him Alas Good man the Congregation's Holy every one of them Pretioâ—s Beagles to ascribe that to Providence which they owe to Peâ—â—ury and Sacriledge Where 's your Prescription Where 's your Title Enform â—he People by what power they are absolved from all their tyes of Conscience Honour Thankfulness and Piety Shew them the
Laws their Fathers purchased with their Bloods Preach to them oâ—t of Magna Charta There 's the Foundation of the Peoples Freedoms But Sir I ask you pardon The Kings a Woolf you say and all the abjuring Saints are Lambs I warrant ye But by your leave once more you are absolutely of Opinion then not to admit the King by any manner of means Indeed you should do well not to Anticipate the Parliament it spoyles the project to play the Tyrant while you argue for the People Pray let the King come in if the next Parliament pleases I must be now a little serious for your next Paragraph has a spice of Câ—nscience in 't the Word I mean you will perswade the World that if the King comes in 't is neither Faith nor Honour nor Humanity nor all together can tye up his Revenge It would become you to tell the Peâ—ple where â—re he brake his Faith Nay Ill content my self if you ll but shew me where ever your Phanatiques Kept an Oath or Promise if they might gain the least by Breaking of it The Conversation of the Person you inveigh against is bâ—yound all Exception Honourable and t is in vain to mis-enform against an evident and contrary assurance Many of those vâ—ry men that fought against him will witness for him both for his Courage and his Clemency His Prudence and his Piety are manifest in This that in despight of all Distresses and Temptations he stands Firm to his Temper and to his Conscience A Better Friend there lives not nor a Better Nature And this is Heat last our Guilâ—y Pamphletter bestows his Gall upon I am no stickler for Prerogative my Patience will hold out till the next Session but to see Majesty invaded by a private Hand the People Poyson'd by the same instruments that destroyed the Prince all I can say is we are â—â—me Fools to suffer it But though his passion may be Troublesome our Author gives us some Diversion in his Argument and Kinder still he proves best Company at last Kingly Government if not absolute he sayes iâ— Lame if Absolute Destruâ—tive to the People Very good Help the Defect if that be all of the One or at least do not impose upon us in another shape the possible Mischiefs of the Other pray what 's the Difference as to our Security the Supreme Authority under a Popular Form or the same power under a Monarchique You 'll have your Popular Assembly the Iudge Unquestionable of all Expediences and Dangers why not a Single Person as well You say He may abuse that power and I say so may They. For instance suppose they judge it fit to change the very Form what Hinders them or if they rather chuse to entayl the Government upon their own Families and to perpetuate themselves what Remedy If any they 're not Absolute if none we are worse Here than Before The King cannot Betray the Peoples Trust these may What signifies your telling us that the King absolute is not bound to the Laws he shall make pag. 9. And by and by that contrary to the Monarchy this meaning Democracy makes not any one Law to which every individuall person in the Assembly is noâ— subject the whole Assembly indeed as it is the Soveraign power is unquestionable you say 'T is not the Persons but the Power we are to consider Conjunctim they 're as little subject as the single Tyrant and possibly they 'll ne're dis-joyn they that can make what Lawes they please will doubtlesse make this one of the number that their own Members shall be only tryable by their Peers and by that device they make themselves both Parties and Iudges To grant more then is needfull be it that in a State of Quiet and Universal liberty such a Form might be admitted as our Contriveâ— tâ—rusts upon us but to attempt to force a Government that excludes nineteen parts of twenty of the people from the exercise of it and this upon a Nation pre-engaged by Oath and by a sad experience interessed against it How practicable or how prudent such a proposal may appear to others I cannot say To me it wears the Face of a Dâ—sign promoted by a Factious guilty Party to sacrifice the Nation to their private interests and despayres And yet such is the charity of our Author he reckons all the miscarriages of these late years in Government but as foul way upon a Iourney and bids us not concludeâ— against our Inne at Night because the passage wâ—s dirty This is according to his wonted tenderness Now to my Phansy it looks rather thus We have been hitherto mis-led our very Guides have robb'd us and yet they bid us follow them still they 'll bring us to Paradise at last Whither they 'll carry us we know not we are in the Bryars at present we know the way home again what have we then to do but to return Our Authors little Reasonings concerning Trade are triviall I shall refer him to the Merchants for his Answer They are the fittest Iudges in the Case They have try'd war and peace Monarchy and Popular Government let them say which they like best His Pen begins to run a little muddy and what I do not understand I 'm not oblig'd to answer Something he talks of Peace abroad and of the motives to it which he pronounces to be Advantage and no Body denyes it This does not hinder because the Reasons of the Peace betwixt the Crowns of France and Spain might properly result from a Particular Conveniency of State betwixt them that therefore the effects of that Agreement cannot referr to Us. They 're more at Leisure now nay there 's a high necessity incumbent upon them to send abroad those Forces which otherwise would be both Expensive and Dangerous at Home Not to presse other arguments of themselves obvious to hasten our Composure even for that very Cause that they 're Agreed I presume not to direct as our Imperious Commonwealths-man does but as one Private Person I pretend to Reason the Opinions of another submitting still my Iudgement to any Legal determination or Rational Conviction Touching the King of Spains Design to Propagate the Romish Religion Ibid. we 're the securer for that very design if we unite upon the Basis of the English Law The meer Antiperistasis preserves us whereas If we compell that Person who by Divine Assignment and Civil right is our undoubted Soveraign to employ Forreign Succours to recover his Dominions It may be feared and 't is but Reason that Spain will Article for some concessions in favour of the Catholicks more then otherwise would possibly be granted to them where the Fault lies in case of this extremity let the People Iudge Blesse us what a Fit of Piety has taken our Friend now of a suddain He calls in the Ministers for his Compurgators and desires them to declare what Government Hee 'l feed their Flocks in the mean while Indeed these Pulpit-Politiques are
of Tent and Law both King and People could be Iustifyed one aganst the other I meddle not Let it suffice that after 6. Years Conflict a vast profusion of Blood and Treasure The King a Prisoner and his whole party scattered and disarmed the Commons found themselves dispos'd to end our Troubles and passed a Vote to Treat with His Maâ—esty in Order to a Settlement This met with little opposition except from those who having Gorged themselves already upon the publique ruine were not yet satisfyed without their Sovereigns Blood The death of Monarchy it self and the subjecting of a Tame and Slavish People to a Conventicle of Regicides There were not many of so deep a Tincture but what these few could not â—ffâ—ct by Number they did by Force For upon the 6 th of Decemb. 1648. Sir Hardresse Waller Pride and Hewson Seized and Emprisoned 41. of the Commons House Clapp'd Guards upon all passes leading to it Some 160 more were given in upon a List to those that kept the Door with an express direction from severall Leading Members to oppose their Entrance a matter of 40 more withdrew for fear of violence Their Crime was only the carrying of a Vote for Peace already mentioned the day before This action was so Enormous that the very Contrivers of it were ashamed to own it transferring That upon the Army-Officers which was done by their own appointment They passed however a Formall disallowance of the violence and ordered their discharge which yet the Officers refused upon a Combination now most evident Observe this That which in 48. they told us was an act of the Army-Officers in 59. they call a Iudgment of Parliament and they justifie and continue That very Seclusion by a Vote of Ian. 5.59 Which they Themselves Condemned and Discharged by severall Orders in Dec. 48. The Particulars of these Transactions are excellently delivered by Mr. Prynne the Honour of the age in his true and perfect Narrative as also in the Declaration of the true state of the Secluded members and in the History of Independency Return we now to the great Test of the Spirits and Designs of the several Parties and Members of the House and from that Judgment and Discrimination of Persons and Humours we may learn seasonably to provide against After-claps This Blow brake the House of Commons into Three Pieces One Party adhered to the Vote opposed the Violence Declared against it Claimed from time to time their own and the Peoples Rights Pleaded the Covenant and their Declarations and stood it out The Second sort was not so well prepar'd for Martyrdom a kind of Barnacle neither Fish nor Flesh. This was a Party that Flew off at first but soon retracted Herded again and went along for Company my Charity perswades me well of diverse of them and that they mixed rather in hopes to moderate the Rest then in Design to strengthen them A Party rather Weak and Passive than Malicious But nothing can excuse those sons of Belial the periur'd Remnant no nor express them Beside their Oathes and Covenant they have above a hundred times in Printed Declarations renounced the very Thought of what they since have executed Read the Exact Collections We are say they so far from altering the Fundamental Constitution and Government of this Kingdom by King Lords and Commons That we have only deâ—ired that with the consent of the King such Powers may be setled in the Two Houses without which we can have no Assurance c. These are the very words of their Declaration April 17. 1646 published by the House of Commons alone toward the end of the war and most remarquably entituled A Declaration of their true Intentions concerning the Antient Government of the Nation and securing the People against all Arbitrary Government Let this Quotation serve for All lest I exceed my Limits Not to insist upon things known and publique How faithfully these People have managed their Original Trust how strictly they have kept their Oaths and Promises how tenderly they have observed the Laws and asserted our Freedoms bow poor they have made themselves to make us Rich how Graciously they have assumed the Legislative power and then how modestly they have exercised it In fine How Free and happily we lived under their Government till Oliver plai'd Rex among them and threw them out by a Trick of their own Teaching This was in April 1653. It were worth the while to enquire into the good they did us during that 6 years Session but that I leave to Needham Nor shall I far examine the Protectors Reign by whose advice by what assistance or by what Laws he ruled how many of our late Republicans forgate themselves and sware Allegiance to a single Person How many things like Parliaments he dispeâ—sed It is enough at last he died Died in despight of Priests and Poets Goodwin c. The former telling him from Heaven that he should scape that Fit the Other telling us so needlesly His Highness having other things to think on left his successor doubtfull till as they say His Secretary Then one of Ours now with Goodwin His Prophetique Confessour Swore his son Richard into the Protectorship But he Good Gentleman did not much hurt but peaceably resigned to Fleetwood and Disborough and They quite at a Loss for want of Brains and Courage called in the Fag-end of the old House to their assistance So that those Members which Dived in April 53. came up again upon the 7 th of May 59. and acted as impetuously as ever Till they were once again uâ—seated by the Army the 13. of Octob. last and then the Committe of Wallingford-house was invested with the Supreme Authority 'T is but a slippery Title that of the Sword This change gave General Monk occasion to shew his Charity to his Native Countrey by whose Generosity and Conduct the Honest and Suffering Party was relieved and the Phanatique Army dispersed without Blood Hereupon the Souldjery tack'd about once again Lamented their backslidings and on the 26 th of Decemb. following the Good-Old-Cause-men re-enthron'd themselves more eager now than formerly against the Re-admission of the secluded Members This barbarous and Arbitrary proceeding put the whole Nation upon a necessity of procuring a Free and Full Representative to which end they proposed Modestly and Fairly the Restoring of the Excluded Members and Filling up the House or else the Liberty of a New and Legal choyce For bringing Letters to this purpose Sir Robert Pye and Major Fincher were imprisoned This was an Insolence too grosse to doe much Mischief but to Themselves Are these the men the People cryed that put the King to deaâ—h only upon Pretence of a Design to Erect and Uphold in himself an Unlimited and Tyrannical Power to Rule according to his Will and to overthrow the Rights and Liberties of the People Yea to Take away and make Uoid the Foundations thereof and of all Redress and Remedy of mis-Government which by
directed to elude the Iustice and Necessity of their great Patrons Dissolution I shall not much insist upon the businesse beyond the Obligation of a Formal Answer but I shall take such heed to That as to leave little place for a Return and in the rest make the old saying good that One Fool may ask more Questions than Tâ—enty Wise men can Answer His Quaere's are as follows 1. Whether this be not the Parliament and these the Persons who began the War with the late King And if so whether it doth not highly and neerly concern them even for their own sakes to be the Parliamenâ— that shall take up and Cloze the Quarrel and not leave it to others especially if as the general voice goes the Kings Son must be brought in ANSWER THis is not the Original Parliament That was compos'd of Three Estates King Lords and Commons Further These very Persons now sitting Declar'd the King a Party with them in the Quarrel beginning the War in the Kings Name For Him not With that is as it lies here Against Him If Thus the House must be Divided as well now in the Question as formerly it was so in the War The Parliament even in the Querists sense were those that suitably to their Duties and Engagements Voted a Peace in order to the Preservation of his Majesty but there was a Faction too that contrary to Honour Faith and Conscience did forcibly seclude their Honester Fellows by much the Major Part and Prosecute and put to Death the King Those that have been Honest are Safe nay and so should those be too that will at last be so by my Consent but I Demand What Equity or Reason is there that those Persons who Murthered the Father and are still professed Enemies to the Son should have an Equal Benefit with Others that were Affronted for their Loyalty to the Former and are at present upbraided as if 't were Criminal for their Affection to the Latter If the Kings Son must be brought in whether they will or no what have we to do further with those people that Declare they 'll keep him Out if they Can 2. Whether this Parliaments first undertaking and prosecuting the War with the Late King werâ— Iust and upon good and Warrantable Grounds If it were as no doubt it was and God having by his Providence after a long Interruption of some of them and a longer Seclusion of the rest restored them to their trust whether they ought not now to stand to their first Good principles maintain their first Good Cause and secure all the good people that have been engaged with them and by them ANSWER THe War was Iust in that part of the Parliament which Declared for the King and Acted accordingly but Unjust in thâ—se that Swore to Preserve him and Intended to Murther him That the Parliament ought to stand to their first Good Principles we are Agreed In so doing they are to bring to condigne punishment the Infringers of their Privileges the Introducers of Arbitrary power the Obstructors of Successive Parliaments The Murtherers of the late King the Subverters of the Establish'd Government c. I grant you further that they are obliged to secure all the good people that engaged With them and by them but not consequently all those that acted violently Against and Without them now my Question How is it possible for those that Began upon Principles of Contradiction as the Saving and Destroying of the King c. to stand to their First principles 3. Whether this be not that Parliament and these the very persons who by the good esteem they had among the people of their Integrity Faithfulnesse and Constancy whether I say this be not the Parliament who by these and other means engaged the Honest and well Affected of the Land in the aforesaid War And if so whether this Parliament having now power in their hands are not obliged in Duty and Good Conscience to secure all the said Honest and well affected people for this their Engaging and Acting under them and not leave them as a prey to their professed enemies nor their terms of pece to be made by they know not whom Another Parliament which there is too great cause to fear will be too much made up of such as neither have been nor are friends to the Parliaments cause nor to those that engaged in it ANSWER 'T is not the Gaining of a good Esteem but 't is the practice of Integrity that recommends a Worthy person I may believe well of a Cheat and ha' my pocket pick'd But after that I should deserve a Yellow Coat ever to trust that fellow Again though he should plead he had my good opinion formerly Some I confesse are yet in Being of those whose Interest raised the War but these are not the men our Quaerist means and beside the most considerable of that number are in their Graves For the rest to wave this Argument from Power to Conscience Those people that dare not abide the test of a Free Legal Parliament must not presume to aâ—t themselves as an Authority without Law or Limit In fine If this be the Same Parliament that first engaged then Why should the Secluders and their Adherents Those which by Force of arms Baffled this very Parliament in 48. 'scape better then the Cavaliers that fought against it in 42 4. Whether this be not the Parliament who by many Declarations and Remonstrances by Protestation and Vow by Solemn League and Covenant have declared and engaged themselves before God Angels and Men and have thereby drawen in and therewith engaged all Honest people to assert and defend their just undertaking and one another therein Whether as things now stand when this just Cause which through Gods assistance could not be won from us in the field is in great danger to be stoln from us by the dark contrivances of its and our adversaries if this Parliament should dissolve at such a time as this and leave all both Cause and all engaged by them in it to another Parliament the greatest part whereof may be no friends but enemies or at least strangers or but little concerned in the first undertaking whether this would not be exceeding contrary to all those Former Declarations Remonstrances Protestation Vow and Solemn League and Covenant ANSWER I Do allow the Members of this present Session are those persons that stand engaged by Oath and Covenant and to that OATH and COVENANT we appeal For Granted they stand bound to protect all the HONEST people they have engaged but not the KNAVES the Covenant-Breakers I desire only this Whether or Not are they that took the Covenant bound to protect the Violaters of it Nay can they purge themselves of manifest Perjury and Complication should they not prosecute the obstinate Opposers of it 5. Whether it be not more then sufficiently manifest what will â—e the carriage of these Enemies to the Parliaments Cause and its Adherenâ—s when they get
he means the Protestant and Cause that is the Peoples Laws and Liberties was irreligiously betrayed by our late Soveraign Who lost his head in defence of one and th' other the Caution he puts in against the Son is of the same alloy a Person so indulgent to his People that out of his particular Necessities he yet relieved the English prisoners that were taken in Flanders although his Enemies and in point of Conscience further so tender that he preserves the Church of England in the Dominions of the King of Spain and still his Honour with his Religion But let us a little examine his Instances for he pretends now to proceed to proofs The Scotish Ministers as he tells us proclaimed and published in 1644. That the late King had spilt more blood than was shed in the Ten Persecutions of the Christians and the Ministers of London declared him a Man of blood c. That is the High Priests and Officers cryed out saying Crucifie him Crucifie him That 's the Original But to come closer to the Business the Scotisâ— and the Scotch Ministers are a clear different thing Scotisâ— denotes the Antient Factionâ— of the Nation No Favourers of Kings and Scotch relates to their Nativity alone abstracted from the Party First they were Argyles Creatures selected to promote Argyles designs So not the Ministry of Scotland but a Pack of Scotish Ministers Next of no more Authority to the Rump against the King than to the Nation against the Rump in which they are as much unsatisfied The Ministers of London did as much he sayes That 's something truly till we consider what those Ministers were and by whom placed and moulded for that purpose Marshall was the prime person in the Agency betwixt the two Nations He that cursed MEROZ He that was sent Commissioner into Scotland taught them their Lesson there and then returning taught some of our reputative Divines to sing the same Tune Here. This is the Man that clos'd with Nye when Presbytery went down and carried the 4. Bills to â—he King at Carisbrook-Castle for which they had 500 l. apiece I could tell you of some more of the Gang that under question for confederacy with Love after a due formality of seeking God delivered as upon accompt of Inspiration that Oliver Protectour was the person and his the Govâ—rnment of all that ever were or should be the most agreeable to God This is not to lessen the esteem of Holy Orders neither to fix a rash irreverend Censure upon the Ministry No Man reveres the Character of a Church-man more than my self But 't is to shew the World how much our Pamphlet-Merchand is steer'd by Interest and Passion and how little by Reason and Truth The grinning Whelp now betwixt snarling and fawning would fain perswade the General and his Officers and all the world beside that the Resolve of Non-Addresses by the Lords and Commons was introductive to the MURTHER of the King Murther I say that 's the Plain English of what he stiles A MOST NOBLE ACT OF IUSTICE His Method lyes through direct Contradictions to the Universal Rules of Logique Truth and Honesty By this Insinuation he charges that Exorbitance upon the two Houses and drawes an inference from the Impardonable Quality of that Action to the Necessity and Reason of pursuing it This he pretends to make appear in spight of Ignorance and Envy from the Commons Declaration in persuance of the resolve of Both Houses conteyning the Reasâ—ns why no further Address and thence proceeds to a Determination upon the Fathers Life and the Son's Inheritance as poâ—itively fixing upon the Kings Accompt those Plagues this Nation has endured as if the Graceless Villain were of Counsell with the Eternal Wisedom I shall observe in order and First I 'll prove that the vote of Non-Address was not properly an Act of the two Houses or if it were so that it did not rationally direct to the Kings Life Secondly That Declaration of the Commons SINGLY declaring the Reasons of the resolve of Both Houses Joyntly does not amount eitheir to a justification or intention of taking the Kings life No not though I should grant the Members Free which I cannot and the Authority Full which I do not To the First They were under a Force Upon a Debate in the Commons House concerning the Answer to the 4. Bills presented to him Dec. 24. 1647. and debated Ian. 3. Commissary Ireton delivered himself after this manner The King hath denied safety and protection to his People by denying the 4. Bills that subjection to him was but in lieu of his protection to his People this being denyed they might well deny any more subjection to him and settle the Kingdom without him That it was now expected after so long patience they should shew their Resolution and not desert those valiant men who had engaged for them beyond all possibility of retreat and would never forsake the Parliament unless the Parliament forsook them first From hence naturally results the menace of the Army in case the Parliament should forsake them and Ireton understood the Souldjery too well to mistake them As yet here 's nothing Capital pretended against the King After some more debate CROMWELL urged that it was now expected the Parliament should govern and defend the Kingdom by their Own Power and Resolutions and not teach the People any longer to expect safety and Government from an Obstinate man whose heart God had hardened That those men who had defended the Parliament from so many dangers with the expence of their Blood would defend them herein with Fidelity and Courage against all Opposition Teach them not by neglecting your Own and the Kingdomes safety in which their own is involved to think themselves betrayed and leâ—t hereafter to the Rage and malice of an irreconcilable enemy whom they have subdued for your sake and therefore are likely to finde his future Government of them insupportable and fuller of Revenge then Iustice Notâ— lest Despayr Teach them to seek their safety by some other means than adhearing to you who will not stick to your selves how destructive such a Resolution in them will be to you all I tremble to think and leave you to Iudge This Speech concluded the debate and the better to Impress his meaning he laid his hand upon his sword at the end of it If this be not a Force what is The Power and Inclination of the Army being the only moving Arguments to obtain the Vote The Question was then put and Carried for no more Addresses But no pretence still that extends to Life I shall appeal now to the Declaration it self to which our Regicidall Babler refers the world for satisfaction First the Sectarians had stoln a Vote Ian. 4. to Engarrison Whitehall and the Mews the Lords not mentioned in the case their manner of obtaining it was this 'T was Noon and the Independent party called to Rise The Presbyterians went their wayes to Dinner the