commonly call'd Ecclesiastical Court c. as by the said Councils and Constitutions Provincial appeareth which standing and remaining in their effect not abolish'd by your Grace's Laws did sound to appear to make greatly for the said usurp'd Power of the Bishop of Rome and to be directly repugnant to your Majesty as Supreme Head of the Church and Prerogative royal your GRACE being a LAY-MAN and albeit the said Decrees Ordinances and Constitutions by a Statute made in the 25th year of your Reign be utterly abolish'd c. But forasmuch as your Majesty is the only and undoubted Supreme Head of the Church of England and also of Ireland to whom BY HOLY SCRIPTURE all Authority and Power is wholly given to hear and determine all manner of Causes Ecclesiastical and to correct Uice and Sin whatsoever and TO ALL SUCH PERSONS AS YOUR MAIESTY SHALL APPOINT THEREUNED that in Consideration thereof as well for the Instruction of Ignorant Persons c. and setting forth of your Prerogative Royal and Supremacy It may therefore please your Highness that it may be Ordain'd and Enacted that all and singular Persons as well LAY as those that be now Married or hereafter shall be Married c. which shall be made ordain'd constituted and deputed to be any Chancellor Uicar General c. Scribe or Register by your Majesty or any of your Heirs and Successors or by any Archbishop Bishop c. may lawfully execute and execute all manner of Iurisdiction commonly call'd Ecclesiastical c. Here you see the enacting clause founded on the previous solemn acknowledgment of the King's supremacy and on his having the power given him not by Parliaments or People but by SCRIPTURE to appoint such to be ecclesiastical Judges who were by Custom and by the Laws of Councils and Provincial Synods formerly equivalent to Acts of Parliament incapacitated so to be And from whence it is consequently apparent that no positive humane Laws whatsoever inflictive of Penal incapacity could against the Right inherent in him by the positive Law of God oblige him not to dispense with the others by his supreme Power when he found it necessary so to do For 't is on all hands confessedly true that Parliaments can no more then the Bishop of Rome delete such Power as is given by God to the Princes of the Earth A. But because a Parliament declared that such a supreme Power is given by the Scripture to Princes you know it doth not follow that it is so And moreover you know that was a Popish Parliament that so declared it B. But I likewise know that as 't is in my Lord Chief Iustice Vaughan ' s Reports in Hill and Good ' s Case that if a Marriage be declared by Act of Parliament to be against Gods Law we must admit it to be so for by a Law that is an Act of Parliament it is so declared so that Act of Parliament having declared it that by Holy Scripture all Authority and Power is wholly given to the King and to all such Persons as he shall appoint to hear and determine c. tho such Persons were by a lawful Canon incapacitated so to do a Canon that that Iudge in the words immediately following the other makes to be the Law of the Kingdom as well as an Act of Parliament we must admit such Power and Authority inherent in the King's Supremacy by the Word of God thus to supersede incapacity And whether the incapacitating Canons were lawful ones or no it is not tanti to enquire since as we know a Power inherent in Kings by the Word of God cannot be either by lawful Canon or Act of Parliament taken away and much more ought such Power to be construed and admitted as inherent in him by the Scripture while the Act of Parliament continues in being But I shall yet bring the acknowledgment of your Prince's Supremacy in this point as thus founded on Scripture closâ—…r to your Conscience by letting you see that you have not only the Judgment of a Popish Parliament in the Case but of that very Statute of Queen Elizabeth that enjoyns your Oath of Supremacy for it revives that Statute oâ—… Harry the 8th and all and every branches and Articles in it as you will find it in your Statute-book A. You have mention'd one thing in that Statute of Harry the 8th that doth a little startle me and that is that he and the three Estates apply'd there the design of keeping up those Canons of Councils and provincial Constitutions that incapacitated LAYMEN as level'd at the exclusion of the King himself not only from his Prerogative but from being in a capacity to exercise ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as supreme head of the Church as I find by those remarkable words YOUR GRACE BEING A LAY-MAN B. You do well to take notice of that and are therefore not to wonder at it if you should hear your Prince who was a Dissenter to the Church of England and others concern'd for him to have apprehensions of what prejudice might be meant him by some subtle Projectors of Laws to incapacitate all Papists and Presbyterians from acting in any Office in Church or State however many loyal Persons might be far from intending such prejudice thereby his Grace being a Papist or Presbyterian A. I must confess that if the Kings Power of commanding the Services of all his Subjects be inherent in him by the Word of God and as such declared by Parliament any Mens endeavours to take away that Power may well be imputed to great incogitancy B. You say right and I was hence induced to wonder that after the Act and Acknowledgment of his Majesty's Prerogative in the Choice of his Officers of State-Councellors and Iudges had thus passed in the first Parliament of Scotland in the late King's reign viz. The Estates of Parliament considering the great Obligations that lie upon them from the Law of God the Law of Nations the Municipal Laws of the Land and their Oathes of Allegiance to maintain and defend the Soveraign Power and Authority of the King's Majesty and the sad Consequences that do accompany an encrochment upon or diminution thereof do therefore from their sense of humble duty declare that it is an inherent privilege of the Crown and an undoubted part of the Royal Prerogative of the Kings of this Kingdom to have the sole Choice and Appointment of the Officers of States and Privy Councellors and Nomination of the Lords of Session as in former times and that the King 's sacred Majesty and his Heirs and Successors are by virtue of that Royal Power which they hold from God Almighty over this Kingdom to have the full exercise of that Right c. any Men could by a following Act of Parliament there be incapacitated to serve their Prince in those Stations I shall here tell you that the incapacitating a few Papists or Quakers Presbyterians or Anabaptists to serve their Prince may to some seem materia
Vice-gerent for ecclesiastical Causes and however incapacitated by some positive humane Laws to make that figure he did but uti Iure suo And I shall tell you as to the subject of the weight of one Man or the consequences of disabling one Man that we were upon if you consider how much the excesses of the Papal Usurpations and the over-ballance of the Monastic Revenue in the Nation were removed by the parts and endowments of Cromwel the Vice-gerent in Matters Ecclesiastical you may easily imagine that if the measures of the Canon-Law and Canonists and the long receiv'd customs or any humane Law had then prevail'd for the disabling of Cromwel cum effectu from bearing Office or intermedling in Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as the Kings Vice-gerent what a Church of England we should have at this time enjoy'd You may well imagine how much the Disabling of Lay-men from intermedling in ecclesiastical Iurisdiction had passed for a general Custom here when Bishop Downham in the Defence of his Consecration Sermon p. 185. saith that as for lay-Chancellors or Commissaries the Bishops in the times of S. Austin and S. Ambrose had none and that not so much as the Steward of a Church might be a Lay-man and when the Puritan Writers did still upbraid our Discipline on the account of the incapacity of Lay-men to be Bishops Chancellors as adjudged by the ancient Canons and with the Canon of indecorum est laicum esse vicarium episcopi c. and by which Canon the Bishop who made a Lay-man his Vicar was declared to be contemptor Canonum But it was the Regal Power of Dispensing with the Canons and Customs that disabled Lay-men from intermedling in ecclesiastical Jurisdiction that laid the foundation of the Reformation in Harry the 8th's time as it was the same Power of dispensing with the Canons and Customs that disabled Clergy-men from intermedling in saecular Employments that perfected the superstructure of it in the reign of Edward the 6th that young Iosias as was before mention'd Fuller tells us in his Church-history that Harry the 8th's making a Lay-man his Vicar-general was the greatest instance of his ecclesiastical Power that ever was given And my Lord Herbert in his Harry the 8th doth seem to reflect on Cromwel's not being thought capable of that Office for his words on his being made the King's Vicegerent are It was thought strange by the People because there was no Example of any Kings of Israel the lawfully in their own Persons enjoying the mixt Power of the Temporal and Spiritual or of the Pope's having deputed Ecclesiastical Power to a Lay-man But as to his saying that there was no Example of the Pope's deputing Ecclesiastical Power to Lay-men I shall observe that his Lordship had not consider'd that according to the Glosse in C. bene quidem Distin. 96. Laicus potest excommunicare ex Papae delegatione and that tho a Bishop cannot by the Canon-Law delegate his Power to a Lay-man for that a Bishop is not above the Ius Commune Positivum of the Pope yet the Canonists hold that the Pope by the Plenitude of his Power may dispense with his own Laws and by so doing delegate the Power of Excommunicating to Abbesses altho jure Communi as not having the Power of the Keys they are disabled from so doing and that Pope Urban the Second constituted a Lay-man Roger Earl of Sicily and his Heirs his Legates a latere in that Kingdom by way of Inheritance for ever and that our Henry the Second writing to the Pope to recall Beâ—…ket's Legatine Power and to confer it on the Archbishop of York the Pope refused so to do but offer'd the Legatine Power to the King himself and sent Letters to the King for that purpose but which the King in scorn threw away The Legatine Powers are de jure Communi as the Canonists tell us very great and allow the Legates to visit or cause to be visited by such as they shall think fit all Churches Monasteries Colleges Universities Hospitals and do authorize them to make new Statutes and Orders and not only to receive Appeals from ordinary Judges and Delegates but to judge and decide all Ecclesiastical Civil and Criminal Causes and that summarily and sine formâ figurâ Iudicii to make Prisoners of Bishops and send them in Custody to the Pope to bestow Benefices that were vacant to unite Churches to interpret the Mandates of the Pope and if the Pope hath entrusted any thing to be done by them yet to entrust the doing thereof to others to execute all their Jurisdiction in Places exempt as well as not exempt and to dispense in all Cases wherein they are not Prohibited and to exercise the Iurisdiction of granting Indulgences and to dispense with pluralists and with the incapacity of Sons immediately succeeding their Fathers in Church-Livings and to give Absolution to the Excommunicate in many Cases reserv'd to the Apostolick See and likewise in many Causes inflictive of Excommunication ipso jure and in many Cases to restore such as are deposed and degraded and to rehabilitate them even by restoring them to Fame All these Branches of Authority with many others not named here were it seems offer'd by the Pope to our King but which he holding as Vicegerent to the King of Kings and by his Word might well refuse their tenure from the servus servorum and by his Bulls All our Roman-Catholick Princes having made an inroad on the Papal incapacitating Canons by way of Dispensation when they made their Lay-Judges Super-Intendents over their Bishops and who were by Lay-men required to Absolve such who were disabled by Excommunication and to receive their bounds and measures in Ecclesiastical Proceedings by Writs of Prohibition and Consultation and Attachment issued out by Lay-men the exercise of the Regal Power in Ecclesiasticks distributed and dispers'd among so many Lay hands did not seem so powerful nor invidious as when the united Beams of Ecclesiastical Vice-gerence met in the Ministry of one Lay Person and dazled the Eyes of the whole Kingdom and when according to the Power that was 37 o. H. 8. declared by the Parliament to be given to the King by Holy Scripture he made Cromwel his Vice-gerent for the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction But as that Statute intimating that the Councils and Constitutions Provincial that ordain'd that no Lay-man should exercise or occupy any Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical did stand and remain in their effect not abolish'd by his Grace's Laws and did sound to appear to make greatly for the usurped Power of the Bishop of Rome and to he directly repugnant to his Majesty as Supreme Head of the Church and Pretogative Royal his Grace being a Lay-man altho such Decrees Ordinances and Constitutions were by the Statute made in the 25th year of his Reign intended to be utterly abolish'd frustrate c. but yet that the contrary thereunto being not used by Archbishops Bishops c. i. e. that they had not all that
Case or to the quite contrary in More 542. Armiger's Case I shall most consult the ease of your thoughts by directing them to what interpretation my Lord Coke in Cawdrys Case gives as to the words of the Statute of 1 o Eliz. and where he saith that that Act doth not annex any Iurisdiction to the Crown but what was of right or ought to be by the Ancient Laws of this Realm parcel of the King's Iurisdiction c. and which lawfully had been or might be exercised within the Realm The end of which Iurisdiction and of all the Proceedings thereupon that all things might be done in Causes Ecclesiastical to the Pleasure of Almighty God encrease of Vertue and the Conservation of the Peace and Unity of the Realm as by divers places of the Act appears And therefore by this Act no pretended Iurisdiction exercised within this Realm being ungodly or repugnant to the ancient Law of the Crown was or could be restored to the Crown according to the ancient Right and Law of the same And here I may tell you that as the Pope did often dispense with incapacity incurr'd by his Positive Laws and that even in the use of the Power of the Keys as by his delegating the Power of Excommunication to Lay-men and to Abbesses as aforesaid so our Kings d d anciently by their Letters Patents and Charters grant Power to those who were no Bishops Ordinaries or Ecclesiastical Iudges or Officers to inflict Ecclesiastical Censures of the greater Excommunication on Offenders and that for Causes not merely Spiritual or Ecclesiastical with Power to Certify them into Chancery and thereupon to obtain Writs de Excommunicato Capiendo as Mr. Prynne tells us in his Animadversions on the Fourth part of the Institutes and there cites the President of Edward the Third thus empow'ring the Chancellor of the University of Oxford tho a Lay-man so to do and so to Punish Breakers of the Peace Offenders against the Statutes Privileges and Customs of the University and all Forestallers and Regraters and Sellers of corrupt Meat and Wine and to Excommunicate such who refused to cleanse the Streets from filth and to Pave them before their Doors and this he saith was confirm'd by sundry succeeding Statutes of our Princes In what particulars it is by this Statute of the 25. of H. the 8th warranted that the King his Heirs and Successors may dispense with Persons and in Causes that the Papacy was never accustomed to dispense in I shall not trouble you or my self to enquire but shall tell you that Mr. Nye in his Book call'd Two Acts of Parliament and wherein are contain'd his Observations on the Oath of Supremacy doth in p. 164. cite this Statute of 25. H. 8. c. 21. and thereupon say the King's Majesty may dispense with any of those Canons or Ecclesiastical Laws meaning the King 's Ecclesiastical Laws indulge the Omission of what is enjoyn'd by them make void the Crime and remove the Penalty incurred by breach of them yea and give faculty to do and practice otherwise any Synodal Establishment or long usage to the Contrary notwithstanding in what offends not the Holy Scripture and Laws of GOD. And therefore when our Soveraign in the course of his Ecclesiastical Supremacy doth only dispense with incapacity we are sure he goes not to the height of the Dispensative Power justify'd in him by that Statute nothing having been more customary to the Papacy then rehabilitation It was upon the Revival of this Statute of Harry the 8th by that first of Queen Eliz. c. 1. that she according to the Papal custom of dispensing with the Commutation of Penance did in her Articles in the Synod began at London A. D. 1548. establish one De moderandâ solennis Poenitentioe Commutatione whereby she orders that such Commutation shall be but seldom and for weighty Causes and when it shall appear to the Bishop that that way is the safer to reform the guilty Person and that the Commutation-Money be employ'd to Pious uses And then follows the Title De Moderandis quibusdam Indulgentus pro Celebratione Matrimonii absque trinundinâ denunciatione quam bannos vocant Matrimoniales where you will find she makes Faculties and Indulgences all one And as I have shew'd you how she thought it necessary for the safety of her Subjects Consciences to exercise her Dispensative Power of interpreting and of relaxing disabilities occasion'd by the very first Statute of her Reign and how soon she put the Dispensative Power of those kinds in practice which by that Statute were restored and united to her Imperial Crown so I may observe to you that shortly after the making of the Second Statute in her Reign viz. That for Uniformity of Prayer and Administration of Sacraments which punisheth with Premunire Sequestration and Deprivation and Excommunication which while it is depending is so variously inclusive of disability the not using the Book of Common-Prayer as Publish'd in English she by her Letters Patents dated the 6th of April in the Second year of her Reign and A. 1560. alloweth the use of Latine Prayers to the Colleges of both Universities and to Eaton and Winchester Colleges with a particular Non-obstante to that Statute a Copy of which Letters Patents may be seen in Bishop Sparrow's Collection of Articles c. And I have before acquainted you in general how in her Letters Patents for the Consecrating new Bishops she expresly dispens'd with incapacity But what may perhaps seem to you as a new Indication of her being the better able to dispense with it is an Instance I shall give you of her making incapacity by her Supreme Ecclesiastical Power The instance of her thus making incapacity is a thing that Mr. Nye in his Beams of former Light reflects on as strange for he there in p. 201. referring to Queen Elizabeth's Injunctions A. 1559. Injunct 29. viz. It is thought very necessary that no manner of Priest or Deacon shall hereafter take to his Wife any manner of Woman without the Advice and Allowance first had by the Bishop of the Diocese and two Iustices of the Peace next to the place of her abode c. and if any shall do otherwise they shall not be permitted to Preach the Word or give Sacraments nor be Capable of any Ecclesiastical Benefice saith then Doth this seem strange now It seem'd very necessary in the judgment of our Governors then A. I must acknowledge that you have spoke that which is very much for my Satisfaction concerning the Dispensative Power and the Oath thus supporting one another But I wonder that I have not in any of our celebrated Writers of the Church of England read that the Contents of the Assertory and Promissory parts of this Oath and our abjuring foreign Iurisdictions Powers Superiorities and Authorities in the Oath i. e. those of the Papacy were intended in order to the statuminating our Prince's Dispensative Power pursuant to the Statutes of 25. H. 8th and 1
thing of that nature but in such a fair and legal way as should satisfie all his loving Subjects The Duplys of the Divines of Aberdene p. 54. and p. 130 131. Whereupon Mr. Ley thus goes on viz. Wherein Wise men who judge of Consultations and Acts by their probable Effects and not unexpected Events cannot but highly commend His Majesty's Mildness and Clemency which we doubt not would condescend to your Requests for a removal of this great aggrievance if you would please to interpose your Mediations to so acceptable a purpose and upon our humble sute which in all submissive manner we tender to your Lordship and by you to the rest of your Reverend Order we hope you will do so since we have it upon his word His Royal Majesty's word which neither in Duty nor Discretion we may distrust that the Prelates were their greatest Friends i. e. of his Scottish Subjects their Councels were always Councels of Peace and their Solicitations vehement and earnest for granting those unexpected Favours which we were pleas'd to bestow upon our People The King 's large Declaration p. 420 Thus then the Royal Dispensation with the five Articles of Perth was at the Intercession of the Bishops tho' they knew the same Establish'd by Act of Parliament graciously afforded to his Scotish Subjects Those Articles of Perth related to various Religionary Matters viz The introducing of Private Baptism Communicating of the Sick Episcopal Confirmation Kneeling at the Communion and the observing such ancient Festivals as belong'd immediately to Christ and of which Doctor Heylin in his History of the Presbyterians having spoken saith That the King 's indulging the Scots in Dispensing with the Penal Laws about them was an Invitation to the Irish Papists to endeavour by armed force to Compass the King's Dispensation But how tenderly the Consciences of the Roman Catholics in Ireland were in the Reign of the Royal Martyr THEN Protected under the Wing of the Dispensative Power contrary to what the Dr. observ'd any one may see who will Consult my Lord Primate Bramhal's Replication to the Bishop of Chalcedon where he saith That the Earl of Strafford Lord Lieutenant of Ireland did commit much to my hands the Political Regiment of that Church for the space of Eight years In all that time let him name but one Roman Catholic that suffer'd either Death or Imprisonment or so much as a pecuniary Mulct of Twelve Pence for his Religion upon any Penal Statute if he can as I am sure he cannot c. And such was the acquiescence of the Populace and of the three Estates in the Penal Lawes there against the Roman Catholics being thus dead or asleep that in the Printed Articles of Impeachment against the then Lord Chancellor of Ireland and that Lord Primate thâ—…n Bishop of Derry and others of His Majesty's Publick Ministers of State exhibited by the Commons to the Lords in the year 1640. there is not a syllable of Complaint against those Lawes being so dispens'd with by Connivence Nor yet in the Printed Schedule of Grievances of that Kingdom voted in the House of Lords there to be transmitted to the Committee of the same House then attending in England to pursue Redresses for the same is there any representation of such Indulgence being any Gravamen nor yet of the great Figure the Irish Papists then made in the Government the Majority of the Parliament and of the Iudges and Lawyers then being such And pursuant to that Prince's Indulgence offer'd to the tender Consciences of his Subjects in the year 41. he was graciously pleas'd in the Treaty at Uxbridgâ—… to order his Commissioners who were such renown'd Confessors of the Church of England to make the first Royal offer there that freedom be left to all Persons of what Opinion soever in Matters of Ceremony and that all the Penalties of LAWS and Customs be SUSPENDED And the truth is since the Christian Religion did in its first settlement so rationally provide for its Propagation in the World and its bespeaking the favour of Princes by its enjoyning Subjection and Obedience to their Lawes not only for Wrath but Conscience sake and since that Principle of humane Lawes binding the Conscience which was so often and so publickly avow'd by that Prince and Arch-bishop Laud and Bishop Sanderson and the Divines of the Church of England in General is the surest guard to Princes Thrones and their Tribunals and that therefore 't is the Interest of the Prince and People to be more watchful in preserving that Principle then all the Iewels of the Crown or Walls of the Kingdom that Prince did therefore necessarily take Care to preserve and to perpetuate in some of his tender-Conscienced Subjects a continued Tenderness for his Lawes by his lawful Dispensative Power as particularly in the Case of his Scottish Subjects in taking off the Obligation of Obedience and of Conforming themselves to the Establish'd Lawes for such Dispensation intrinsecally notes the taking off such Obligation from the Persons dispens'd with And it is indeed a Solecism for any one to ask Indulgence from a Prince who owns the Law of the Land binding him in Conscience if he doth not think such Prince perswaded that his Power of granting it is a part of that LAW He was not ignorant of his Father's Aversion against the Penal Lawes in general and on which Account my Lord Bacon celebrating him saith As for Penal Lawes which lie as snares upon the Subjects and which were as a Nemo scit to King Henry 7. it yields a Revenue which will scarce pay for the Parchment of the King's Records at Westminster And religionary Penal Lawes requiring the greatest tenderness as he found when he came to the Government that the two most famous Puritan Divines Mr. Hildersham and Mr. Dod Men of great Probity and Learning had often been in his Father's time Pursuant to the Act for Uniformity disabled from Preaching and been re-inabled to it by particular Indulgence and as likewise Fuller tells us in his Church History that Bishop Williams when he was Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England procured a Licence from King Iames under the Great Seal for Mr. Cotton the famous Independent to Preach notwithstanding his Non-Conformity so he in the same manner that his Royal Father did held the Reins of the Law loose in his hands as to those two other Non-Conformists beforemention'd The History of Mr. Hildersham's Life mentions that he was silenced in Iune A 1590 and restored again in Ianuary A. 1591. Again he was deprived and silenced April 24 A. 1605. for refusal of Subscription and Conformity and after some time again restored and was again Silenced in November A. 1611. by the King 's particular Command and on April 23. A. 1613. he was judicially admonished by the High Commission that saving the Catechizing of his own Family only he should not afterward Preach Catechize or use any of the Offices or Function of a Minister
of the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance our thoughts are obliged to have regard to Matters of Right and Law. We are to our Power to assist and defend all Privileges and Preheminences GRANTED or BELONGING to the King c. and which ARE united to the Imperial Crown of this Realm A. But by this means while you would have men keep up the ease of their Consciences by such assistance and defence will not they be put to it to make their lives uneasy by buying Law-Books and being Students of the Crown-Law and of the extent of the Regal rights a thing never intended by the Makers of the Laws for those Oaths and whereby such who are to assist and defend and Rights of the Crown by Action in Land or Sea-Service would be hinder'd therein by Speculation B. No man need amuse himself about any such matter Nor are our Princes who by their Coronation Oaths oblige themselves to defend all our rightful Laws and Customs bound thereby to study the Report-Books of the Law concerning the Rights and Properties of their Subjects and whereby the time of Princes would be taken up from defending them And I shall tell you that tho all men are morally bound to frame the best Conceptions and make the truest representations of the Divine Nature they can and which by the measures of the Scripture â—…s comprehended under our Duty of glorifying God yet not to study the Controversies between the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants about the absoluteness of the Divine Decrees and Dominion or whether God according to his absolute Dominion can torment an innocent Creature And thus tho we are bound to honour God's Vice gerents and to assist and defend their Rights Privileges and Preheminences we are not to consume our whole lives in the investigation of Truth in the Moot-Points about the same But as to this thing that great Casuist of the Age Bishop Sanderson may help to set us right in his Third Lecture of Oaths Sect. 17 where putting the Case when Subjects are required to take an Oath for Preservation and Defence of Laws and Liberties Privileges Prerogatives and Preheminences of some Superior Power as of a King a Common-wealth or Lord Paramount such as are among us the Oaths of Hâ—…mage of Royal Supremacy c. he saith No man denies these Oaths to be lawful or obligatory but in respect of the frequent incertainty of the Laws whereunto they relate it may very well be doâ—…bted how far they oblige Doubtless the Subject to his Power is obliged to defend all Rights which appear either by Law or Custom Legitimate whether defined by the written Law or in force through long use of time or prescription that is so far as they are known or may morally be known But he is not equally obliged to the observation of all those which are Controverted or doubtful especially since Powerful men are accustomed to stretch their tedders and leap over the Land-marks of their Neighbours not contenting themselves within the bounds of their own Right Nevertheless a Subject ought always to be prepared in Mind so soon as the justness of those things which are doubtful shall appear to a knowledge and defend them It may be hence rationally deduced that such who are call'd to the Helm of State or are Members of Parliament if any Matters relating to any Iurisdictions Privileges and Authorities granted or belonging to the Crown shall come in question before them are by virtue of the Oath of Supremacy bound to endeavour to know whether those Jurisdictions Privileges and Authorities are granted or do belong to the Crown that is so far as they are known or may morally be known before they refuse to defend and assist them and much more before they shall do any act of offending or resisting the same and before they shall entertain any hard thoughts of their Prince for claiming this or that Privilege And where the right of any Iurisdictions Privileges granted or belonging to the Crown is not Controverted or doubtful that Oath binds them immediately to assist and defend the same and not so much as to move any thing against them except in some such case as I shall presently mention A. Did ever any Parliament presume to destroy or offend or usurp upon any Privilege or Preheminence or Authority of which the Right as belonging to the Crown was not controverted B. Yes the long Parliament of 40 did so The Power of the Militia was acknowledg'd by the Parliaments Petition at Windsor to be a flower of the Crown And therefore the Royal Martyr's dying Breath might one would think be Thunder to their Consciences when in his Speech on the Scaffold he said I never intended to intrench upon their Privileges They began upon me It is the Militia they began upon They confess'd that the Militia was mine but they thought fit to have it from me No doubt such men intended to entrench on the King's Privileges and Preheminences and they intended to violate their Oath of Supremacy A. Did they offend any other Uncontroverted Rights of the Crown B. Many more then I have now time to name but cannot forget the fatal Consequences of their outraging one of those uncontroverted Rights which was at the King's Pleasure to Prorogue or Dissolve Parliaments by putting such incessant hardships on that Pious King to engage him to pass the Act that that Parliament should continue till both the Houses did consent to the dissolution of it and of which Mr. Hobbs in his Behemoth saith that it amounted to a total Extinction of the King 's Right in case that such a grant were valid which I think it is not unless the Sovereignty it self be in plain terms renounced which it was not And he having said That the King signed that Bill the same day he signed the Warrant for the Execution of the Earl of Strafford and having rais'd the Question Whether the King could not have saved him by a Pardon and said that he would have done it if that could have preserv'd him against the Tumults rais'd and countenanced by the Parliament it self doth mind me of the horror of those days when they who were Sworn to assist and defend the King's Privilege and Preheminence in Pardoning any one tho he knew him justly Condemned to dye did endeavour by Tumults to oppose his Pardoning one whom he thought not to have deserv'd Death That Royal Privilege was in like manner by that Parliament trampled on in the Case of the Pardon of Archbishop Laud. A. I shall here by the way ask you if you did not once tell me that the most profound Observers of the Affairs in Ireland had agreed in it as their firm Judgment that the Irish Rebellion had never happen'd if the Parliament of 40 here had not meddled in the Case of the Earl of Strafford and occasion'd his removal from being chief Governour of Ireland B. I shall by the way answer you that I did tell you so and that
in that particular when the same tyranny was exercised there by the Power of a few ill men which at that time had spread it self over this Kingdom and therefore we had no reason to expect that we should at this season when we are doing all we can to wipe cut the memor of all that hath been done amiss by other men and we thank God have wiped it out of our own Remembrance have been our self assaulted with those rep oaches which we will likewise forget And it was goodness worthy the great Soul of a King to forget the Outrages of such who did strip their Political Father of his Power and then reproach him with his nakedness I may here likewise tell you and not mal a propos how much the patience and long-suffering of the same Prince was exercised in a late Conjuncture that so much eclipsed his Prerogative in the Case of the Earl of Danby's Pardon and when the Commons did set up against it somewhat in his Father's Answer to the 19 Propositions before mention'd that nothing but the tempest of the Age in the Parliament of 40 could have occasion'd viz. Since therefore the Power legally placed in both Houses of Parliament is more then sufficient to restrain the Power of Tyranny c. But because a Parliament so perpetuated as that was did prove more then sufficient to restrain pretended Tyranny and real just Government will a considerate man say any such thing now when the breath of Prerogative can dissolve them in a moment and in that moment all their thoughts perish and all the high-flying thoughts that would soare above Imperial Power be found dead in the Nest And I may here tell you that in the Answer of some Nonconformists to Dr. Stillingfleet's Sermon an Answer Printed in London in the year 1680. during the ferment about the Plot and wherein they desire Indulgence I think their attacquing the Service on the Gun-Powder Treason Plot in thanking God for Preserving the King and the Three Estates of the Realm assembled by saying That the late King made no scruple in his Answer to the 19 Propositions to reckon himself one of the three Estates was a thing that on recollection they will judge ought not to have been done But I am here further to tell you that though it may be consistent with our Oath in some such case as was mention'd to endeavour the altering by the Legislative Power some uncontroverted Privileges of the Crown and in such a way as I have mention'd I likewise wish you in your thoughts to make a distinction of those Privileges or Preheminences belonging to the Crown that are absolutely Essential to its Preservation and to that of the whole Realm and which are by God and the Law put as a Depositum into the hands of Kings and the removing of one of which would have the effect of taking a Stone out of an Arched Building and such as no Sovereign Princes can be without and such as our Princes have in their flourishing Reigns to the great content and happiness of their People always exercised and Rights as the late Earl of Shaftsbury said of that of the Flagg that our Princes cannot part with and Privileges that are not such and two of which former sort of Privileges and which are parts of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom I account we are expresly in the Promissory Clause of that Oath Sworn to defend and assist namely of the lineal Succession to the Crown and of the King's Prerogative and of which Prerogative we have this Description in Blount's Law-Dictionary That the Prerogative of the King is generally that Power Preheminence or PRIVILEGE which the King hath over and above other Persons and above the ordinary Course of the Law in the Right of his Crown And then adds Potest Rex ei lege suae dignitatis condonare si velit etiam mortem promeritam LL. Edw. Confess cap. 18. and then saith that Spelman calls it the Lâ—…x Regiae dignitatis The Author of the Law-Dictionary had there his eye on the Law of Edward the Confessor where under the title of Misericordia Regis Pardonatio it is declared that si quispiam forisfactus which the Margin interprets rei Capitalis Reus poposcerit Regiam misericordiam pro forisfacto suo timidus mortis vel membrorum perdendorum potest Rex ei lege suae dignitatis condonare si velit etiam mortem promeritam ipse tamen malefactor rectum faciat in â—…quantumcunque poterit quibus forisfecit tradat fidejussores de pace legalitate tenenda si vero fidejussores defecerint exula bitur à Patria And I remember there is a famous Act relating to the old Privileges and Prerogatives of the Crown and to their resumption by the Crown viz. The Act of 27. H. 8. c. 24. call'd The Recontinuing of certain Liberties taken from the Crown and it begins with saying that whereas divers of the most ancient Prerogatives and Authorities of Iustice appertaining to the Imperial Crown of this Realm have been severed and taken from the same by sundry Gifts of the King 's most Noble Progenitors to the great diminution and detriment of the Royal Estate of the same and to the hinderance and great delay of Iustice and thereupon saith for Reformation whereof be it Enacted by Authority of this present Parliament that no Person or Persons c. shall have any Power or Authority to pardon or remit any Treasons Murders Man-slaughters or any kinds of Felonies nor any Accessaries to any Treasons Murders c. or any Out-laries for any such Offences aforesaid committed perpetrated done or hereafter to be committed done or divulged by or against any Person in any part of this Realm c. but that the King's Highness his Heirs and Successors shall have the whole and sole Power and Authority thereof united and knit to the Imperial Crown of this Realm as of good RIGHT and Equity it appertaineth c. and then orders all Writs in a County Palatine to be made in the King's Name c. That Statute doth give you a Prospect of great variety and use in order to the Settlement of your thoughts about some things in your Oath You there see the Natural recourse of the Royal Rivers of Prerogative to the Ocean from whence they came and when you there find that the Crown could communicate to Subjects the exercise of the Prerogative of Pardoning Murder however restrain'd by ACT of Parliament and all the dreadful Disabilities incurr'd by Out-laries for Felony and Treason you are not to wonder at any ones telling you that the King himself hath the Privilege of Pardoning a Disability incurr'd by Law for Heterodoxy in Religion and especially when you shall see the whole and sole Power of Pardoning the same united and knit to the Imperial Crown of this Realm as of GOOD RIGHT and EQUITT appertaineth And according to those words in your Oath about your defending all the
Consciences and who might thereby think that according to the Rule of ejus est interpretari cujus est condere that the Oath of Supremacy enjoyn'd by Parliament 1 o Elizabethoe could not receive an Interpretation but from the Queen in Parliament and that that Consideration might therefore be supposed to be the cause of the Queens interpreting being approved or declared good by the Parliament in the Fifth year of her Reign B. I shall tell you that as to the sufficiency of the Queen's Power to interpret the Oath by her sole Authority it appears not that the Proviso in the Statute of 5 Eliz. did in the least arise from any such scruple and so De non apparentibus c. And here without troubling you with the Notions of the Royal assent creating the Soul of the Law and by the words of le Roy le veult after the Body of it hath been prepared by the three Estates and that the three Estates have nothing to do to interpret a Law that is once made and accordingly as Sir C. Hatton formerly Lord Chancellor of England in his Treatise of Acts of Parliament and their Exposition tells us That the Assembly of Parliament being ended functi sunt officio and speaking particularly of those of the Lower House saith their Authority is return'd to the Electors so clearly that if they were all together assembled again for interpretation by a voluntary meeting eorum non esset interpretari c. I shall once for all observe to you that our Monarchs when in the exercise of the Prerogative inherent in them and inseparable from them relating to Matters of Peace and War the Coining of Money or the Dispensing in Matters Civil or Ecclesiastical they condescend to have the same in particular â—…ases approved or strengthâ—…n'd by Parliament are no more deprived of their Sole Supremacy therein then the Body of the Sun is devested of its Heat and Light by diffusing the same through the Air. But I have before observ'd to you that the apparent Cause in the Proviso of 5 o Elizabethoe whereby the Queens Interpretation is Enacted is the better to transmit the obligatoriness of the Interpretation in point of Conscience beyond her Life and to the Reigns of her Heirs and Successors and to bind us who live now to acknowledge such Power due to our present King over the Persons of all his Subjects as was in her interpretation challenged to be due to Harry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth I shall not trouble you with my Judgment about Moot-points of Law relating to the Regal Power of interpreting Acts of Parliament and particularly such wherein Oaths are founded My Lord Coke Inst. 3. c. 74. tells us That an Oath cannot be ministred to any unless the same be allow'd by the Common Law or by some Act of Parliament neither can any Oath allow'd by the Common-Law or by Act of Parliament be alter'd but by Act of Parliament and saith in the Margin So resolv'd An. 26. El. in the Case of the Under-Sheriff And then saith the Oath of the King 's Privy Councel the Iustices the Sheriffs c. was thought fit to be alter'd and enlarged but that was done by Authority of Parliament For further proof whereof see the Statutes here quoted i. e. those referr'd to in his Margin and it shall evidently appear that no old Oath can be alter'd or new Oath rais'd without an Act of Parliament I have only here referr'd you to Matters of Fact in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth a Reign that the Royal Martyr in p. 3. of his Declaration to all his Loving Subjects of Aug. 12. 1642. refers to with so much honour by saying We declared our Resolution c. and desired that whatsoever mistaking had grown in the Government either of Church or State might be removed and all things reduced to the order of the time the memory whereof is justly precious to this Nation of Queen Elizabeth c. and do leave it to you to consider how Great the Power of Interpretation of Laws is in it self a Power almost infinitely greater then the discharging either the Obligations of some Penal Laws or their Penalties Pro hic nu c and as to some particular Persons as any one will grant who hath seen the extent of the Power of interpreting in the Canon Law where the Glossa ad Cap. Statuimus 4. Distinct. 4. gives us this Interpretation of Statuimus STATUIMUS i. e. ABROGAMUS And I can for this purpose tâ—…ll you that Bartolâ—…s in his Tractatus testimoniorum speaking of the Imperial Power concedendi veniam oetatis saith Carolus quarâ—…us sanctissimus nebilissimus Imperator inter 〈◊〉 multâ—… concessit ut ego meique descendentes quos legibús dâ—…los esse contigerit per un versum imperium oetatis venâ—…am concedere valeâ—…mus servataÌ„ formaÌ„ quoe legibus reperitur insâ—…rta and whereby you see that a Power of dispensing with incapaciâ—…y was by the Prince given as an inheritance But none can imagine that the Power of interpreting Laws can be so conferr'd So that therefore according to the Rule of Law Non debet cui plus licet quoÌ„d minus est non licere you neâ—…d not wâ—…nder at the Prince's dispensing with incapacity in particular cases whom you have seen interpreting Laws And you may consider that if the Queen did contrary to the measures of Law referr'd to in my Lord Coke by her sole Supream Ecclesiastical Authority seem to alter the interpretation of a Stature Oath for the better what she did found afterward its approbation in Parliament and in fine I leave it to you to consider how much the Power of dispensing with any Law may be thought Coincident with interpreting since as I shall some other time shew you at large that the dispensing with Laws is in effect the equitable interpreting that in such and such cases and circumstances they were not intended and ought not to bind but ought to be relax'd And now I must take the occasion offer'd me to give you a prospect of the Queens Dispensative Power both of the Interpretation of this Oath and of the acquittal from Disabilities that is not bounded by the Statutes of 5 o or 8 o Elizabethoe beforemention'd and wherein she again stood on the single basis of her own Supreme Authority Ecclesiastical without having recourse then to a Parliaments approbation Mr. Ney in his learned Observations on the Oath of Sâ—…premacy having spoke of the Queens Interpretation of the Oath in her Admonition and of the Parliamentary Proviso 5 o Eliz. doth thus go on There is something of Explication further meaning of the Oath in the Artiâ—…les of Religion concluded in the year 1562 and then recites the 37th Article as followeth viz. The Queens Majesty hath the Chief Power in this Realm of England and other her Dominions unto whom the Chief Government of 〈◊〉 Estates of this Realm whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil in all Causes
reason that lyes in this Assertory part of the Oath that so many Writers of the Common Law have founded their Assertion of the King's Power oâ—… Commanding the Service of all his Subjects as essential to the keeping up the Monarchy or the Rule of all Estates committed to him by God that I lately spoke of and inseparable from it noâ—… alienable by any Humane Laws It is the Supreme Power of our Princes as Governors of the Realm that hath always entitled them to Press men for the Service of the Crown by Land or Sea and to recall both Soldiers and Mariners from the Service of Foreign Princes upon emergent Occasions to serve their natural Liege Lord. And the Book writ by a Learned Common Lawyer against the Exclusion call'd A Letter from a Gentleman of Quality in the Country c. and Printed A. 1679. and so deservedly extoll'd by the Iudicious loyal tells you in p. 7. and 8. that If it should be enacted by Parliament that No man should honour the King or love his Parents or Children c. such an Act would be ipso facto void because contrary to the express Divine Command c. The Statute of 23 H. 6. c. 8. and several other Statutes Enact that no Man shall be Sheriff of any County above one year and that any Patent of the King to any Person for a longer term tho with an express Clause of Non-obstante shall be void and of none Effect and the Patentee perpetually disabled to bear the Office. And yet notwithstanding it is Resolv'd by all the Iudges of England that these Acts of Parliament are void and that the King may by Non-obstante Constitute a Sheriff for Years Life or Inheritance And what is the Reason which the Iudges give of this Resolution Why because say they in express words this Act of Parliament cannot bar the King of the Service of his Subject which the immutable Law of Nature doth give to him For Obedience and Ligeance of the Subject add they is due to the Soveraign by the Law of Nature See 2 Hen. 7. 6. v. Calvin's Case 14. a. in Coke's 7th Rep. We know that by the Statute of 4 o. H. 4. c. 5. 't is ordain'd That every Sheriff of England shall abide in proper Person within his Bailywick for the time that he shall be such Officer But this Act hath never been construed to hinder the King as Supreme Governor and Ruler of all Persons in the Realm from Commanding any Sheriffs to serve him elsewhere during their Shrievalties nor on such case to oblige the Sheriffs in Conscience to observe the Statute by such Personal residence Baker in the reign of King Charles the first tells us of an Information A. 1629. in the Star-chamber against Mr. Long for that he being high Sheriff of the County of Wilts had the Charge and Custody thereof committed to him and had taken his Oath according to the Law to abide within his Bailys-wick all the time of his Sheriff-wick and his Trust and Employment requiring his personal attendance therein did contrary thereto suffer himself to be chosen a Citizen for the City of Bath to serve in the last Parliament and did attend at Westminster in Parliament WITHOUT HIS MAIESTIES LICENCE he being Sheriff at that time and that for the foremention'd Offences and Breach of his Oath and neglect of his Trust and Contempt of his Majesty the Decree was That he should be Committed to the Tower during his Majesties Pleasure and pay a Fine of 2000 Marks to the King. Hereby you see that his Majesties LICENCE or Dispensing with that Statute had indemnify'd him from it in the Court of Law and that the potestas Superioris being necessarily imply'd in a promissory Oath the King as supreme Governour of all Persons in his Realms commanding or allowing such Officers service to the publick elsewhere had secured him in either forum The known Custom of the Speaker of the House of Commons DISABLING himself when presented to the King but of entring on his Charge on the King's approbation and pleasure signify'd according to that saying of Cuâ—… me posse negem quod tu posse putes may pass for some representation to our thoughts of Disability to serve the publick then evaporating when the King as Governor of the Realm doth give the Subject a Call so to do You may find this practice of the Speaker's disabling himself set down in Coke 4. Inst. c. 1. And I shall here by the way take notice that he there likewise mentions it that one of the Principal ends of Calling of Parliaments is for the redress of the Mischiefs and Grievances that dayly happen And he had there before said Now forasmuch as divers Laws and Statutes have been enacted and provided for these ends aforesaid and that divers Mischiefs in particular and divers Grievances in general concerning the Honour and Safety of the King the State and Defence of the Kingdom and of the Church of England might be prevented an excellent Law was made Anno 36. E. 3. which being applied to the said Writs of Parliament doth in few and effectual words set down the true subject of a Parliament in these words For the maintenance of the said Articles and Statutes and redress of divers Mischiefs and Grievances which daily happen a Parliament shall be holden every year as another time was Ordain'd by a Statute Before the Conquest Parliaments were to be holden twice every year c. But accordingly as my Lord Coke there takes notice of the style of the Statute of 36. E. 3. viz. to the Honour of God and of holy Church and quietness of the People and according to the style of the Statute of 10. E. 3. Because our Sovereign Lord the King Edw. 3. which Soverainly desireth the maintenance of the Peace and Safeguard of his People c. hath Ordain'd c. for the Quietness and Peace of his People c. and suitably to the style of the Statute of 14 o E. 3. 1. To the honour of God c. The King for Peace and Quietness of his People as well great as small doth Grant and Establish the things under-written c. and to that of 20. E. 3. and for this Cause desiring as much for the Pleasure of God and Ease and Quietness of our Subjects and according to that style in the Register Nos oppressiones duritias damna excessus praedicta gravamina volentes relinquere impunita volentesque salvationi QUIETI populi nostri in hac parte prospicere ut tenemut c. and according to the Trust committed to Princes by God to endeavour that their Subjects may under them lead QUIET and Peaceable lives in all Godliness and Honesty and which is the great Fundamental reason of the Moral Obligation of Princes to relax the Summum jus of their Laws by sometimes DISPENSING therein since we may easily imagine by our thinking of a late Conjuncture how possible it was that the
lâ—…vis and that the King and his Realm cannot suffer much by the disabling a small party of men from publick employments But it is otherwise And let any one who hath observ'd but two or three of the late great transactions of the age here as for instance the late King's Restoration the throwing out of the Exclusion-Bill the turning of the current of Faction in our Metropolis and consider how much in each depended on the Talents of ONE man he will not wonder at him who shall affirm that the incapacitating of but one Man may be very fatal to the Common-weal I suppose you cannot have forgot the Verse you repeated to me out of the famed Poem of Absolon and Achitophel viz. So much the weight of one brave Man can do And Providence made use of his weight for the Publick good by the figure he made in his Prince's Councils notwithstanding the Address of the Commons to have him thence removed as likewise of the weight of another of those noble Persons heroical loyalty in the administration of the Government notwithstanding an Address from the Commons to his Prince to remove him from it I doubt not but you have read it in Cromerus his History of Poland l. 7th that the King of Poland being dead the Kingdom was offer'd to Lescus a Nephew of Casimire's on condition he would banish Govoritius and that Lescus refused the Crown rather then he would banish so faithful a Councellor And you cannot be ignorant of the weight of one man in the Nicene Councel I mean Pophnutiuâ—… who by citing those words of the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews Marriage is honourable in all c. turn'd the stream of the whole Councel when they were going to give a Decree against the marriage of Priests You know of how much weight one Man would have proved in that place in Scripture Ezek. 22. 30. And I sought for a Man among them that should make up the Hedg and stand in the Gap c. And that the wise man hath told us that it was by the wisdom of ONE poor Man that a City was deliver'd You cannot but have observ'd that almost all the great and noble inventions in nature owe their births to a single Person and that particularly one poor Man by his Wisdom discover'd the American World. I need not mind you of the introduction of Laws by one Man in several of the old Graecian Polities and of the great Ocean of the Civil-Law yet encompassing the World having so narrow a Spring-head as the head of a single Person 's introducing the Laws at Athens You have read of the unus homo nobis cunctaâ—…do c. and of the tantum potuit unius Viri fortuna virtus You know how Queen Elizabeth express'd her value of the weight of one Man I mean our great Navigator Sir Francis Drake by her refusing to commissionate competent Judges to try him for putting to death Dourishius in America and after an Appeal brought about it by the next of Kinn to him and how afterward King Iames the first shew'd his value of the Talents and usefulness of Sir Walter Raleigh by employing him in his Service with Power of the Life and Death of others whilst he lay under the highest disability by being attainted of High-Treason It would be somewhat like pedantry to digress too far into such a Common Place and wherein almost infinite instances will be tumultuarily crowding into any Mans thoughts But I shall here further tell you that from the notion of ludit in humanis c. and of him who sitteth in the Heavens having some Disablers in derisien who imagined a vain thing and from Heavens often choosing to make that Stone that the Builders rejected and disabled the Head of the Corner and from the severe threatning in St. Matthew against him who shall offend ONE of these little ones who believe in Christ and from the caution there of despising not ONE of these little ones you may occasionally call to mind your moral Offices of honouring all Men and of adoring the Divine Providence when it makes such Persons its instruments in the preserving of Nations who by any systemes of Politics or Laws were disabled from being such A. I thank you for the occasion you have given me to meditate about this and do think that Man having the style of vain apply'd to him in Iob. c. 11. v. 12. Vain Man WOULD be WISE tho Man be born like a wild Asses colt and there made a politic-would-be and not only resembled to a Brute but made to be born like one and of Brutes like to the Ass and of Asses to the wild one and even of such to the wild Asses Colt and being thus under an incurable complication of natural Incapacities ought to be very careful how he goes about by any artificial incapacities to afflict or reproach any of his Race that are born to too many and much more to limit the Wisdom of Providence in the choice of its instruments and to take the work of the cicuration of the untamed World out of God's hand And here I shall afford you some amends for the pleasant historical hints I just now had from you by observing to you in short what partly makes for your purpose that tho as Palaeotus in his learned Tâ—…actate de Nothis spuriisque filiis hath mention'd such were tam Mosaicâ quam Pontificiâ ac Civili lege omnino detestabiles and as infamous disabled particularly by the Canon Law from ecclesiastical Dignities yet to shew how these out-casts of the Law were by Heaven rendered instrumental in the Government of the World he there saith Notantque hi qui historias ab origine Mundi sunt exorsi artes ownes scientias ab hujvsmodi sobole à filiis scilicet Lamech fuisse inventas ab eis subtiliora omnia utiliora excogitata and he concludes his Book by instancing in the Names of many Europaean Kings and Princes and Roman Emperors and particularly of Constantine the great and likewise of Popes of Rome who were of the base-born Class of Mankind Both God Almighty and our Princes can make Vessels of Honour of what Clay they please and place them where they will. B. You find it DECLARED in the Statute of the 31th of H. 8. c. 10. that It appertaineth to the King's Prerogative Royal to give such Honour Reputation and Placing to his Councellors AND OTHER his Subjects as shall be seeming to his most excellent Wisdom and so when King Iames gave Sir Walter Raleigh tho dead in Law and labouring under the highest disability beforemention'd the Power and Honour of commanding the lives of others he did but what appertain'd to his Prerogative And thus when King Harry the 8th by his Prerogative like the Sun both raising and gilding a poor Vapour made Cromwel who was the Son of a Black-smith Lord Privy-Seal and likewise enabled him tho a Lay-man to to be his
the Statute of 37 o. H. 8. beforemention'd that speaks of Bishops Vicars-General useth only the Style of Vicegerent for Cromwel's Office. And I have observ'd in his Injunctions to the Clergy that he styles himself Lord Privy Seal Uice-gerent to King Henry the 8th for all his Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm c. But the word Vicar being perhaps by the envy of the Monks put on him and his Office in common Discourse the word Vicar in the Proper signification of it signifying a Servant to a Servant according to that in Martial Esse sat est servum jam nolo Vicarius esse the Archbishop speaking Cum vulgo might then call him the King 's Vicar-general and so others since I should before have mention'd what he saith p. 323. speaking of Cromwel Inter hunc Cranmerum summam necessitudinem Evangelium conciliavit ut dum ille Experientiâ hic Doctrinâ câ—…nctos anteâ—…elleret tum utrique Regi intimi chari essent Ex horum Consilio impiis atque odiosis Papoe Wolsoei Cardinalis Actis summum supplicium exitium Romanoe Curioe divinitùs paratum est A. You have enough minded me of the King 's dispensing with the disabiity incurr'd by the Canons both in the C se of Cromwel a Lay-man intermedling in Ecclesiastical Matters and of Câ—…anmer a Clergyman intermedling in secular proving so necessary to the Reformation and accordingly as Queen Elizabeth's dispensing with disability proved so to the Establishment of the present Hierarchy of the Church of England And I shall most seriously consider what the Act of the 37th of H. the 8th hath in such plain and liquid terms declared of the Power given to the King by Scripture and to all such Persons as he shall appoint to exercise Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction however incapacitated so to do by lawful Canons and Constitutions and which were by that Eminent Iustitiary you mention'd held Equivalent to Acts of Parliament and shall grant that iâ—… never so many Acts of Parliament had attempted to deprive the King of a Power inherent in him by Scripture such attempt would be nugatory and the fremuerunt gentes against it would be but the Peoples imagining a vain thing And I shall consider it how far by clear and necessary Consequences and no wire-drawn ones it follows from what is declared by this Act of Parliament as to the King 's being authorized by Scripture to choose some sorts of Officers to serve the Crown in Church and State that he is so authorized to choose others in like manner as you mention'd it to me declared by the Scotch Act of Parliament that the King by virtue of the Royal Power he holds from God All-mighty is to have the SOLE choice and appointment of the Officers of the State c. But I Pray do not many other Acts of Parliament in Harry the 8ths time whereby the Royal Prerogative is so much advanced and particularly that of the 25th of Harry the 8th that sets up the Dispensative Power seem to make it depend on Statute-Law And may it not seem to be more than a flaw in the Diamond of Prerogative and a great depretiating of it in cutting it out as it were into four by making its Establishment depend on the King and three Estates B. I shall therefore here once for all tell you that the occasion of so many mens mistake in thinking so many of those Acts of Parliament in Harry the 8th's time prejudicial to Prerogative as seeming to found it on Statute-Law is their not considering that such Statutes were but declaratory of old Laws and not introductive of new ones My Lord Primate Bramhal in his Schism guarded p. 155. saith I profess clearly I do not see what advantage Henry the 8th could make of his own Laws which he might not have made of the ancient Laws except only a gawdy Title of Head of the English Church which survived him not long and the Tenths and first-fruits of the Clergy c. But you may as fully take notice how Harry the 8th throughout his great Declarative Laws so often declares in effect his Regal Power to be given him by God. My Lord Coke in his Caudry's Case instanceth in the famous Statute of 24 o H. 8. c. 12. and calls it declaratory of the ancient Law and you see how it is declared there That the King is by the goodness of God furnish'd with Prerogative c. And the Statute of 37 o H. 8. begins as I shew'd you with the three Estates DECLARING That the King's Majesty is and hath always justly been Supreme Head in the Earth of the Church of England by the Word of God. You know too how the style runs in another of his Acts of Parliament viz. The Bishop of Rome and See Apostolick contrary to the great and inviolable Grants of Iurisdictions by God immediately to Emperors Kings and Princes c. And thus tho there are various Statutes in his Reign and particularly that of the 25th year of his Reign c. 19. by which it was Enacted That the King's Highness shall have Power and Authority to nominate and assign at his pleasure Two and thirty persons whereof Sixteen to be of the Clergy and Sixteen of the Temporalty of the Upper and Nether House of the Parliament to view search and examine the Canous Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial and that such of them as the King's Highness and the said Two and thirty or the Major part of them shall deém and adjudge worthy to be continued kept and obey'd shall beÌ„ from henceforth kept obey'd and executed within this Realm so that the Kings most Royal assent under his Great Seal be first had to the same c. and tho according to the ancient usage of the Realm as well as to those Canons Lay-men were not only incapacitated to make Ecclesiastical Constitutions and Canons but Kings Bishops or Noblemen who believed that the Decrees of the Bishops of Rome may be violated or shall suffer them so to be are in the Canon Law anathematized yet as this enacting Clause was made on the Clergy's Petition to the King as the Preamble of the Act mentions that those Constitutions and Canons may be committed to the Examination and Iudgment of his Highness and of Two and Thirty persons of the King's Subjects whereof sixteen were to be of the Upper and Nether House of the Parliament of the Temporalty and all the said Two and thirty persons to be chosen and appointed by the King's Majesty c. and be empower'd to do what I mention'd out of the enacting Clause and whereby the King alone was in effect both according to the Clergy's Petition and the enacting Clause vested with the jus vitoe necis of the Canons so in a Memorable Epistle of Harry the 8th Printed before the Reformatio legum Ecclesiasticarum and intended as a draught for a Publication or Promulgation of the King 's new Ecclesiastical Laws after the draught of
them had been by those Clergymen and Laymen prepared for his Royal Consideration and been by him establish'd he there declares his Power of so doing to be pursuant to his Supreme Headship of the Church of England recogniz'd quemadmodum divini atque humani juris tatio postulat and mentions the Power granted to him and his Ancestors ipso jure divino as recognized and applies to himself the words Sapientioe cap. 7. Audite Reges intelligite quoniam data est a Domino potestas vobis c. and founding his Power of making Ecclesiastical Laws on that jus Divinum he saith En vobis authoritate nostra editas leges damus c. And here I shall tell you that as my Lord Coke in Cawdry's Case calls the Act of the 24th of H. 8. beforemention'd An Act declaratory of the Ancient Law so he likewise doth the Act of the 25th of his Reign c. 21. that so much props up the Dispensative Power And I assure you that they look but at a few things in general and in that Statute in particular who think that the Dispensative Power inherent in the King lost any ground thereby and he who takes the Statute altogether will find that that Power if it seem'd in any words to go back from it self was but by such retreat to leap the further forward For if you will take a glancing view of the intent of that Statute to that end you will see that instead of that Law making it self to be the Fountain of the Dispensative Power it makes the Dispensative Power to be the very Fountain of a great part of the Common Law it self for its style gives you the figure of our Laws as either devised made and obtain'd within this Realm for the wealth of the same or such as by SUFFERANCE of your Grace and your Progenitors which is a Dispensation by way of Permission or Connivence the People of this your Realm have taken at their free Liberty by their own Consent to be used among them and have bound themselves by long use and Custom to the observance of the same c. And the King in his Legislative Capacity having with the consent of the three Estates superseded the Pope's Dispensative Power that had so long Usurp'd on the King's Laws and having provided that the Money that should be paid as Fees for Dispensations should be rais'd and moderated by their Consent obtain'd from them a Clause in the Act containing so great a deference to the Dispensative Power of the Crown as that after the Act had authorized the Archbishop of Canterbury and his Successors to grant such Dispensations Licences and Faculties as were accustomed to be had from the See of Rome and not grant any others till the King his Heirs and Successors or their Councel were first advertised thereof and determined whether they should pass It Provided that if it were thought and determin'd by the King his Heirs and Successors or their Councel that Dispensations Faculties Licences or other Writings in any such Case UNWONT shall pass that then the said Archbishop or his Commissary having Licence of His Majesty his Heirs and Successors for the same shall dispense with them accordingly and in Case of his refusing to dispense that any other two Bishops the King his Heirs and Successors should nominate should be appointed to dispense in such Cases And this Act with all the Clauses in it you find reviv'd by the 1st of Elizabeth c. 1. The Pope's rehabilitations did customarily extend to Lay-men as well as Clergy-men and that particularly in case of Heterodoxy in Religion then call'd Heresy which both by ancient usage and Acts of Parliament loaded men with various incapacities And his relaxing the incapacities that relate to Clergy-men any one may see by the Taxa Cameroe and the Fees thereby payable viz. in the Age of those who were to take Orders and were defective in some of their Members and in the Case of Clergy-mens incapacity incurr'd by irregularity But after this Act of the 25. of H. the 8th had shew'd the World the Authority the King had to rehabilitate and dispense here in his own Country both as to matters customarily dispens'd with at Rome and such as were not so and how small the Fees were for the same the bringing rehabilitations and Perinde valere's from Rome to England was like carrying Coals to New-Castle A. I was not satisfy'd with your extending the King's Power of Dispensing here as far as the Pope's reach'd and it seems you extend it further I hope you intend not to bring in here the Tax of the Apostolical Chancery and which Mr. Crashaw translating into English in the year 1625. call'd it The Rates of the Pope's Custom-house and wherein are contain'd Indulgences for Sins past present and to come and such a kind of Pardoning Power as in The historical Narration of the first Fourteen years of King James appear'd to that King so scandalous in the Case of the Draught of the Earl of Somerset's Pardon and in which Sir Robert Cotton having been desired by the Earl to find out the largest Pardon that former Presidents could shew brought him one that was made by the Pope to Cardinal Wolsey and by a fac simile after which the Draught of the Earls ran for Pardoning all manner of Felonies and Treasons committed and to be committed B. Premising to you that the Christian offices do more call on you to mind what Sins you dispense with in your self then what the Pope dispenseth with in others and that this present Pope hath spoil'd the Trade of raillery about Indulgences by spoiling the Trade of them and damning so great a number of them and that in his vast Supplies of Money toward the taking of Buda the Souls in Purgatory contributed nothing and that Sir Paul Ricaut in the Life of this Pope having done right to his Vertue in mentioning his having suppress'd an Office of the Virgin Mary and a multitude of Indulgences hath further judiciously observ'd That Wisemen at the Councel of Trent finding that the Doctrine of Indulgences was not solid did but slightly touch it and tho yet it was the CHIEF matter for which that Councel was assembled nothing was determin'd therein but only that Indulgences be used with such Moderation as was approved by the Ancient Custom of the Church that is not at all I say premising all this I shall mind you that I have said enough already to let you see that it is only the ancient Dispensative Iurisdiction of the Crown that I direct you to prop up and more particularly with respect to the Case before you While we are considering the Obligation of an Oath it were pity that the thoughts of either of us should be embarras'd with Moot-points and so without troubling you with a reference to More f. 463. where all the Power of the Pope is not given to the King by the 25th of H. the 8th but is extinct Hallywel ' s
o Eliz. beforemention'd B. I can easily direct you to such a Writer of our Church who hath done the thing to the universal Satisfaction of the Inquisitive as to this Point and that is the Lord Primate Bramhal in his Book of Schism Guarded He saith there in p. 330 and 331. As our Grievances so our Reformation was only of the abuses of the Roman Court. Their bestowing of Prelacies and Dignities in England to the Prejudice of the right Patrons Their Convocating Synods in England without the King's leave Their Prohibiting English Prelates to make their old feudal Oaths to the King and obliging them to take new Oaths of Fidelity to the Pope Their imposing and receiving Tenths and first Fruits and other Arbitrary Pensions upon the English Clergy and lastly their Usurping a Legislative Iudiciary and Dispensative Power in the exterior Court by Political Coaction these are all the branches of Papal Power which we have rejected This Reformation is all the Separation that we have made in point of Discipline And for Doctrine we have no difference with them about the old Essentials of Christian Religion and their new Essentials which they have patch'd to the Creed are but their erroneous or at the best probable Opinions no Articles of Faith. Thus then according to these measures you see how much the hinge of the Reformation turns on the Usurpation of the Papacy in Dispensing for in all these particulars enumerated the Pope dispens'd with the King's Laws And he had before in p. 26. said This Primacy neither the Ancients nor we deny to St. Peter of Order of Place of Preheminence If this first movership would serve his turn the Controversie were at an end for our parts But this Primacy is over-lean the Court of Rome have no gusto to it They thirst after a visible Monarchy on Earth an absolute Ecclesiastical Soveraignty a Power to make Canons to abolish Canons to dispense with Canons to impose Pensions to dispose of Dignities to decide Controversies by a single Authority This was that which made the breach not the Innocent Primacy of St. Peter And afterward in p. 149. he saith But I must contract my Discourse to those Dispensations that are intended in the Laws of Henry the 8th that is the Power to dispense with English Laws in the exterior Court Let him bind or loose inwardly whom he will whether his Key erre or not we are not concern'd Secondly As he is a Prince in his own Territories he that hath Power to bind hath Power to loose He that hath Power to make Laws hath Power to dispense with his own Laws Laws are made of Common Events Those benign Circumstances that happen rarely are left to the Dispensative Grace of the Prince Thirdly As he is a Bishop whatever Dispensative Power the ancient Ecclesiastical Canons or Edicts of Christian Emperors give to the Bishop of Rome within those Territories that were subject to his Iurisdiction by Humane right we do not envy him so he suffer us to enjoy our ancient Privileges and Immunities freed from his Encroachments and Usurpations The Chief ground of the ancient Ecclesiastical Canon was let the old Customs prevail A possession or Prescription of Eleven hundred years is a good ward both in Law and Conscience against an Human Right and much more against a New pretence of Divine Right For Eleven hundred years our Kings and Bishops enjoy'd the sole Dispensative Power with all English Laws Civil and Ecclesiastical In all which time he is not able to give one instance of a Papal Dispensation in England nor any shadow of it when the Church was formed Where the Bishops of Rome had no Legislative Power no Iudiciary Power in the exteriour Court by necessary Consequence they could have no Dispensative Power He then in p. 169. mentions the said Statute of 25. H. 8th and having referr'd to the Proviso there to shew that its intent was not to vary from the Church of Christ in any other things declared by the Holy Scripture and the Word of God necessary to Salvation he saith then followeth the scope of our Reformation only to make an Ordinance by Policies necessary and convenient to repress Vice and for good Conservation of the Realm in Peace Unity and Tranquillity from ravine and spoil ensuing much the ancient Customs of this Realm in that behalf not minding to seek for any relief succours or remedies for any worldly things and Humane Laws in any cause of necessity but within this Realm at the hands of your Highness your Heirs and Successors Kings of this Realm which have and ought to have an Imperial Power and Authority in the same and not obliged in worldly Causes to any other Superior Thus then you see this Prelates sense of how much the taking away the Pope's Dispensative Power here and restoring that Power to the Crown was the Soul of the Reformation and tota in toto of it And this Act you see revived by the First of Elizabeth without garbling it in the least and the Dispensative Power thereby restored to her her Heirs and Successors and a Declaration that no Subjects of the Realm need for any worldly things and Humane Laws in any Cause of Necessity seek for any relief but within this Realm at the hands of our Soveraign as aforesaid And I shall tell you that the Bishop in the next Page refers to the Statute of the First of Eliz. and saith on his view of both Statutes Whatsoever Power our Laws did devest the Pope of they invested the King with it And of this the Power of Rehabilitating any of his Lay or Clerical Subjects is a part as was beforesaid A. You have cited somewhat out of this Great Champion for the King's Supremacy and for the Church of England and reputed to be the most clear Vindicator of it from Schism our Church hath had which hath created more anxiety in my mind about the Assertory part of the Oath then any thing hath done For the words in the Oath are I do utterly testify and declare c that no Foreign Prelate or Person hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction Power Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm and you have brought in the Primate granting that the Pope hath Power here to bind or loose inwardly and asserting that he hath here a Spiritual Power B. You judge right of the Bishop's Opinion and which is indeed express'd throughout his whole Book He tells us in p. 25. That St. Cyprian made all the Bishopricks in the World to be but one Masse whereof every Bishop had an entire part And he saith in p. 60 and 61. That neither King Harry the 8th nor any of our Legislators did ever endeavour to deprive the Bishop of Rome of the Power of the Keys or any part thereof either the Key of Order or the Key of Iurisdiction I mean Iurisdiction purely Spiritual which hath place only in the inner Court of Conscience and over such Persons as
submit willingly And in the clearing of which Point he refers to the Proviso aforesaid in the Statute of the 25th of Harry the 8th and the 37th Canon of the Church of England as rendring the Power by both given to the King to be purely Political But in p. 159. he refers by way of Objection to two Statutes of Harry the 8th the one an Act for extinguishing the Authority of the Bishop of Rome the other an Act for Establishing the Succession wherein there is an Oath that the Bishop of Rome OUGHT not to have any Iurisdiction or Authority in this Realm then faith it is declared in the 37th Article of our Church that the Bishop of Rome hath no Iurisdiction in the Kingdom of England and in the Oath ordain'd by Queen Elizabeth that no Foreign Preiate hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm and he then by way of answer to which says That those two Statutes were long ago repeal'd by Queen Mary and never afterward restored c. and that altho it were supposed that our Ancestors â—…ad over-reach'd themselves and the truth in some Expressions yet that concerns not us at all so long as we keep our selves exactly to the line and level of Apostolical Tradition and saith that our Ancestors meant the very same thing that we do Our only difference is in the use of the words Spiritual Authority or Iurisdiction which we understand of Iurisdiction purely Spiritual which extends â—…o further then the Court of Conscience But by Spiritual Authority or Iurisdiction they did understand Ecclesiostical Iurisdiction in the exterior Court which in truth is partly Spiritual partly Political And he in p. 161. takes notice of the Apostles Dispensative Power 2 Cor. 2. 10. to whom I forgave any thing for your sakes forgave I in the person of Christ But all this is only in the interior Court of Conscience But the Primate having in p. 73. discours'd of the Act of 1 o Eliz. c. 1. saith here is no new Power created in the Crown but only an ancient Iurisdiction restored here is no foreign Power abolish'd but only that which is repugnant to the ancient Laws of England and the Prerogative Royal. In a word here is no Power ascribed to our Kings but merely Political and Coactive to see that all their Subjects do their Duties in their several Places Coactive Power is one of the Keys of the Kingdom of this World it is none of the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven This might have been express'd in words less subject to Excâ—…ption A. The Primate hath shewn an eminent Candour of mind in these Passages of his you have cited and if our Ancestors had but over-reach'd themselves and the truth in some Expressions and in any part of a Statute but that which forms an Oath it had not much concern'd us and as long as they had kept exactly to the line and level of plain Truth in all the words of the Oath but Oaths being stricti juris and being to be taken in truth and in righteousness and in the common sense of the words may I not here to the Assertory Clause of No foreign Prelate or Person hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction c. apply those other words of the Primate This might have been express'd in words less subject to Exception But according to what he cited out of St. Cyprian it may be said instead of no foreign Prelate hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction c. that Every foreign Prelate hath it and not only the Bishop of Rome as claiming a Succession under St. Peter but Thousands of other Bishops in Christendom who as the Primate saith there p. 162. do not at all derive their Holy Orders from S. Peter or any other Roman Bishop either mediately or immediately especially in Asia and Africa but from the other Apostles And suitably to what the Primate observ'd out of S. Cyprian by which we see that as there is but one Universal Church so there is but Episcopatus Unus in that Church and that undivided I find it observ'd in Sir Geffery Palmer's Reports in the Case of Evans Kiffin vers Ascuith Trin. 3. Car. B. R. Whitelock Evesque ad 3 Powers Le Primer est Ordinations and that comes to him by his Consecration and not before By that he can take the resignation of a Church He can give Orders and Consecrate Churches and it belongs not to him as he is a Bishop of one place or other mais il est universel sur tout le monde And therefore the Archbishop of Spalato when he was here could give Orders The Chief Iustice agreed with him herein The second is Potestas Jurisdictionis which is not Universal but tied to certain places as to take an Oath to Excommunicate and Punish offences and this Power he hath by Confirmation The third is Administratio rei Familiaris the Government of his Revenue and this is gain'd by Confirmation By this you see that the Bishop of Rome as every other foreign Bishop may have some Spiritual Power here viz. what the Reporter mention'd as the first And therefore I could wish that the 37th of our 39 Articles to which the Primate refers for the Interpretations of this Clause in the Oath had in those words there the Bishop of Rome hath no Iurisdiction in this Realm express'd such a distinction of his Iurisdiction as the Bishop hath done and otherwise that common and trite Rule of Non est distinguendum ubi lex non distinguit being here applicable you know what is to be thought of an ambiguous Oath and that as the sagacious Author of the History of the Council of Trent hath told us p. 187 as one Particular makes false the contradictory Universal so one ambiguous Particular makes the Universal to be ambiguous Moreover tho you will suppose that he might lawfully take the Oath in his sense of the Pope's Jurisdiction yet all his great Learning and Reason could not qualifie him to be an Authentical Interpreter of the Oath to me In some parts of the Oath that were obvious to doubt you have already given me satisfaction and particularly in making me by vertue of the Canons of King Iames a participant with the Clergy in his authentical Interpretation of the 37th Article And since as Suarez in his learned Book De Legibus 4. c. de Interpretatione humanarum Legum saith that there may be an interpretation of Law which hath the Authority of Law and that qui in eadem potestate succedit semper potest Praedecessotum leges interpretari I shall account King Iames his Interpretation as good as Queen Elizabeth's and that if he had there declared his mind about the Pope's spiritual Power in foro interno being not renounced by this Clause in the Oath I should then be content with it But 't is otherwise for he there Confirms it in effect as 't is in the Article
commanding Obedience to be given to the Word of God by reforming Religion according to his prescribed Will by assisting the Spiritual Power with the Temporal Sword by reforming Corruptions by procuring due Obedience to the Church by judging and cutting off all frivolous Questions and Schisms as Constantine did and finally by making decorum to be observ'd in every thing and establishing Orders to be observ'd in all indifferent things for that purpose is the ONLY intent of the Oath of Supremacy and whereby as he effectually confuted the Cardinal whose Letter charged the Oath of Supremacy as tending to this end That the Authority of the Head of the Church in England may be transferr'd from the Successor of St. Peter to the Successor of King Henry the 8th and to oppose the Primacy of the Apostolick See so at the end of his Book he shews that his design of Publishing the same was to satisfie all his good and natural Subjects and likewise Strangers about the things therein contain'd and whereby the King's Mind was publickly notify'd that in the right done to the Crown by the Oath of Supremaâ—…y as well as of Allegiance there was no wrong intended to St. Peter or his Successors A. I hope you have now put a Period to the History of the Dispensative Power of the Crown that was exercised in-the interpreting of any parts of the Oath of Supremacy or the 37th Article thereto relating You have named to me so many interpretations of the Oath that according to the wisdom of our State and the Lex Consuetudo Parliamenti making a Bill to be thrice read in each House of Parliament and then receiving the Royal Assent to be thought like Gold seven times purify'd may shew the interpretation of the Law to be so too But tho I will account any good Law to be more precious then Gold yet if like Gold it be too far extended by ductile interpretation it may be drawn to such a thinness as to lose all its weight and estimation and retain only a poor tincture and colour that will signifie little or nothing And as Pliny in his Panegyrick on Trajan said that by reason of the multitudes of sutes upon Penal Laws in Rome there was danger till Trajan's time ne Civitas fundata legibus legibus everteretur so a Law whose Obligatoriness is founded on interpretations may be endanger'd by the multitudes of them to be destroy'd and may like the Papal Laws of New Rome by the infinite interpretations of Casuists in the forum internum which is their Tribunal be brought to signifie nothing in either forum and to be only an Engine to make Perplexities You have given me here such a Genealogy of interpretations that according to the common Story of Arise Daughter c. one may say Arise Interpretation and go to thy Interpretation c. I shall therefore be glad now you have been so largely communicative of your thoughts to me about the assertory part of the Oath you will deal as frankly with me in acquainting me with what may in the Promissory part of the Oath be of importance for me to know in order to the better discharge of my Duty in the Case before me B. I shall therein be most ready to serve you when we meet next for the entire Consideration of what according to the Assertory part of the Oath you are obliged to do will I see be as great a load as both our patiences will at this time bear and therefore according to the Saying of Must is for the King I am to tell you that let our Kings make never so many interpretations one after another of this your Oath you must finding them all Consistent with one another consider them all with all due regarâ—… 〈◊〉 thank God and them when their Consciences being inclined to a tenderness for the doubting of yours they interpose their Dispensative Power of that kind And hereupon I shall tell you that in the year 1628. King Charles the First did cause the 39 Articles to be reprinted and with a Declaration before the same made by him as Supreme Governor of the Church within his Dominions that those Articles contain the true Doctrine of the Church of England and that if any Difference should arise about the external Policy concerning Injunctions Canons or other Constitutions whatsoever belonging to the Church of England the Clergy in their Convocation is to order and settle them c. he approving their said Ordinances c. that the Bishops and Clergy shall have licence under the Broad Seal to deliberate of and do all such things as being made plain by them and assented to him shall concern the setled Continuance of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England c. and then having respect to the Article wherein the Arminians and Antiarminians were concern'd 't is order'd that no man hereafter shall either Print or Preach to draw the Article aside any way c. But the first Canon that was afterward viz. A. 1640. made was that concerning the Regal Power which begins with taking notice that sundry Laws Ordinances and Constitutions had been formerly made for the acknowledgment and profession of the most lawful and independent Authority of our Dread Sovereign Lord the King over the state Ecclesiastical and Civil and then enjoyns them to be ALL carefully observ'd by all persons whom they Concern upon the Penalties in the said Laws and Constitutions express'd and then decrees that the Clergy shall read the following Explanation of the Regal Power and where the words A Supreme Power is given to this most excellent Order i. e. of Kings by God himself in the Scriptures which is that Kings should rule and Command in their several Dominions all persons of what Rank or Estate soever whether Ecclesiastical or Civil and that they should restrain and punish with the Temporal Sword all stubborn and wicked doers shew they had then the 37th of the 39 Articles in their eye and some other words viz. for any person or persons to set up maintain or avow respectively under any pretence whatsoever any independent Coactive Power either papal or popular c. is to undermine their great Royal Office shew they had an Eye on that 37th Article and on your Oath and where they did speak out that sense of the Clause The Bishop of Rome hath no Iurisdiction c. and of the words in the Oath that no foreign Prelate hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction c. that is that the Bishop of Rome had here no independent Coactive Iurisdiction the sense in which all considerate Persons who were Members of the Church of Rome in Harry the 8th's time and of the Church of England in Edward the 6th's time took the old Oath of Supremacy and the Members of the Church of England in Queen Elizabeth's time and ever since took the new one As for Non-conformists who think the Government of Bishops unlawful this Clause that no foreign
Godly Iealousie and tenderness to support one another and that Tender-Conscienced Prince who confirm'd this Canon did in it variously dispensare in lege as I may properly say with Allusion to Suarez de Legibus where in stead of using the Common Expression of dispensing WITH Laws he so frequently mentions that of dispensing IN them and thereby doth seem to take off somewhat of the harshness of Questions about Popes or Princes dispensing WITH Laws For when Sovereigns do dispensare in lege they really distribute their Sovereign Power throughout the Body of their respective Laws for their Preservation and as the heart doth dispense or distribute Blood in and throughout the Body-natural and the Brain Animal Spirits throughout the genus nervosum all the Body over And here the King having a tender regard to the firm and infirm Consciences of his People respectively and to their various Capacities of understanding and he being as Zealous for all their keeping their Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance as any Prince could be for their taking them doth in the beginning of the Canon let such as you know who have been brought up to Study and who have a tenacious Memory and could remember more interpretations of the Oath then I have recounted to you if they had been given by our Princes that whereas sundry Laws Ordinances and Constitutions have been formerly made for the acknowledgment and profession of the most lawful and independent Authority of our Dread Sovereign Lord the King 's most Excellent Majesty over the State Ecclesiastical and Civil c he doth enjoyn them all to be carefully observ'd by all such Persons whom they concern upon the Penalties in the said Laws express Here then the Acts of Parliament before-mention'd and the Oaths and Articles and Canons and Authentick interpretations appear to look you in the face and the Articles particularly do so to the Clergy as having subscribed them But that Pious Prince as their Sovereign Pastor being desirous that his Clergy should gently allure the Layety with Line upon Line and Precept upon Precept to keep their Faith to God and Loyalty to himself rather then by Interpretation upon Interpretation of their Oaths would not in this Canon have them frighted with the sight of the Oaths themselves and which are there not named and all Archbishops Bishops and inferior Priests are moreover by the Canon required to Preach Teach and Exhort their people to obey honour and serve their King and that they presume not to speak of his Majesty's Power any other way then in this Canon is exoress'd but which Canon gives them a very fair licence to speak to their People of and for the King's Power of disabling and of rehabilitating his Subjects For it disables the publick Abâ—…ttors of any Position contrary to the Explications of the Regal Power therein by Excommunicating them till they repent and for the first Offence suspends them two years from the Profits of their Benefices and for the second deprives them of all their spiritual Promotions and it was in the Canon before said That if any Parson Uicar Curate or Preacher shall neglect his Duty in Publishing the said Explications c. he shall be suspended by his Ordinary till such time as upon his Penitence he shall give sufficient assurance or Evidence of his amendment and in case he be of any EXEMPT Iurisdiction he shall be censureable by His Majesty's Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical And the Canon makes any Offenders against it in the Universities as being exempt Jurisdictions there censureable or before His Majesty's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes and so you have the Canon likewise by securing the Rights of exempt Jurisdictions asserting the Dispensative Power But if you will take Mr. Bagshaw's word in his first Argument in Parliament concerning the Canons he there tells you that that very Canon of the Convocation containing the Explanation of the Regal Power did necessarily imply their declared sense of the Laws being dispens'd with For saith he in making Determinations concerning Royal Power they have done against Law and have medled with things of which they have no Conusance for the Exposition of them belongs to the Iudges of the Land and they have no more right to expound them then the Iudges have to expound Texts of Scripture And we know that our Laws have been so careful of preserving the Judges right of interpreting them that they allow not the Bishops and their Officials Power to interpret any Acts of Parliament tho made about Matters of their Jurisdiction and Matters merely Spiritual as appears out of Hobart 84. Spenloe's Case and Coke 3. Inst. where he saith that an Act of Parliament made about things merely Spiritual shall be construed by the Common Law 〈◊〉 Judges But how far the disabling by the Power of His Majesty's Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes such who explain'd not the Regal Power according to that Canon might appear as an Instance of the Prerogative of Disabling and of occasional re-ennabling Mr. Bagshaw's second Argument in effect exposeth it to Consideration by mentioning that the last Letters Patents of the High Commission were Mich. 9. Car. in which are contain'd all things wherein the Commissioners were to meddle and that therefore the Punishing of any there on the account of this new Canon made not a year ago could not be pursuant to those Letters Patents His first Argument likewise wherein he gives his Iudgment that by Law that Convocation was dissolv'd by the Dissolution of the Parliament may let us see how far they in making any Canon depended on the Dispensative Power of Prerogative But any one who hates Faction will find that that Author did needlesly inflame the minds of that Parliament of Forty against those Canons and particularly with the foremention'd Exception against the first on the Account of the Explanation of the Regal Power having not been made by the Iudges and where the Exception doth through the sides of the Convocation strike at the honour of that King by whom those Canons were Confirm'd His Majesty in his memorable Speech at the Prorogation of the Parliament on the 20th of October 1628. occasionally said I Command and all you that are here to take notice of what I granted you in your Petition i. e. the Petition of Right but especially you my Lords the Iudges for to you only under me belongs the interpretation of the Laws for none of the Houses of Parliament joynt or separate have any Power either to make or declare a Law without my Consent Nor will any one wonder at the tenderness of any Crown'd heads in preserving their Right as to the interpretation of their Laws who hath consider'd that the usage of the ancient Romans in making their Civil Law to be among the things Sacred and Ceremonies of their Gods preserv'd in the Collegium Pontificum and appropriating the interpretation of it to their Pontifices did induce Augustus to be inaugurated Pontifex Maximus and
likewise all the Roman Emperors from Augustus to Gratian to assume that title and that the Christian Emperors tho as one saith à fucris Romanorum hoc Pontificis nomine abhorrebant in suis tamen Elogiis nummis passim se Pontifices maximos dici passi sunt quod ad hodiernum diem râ—…dera Romana inspicientibus satis constaâ—… Nor yet will any one find Cause to reflect on the memory of that our Prince for want of consulting his Iudges in the interpretation of his Laws in general nor even of this his Ecclesiastical Law in particular about the Explanation of the Regal Power For Heylin in his History of Archbishop Laud saith that so tender was His Majesty that before he gave his Consent that the Canons of 1640. should be tender'd to the Clergy to be subscribed â—…e caus'd them to be publickly read in Councel and before the Iudges there and by all whom they were approved c. And if Mr. Bagshaw had consider'd what himself had said of the Iudges having no Right to Expound texts of Scripture and how the Convocation in that Canon did introduce the Supreme Power given to Kings by God himself in the Scripture and explain'd by Regal Power Kings ruling and commanding in their several Dominions all Persons of what rank or estate soever and that they should restrain and punish with the Temporal Sword all stubborn and evil doers and likewise what was before mention'd in the Second Paragraph of the Explanation viz. of the Care of God's Church committed to Kings in the Scripture he would have found the Interpretation of the Regal Supremacy as built on the Scriptures by that Caâ—… and approved too by the Judges of the Land to have not been exorbitant The words in the 13th of the Romans of the Higher Powers being the Ordinance of God and of bearing not the Sword in vain and of being the Minister of God and a revenger to execute wrath on him that doth Evil and of rendring therefore to all their dues fear to whom fear honour to whom honour and the words in S. Peter of submitting our selves to every Ordinance of man for the Lord's sake whether it be to the King as Supreme or unto Governors as unto them that are sent by him for the Punishment of evil doers and for the Praise of them that do well and other passages in Scripture and particularly in the Old Testament were in the eye of the Convocation in their so explaining the Regal Power and you may if you please have them now in your eye while you are considering the Case before you and see how far you are bound to submit to all Governors who shall be employ'd by the King in the executive Power of his Laws against evil doers and for the praise of them that do well and how you are not to disparage such Governors who are so sent for such praise But it is not to be wonder'd at that the Iudges approved of the Contents of that Explanation of the Regal Supremacy and particularly of the Power of punishing evil doers as inherent in the Crown since the same hath been declared so by so many Acts of Parliament and of which I shall name one to you that I have not yet referr'd to viz. that of 1 o Mariae c. 1. Sess. 2. of the Second Parliament of which the title is The Regal Power is in the Queens Majesty as fully as it hath been in any her Progenitors and where 't is said that For as much as the Imperial Crown of this Realm with all Dignities Honours Prerogatives Iurisdictions and Preheminences thereunto annex'd united and belonging by the Divine Providence of Almighty God is most lawfully and rightfully descended and come to the Queen's Highness that now is c. and invested in her Royal Person according to the Laws of this Realm and by force and virtue of the same all Regal Power Dignity Honour Authority Preheminence doth appertain and of right ought to appertain and belong unto her Highness as to the Sovereign Supreme Governor and Queen of this Realm and the Dominions thereof in as full large and ample manner as it hath done heretofore to any other her most noble Progenitors Kings of this Realm the ample manner of Harry the 8th's Power is not therein excepted Nevertheless the most ancient Statutes of this Realm being made by Kings then reigning do not only attribute and refer all Prerogative Preheminence Power and Iurisdiction Royal unto the name of King but also do give assign and appoint the Correction and Punishment of all Offenders against the Regality and Dignity of the Crown and the Laws of this Realm unto the King c. And considering that a Popish Parliament of Queen Mary's did give this their august Declarative sense of the executive Power of punishing all Offenders against the Regality and Dignity of the Crown which is the great Offence taken at Popery and the Laws of the Realm as belonging to or inherent in our Kings by virtue of their being Supreme Governors of the Realm and that this Supreme Power was Committed to her and her Progenitors by the Divine Providence of Almighty God shall your acknowledgments of such Supreme Power of your Prince be narrower then any of Papists You know how wary and careful our English Princes have always been that their Subjects might see them hold the reins of the Executive Power of the Law in their hands and that none but the stubborn and evil doers need fear the being over-run by it And while I happen to think of the memorable Expression of a Loyal Lord in a Speech in a late Parliament of the unreasonableness of any ones suffering merely by the word Proditoriè being put into the charge of a thing that was not in its self Evil and as if it were said that such an one did traiterously pass over the Thames in a Boat I likewise think of the reasonableness of our Laws in providing for the common Safety by the Prince being allow'd to hold the Sail of the Executive Power in his own hands and which otherwise if ty'd fast about the Boat might cause it upon any sudden gust of wind to be overset You know therefore how King Iames the First in his Apology for the Oath of Allegiance in Answer to the Pope's first Breve thought himself obliged in justice for the maintenance of that Executive Power of the Crown to say as to the Pope's expressing his sorrow for that Persecution which the Catholicks sustain for the Faiths sake wherein beside the main untruth whereby I am so injuriously used as if he had thought it a personal injury to himself that any one in his Realm should be persecuted for Religion I must ever avow and maintain as the truth is according to mine own knowledge that the late QUEEN of famous Memory never PUNISH'D any Papist for Religion He doth not say her Laws and Ministers but SHE never punish'd c. He well
knew that if Papists had been Punish'd for their Religion in her Reign by Iudges and Iuries and Sheriffs that it was she had punish'd them And accordingly he in his Premonition to Christian Monarchs doth more regio and with a style of Majesty relating to his Executive Power thus tell them viz. And yet so far hath both my Heart and Government been from any bitterness as almost never one of those sharp Additions to former Laws hath ever yet been put in execution Well Sir In fine I leave it to you to consider on the whole matter how far the Contents of that Canon and particularly what is declared therein about the care of God's Church being so committed to Kings in the Scripture that they are commended when the Church keeps the right way and blamed when it runs amiss and therefore her Government belongs in chief to Kings c. do shew that Kings not only may but ought out of a regard to their own Souls to provide that where the safety of their Subjects Souls is concern'd their Dispensative Power by the interpretation of their Laws and the relaxation of their Rigour in particular Cases may be exerted I doubt not but you have observ'd many more Cases wherein the Royal Martyr to prevent imminent peril of Soul was put to it to exert such his Power A. I remember not to have read of more B. No If you had read the 39 Articles Printed in the Edition that I have done with his Declaration prefix'd thereunto you would find that there being a high ferment about the Arminian Controversie in the Church of England and the Arminian and Anti-Arminian Divines who both had subscribed the Articles appropriating the sense of them to both their Perswasions and too many drawing then the sense of them too much aside and all of them professing themselves bound in Conscience by the Laws that required their Subscription to the Articles and that their Subscription to them was to be taken in the Imposers sense and that as to the Article of the King 's being Supreme Governor of the Church of England it being supposed as the words in the Declaration are Some differences might arise concerning the External Polity Injunctions Canons or other Constitutions thereto belonging His Majesty by his Declaration again ratifying the Articles and particularly publishing that he was Supreme Governor of the Church of England did notify his Pleasure that as to any such Differences arising as aforesaid the Clergy in their Convocation should order and settle them he approving their Ordinances c. and to the end they might not trouble themselves or the Church by putting their own interpretations on the Articles he Requires their taking the Articles in the Literal and Grammatical sense and notifies that literal sense as restrain'd to the way of the general Expressions in the Articles and such as the Divines of the several Perswasions took as making for them so that now by His Majesty 's thus interpreting that sense they might warrantably continue so to do And according to what hath been said of Manna that it was that to every man's taste wherewith it was pleas'd most mens sense of the Articles might be so too by means of the declared Complaisance of His Majesty therewith A. One would then the less wonder at the Complaisance of the Clergy with that King's Power of Dispensing in his Laws by Interpreting or Declaring B. I could tell you of another passage in his Reign that will shew you how our Bishops made use of that Power as their Sheat Anchor to preserve the Hierarchy in the Storms it met with and how then the Bishops issuing out the Processes of their Ecclesiastical Courts in their own Names was by the Artifice of the Faction improved as an occasion of making a very great ferment in Church and State and such a one as nothing but the Royal Power of Interpretation or of declaring the Law could settle And therefore Archbishop Laud in his Epistle to the King before his famous Star-Chamber Speech did in the Name of the Church of England then think himself obliged to apply to the King in a most pathetical and solemn manner to exert that great Power in that Conjuncture viz. I do humbly in the Churches name desire of your Majesty that it may be resolv'd by all the Reverend Iudges of England and then Publish'd by your Majesty that our keeping Courts and issuing Process in our own Names and the like Exceptions formerly taken and now renew'd are not against the Laws of the Realm as 't is most certain they are not that so the Church Governors may go on cheerfully in their Duty and the Peoples minds be quieted by this assurance that neither the Law nor their liberty as Subjects is infringed thereby The many Pamphleteers of the Faction who attacqued the Hierarchy â—…eproached them with the Non-observance of Humane Laws and charged their Proceedings with Illegality because by the Statute of 1 o E. 6. c. 2. that required Processes Ecclesiastical to be in the King's name it was declar'd That the Bishops sending out their Process in their own Names was contrary to the Form and Order of the Summons and Process of the Common-Law used in this Realm And therefore as Heylin tells us in the Life of Archbishop Laud p. 321. in A. 1637. the King accordingly issued out his Proclamation declaring That the Bishops holding their Courts and issuing Process in their own Names were not against the Laws of the Realm and the Iudges Resolutions were therein notify'd to that purpose And upon all motions afterward for Prohibitions to the Ecclesiastical Court upon the pretence of their Processes not issuing out in the King's Name according to that Statute of E. the 6th the currant Law hath still been in Westminster-Hall for keeping up the sense of His Majesty declared in his Proclamation as to that Point According to the manner then of praising the Bridge we go over the Church of England having in Queen Elizabeth's time been preserv'd by the Regal Power of interpreting express'd in her Admonition and by the like Power in the time of King Charles the First and the salus animae having been at stake as to the Oath in her time and as to the avowed Principle of the Church of England about Humane Laws binding the Conscience in his time the use of that Dispensative Power being like a Bridge that kept them from falling into the Pit of Perdition deserv'd their Praise That eminent Divine Mr. Iohn Ley in his Learn'd Book call'd Defensive Doubts and Reasons for refusal of the Oath imposed by the Sixth Canon of the late Synod i. e. that in the year 1640. saith there p. 99. and 100 c. There are some of our Brethren who in good will to themselves and us have undertaken to expound the Oath so as that they and we without scruple may take it And we take kindly their good intention and in good will to them again
kind B. Why then I can tell you if you will at any time turn to your Collection of Proclamations in the time of King Iames the First you will find that in his Proclamation of March the 5th the first year of his Reign he intimates that with the Consent of the Bishops present in the Hampton-Court Conference he thought meet that some small things might rather be explain'd then changed in the Book of Common Prayer and for that end gave forth his Commission under the Great Seal of England according to the Form which the Laws of this Realm in like Case prescribed to be used to make the said Explanation and to cause the whole Book of Common Prayer with the same Explanation to be newly Printed which being done and establish'd anew after so serious a Deliberation c. we have thought it necessary to make known by Proclamation our authorizing of the same and to require and enjoyn all men as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal to Conform themselves to it as the only publick Form of serving God establish'd and allow'd to be in this Realm And the rather for that all the Learned Men who were there present as well of the Bishops as others promised their Conformity in the practice of it only making sute to us that some few might be born with for a time Wherefore we require all Archbishops Bishops and all other publick Ministers as well Ecclesiastical as Civil to do their Duties in causing the same to be obey'd and in punishing the Offenders according to the Laws of the Realm heretofore establish'd for the Authorizing the said Book of Common Prayer You see there that all the Bishops and the great Parade of the literati present at that famous Conference did implore the King for the exercise of his Dispensative Power for a while to some few But what is more considerable is that the King here doth make a general relaxation of the Bond of Queen Elizabeth's Act of Uniformity in some things and instead of inserting an express Clause of discharging from the Penalties of that Act all that use the Common Prayer Book with the King's Alterations or Explanations as Queen Elizabeth's Admonition did in relation to those who took the Oath of Supremacy in the sense of her Interpretation a thing indeed not necessary for either of them to have done when they had loosen'd the bond of the Observance of the Law he enjoyns the uniform usage of the Book of Common Prayer as by him interpreted or explain'd the title of the Proclamation being A Proclamation for the authorizing an Uniformity of the Book of Common Prayer to be used throughout the Realm under the disabling Punishments of Queen Elizabeth's Act of Uniformity the Bishops all this while being ministerial to the King in his Power of thus interpreting and explaining an Act of Parliament and the loosening of its Obligation both as to themselves and others I am to tell you that in that Proclamation of March the fifth the King refers to a Proclamation he had before Publish'd on the 24th of October then last past wherein he gave the Puritan Divines an intimation of the Conference he intended to have and in which he reflects on the heat of their Spirits as tending rather to Combustion then Reformation which saith he if there be Cause to make is more in our hearts then theirs c. and afterwards saith we are not ignorant that time may have brought in some Corruptions which may deserve a review and amendment which if by the Assembly intended by us we shall find to be so indeed we will therein procéed according to the Laws and Customs of this Realm by Advice of our Councel or in our High Court of Parliament or by Convocation of our Clergy as we shall find reason to lead us not doubting but that in such an orderly proceeding we shall have the Prelates others of our Clergy no less willing and far more able to afford us their Duty and Service then any other whose zeal doth go so fast before their discretion And the Proclamation in March following shew'd you how the King's reason lead him in his Proceeding in the Affair according to the Laws and Customs of this Realm and how loyally his Bishops and Clergy acquiesced therein A. I remember I have read both these Proclamations and I doubt not but that Hampton-Court Conference made a great ferment in the Body of the People tho none in the Orthodox Clergy But I should be glad to know whether it made any fermentation in the Body of the People Representative and what was the Result of it Did the Parliament acquiesce in what the King had done as aforesaid For if so they had done as Queen Elizabeth's Parliament in publickly approving what she by her own Ecclesiastical Supremacy did in discharging the disabling Penalties in her first Act of Parliament and in relaxing by her interpretation the vinculum for its observance in that sense that many had before put on it B. King Iames his Parliament did in effect the very self-same thing And I shall give you the account of it out of his Proclamation of the 16th of Iuly A. 1604. in the Second year of his Reign for there having spoke of that Conference and of his having Publish'd by Proclamation what was the issue of it and his hoping that when the same should be made known all reasonable Men would have rested satisfy'd with that which had been done and not have moved further trouble of Speech of Matters whereof so solemn and advised deliberation had been made His Majesty's following words are Notwithstanding at the late Assembly of our Parliament there wanted not many who renew'd with no little earnestness the Questions before determin'd and many more as well about the Book of Common Prayer as other Matters of Church Government and importuned us for our assent to many Alterations therein but yet with such Success as when they heard both our own Speeches made to them at sundry times shewing the Reasons of our former Proceedings in those Matters and likewise had had Conference with some Bishops and other Lords of the Upper House about the same they desisted from further Prosecution thereof finding that of all things that might any way tend to the furtherance of Religion and of Establishment of a Ministry fit for the same we had before with the Advice of our Councel had such Consideration as the present state of things would bear and taken order how the same should be prosecuted by such means as might be used without any publick disturbance or innovation And in how vigorous a State the Dispensative Power as to the Nonconformists afterward continued in the Reign of that Prince appears by what I have before cited of an Application made to him by the House of Commons for the exercise of the same to the Non-conformists in the 10th year of his Reign Moreover how by Tacit Dispensation he dispens'd with the Disabilities that
of the Royal Martyr and I shall be glad to know if the dispensing with the Penal Laws and particularly such as are inclusive of disability made any part of the fermentation B. No doubt if the Dispensative Power of the Crown as to any Penal religionary â—…aws had then appear'd any considerable gravamen to any of the three Estates they would then have cry'd out of it But which they did not Yet I shall tell you that they had a fair occasâ—…on then given them to do it if they had thought it tanti For in the first year of his Reign there was a ferment in Parliament about the Penal Laws against the Papists and particularly the disabling ones but which soon went off as I may say by insensible Perspiration It sâ—…ems that Mr. Prynne in p. 74. and 77. saith both Houses that year having presented a Petition to that Prince wherein they took notice that his Majesty had in his Princely Wisdom taken order that none of his natural born Subjects not professing the true Religion and by Law establish'd shall be admitted into the Service of his Royal Coâ—…sort and having further desired that his Majesty would be pleas'd to remove from all Places of Authority all such Persons as are either Popish Recusants or according to direction of former Acts of State to be justly suspected and that his Majesty said he would give order for it yet that that Parliament being unhappily dissolv'd in discontent his Majesty thought not fit to shew such severity to Recusants as he intended And in p. 76. Mr. Prynne had mentioned that Sir Iohn Winter Mr. Walter Mountague Sir Maurice Drummond and other Papists were admitted in her Majesty's Service But by what appears from Mr. Prynne in p. 80. in the following Parliament in the Second year of that King the House of Commons took divers Examinations concerning Recusants that were in Office and at last agreed on a Petition against Recusants in Office and to present their Names therewith to the King to the end they might be removed and He then saith that Martis 6. Iunii 2. Car. Regis The Petition against Recusants in Authority was engrossed read and allow'd to be presented to his Majesty and this to be done by the Privy-Councel of the House and Sir John Fâ—…llerton which was done accordingly but with what real success I can give no exact account But that the disabling and other Laws against the Papists had been dispens'd with by the Royal Martyr as well as his Father any one will conclude who reads what there followeth viz. In this Parliament these ensuing Articles against Popish Recusants were Consulted of in the House of Commons with an Intent to draw them into an Act and of which the 9th is No Recusant to bear Office of Iustice of Peace or otherwise or any man whose Wife shall be a Recusant or practice Law Common or Civil or Physick nor have Command in War c. And I should first have told you that the Third was A New Oath with more Additions to be taken concerning the Supremacy A. Good God! A new Oath with more Additions about the Supremacy B. You may suppose it would have been seemingly a New Oath by that Parliament's approving all the Authentick Regal Interpretations of the old one as Queen Elizabeth's Interpretation was approved by her Parliament But you may here observe that tho the Disabling and other Penal Laws were by this Pious Prince tacitly and often dispens'd with and the time of the doing of it caus'd some temporary ferments to arise in the Minds of his Subjects in Parliament yet their animosities have soon tacitly evaporated and the Regal Power of Dispensing then came to no question The Puritan Dissenters and scruplers of Ceremonies knew they wanted the benefit of that Power as well as the Papists and the exercise of that Power was in the Petition of both Houses before mention'd implored as to the disabled or silenced Ministers And therefore you will not wonder at it when I tell you that during all the great Patriotly efforts that were made for the removing all Grievances by the Petition of Right there was no offence taken at the Right of the Dispensative Power A. I thank you for that observation B. The thought is too obvious to deserve thanks and I assure you it is a kind of Proverbial Saying in the Canon Law that Dispensationum modus nulli Sapientum displicuit But even in the Conjuncture of the Petition of Right to shew you that the Dispensative Power did not in the least contribute to the ferment I shall let you see out of Rushworth how Mr. Glanvile who made so great a figure of a Patriot then in Parliament did with the greatest popular applause appear as an Assertor of that Power and when in his Speech in a full Committee of both Houses May 23. A. 1628. he inter alia said There is a Trust inseparably reposed in the Persons of the Kings of England but that Trust is regulated by Law For example when Statutes are made to Prohibit things not mala in se but only mala quia Prohibita under certain Forfeitures and Penalties to accrue to the King and to the Informers that shall sue for the breach of them the Commons must and ever will acknowledge a Regal and Soveraign Prerogative in the King touching such Statutes that it is in his Majesty's absolute and undoubted Power to grant Dispensations to particular Persons with the Clauses of Non-obstante to do as they might have done before those Statutes wherein his Majesty conferring Grace and Favour upon some doth not do wrong to others But there is a difference between those Statutes and the Laws and Statutes whereon the Petition is grounded By those Statutes the Subject hath no interest in the Penalties which are all the fruit such Statutes can produce until by Sute or Information he become entituled to the particular Forfeitures whereas the Laws and Statutes mention'd in our Petition are of another Nature There shall your Lordships find us to rely upon the good old Statute called Magna Charta which declareth and confirmeth the ancient Common Laws of the Liberties of England and there he speaks afterward of other Statute Laws not inflicting Penalties upon Offenders in malis prohibitis but Laws declarative or positive conferring or confirming ipso facto an inherent Right and Interest of liberty and freedom in the Subjects of this Realm as their Birth-rights and Inheritances descendable to their Heirs and Posterities the Statutes incorporate into the Body of the Common Law over which with reverence be it spoken there is no Trust reposed in the King 's Soveraign Power or Prerogative Royal to enable him to dispense with them or to take from his Subjects the Birthright which they have in their Liberties by virtue of the Common Law. So then according to the sense of this loyal Patriot if the King shall by his Prerogative dispense with the Disabilities or Premunires or
other Penalties incurr'd by Popish Recusants pursuant to any Statutes as for example those of Queen Elizabeth or King Iames and even that of 3 o Iac. c. 5. whereby Convicted Recusants are disabled from Military Offices and Offices in the Navy and in the Law and fâ—…m the Practice of Physick and any publick Office and Charge in the Commonwealth or the Test-Act 25 o Car. 2. No question is to be made of the King 's absolute and undoubted Power of dispensing with particular persons in such a Case And during the ferment about the Laws and Statutes whereon the Petition of Right was founded and which were of another Nature as Mr. Glanvile's words are you will not forget that there was a tenderness for Prerogative avow'd by both Houses while you remember those words of the Royal Martyr in his Speech at the Prorogation of the Parliament the 20th of October A. 1628. viz. That the Profession of both Houses at the time of hammering the Pâ—…tition of Right was no way to entrench upon his Prerâ—…gative and their saying that they had neither intention noâ—… power to hurt it c. You may too call to mind that as during the fâ—…rment that the suspending the Penal Laws by His late Majesty's Declaration of Indulgence his Power of Dispensing in them came not in question so the heat about his Preregative to SUSPEND them was soon over The Opinion of that loyal Patriot and learned and upright Iustitiary Sir William Ellis deliver'd in his Argument about Thomas and Sorrells Case I told you of namely that the King may SUSPEND an Act of Parliament till next Session which was a flâ—…ght beyond what was moved for or adjudged in the late Case of Gâ—…dden and Hales did never meet with any angry reflection that I have heard of from any Person either of the People diffusive or representative tho yet that Argument of his containing such Opinion was both after the Votes of the House of Commons about the illegality of the suspending of Penal Laws in Matters Eccleâ—…iastical otherwise then by Act of Parliament and after the Act for the Test. And how near the Prerogative of Dispensing as allow'd by my Lord Chief Justice Vaughan in his Argument in Thomas and Sorrell's Case and who argued after Sir W. Ellis came up to SUSPENDING you may see there by what he saith p. 347 Where the King can dispense with particular Persons he is not confined to number or place but may Liceâ—…s as many and in such Places as he thinks fit But further to shew you to how quiet and temperate a State that ferment of the Prince's suspending all the Religionary Penal Laws without an Act of Parliament was grown I shall let you see that several years after the late King's Declaration of Indulgence and the Act for the Test the late Earl of Sâ—…aftsbury appear'd in Print as owning the legality of the King's Prerâ—…gative in that kind and without his Lordship's being in the least censured for it by any of that numâ—…rous Party he was then the Head of And here I am to tell you that in a Book call'd A Letter from a Person of Quality to his Friend in the Country Printed in the year 1675. the Earl of Shaftsbury is by Mr. Marvell the supposed Author of the Book introduced as owning that the Power of the King's Supremacy meaning in Matters Ecclesiastical was of another Nature then that he had in Civils and had been exercised without exception in this very Case i. e. as in the Declaration of Indulgence by his Father Grandfather and Queen Elizabeth under the Great Seal to foreign Protestants become Subjects of England c. A. Did the Earl of Shaftsbury then in the year 1675. own the Prerogative of suspending Penal Laws in Matters Ecclesiastical when the King had long before quitted it and when his Lordship was Embarqued with those Men to whom nothing could once seem more unpopular then the owning of any such Prerogative B. I refer you to the Book it self and where you will see that that Great Statesman did then assert the extent of Prerogative in that Point with as much strength of Wit and Reason as if he had been then fitting at the Helm of State and where he further shews the Necessity of a standing Supreme executive Power to mitigate or wholy to SUSPEND the execution of any Penal Laws c. But I shall best entertain you with his Lordship 's own words as so great a Narrator as Mr. Marvell relates them and who as he saith telling his Lordship that the Declaration of Indulgence assumed a Power to repeal and SUSPEND all our Laws his Lordship â—…eplyed that he wonder'd at his Objection there being not one of these in the Case For the King assumed no Power of repealing Laws or suspending them contrary to the will of his Parliament or People and not to argue with me at that time the Power of the King's Supremacy which was of another Nature then that he had in Civils and had been exercised without exception in this very Case by his Father Grandfather and Queen Elizabeth under the Great Seal to foreign Protestants become Subjects of England nor to instance in the SUSPENDING the execution of the two Acts of Navigation and Trade during both this and the last Dutch War in the same words and upon the same necessity and as yet without clamour that ever we heard But to pass by all that this is certain a Government could not be supposed whether Monarchical or other of any sort without a standing Supreme executive Power fully enabled to mitigate or WHOLT to SUSPEND the execution of any Penal Law in the intervals of the Legislative Power which when assembled there was no doubt but wherever there lies a Negative in passing of a Law there the Address or sense known of either of them to the Contrary as for instance of either of our two Houses of Parliament in England ought to determine that Indulgence and restore the Law to its full execution For without this the Laws were to no purpose made if the Prince could annul them at pleasure and so on the other hand without a Power always in being of dispensing on occasion was to suppose a Constitution extremely imperfect and impracticable and to Cure those with a Legislative Power always in being is when consider'd no other then a perfect Tyranny A. I find that his Lordship doth not in the least distinguish between the Right of Prerogative in suspending the Disabling or incapacitating Penal Laws and others And he by giving the Power of suspending all the Penal Laws to the Prince during the Intervals of Parliament and till an Address should be thence made to the Prince to revoke such suspension hath given his Prince this Power in effect during life For 't is obvious to consider by how many accidents a suspension of Penal Laws revocable on an Address from the Parliament may happen to be not so revoked B. You
of the Advocate for Conscience Liberty discoursing of the Oath of Supremacy in p. 181. seq saith That Luther Calvin Knox Gilby disliked it and mentions that a Iurisdiction purely spiritual was communicated to H. the 8th by his Supremacy and assumed by him and that he wanted his Spiritual By-title of Supremacy to justifie his Divorce aâ—…d his taking the Church Revenue into his hands and that the Protectorship in E the 6th's time by virtue of the Oath of Supremacy continued to make new Church-Laws Institutions c. and that Queen Elizabeth reassumed this Iurisdiction having a greater necessity for it then her Brother because her Marriage was declared null by the Pope So then the state of Protestancy abroad and at home call'd on the Queen to distribute or dispense her Supreme Power in her Law by her Interpretation making a change not of it but in the body of it and which had it been changed by a repeal in Parliament for another would have seem'd to blemish her figure of semper Eadem and have reflected on the Understandings and Consciences of those who had before took the Oath There was then in that Conjuncture an universal outcry of Conscience that Sin lies at the door a thing worse then Hannibal ad Portas a burthen that hath caus'd all the Groans of the Creation that ever happen'd And where there is Periculum animae there is always Periculum in morâ and which the Queen 's authentick Interpretation did remove and which was approved by the next Parliament and no noise made or complaining heard in our streets about any seeming Alteration made in the Law or Oath it self by the Prerogative of interpretation or acquittal from the disabling Punishments then exercised And it is but congruous to humane Nature and common Policy in men when they see any thing not ill in it self done that hath eminently conduced to make the World easie not to embarass such thing with litigious scruples about the fieri non debuit nor to adventure to trouble the World again when it is inclined to and resolv'd upon its rest Some thoughts of this Nature probably inclined my Lord Coke to shew the Complaisance he did not only to King Iames his incapacitating Canon about the double Subscription but as to the Oath against Simony that of Canonical obedience and which inclined Judge Croke to be pleas'd with the Canons of 1640. tho containing the Oath with an Et caetera and which made the Iudges so apt to over-rule some of Sir E. Coke's Exceptions to the Sheriffs Oath as I have mention'd You may indeed find that some among the Puritans in some Conjunctures in Queen Elizabeth's time did presume to reproach the Government of the Church with her having dispens'd with the disability of some Persons incurr'd by Act of Parliament The Author of the famous Book publish'd in her Reign call'd An Abstract of certain Acts of Parliament hath in the Conclusion these two factious Queries viz. Whether a mere Lay-man no Doctor of the Civil Law may be a Bishop's Chancellor and so may Excommunicate Whether a mere Lay-man no Doctor of the Civil Law may be a Bishop's Register contrary to an Act of Parliament The Author intendeth there to referr to the Statute of 37 o. H. 8. c. 17. and as he had before expresly done in p. 196. Seq and of which Statute we have so much discours'd and he in p. 201. instanceth in many Lay-men who were not Doctors of the Civil Law and yet then exercised Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction He had too in p. 196. took notice that as that Statute establish'd and confirm'd to the King and his Successors and so unto our most Gracious Soveraign the Queen's Majesty that now is lawful Preheminence Power Superiority and Lordship over all Persons within her Dominions of what state or Condition soever touching Punishments for any Heresies Errors Vices Schisms Abuses Idolatries Hypocrisies and Superstitions springing or growing by means of any her disobedient and disloyal Subjects so hath her Majesty by her Injunctions publish'd that her Highness did never pretend any Title or challenge any Authority to punish any of her Subjects for any of the said Offences by Censure Ecclesiastical in right belonging to her Royal Person but that her Highness meaning and intent is and always hath been to commit the execution thereof always to the Ecclesiastical State of her time and he then sets down her Interpretation in the Admonition But had that Author consider'd how it was declared by that Statute that by Holy Scripture all Authority and Power is given to His Majesty and all such Persons as His Majesty shall appoint to hear and determine all manner of Causes Ecclesiastical and to correct Uice and Sin whatsoever and that this Statute was revived by the 1st of Eliz. he would not have wonder'd at the Queen's allowing that Statute to be dispens'd with as it was Nor would any one therefore wonder at the Royal Martyr in the 12th and 13th Canons of A. 1640. Condescending to humour the Complaints of the Puritans by an equal Interpretation of that Statute of 37 o H. 8. and by dispensing with it as he did and that so far as to the disabling Lay-Chancellors to proceed in such Censures as they were enabled by that Statute to do Mr. Bagshaw in his first Argument in Parliament concerning the Canons thus reflects on the Clergy for those two Canons viz. Concerning the 12th and 13th Canons touching the freeing and discharging of Chancellors and Officials from executing any Excommunication in their own Person or any Censure against the Clergy because they are Lay-men I say that in doing and enacting this they have done quite contrary to an Act of Parliament still in force in taking from them this Power of exercising the Censures of the Church which that Statute gives them which I did look when some Civilians now in the House should have maintain'd And altho it were to be wish'd that only Clergymen should have this Power of Excommunication and other Censures of the Church yet seeing an Act of Parliament hath given this Power to Lay-men it is high Presumption to make Canons against it But he well knew that after the stamp of the Royal Authority put on these Canons as well as before Lay-men in the Court of Delegates did Excommunicate and as they did in the high Commission And you may observe it that in the Commission granted Primo Elizabethae to her Commissioners pursuant to the Statute of that year there were but two Clergy-men and those Bishops and 17 Lay-men My Lord Coke Inst. 4. c. 74. writing of the High Commission in Causes Ecclesiastical saith There is no question but the Commissioners for such Causes as are committed to them by force of this Act may if the Commissioners be Competent proceed to deprivation of the Popish Clergy which was the main object of the Act or to punish them by Ecclesiastical Censures c. And without question if
the Commissioners be COMPETENT that is if they be spiritual men they may proceed to Sentence of Excommunication which may right well be Certify'd as well as Excommunication before Commissioners Delegates both of these Authorities being under the Great Seal c. And Excommunication certify'd ly Commissioners Del gates hath been allowed as it appeareth in 23. Eliz. Dyer 371. And in many Cases Acts of Parliament have adjudged men Excommunicate ipso facto But if they be meer Lay-men the fault is not in the Statute or in the Law but in the Nomination and upon Certificate made of the Excommunication according to Law a Significavit or Cap. Excom shall be awarded out of the Chancery for the taking and imprisoning the Bodies of such Excommunicate Persons But had his Lordship as I said in the Case of the other Author consider'd how by the Statute of 37. H. 8. it was declared that by Holy Scripture all Authority and Power is given to His Majesty and to all such Persons as he shall appoint to hear and determine all manner of Causes Ecclesiastical and to correct Uice and Sin whatsoever he would not I believe have thought Lay-men incompetent or incapable Persons so to have acted in the high Commission or Delegacy or have said there was any fault in the Nomination of Lay-men And yet you see my Lord Coke shews you how the Government then acquiesced in such Nomination and assisted the execution of the Sentences given by such as he thought incompetent Nor are we therefore to wonder at what Mr. Bagshaw mentions of the Civilians in the House of Commons not objecting that the King had done contrary to an Act of Parliament in taking from Bishops Chancellors and Officials the Power of exercising Church Censures given them by the Act and which by the Power declared in that Act to be given him by Holy Scriptures he might have either continued to them or abridged or taken away the exercise thereof from them if he had pleas'd And considering that the Lex Scandali doth equally oblige Kings as well as Subjects in Point of Conscience it is not to be wonder'd that that Tender-conscienced King did in that Conjuncture think himself obliged so equitably to make his Interpretation of that Statute as in complaisance with some of his Subjects who had took offence at Lay-Chancellors Power of Excommunicating to disable them to it I told you before how that Pious Prince did in complaisance with the Fathers of our Church think himself obliged to exercise his Regal Power of interpreting or declaring and when in A. 1637. he issued out his Proclamation Declaring that the Bishops holding their Courts and issuing Process in their own Names were not against the Laws of the Realm and that the Iudges resolutions were notify'd therein to that purpose and that the ferment about that Point was setled and the Bishops issuing out their Processes was setled too the which Proclamation too you will find Mr. Bagshaw mentions in his second Argument where p. 40. he tells you of the Bishop's having procured a Proclamation A. 1637. declaring the Opinions of the Iudges that the Statute of 1 o Edw. 6. c. 2. is repeal'd and of no force at this day and that Bishops may keep Courts in their own Names And I shall now tell you that as in the year 1637. the Bishops were in so full and peaceable possession of their Privilege of issuing out of their Processes in their own names by means of what His Majesty had declared pursuant to the Resolutions unanimously given by all the Iudges and the Barons of the Exchequer and of which Sir E. Coke saith Inst. 2. that they are for Matters of Law of highest Authority next to the Court of Parliament so by Iudgment of Parliament the settlement of that Controversie by virtue of His Majesty's Declarative Power so exercised was afterward approved A. That is a thing I would gladly hear of for one would think that the exercise of the Regal Power of Declaring or Interpreting what relates to an Act of Parliament might occasionally heighten a ferment in stead of abating it B. You will find little or no cause if you consult our ancient English Story and there see how the mutual Confidence between King and People hath in several Ages supported the Government to fancy that Declaratory Proclamations relating to Acts of Parliament did make any ferment The Interpretation of the Statutes hath in all Causes between Party and Party and wherein meum and tuum and Property are concern'd been by ancient usage under our Kings still left to the Iudges and the Proclamations of our Princes on great emergent occasions in the State declaring or interpreting their Laws pursuant to the Supreme Power committed to them by God for the good of their People hath still been observ'd to tend both to the good of the People and the Laws too If you will look on all the Declaratory Proclamations in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King Iames of which you have a Collection you will I believe find none but what were acceptable among all their Loyal Subjects But as to this Declaratory Proclamation of King Charles the First before-mention'd you will find it as I told you approved in Parliament And if you will please to consult in your Statute-Book the Act of 13 o Car. 2. c. 12. of which the title is Explanation of a Clause contain'd in an Act of Parliament made in the 17th year of the late King Charles Entituled an Act for repeal of a branch of a Statute 1 o Elizabethae Concerning Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical you will there find that this Act of the late King 's loyal long Parliament viz. 13 o Car. 2. hath in it three Proviso's The first is concerning the High Commission-Court the second Proviso is concerning the taking away the Oath ex officio And the third Proviso is to limit and confine the Power of Ecclesiastical Judges in all their Proceedings to what WAS and by Law might be used before the year 1639 which plainly includes allows and approves King Charles the First 's Proclamation in the year 1637. In the time of a former disloyal long Parliament the Regal Power of Interpreting or declaring was by them represented as a Gravamen and while yet they usurp'd that Power themselves If you will look on the Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Husband's Collections p. 686. you will there find they say It is high time for the whole Kingdom now to understand that His Majesty's Authority is more in his Courts without his Person then in his Person without his Courts when the Power of DECLARING Law shall be deny'd to the whole Court of Parliament in particular Causes before them for we have claim'd it we have exercised it no otherwise to be obligatory as a judicial Declaration of the Law and shall be attributed to His Majesty to do it in general by his Proclamation without relation to a particular Case and
For put the Case that the Clergy make Canons to which I never assented and I break these Canons whereupon I am Excommunicated and upon a Significavit by the Bishop my Body is taken and imprison'd by a Writ de excommunicato Capiendo now shall I lie in Prison all the days of my life and shall never be deliver'd by a Cautione admittenda unless I will come in and parere mandatis Ecclesiae which are point blank against my Conscience And he had before said A Comparatis by an Argument à minori ad majus if Property of Goods cannot be taken from me without my assent in Parliament which is the fundamental Law of the Land and so declared in the Petition of Right why then Property and Liberty of Conscience which is much greater as much as bona animi are above bona fortunae cannot be taken from me without my assent This it seems pass'd as Currant Coin for Iudgment of Parliament in behalf of Liberty of Conscience in the Conjuncture of 41 the year in which his Book was Printed and if it were so then allowable you may well think that a Prince's owning the Religion that flourish'd here in the time of Magna charta and which inspired the Virtue that produced Magna Charta and indulging some others of the same Religion to profess it without Punishment is not likely to occasion any durable ferment And what I have here referr'd to concerning the Petition of Right minds me of the great effort of Pious zeal in our famous Bishop Hall and his laudably making use of the Popularity he had among the Protestants in sending a Letter to the House of Commons April the 28th 1628. during the great ferment about that Petition and in which he gives so much fatherly and Prudent advice to the great Agonists for Property that they should consider when they were at the end of their race and then to sit down and rest He hath in it these tender Expressions Gentlemen For God's sake be wise in your well-meant zeal and our Liberties and Proprieties are sufficiently declared to be sure and legal c. let us not in suspicion of Evils that may be cast our selves into present confusion If you love your selves and your Country remit something of your own terms And since the Substance is yielded by your noble Patriots stand not too rigorously upon Points of Circumstance Pear not to trust a good King who after the strict Laws made must be trusted with the Execution c. relent or farewel welfare You may hence easily imagine how passionately that good Bishop would have been concerned if he had then seen among the Patriots any unquenchable heats about the not trusting the King with the Executive Power of Penal Laws and Laws in terrorem and such Laws as Mr. Glanvil in the ' Month after the Date of the Bishop's Letter said in a full Committee of both Houses That the Commons must and ever will acknowledge that it is in His Majesty's ABSOLUTE and undoubted Power to grant Dispensations in as I told you In God's Name often think of that great Patriotly saying of Tully so often with just Applause cited by Sir E. Coke Major haereditas venit unicuique nostrum à jure legibus quam à parentibus and you may account him a Prophane Person who despiseth his Birth-right given him by the Law. And pity any one who speaking of his Property doth not know this to be the meaning of it namely that it is the highest Right he hath or can have to any thing and which is no way depending upon another man's Courtâ—…e And consider that as you have a Property in your Chattels and Hereditaments so you have in your Religion Think often with honour of our Ancestors who by so many Acts of Parliament and lawful Canons and Constitutions since the Refoâ—…mation provided for the securing your Property in your Religion and remember how binding the very declarative Laws about it are Cast your Eye with Pleasure about the Realm and see if you can find any one who fears that any one will ever move in Parliament for leave to bring in any Bill to take away the least part of your Property in your Religion But then consider how Savage a thing it is in any to take excessive delight in the Execution of Penal Laws Ferus est qui fruitur paenâ and remember too that your Prince hath a Property in the Executive part of the Law and in distributive Justice and in shewing Mercy And when you hear any one telling you of a Snake in the grass of the Prince's dispensing with Penal Laws and that therefore there may be danger of your Prince's dispensing in Laws that are leneficial you may tell him of the notorious Non-sequitur and that you have a Property in not being punish'd and in having the benefit of the Rule as to favourable Statutes being made more so by interpretation Favores sunt â—…mpliandi and on the contrary as to Penal ones that odiosa restringi convenit And so to any such impertinent Objecter you may say that the voice or sound of his Snake and the Goose are all one But consider that since you have so much cause to depend on the glorious and consummate justice inherent in the nature of our great Monarch for his defending you in the security of all the Declaratory Acts of Parliament that maintain your very Property in your Religion both Iustice and Common Ingenuity call upon you to own his Power of Dispensing and even with disability for which I have shewn you so many clear and incontestable declarative Iudgments of Parliament and shall direct you to more when we meet again And let me tell you that you ought to have the greater tenderness for this Prerogative of our Prince for that in his Administration of it he hath in some Points shewn a greater tenderness to his Laws and People then our Princes since the Reformation have done You may remember I shew'd you how Queen Elizabeth and King Iames did by their Authority out of Parliament MAKE things Penal by Disability that were not so by any Law in being and therefore you may the less wonder when you see your Prince dispensing with it and thereby preventing the Punishment of it and sometimes and in some Cases pardoning it A. I shall carefully take notice of all these Matters wherein you have caution'd me but am here occasionally on the account of some things you said about the Interpretation and the Acquittal from Penalties in the Queen's Admonition being perpetuated by their being declared good in Parliament to ask you if you do not account that Dispensations or such Interpretations of the Prince by his own single Authority may be made to continue good in following Reigns B. I do not in the least doubt but they may and I shall hereafter evince the thing to you but shall at present out of a Manuscript Report I have of the great Case of
all his Subjects it might have sufficiently satisfy'd you therein and if at our next meeting you will have me dilate more on what our Lawyers have said about the Point of the debt of our Natural allegiance I shall do it A. Our great Lawyers Judgments in that Point being known may be variously useful and directive to the many illiterate and presumptuous Reflecters on the exercise of Prerogative and especially if so learned and so popular a Lawyer as Sir Edward Coke shall be by you further cited in such a Case And so what you shall acquaint me with as from any such one of them shall be kindly welcome B. What you have now said brings it into my mind how that Great popular Man Sir Edward Coke was cited for this purpose by that great popular Man Sir William Iones in his learned Argument in Thomas Dorcel's Case and where he did so much right to the DISPENSATIVE Power A. What Did Sir William Iones maintain the King's Power of Dispensing with Acts of Parliament B. Yes and I believe was never censured for so doing by any one A. I pray tell me what was said by him in his Argument B. Then according to the very Learned and Judicious and Candid Manuscript Report I have of the Case thus it was Among the three Points made the first being if the Non-obstante in the Patent of King James was good against the Statute of Edw. 6. Jones agreed that the King may by Non-obstante dispense with a thing Prohibited by Statute if the thing were lawful before the Statute were made And he afterward said that a Dispensation to one and his Heirs was never good but only in that of a Sheriff 2. H. 7. 6. Grant of a Shrievalty in fee Non-obstante the Statute But Coke 7. R. 14. Calvin's Case the Reason of that is because the King hath interest to have the Service of all his Subjects by the Law of Nature And the truth is that on this noble and great Consideration it is that our Divines who have treated of the OATH of SUPREMACY have fix'd the reasonableness and intent of that Oath and of the King 's having a right to Command the Obedience of all his Subjects upon the basis of the Law of Nature as well as on the Divine Law Positive And thus too the style of the Acts of Parliament about the Oath of Allegiance runs and which Acts you may Consult if you want any more Iudgments of Parliament about the indissolubility of the King 's right to Command the Obedience of the Subject and of the Subjects duty to obey before we meet again The reasonableness of the words in that Oath contain'd in the Statute of 3 tio Iacobi viz. Of declaring that the Pope hath no Power to discharge any of his Majesty's Subjects of their Obedience appears from its being call'd in that Statute their Natural Obedience And the putting in Practice the perswading or withdrawing any of the King's Subjects from their Natural Obedience to his Majesty or to reconcile them to the Pope or See of Rome is there made Treason We will speak more of other Statutes of this nature at our next meeting And in the mean time let me observe to you how as in the Conjuncture of the Exclusion so many were infatuated as for fear of Popery to come to run upon the very Court of Rome-Popery at present namely that of Dominium fundatur in Gratiâ so likewise many mens fear of the belief of perhaps some Religionary Tenets of Popery gaining ground for the future hath hunted them upon the Popery of thinking that Subjects CAN in part or in whole be discharged from their Natural Obedience to their Prince A. I thank you Sir for suggesting that to me for the truth is the tenet of thinking it lawful so to discharge Subjects from such their Natural Obedience is the very odiosa materia charged by so many on the Councel of Lateran B. You say right But however let me occasionally advise you not to charge the odious matter in that Councel on the Communion of the Church of Rome For I shall tell you that the great Writers of our Church did after the real Plot of the Gun-Powder-Treason pursue such noble Methods of Christian Charity as with an intent of improving the Principles of Loyalty and Allegiance among all our Roman-Catholick Countrymen to endeavour to prove with all their Learning that the Decrees of that Councel obliged no Papist in point of Conscience King Iames in his Works calls it but a Pretended Councel and Dr. Donne in his Pseudo-Martyr endeavours to prove it no Councel Moreover Bishop Bilson in his learned Works for maintaining the Oath of Supremacy saith that Nothing was Concluded in the Councel of Lateran I have here on the Table his Book call'd The Difference between Christian Subjection and Un-christian Rebellion Printed A. 1586 in which his Learned and Iudicious Assertions and Explications of the Regal Supremacy and of our Moral Offices to defend the same are comprised and there in Part 3. p. 6. you will find what he saith of the Lateran Councel A. I have not the Book and shall be glad I may borrow it from you that thereby I may have the better prospect of the Measures of our Divines in their Sense of the Assertory part of the Oath of Supremacy as making the Rights of our Kings to Command the Services of all their Subjects to be indissoluble B. I pray take it along with you And I am the rather desirous you should do it because in this Crooked and Perverse Generation many who strain their Consciences by the inobservance of the Oath may be so vain as to fancy that others strain the Oath who endeavour as I have done to build the Right of our Kings to Command the Services of their Subjects on its so firm Foundation He was trusted by the Government to write on the Subject of the Oath and so his Authority is of the more weight and I shall here at parting read to you what he saith in Part 2. p. 183. where he so well insinuates it that the Prince can freely permit safely defend generally restrain and externally punish within the Realm but in p. 328. having spoke of the true Supremacy of Princes he saith This is the Supremacy which we attribute to Princes that all Men within their Territories should obey their Laws or abide their Pleasures and that no man on Earth hath Authority to take their Swords from them by Iudicial Sentence or Martial Violence And he there had before said in his Margin the Sword of Princes is Supreme in that it is not Subject to the Pope and must be obey'd of all in things that are good What he saith likewise in p. 346. there is worth your reading where he makes the word Supreme to be a plain and manifest deduction out of the 13th of the Romans Let every Soul be subject to the Superior Powers If all Men must be subject to them ergo they are Superior to all and Superior to all is Supreme He then thus goeth on in his Dialogue-way Phil S. Paul maketh them Superiors over all Persons but not over all things Theop. That Distinction is ours meaning Protestants not yours we did ever interpret Supreme for Superior to all men within their Dominions Phil. And so we grant them to be but not in all things For in Temporal things they are Superior to all men in Spiritual they are not Theop. That restraint comes too late the Holy Ghost charging you to be subject to them simply without addition It passeth your reach to limit in what things you will and in what things you will not be subject And he there saith Out of all Question where Princes may by God's Law Command all men must obey them not only for fear of wrath but for Conscience sake To this purpose too he asserts the Supremacy in the following Page All men are bound to be subject to the Sword in all things be they Temporal or Spiritual not only by Suffering but also by Obeying but with this Caution that in things that are good and agreeable to the Law of God the Sword must be obey'd in things that are otherwise it must be endured At the same rate you will find him writing in his Third Part p. 7. The Word of God bindeth you to obey Princes the words of men cannot loose you But if you will there take notice of the fire of his Zeal breaking into a flame at the thoughts of the displacing of Princes from their Thrones and of the discharging of the People from the Oath and Obedience toward Princes he saith that they who will go to that turn Religion into Rebellion Patience into Violence Words into Weapons Preaching into Fighting Fidelity into Perjury Subjection into Sedition and instead of the Servants of God which they might be by enduring they become the Soldiers of Satan by resisting the Powers which God hath ordain'd A. I thank God I am a Member of the Church of England that may value it self not only on its Doctrine of NON-RESISTANCE but on its DOCTRINE of Positive ASSISTANCE and DEFENCE of all Iurisdictions Privileges Pre-eminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the King c. or united and annex'd to the Imperial Crown of this Realm B. And how from this great Promissory part of our Oath our Obligation to assist and defend the Iurisdiction Privilege Pre-eminence and Authority of the Dispensative Power in particular granted or belonging to the King and united and annex'd to the Imperial Crown of this Realm doth arise we will at our next meeting consider and when I will likewise shew you that the Prerogative royal is a part of the Lex terrae The End of the Second PART 1370. Ex Rot. Parl. in turr Lâ—…nd in 45. Ed. tertii Iustifiables in the French originals Quaere Whether not able todo justice or not to be juststify'd in their Employment as improper for it
THE OBLIGATION Resulting from the OATH of SUPREMACY To Assist and Defend the Pre-eminence or Prerogative OF THE Dispensative Power BELONGING To the KING his Heirs and Successors In the asserting of that Power various Historical Passages occurring in the Usurpation after the Year 1641. are occasionally mentioned And an Account is given at large of the Progress of the Power of Dispensing as to Acts of Parliament about Religion since the Reformation and of divers Judgments of Parliaments declaring their Approbation of the Exercise of such Power and particularly in what concerns the Punishment of Disability or Incapacity Princes are Supreme over Persons not over Things This is the Supreme Power of Princes which we teach that they be Gods Ministers in their own Dominions bearing the Sword and freely to permit and publickly to Defend that which God commandeth in Faith and good Manners c. Princes may Command the Bodies of all their Subjects in time both of War and Peace c. Out of all Question where Princes may by God's Law Command all Men must obey them c. The Prince may discharge the Servant but no Man can discharge the Subject The Word of God teacheth you to obey Princes the words of men cannot loose you BISHOP BILSON of the SUPREMACY LONDON Printed for Thomas Dring at the Harrow at Chancery-Lane End in Fleetstreet William Crook at the Green Dragon without Temple-Bar and William Rogers at the Sun over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street 1687. To the Right Honorable JOHN Earl of MELFORT Viscount of Forth Lord Drummond of Rickartone c. His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for the Kingdom of Scotland and one of His Majesty's most Honorable Privy Council in both Kingdoms of England and Scotland c. MY LORD AS the Historian hath told us of Ireland that long ago while the Arts and Sciences were generally banish'd from the Christian World they were enthroned in Ireland and that Men were sent thither from other Parts of Christendom to be improved in Learning so I have elsewhere observ'd that in some late Conjunctures and particularly during the turbid Interval of the Exclusion men might well be sent to Scotland to learn Loyalty And I having taken occasion in the first Part of this Discourse to shew my self a just honourer of that Country and as I may say somewhat like a Benefactor to it by sending thither the notices of some pass'd great Transactions that might possibly there give more light and life to the Moral Offices of Natural Allegiance or Obedience did hold my self obliged in Common Justice to address this Part of my Work to your Lordship For as your Station here qualifies you beyond other Subjects to receive what Tribute is offer'd to your Country so your handing it thither will necessarily make it there the more acceptable And when I consider with what an incomparable Tenderness for the Monarchy and its Rights so many of the Statutes of Scotland since the Year 1660. have been adorn'd I am apt to think that any matter of Presidents or Records by me recover'd out of the Sea of time where they lay so long useless and neglected and now happening to be serviceable to those Moral Offices before-mention'd would by the so many in that Kingdom devoted to consummate Obedience and Loyalty be more valued then if I could have imported into that Realm another such Treasure as that which lay so long buried in the Ocean near the Bahama Islands and that whoever Contributed to your Loyal Country any Substantial Notions that might enrich it in the discharge of the Duties of the born and sworn Allegiance would be esteem'd there as some way sharing in the honour of Arauna in giving like a King to a King. Long may your great Master live happy in the Enjoyment of the faithful Services of so vigilant a Minister as your Lordship who by the universality of your Knowledge accompany'd with universal Charity for all Mankind have appear'd to be born as I may say for the time of his most glorious Reign the time chosen by Heaven for Mercies Triumph on Earth Nothing vulgar was to be expected from a Person of your Lordship's extraordinary intellectual and moral Endowments and in whom the Loyalty and other Virtues of your many noble Ancestors have as it were lived extraduce And the World would be unjust to you if it acknowledged not its great Expectation answer'd by your greater Performances and particularly by your having been so eminently Ministerial in the Easing both the Cares of your Prince and of all his Subjects too by the Figure you have made in promoting the Ease of his People's Consciences and in further ennobling and endearing the Name of DRUMMOND by your Lordship's Prosecuting that by the Bravery of Action which the HISTORIAN of that your Name did by Words when he transmitted to Posterity the most Christian and Statesman-like Speech of Liberty of Conscience I know extant and as spoke by a Roman-Catholick Councellor in Scotland to King Iames the Fifth I most humbly kiss your Lordship's Hands and am My Lord Your Lordships most Obedient Servant P. P. THE OBLIGATION Resulting from the Oath of Supremacy To Assist and Defend the Pre-eminence or Prerogative OF THE Dispensative Power Belonging to the KING his Heirs and Successors c. PART I A. IN this Kingdom of England so naturally of old addicted to Religion and vehemence in it as to give a Bishop of Rome cause to complain he had more trouble given him by Applications from England about it then from all the World beside and afterward to make Geneva wonder at the Sabbatarians here exceeding the Iewish strictness and to cause Barclay in his Euphoâ—…mio to say of the English Nec quicqúam in numinis cultu modicum possunt and that our several Sects thought unos se Coelestium rerum participes exortes coeteros omnes esse did you ever observe hear or read of the style of Tenderness of Conscience so much used as in the year 41. and sometime afterward B. I have not From the Date of King Charles the First 's Declaration to all His loving Subjects about that time wherein he speaks of his Care for Exemption of Tender Consciences till the Date of King Charles the Second's Declaration from Breda wherein the Liberty of Tender Consciences is Provided for the clause of easing Tender Consciences ran through the Messages Addresses and Answers that passed between King and Parliament almost as much as the Clause of proponentibus legatis did run through the Councel of Trent A. But were not their Consciences extremely erroneous who thought themselves bound then to advance Religion by War B. Aâ—… and by a Civil War as you might have added against a Prince of the tenderest Conscience imaginable for that Character he had from an Arch-bishop in his Speech in the Parliament of 40 who said Our Sovereign is I will not say above other Princes but above all Christian men that ever I knew
publickly or privately 〈◊〉 he should be lawfully restored and releas'd of his said Suspension But shortly after the beginning of the Reign of the Royal Martyr he was again restored and was afterward again silenced and so continued till August 2. A. 1631. and then he was again restored And Mr. Dod's Life represents his Case as parallel with this before-mention'd He was in King Iames his time suspended and restored and again by the King 's particular Command disabled from Preaching and was by King Charles the First re-ennabled or restored Thus as fortis fortem amat one tender Conscienced man too loves another such and the Executive Power of the Law in re-ennabling after temporary Disability was tenderly administred by these our Princes to these Conscientious Men with respect to their real Capacity of Favour to be shew'd them A. You have here given me a taste en passant of part of the Dispensative Power as exercised in the three Realms during some Conjunctures in the Reign of King Charles the First and for which I thank you and particularly for what you told me of the Act of Parliament dispens'd with in Scotland of which I never heard before and am apt to suppose a thing of that Nature was never done before in that Realm B. I can assure you to those who know the Publick Transactions of that Kingdom the thing will not in the least seem new I can tell you that on the 26th of November A. 1593. King Iames the 6th of Scotland made an Act of State in favour of three Roman-Catholick Earls Huntly Arroll and Angus by which Act he allow'd them several Priviledges contrary to Acts of Parliament made against Roman-Catholicks And His Majesty in his Act of State expresly dispenseth with those Acts of Parliament and which Dispensation tho Queen Elizabeth importuned him to revoke and for that purpose sent the Lord Zouch as her Embassador to him he still adhered to the Act of State he had made and continued his Dispensation A. Have you this Matter of Fact out of any of the Records in England or Scotland B. I have it out of the Original Papers under the hand of Queen Elizabeth and her great Minister Burghly and the Original Instructions of the Lord Zouch when sent by her to expostulate with the King about it that were lately in my Custody and by me sent to our gracious Sovereign and I shall some other time give you a more particular account of that Dispensation A. But I beseech you did not the Protestant Divines of the Church of Scotland then cry out of the unlawfulness or inexpedience of that Dispensation B. I have read it in a learned Book of Dr. Maxwell a Scotch-man Printed A. 1644. and who was then Bishop of Killally in Ireland and had formerly been Bishop of Rosse that Mr. Robert Bruce one of the Ministers of Edenburgh and who had a great sway in the Church of Scotland was pleas'd with the King 's extending his Favour to Angus and Arroll but out of a factious Complyance with the Earl of Arguile was displeas'd at its being shewn to Huntly But that Loyal Bishop there acquiesceth in the reason of State that inclined the King to Pardon the three Earls and his thereby hindering the growth of Faction in Scotland and providing for his more easie and secure access to the Throne of England on the Death of Queen Elizabeth And so you may easily guess what sort of men in Scotland look'd with an evil eye on that Act of the Royal goodness and who did not The Bishop there had applauded the great depth of the King's Wisdom and his transcendent Goodness in the Pardoning the three Earls and mention'd that there was nothing of Religion in the Case of Bruce's Aversion against the Pardon of Huntly for that Angus and Arroll were as bigot Papists if not more then Huntly I can likewise direct you to my Lord Primate Bramhal's celebrated Book call'd A Fair warning to take heed of the Scotish Discipline where in Chap. 6. thus entituled viz. That it robs the Magistrate of his Dispensative Power he saith by way of instance When the Popish Earls of Angus Huntly and Arroll were excommunicated by the Church and forfeited for Treasonable Practices against the King it is admirable to read with what Wisdom Charity and Sweetness his Majesty did seek from time to time to reclaim them from their Errors c. and on the other side to see with what bitterness and radicated Malice they were prosecuted by the Presbyteries and their Commissioners c. sometimes threatning that they were resolv'd to pursue them to the uttermost tho it should be with the loss of all their Lives in one day c. sometimes pressing to have their Estates confiscated c. He refers there in his Margin to Ass. Edinb 1594. But any one who shall consult D'Ossat's Letters and there in the Second Book carefully read over the 37th Letter that was writ to Villeroy in the year 1596 and three years after the Date of King Iames his Act of State and observe what that great Sagacious Cardinal there refers to concerning the Circumstances of those three Earls and how all the Prudence that could be shewn by man was but little enough for the Conduct of that King in that Conjuncture in order to his removing what Impediments either from Rome or Spain or his Native Country might obstruct his Succession to the Crown of England will not wonder at his having dispens'd and continued his Dispensation as aforesaid A. I have not yet ask'd you whether the Divines of the Church of England did not lift up their voices like a Trumpet against the Dispensative Power thus exercised by their Prince as you have mention'd B. They discharged their Duties in Preaching occasionally against all growing Errors but they wanted none to mind them of the Saying Impium esse qui Regi dixerit Inique agis The Pious and Learned Author of Certain Considerations tending to Peace c. mentions how the Bishop of St. Davids in King Iames's Reign A. 1604. did in a set Speech in Convocation shew that Ministers were not in the late Archbishop's time disabled from their Ministry on the Account of Non-conformity to the Ceremonies by Law enjoyn'd and concluded his Speech with the motion of Petitioning the King That if the removal of some of the Ceremonies enjoyn'd could not be obtain'd nor yet a Coleration for them of more stay'd and temperate Carriage yet at least there might be procured a mitigation of the Penalty c. And as the Suspension or Disabling of Hildersham and Dod from their Ministerial Functions so the Restoring of them to the same without all such things done by them as the strictness of the Lawes required was in both those Princes Reigns executed by the Bishops Nor do I remember to have read of any Divine of the Church of England to have in the least look'd with an evil eye on the goodness of the
ever was who setting his feet on two of Gods Kingdoms the one upon the Sea the other upon the Earth lifting up his hand to Heaven as you are to do this day and so Swearing Rev. 10. c. and consider how he there makes this Oath to be the most effectual means for the ruining Popery and Prelacy and leaves it to be consider'd whether seeing the preservation of Popery hath been by Leagues and Covenants God may not make a League and Covenant to be its Destruction after he had before-mention'd the Associations of the Religious Orders and Fraternities and the Combination by the la Sainte Ligue for the muniting of Popery as incentives to this League and how he doth again go to the Magazine of the Apocalypse for some Weapons for this Covenant and hath other artillery for it from the Iewish State citing the words of the Prophet Let us joyn our selves to the Lord in a perpetual Covenant that shall not be forgotten how according to the ratio nominis of Superstition viz. of mens over-importunate Prayers that their Children might out-live them he concludes with a devout Prayer that this Covenant may out-live their Childrens Children and let any one behold in Mr. Henderson's Speech the like flame of Enthusiastick Zeal or of the Superstition quam vulgo bonam intentionem vocant against Superstition and Idolatry in Worship c. and concluding it with his belief that the weight of that Covenant would cast the balance in our English Wars I say let any one consider all this and tell me if ever he saw a more pompous Scene of Superstition and more magnificent Procession bestow'd on it and contrived as Bishop Sanderson's words are in his Lecture De bonâ intentione and having his eye on that Covenant viz. Obtentu gloriae Dei reformandae Religionis propagandi Evangelii extirpandae superstitionis exaltandi regni Domini nostri Iesu Christi and if ever he saw what the Bishop in that Lecture calls The Iesuites Theology viz. Omnia metiri ex Commodo Sanctae matris Ecclesiae more strongly asserted then in the Contexture and Imposition of that Covenant But those two Divines lived to recover their Allegiance and a due sense of their Oaths for it and to see that foetus of their Brain that at its solemn Christning they wish'd immortality to renounced publickly as a spurious Birth and to the Scandal of that Age a race of other Oaths in England as infamously born intercept its inheritance Nay let me tell you that in the Nation of Scotland Loyalty hath been a growing Plant of Renown since the year 1660. and the Idol of their former Covenanted Presbytery been by the Loyal Nobility and Gentry and Populace there generally abhorr'd And tho Sir George Wharton in his Gesta Britannorum relates it as a strange thing that on the 21st of August A. 1663. the Parliament of Scotland Passâ—…d an Act for a National Synod the first that ever was in that Kingdom under the Government of Bishops yet I can tell you of an Act of Parliament that pass'd there afterward that declared the right of the Crown to dispense in the external Government of the Church I shall entertain you with it out of the Scotch Statutes viz. In the first Session of the Second Parliament of King Charles the Second there pass'd an Act asserting His Majesty s Supremacy over all Persons and in all Causes Ecclesiastical Edenburgh November 16 th 1669. THe Estates of Parliament having seriously considered how necessary it is for the Good and Peace of the Church and State That His Majesty's Power and Authority in relation to Matters and Persons Ecclesiastical be more clearly asserted by an Act of Parliament Have therefore thought fit it be Enacted Asserted and Declared Like as his Majesty with Advice and Consent of his Estates of Parliament doth hereby Enact Assert and Declare That his Majesty hath the Supreme Authority and Supremacy over all Persons and in all Causes Ecclesiastical within this his Kingdom and that by virtue thereof the Ordering and Disposal of the External Government and Policy of the Church doth properly belong to his Majesty and his Successors as an inherent Right to the Crown And that his Majesty and his Successors may Setle Enact and Emit such Constitutions Acts and Orders concerning the Administration of the External Government of the Church and the Persons employed in the same and concerning all Ecclesiastical Meetings and Matters to be proposed and determined therein as they in their Royal Wisdom shall think fit Which Acts Orders and Constitutions being recorded in the Books of Councel and duly published are to be observed and obeyed by all his Majesty's Subjects any Law Act or Custom to the contrary notwithstanding Like as his Majesty with Advice and Consent aforesaid doth Rescind and Annul all Laws Acts and Clauses thereof and all Customs and Constitutions Civil or Ecclesiastick which are contrary to or inconsistent with his Majesty's Supremacy as it is hereby asserted and declares the same void and null in all time coming A. You told me before how the King dispens'd with the five Articles of Perth setled by Act of Parliament but this Act yields so great a territory to the Dispensative Power that my thoughts cannot suddenly travel through it It acknowledgeth in the Crown a more sublime Power then of dispensing with Presbyterians or Independents or of suspending the Penal Laws against them namely of abolishing Episcopacy and of making Presbytery or Independency the National Church-Government Car tel est notre plaisir now for the external Form of Church-Government is allow'd to make the Pattern in the Mount. And 〈◊〉 accordingly as Mr. Baxter in his Book call'd a Search for the Schismaticks represents Archbishop Bramhal's new way of asserting the Church of England in his Book against him 1. To abhor Popery 2. That we all come under a foreign spiritual Iurisdiction obeying the Pope as the Western Patriarch and also as the Principium Unitatis to the Universal Church governing by the Canons c. may not the King by this Act make the external Government of the Church of Scotland Patriarchal and the Pope Patriarch B. The Act needs no Comment and if you will tell me that the Scots shew'd themselves Erastians or Latitudinarians when they made it I shall acquaint you that that Archbishop in his Schism guarded p. 319. asserts That a Sovereign Prince hath Power within his own Dominions for the Publick good to change any thing in the external Regiment of the Church which is not of divâ—…ne Institution and that he had in p. 4. of that Book allow'd the Pope his Principium unitatis and his Preheminence among Patriarchs as S. Peter had among the Apostles and that in p. 78. of his Iust Vindication of the Church of England he takes notice that by the Statute of Carlisle made in the days of Edward the First it was declared That the Holy Church of England was founded in the
Estate of Prelacy by the Kings and Peers thereof But now further to entertain your thoughts with the great Scene of the New Heaven and the New Earth in that Kingdom and of Men there walking at liberty as the words in the Psalms are or at large as 't is in the Maâ—…gin and as in the Latin indesinenterque ambulabo in ipsa LATITUDINE quia mandata tua quaero whose measures were before staked down to the Narrow tedder of Presbytery and whose Souls were once enslaved to a blind Zeal for that Church-Government as what they then fancy'd to be the putting the Scepter into Christ's hand and the only efficacious means to keep out Popery I shall tell you that they have now put the Scepter into their Prince's hand to rule the Church with what external Government he will who were formâ—…rly so ready to enslave both Kingdoms by designing to put the Royal Scepter of Scotland into the French King's hands and to bring a Popish French Army into Scotland to enforce the setlement of Presbytery A. One would hardly think it possible that they should then design any such thing B. As the Civil Law rangeth things that wound mens Piety Reputation or good Manners among Impossibles so one would think those of the Scots then designing a thing of that Nature to be an Impossibility And any one would thus think it impossible who consider'd that the Crown of England A. 1560. sent Forces into Scotland whereby the French were driven out of that Kingdom and that thereupon in the Publick printed Prayer prefixt to the Scots Psalm-Book it is said viz. And seeing that when we by our own Power were altogether unable to have freed our selves from the tyranny of Strangers thou of thine especial goodness didst move the hearts of our Neighbors of whom we had deserv'd no such favour to take upon them the common burden with us and for our deliverance not only to spend the lives of many but also to hazard the Estate and Tranquillity of their Realm grant unto us O Lord that with such reverence we may remember thy benefits receiv'd that after this in our default we never enter into hostility against the Realm and Nation of England Suffer us never O Lord to fall to that ingratitude and detestable unthankfulness that we shall seek the Destruction and Death of those whom thou hast made Instruments to deliver us from the tyranny of merciless Strangers c. But he who shall read Kâ—…ng Charles the First 's Declaration concerning his Proceedings with his Subjects of Scotland since the Pacification in the Camp near Berwick Printed A. 1640. will find this Fact too true and the Letter there likewise Printed which was under the hands of the Leading men of the Presbyterian Faction in Scotland writ to the French King and wherein his assistance is implored A. But by that Act about the Supremacy in Scotland A. 1669. that you read to me I see that the old Leaven of Presbytery is there sufficiently purged out and that the very mass of Blood in mens Principles relating to the Regal Power is universally sweeten'd B. You have great reason to judge so and if you had read the Scotch Statutes since the year 1660 you would find the Body of that Nation having the temperamentum ad pondus for Loyalty And your having mention'd the old Leaven there purged away minds me of minding you that that Nation having so nobly discharged its moral offices in that Case ought to be absolv'd in the thoughts of all the Loyal from the Fact of its former deflection from Loyalty and that the great measures of Christian Charity ought to extend beyond that Judgment of Seneca that poenitens est fere innocens and even as far as S. Paul's generous discharge of the Corinthians on their having purged out that ferment viz. For behold what carefulness it wrought in you what clearing of your selves yea what indignation yea what fear yea what vehement desire yea what zeal c. In all things ye have approved your selves to be clear in this Matter Look on their Acts of Parliament in the time of K. Charles the Second by one of which it is declared That his Majesty his Heirs and Successors by Uirtue of the Royal Power which they hold from God Almighty over this Kingdom shall have the sole Choice and Appointment of Officers of State and Councellors and Iudges and by another That the Estates of Parliament considering that the Kings of this Realm deriving their Power from God Almighty do succeed Lineally thereunto And I can direct you to another that contains in it so strange a Resignation to the King's measures as may make you again wonder at the possibility of such a temper and not to be equall'd by any thing I have read of but that pang of Zeal wherewith so many once at Cambridge were affected for Edward the Senior when they swore to will what he willed I mean that Act of Parliament in Scotland An. 1661. Concerning the League and Covenant and discharging the renewing thereof without his Majesties Warrant and Approbation The Act concludes with an Inhibition That none presume to renew that Covenant or any other League or Covenant without his Majesties special Warrant so to do Thus then that Covenant tho by them so much nauseated they shew'd themselves ready again to swallow if his Majesty for any such reasons of State as they could not foresee should enjoyn them so to do A. You do indeed make me wonder at this great example of the tenderness and extent of loyal Obedience in Scotland B. I can tell you of another Act of Parliament viz. the 5th Act of the second Session of the second Parliament of K. Charles the 2d Edenburgh 13. August The Act against Conventicles where their very Zeal against them is a Wall of Fire to guard the Dispensative Power The Act runns thus Forasmuch as the Assembling and Convocating his Majesties Subjects without his Majesties Warrant and Authority is a most dangerous and unlawful Practice prohibited and discharged by several Laws and Acts of Parliament under high and great Pains c. for the suppressing and preventing of which for the time to come his Majesty with Advice and Consent of his Estates of Parliament hath thought sit to Statute and Enact c. That no outed Ministers who are not LICENSED by the Councel Persons not Authorized or TOLERATED by the Bishop of the Diocess presume to Preach expound Scripture or pray in any Meeting c. and that none be present at any Meeting without the Family to which they belong where any not licensed authorized nor tolerated as said is shall Preach expound Scripture or Pray c. A. The Act for Uniformity here 16 Car. 2. doth justice to the Prerogative of the Crown in dispensing by taking care that the Penalties in it shall not extend to the Foreigners or Aliens of the forriegn Reform'd Churches allow'd or to be allow'd by the King's
Majesty his Heirs and Successors in England and which were granted to them with non-obstante's to all Acts of Parliament B. And the Act 22 o Car. 2. entitled Seditious Conventicles prevented and suppressed passing in the Parliament of England in the same Year that the Act against Conventicles did in Scotland and concluding with a Proviso That nothing therein contained shall extend to invalidate or avoid his Majesties Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Affairs but that his Majesty and his heirs and Successors may from time to time c. exercise and enjoy all Power and Authority in Ecclesiastical Affairs c. any thing in this Act notwithstanding shewed such a Concordant Sympathy between the two Realms in tenderness for the prerogative of dispensing with the Penal Laws Ecclesiastical as is between the Strings of two distant Lutes on the touching the String but of one of them But I must tell you that tho by this Proviso the benefit of the Dispensative Power hath been sufficiently secured to the Churches of Forreigners here and the King 's Ecclesiastical Supremacy justify'd in its power of indulging the Conventicles of all sorts of Recusants yet as in the Scotch Act the Crown 's dispensing with Conventicles hath been more express then in the English Act so hath the administration of Prerogative in that kind been more tenderly and signally exercised in Scotland then I have observ'd it to be in England For I find in a Look call'd A Compendious History of the mâ—…st remarkable Passages of the last 14 Years c. printed An. 1680. that in p. 205. the Author referring to the Month of Iuly 1677. saith that upon a Rebellion in that Kingdom being nipt in the Bud his Majesty was pleas'd to publish a Proclamation Commanding the Iudges and all Magistrates to apprehend and punish all such as frequented any Field-Conventicles c. according to the Prescript of the Law as also to prosecute with all Legal Rigour the execrable Murtherers of the late Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews declaring withal that his Majesty being desirous to reclaim all such as had been mis-lead through Ignorance or blind zeal had according to the Power reserved to his Majesty by the 5th Act in the 2d Session of the 2d Parliament suspended the execution of all Laws and Acts against such as frequent house-Conventicles on the south-side of the River Tay excepting the Town of Edenburgh and two Miles round the same c. And the truth is it must likewise be to the honour of that Nation acknowledged that in the worst of Times they after their Covenant did not Contract any such guilt of Perjury by a superfetation of enterfering Oaths as great Numbers of our Land did and that they were exemplary to England in Loyalty and in propping up the hereditary Monarchy while so many here in the Plott-Conjuncture were infatuated with the Project of the EXCLUSION as to give me occasion by a fresher instance and but of yesterdays occurrence to invite you to behold a Spectacle of the divine Iustice in abandoning such Men here to the guilt of Superstition who used unjust means to extirpate it Such among us who had not took notice of that English and Scotch SAINTE LIGUE and its being so generally exploded and who in the late Ferment about Popery would have fortify'd an Exclusion with an Association and again set up Association as of Divine-Off-spring you see how being wild with excessive Fears and Iealousies of the growth of Popery they were guilty of the Superstition of founding Dominion in Grace A. Considering how Men here have laughed at the Obligation of their lawful Oaths and that for unlawful Oaths a Land mourns methinks 't is an adventurous thing for a Prince to take possession of his Inheritance of the Empire of such a Land so encumbred with the guilt of Swearing and Forswearing O when may we see that antient general tenderness in point of Oaths here that flourished among us in the days of our first Reformation nay even in some times of our Roman Catholick Ancestors B. I believe never till after all the living here being resolved to dust and a new Race of Mankind enriching themselves and their Country by the Culture of the Earth and Manufactures men shall be above Temptations from necessity to take God's Name in vain and when the very use of Oaths Assertory or Promissory will be dispens'd with by Nature I am sure the Spectacle of mangled and slaughter'd Bodies covering a Field immediately after a Battle hath not more horror in it then the sight of the Consciences mai'md and wounded by the inobservance of publick Oaths hath been since the Aera of 41. And as our Chronicles mention that they who were born in England the Year after the great Mortality An. 1349. wanted some of their cheek Teeth I may say that generally they who have been born here the Years after 41. wherein the Plague of Perjury by the outraging those Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy was so epidemical have seem'd able only to swallow those Oaths but not to â—…hew upon them in serious and considerate thoughts no not at the very frequent times of their taking them And still tho in speculative Points in England Consulitur de Religione yet conclamatum est as to a general tender regard to the Religion of those Oaths There was I think a want of tenderness in some as to their sworn assisting and defending all the Priviledges and Preheminences belonging to the Crown during the late Ferment about my Lord Danby's Pardon and I may more sadly reflect on the same Mens want of recollecting their Oath obliging them to the King his Heirs and Successors at the time of the Ferment about the Exclusion A. I think that many who by repentance have been cured of the Epidemical Plague of Perjury that reged here in 41. and of such a Plague and another of Fears and Iealousies since 81 have yet sustain'd more damage thereby then they who were born the Year after 1349 did in wanting some of their Cheek Teeth and that their case is like that of those who were recover'd of the great Plague at Athens that Thucydides hath described and who tells us that after their recovery their Souls had lost the faculty of Memory and were dozed with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about what themselves had done or what had passed in the World during the horror of that very Plague or before or since But after all this said I am to ask you if you will make all those perjured who having took the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy promoted the exclusion B. By no means I have more Humanity and Christian Charity then to do so I shall here observe to you that Divines in their measures of Mens sinful Actions do often make use of the distinction of materialiter and formaliter Thus for example Ames in his Cases of Conscience l. 5. c. 53. Si quis falsum dicit putans esse verum mentitur tantum
materialiter Si quis verum dicit putans esse falsum mentitur formaliter And he having before in l. 4 c. 4 viz Of Heresy made pertinacy a requisite to a man's being formally an Heretick and said that Pertinax est qui non est paratus Captivare intellectum rationem suam omnem Sacrae Scripturae adds Haereticus igitur potest esse quis materialiter dum assensum praebet erroâ—…i pernicioso vel ex simplici facilitate out temeritate haereticis or dendi qui sub honestâ aliquâ specie fallunt vel ex ignorantiâ qui â—…ormaliter non est haereticus cum pertinacia obstinatio animi deest atque adeo pro simpliciter haereticâ—… non est babendus Concordant with these measures of Ames have I observ'd those of some ingenuous Roman-Catholick Writers who have declared that they will not pronounce all Protestants to be Hereticks formaliter And it is therefore no wonder that such their Judgment of Charity hath been retaliated by some of the most Renowned Divines of the Church of England viz. the Lord Primate Bramhal Bishop Taylor Dr. Hammond and others who have deny'd to pronounce the worshipping the Host to be formal Idolatry that is to say to be not so at all in reality since we know that according to the trite Rule forma dat esse And thus that Primate in his Schism Guarded saith very well for that purpose p. 57. Every one who is involved materially in a Schism is not a formal Schismatick more then she that Marries after long expectation believing and having reason to believe that hâ—…r former Husband was dead is a formal Adulteress or then he who is drawn to give Divine Worship to a Creature by some misapprehension yet addressing his Devotions to the true God is a formal Idolater And having there cited S. Austin of Heresy He who did not run into his error out of his own over-weening Presumption nor defends it pertinaciously but receiv'd it from his seduced Parents and is careful to search out the truth and ready to be Corrected if he find it cut he is not to be reputed among Hereticks he saith it is much more true of Schism that he who is involv'd in Schism through the error of his Parents or Predecessors who carefully seeketh after truth and is prepared in his mind to embrace it whensoever he finds it he is not to be reputed a Schismatick I know Azorius de Iuramento gives his Judgment well in thesi That when a Law is changed to which a man is bound by Oath tho he is thereby materially discharged yet formally he is bound in respect of his will for if ever he actually assents to the alteration he is really perjured And so leaving it to such who were Men of great Knowledge and Consideration and had took the Oaths and were ready to promo'e a new Law for altering the hereditary Monarchy to think of the danger they incurred of the formal guilt of that Crime I have more Charity then to conclude all the rash and the incogitant and the weak and the seduced by the fantastick Interpretation of the Oath to have been perjured But as about the year 1164. Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury was at a Council held at Northampton accused by the King of Perjury and Condemned as guilty of it because he had not observ'd those English Customs that he was sworn to as I find Francisc. Long. de Concil p. 806. Col. 1. cited for it so if you have taken the Oath of Supremacy and Sworn to defend all the Privileges and Preheminences granted or belonging to the King his Heirs and Successors and united to the Imperial Crown of this Realm and are of opinion that one of the Privileges of those Heirs and Successors is to succéed to that Crown as it comes to their turn according to Proximity of Blood and by their inherent Birth-right and as the Hereditary Succession juâ—…e Coronae is setled by the Common Law of England I shall tell you that the Pious and profoundâ—…ly Learned Divine Dr. Hicks who hath study'd this Point as much as any man hath in his Writings told you that having taken this Oath you could not honestly consent to a Bill of Exclusion which would have deprived the next Heir and in him virtually the whole royal Family of the chief Privilege and Preheminence that belong'd to him by the Common Law of this Realm c. Your Curiosity I believe hath led you to read over his learned Iovian and to observe what he there saith in his Preface that some Men did pervert the meaning of the word Heirs in the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy from its common and usual acceptation to another more special on purpose to elude the force and Obligation which otherwise they must have had on the Consciences of the Excluders themselves But it is not only the Authority of this single great Divine that I can lay before your thoughts for the rendring the Attempt of the Exclusion contrary to our Oath but I can direct you to the censure of the three Estates of a Loyal Nation and of His late Majâ—…sty in the case For the Oaths in Scotland binding the takers both to the King and his Heirs and Successors as ours do here I can tell you that in the Third Parliament of King Charles the Second Aug. 13. 1681. you will find the Act in these words viz. The Estates of Parliament considering that the Kings of this Realm deriving their Royal Power from God Almighty alone do succeed lineally thereto according to the known degrees of Proximity in Blood which cannot be interrupted suspended or diverted by any Act or Statute whatsoever and that none can attempt to alter or divert the said Succession without involving the Subjects of this Kingdom in Perjury and Rebellion c. I know that during the late turbid interval of the Nation some Loyal men of the Church of England were so much misguided as to think that because de facto Parliaments have heretofore directed and limited the succession of the Crown in other manner then in course it would otherwise have gone as the words in the Printed Exclusion-Bill were they might therefore of right do so again notwithstanding they knew that after the Parliament of King Iames to prevent the Right of Succession from fluctuating any more had justly recognized and declared That the Imperial Crown of this Realm and Rights belonging to the same did by inherent Birth-right and lawful and undoubted Succession descend and come to him as being lineally justly and lawfully next and sole Heir of the Blood Royal of this Realm it did afterward by a New Oath of Obedience or Allegiance oblige mens Consciences both to the Crown and the hereditary lineal Succession and notwithstanding they knew that that Parliament had took care of continuing the Obligation of the Oath of Supremacy for the bearing Faith and true Allegiance to the King his Heirs and lawful Successors and to assist
and defend all Privileges and Preheminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the King his Heirs and Successors c. But I doubt not but the Consciences of the Considerate Loyal now expostulating with them in the cool of the day whether they did then well in being angry with the Imposers sense of their Oaths and in not penetrating into the Obligations thereby incurred and particularly in not weighing whether such who had taken those Oaths and yet by Projects and Expedients would have banish'd the Heir even after he should come to be Actual Successor from the effects of their Sworn Allegiance and of their Sworn Assistance and Defence of all Privileges and Preheminences and Authorities granted or belonging c. had not visibly out-ran their Oaths they will recollect the late dreadful want of tenderness for the observance of the same It will be hard for many men on a serious Self-examination to reflect otherwise on themselves after that Sir W. I. himself as the Printed Speeches in the Oxford-Parliament have it call'd an Expedient of that kind Iesuite's Powder and mentioned that on the Heirs coming to the title of King the learned Lawyers say that by 1. H. 7. all Incapacity is taken away by the Possession of the Crown and after that another learned Lawyer had there said I owe the Duke Obedience if he be King but if he be King and have no Power to Govern he is the King and no King and had before said That an Act of Parliament against Common sense is void To make a man King and not suffer him to exercise Kingly Power is a Contradiction And I am sure 't is a Contradiction to nothing more then our Oaths I desire not by referring to the breach of those Oaths to touch the tenderness of any man's sore place or to reproach him as to what he hath done for the time past but to promote the tenderness of his Conscience and that his Conscience may not reproach him for the time to come for not assisting and defending all Privileges and Preheminences belonging to the Crown When I consider the noble and vigorous Loyalty that your self and others who were mistaken in the Point of the Exclusion have since shewn in the Service of His gracious Majesty and the great Care that you and they in the Post where you were took in the Settlement of his Revenue and of avoiding the Character of those of Israel who brought their newly anointed King no Presents and your readâ—…ness at his call to venture your life for the support of his Crown and do observe in you and them a fix'd Preparation of mind for the defence of every Privilege that is made to appear to you as belonging to the Crown and that your Loyalty like a bone well sett is the firmer for having been broken I account that the Si non eâ—…rasset fecerat ille minùs may be apply'd to you and that after His Majesty's Pardon and the Series of your Heroical Actions of Loyalty in his Service you ought by all equal Judges according to the Instance I mention'd before to be absolv'd as who in all things have approved your selves to be clear in this Matter And I believe you being one of the Church of England the Adherents to which do now as generally call themselves The Loyal as the Independents did once vocifeâ—…ate themselves to be The Saints and the Principles of which Church do enjoyn Remorse and Penitence and rending of the heart and as much tenderness to any who have disrobed the Crown of any of its Rights and Privileges as was in David when his heart smote him because he had cut off the skirt of Saul ' s Garment and whose Divines do not only Preach the Doctrine of Non-resistance but whose Oaths bind to it and that of Supremacy binding to a positive Assistance of all Privileges c. your â—…nlighten'd Conscience will be your constant Remembrancer against any relapse A. I thank you for thus gently leading me by the hand to such a height of Noble thoughts relating to that Oath as from whence I am able to look back with grief on my past aberrations through inadvertence from what my Oath obliged me to in relation to the Support of the hereditary Monarchy and concerning which Obligation the Casuistical Discussion you sent me did sufficiently illuminate me and to take a prospect into my duty that lies before me to assist and defend to my Power all Iurisdictions Privileges c. granted or belonging to the King's Highness c. or united and annex'd to the Imperial Crown of this Realm I am sensible that as some vain Swearers in common Discourse will upon their being occasionally reproved for it be apt to swear that they did not swear and that as there are Fools that say in their Souls that there is no God and that there is no Soul so there is a sort of careless men who having taken this great Promissory Oath will yet by their Actions deny their having sworn to assist and defend some of those Privileges and likewise be apt to say in their hearts they have not invoked God as Witness and Revenger in the case of that Oath and that they are not absolutely bound by it or but only by their reserved sense or as if a man representing his Country he were only to take a kind of formal Oath in animam Domini and not to venture his own Soul. But for my part I account it as vile to be perjured in a solemn Promissory Oath as in a judicial Assertory one and shall hereafter think my self as much bound to use all exactness and tenderness in the recollection oâ—… my thoughts after a Promissory Oath as every Man of Honour doth before an assertory Oath when he is a witness in a Court of Law. And I think that it is only the multitudo peccantium about solemn promissroy Oaths as for example about the promised assistance and defence of the Privileges of the Crown in the Oath of Supremacy that diminisheth the Shame and â—…gnominy of mens being either through corrupt affections or incogitancy and the crassa negligentia which the Law makes to be dolus malus Vacillant or Contradictory in the Series of their actings promised or through lachesse or subdolcus pretences withholding their performance of part of what they obliged themselves to do and that keeps the populace from a nauseous looking on them as falsarii and as much as on Witnesses produced in Courts who in the things asserted by their Testimony are for want of precaution of thought varii vacillantes and contradictory to themselves and minglers of Falshood with truth and who conceal part of the whole truth they were to depose B. There is another thing that makes the Moral offices required in an Oath Promissory call for some kind of Consideration that an Oath Assertory doth not for we are not to depose oâ—… Matter of Law but only of Fact but in the Promissory parts
they judged that the Character of that Earl's great Wisdom and Courage and Activity and of universality in his Correspondencies had gain'd such an Ascendant over the Genius of the Irish that if he had continued Lord Lieutenant of that Kingdom in his former Power they would not have ventured to rebel A. You have instanced in Uncontroverted Privileges of the Crown that that Parliament did offend and resist by their putting such incessant hardships on their King as your words are and it was folly as well as breach of their Oath for them thus to strike at the Pardoning Power of the Crown that is the Privilege both of King and People Yet let me ask you whether you account that he who in any case shall endeavour that by the Legislative Power any uncontroverted Iurisdiction Privilege Preheminence or Authority granted or belonging to the Crown may be alter'd or restrain'd in its exercise breaks his Oath Did that Parliament do so who made the famous Act for barring the known Privilege of Nullum tempus Occurrit Regi I mean that glorious Act of 21 o of King Iames the First C. 2. of which the Title is Conceald Lands shall not be Recover'd unless it may be proved that the King had title to them within 60 years i. e. 60 years before the 19th of February in the 21st year of King Iames the First which was the day of the beginning of that Parliament and on which Statute my Lord Coke hath an excellent Comment in Instit. 3. C. 87. against Concealors turbidum genus hominum and all pretences of Concealments whatsoever and on occasion of which Act it is yet acknowledg'd in the Book call'd The Court and Character of King James written by Sir A. W. and Printed A. 1650. that that King loved good Laws and had many made in his time and in his lâ—…st Parliament for the good of his Subjects and suppress'd Promoters and Progging Fellows gave way to the Nullum tempus c. to be confined to Sixty years which was more beneficial to the Subjects in respect of their quiets then all that Parliaments had given him during his whole Reign Or did the late Kings Loyal long Parliament do so in their obtaining the Act for the Habeas Corpus and others that might be named B. Having premised it to you that those words in the Oath of assisting and defending ALL Iurisdictions ALL Privileges c. are operative words and of strict Interpretation and whereby we stake our Eternities to assist the King 's Temporal Rights and invoke God so to help or assist us as we shall assist all those Privileges and that the Prince and the Church being look'd on as Minors the breach of an Oath to defend the Privileges of the King must appear to common sense as odious as if any Guardian of a Minor did break an Oath to defend his Person and Interest or did take part with any to destroy the Minor's Rights I shall yet be so fair as to tell you that I do not so account it provided that he who shall do so shall have a moral certainty that the Prince being sensible that the alteration or restraint of such Privilege will be very beneficial to the Subjects both in the present and future times and necessary to the enabling them the better to support the Crown hath signified his desire of the same and doth so desire it or if he knoweth not his Princes so desiring it believes that the Cogency of the Reasons he hath humbly to offer for such alteration being made is such as may Incline others to supplicate the Prince to consent to it and the Prince so to do Yet in this latter case if afterward the Sovereign notifies his desire of the continuance of such known Privilege I am then by my Oath to assist and defend the same and am not to the Cogency of my Reasons to add that of Importunity For there is a par or proportion between importunity and force whence we see that according to the King 's Ecclesiastical Laws in case of a former will a latter gain'd by importunoe preces in the time of the Testator's Sickness is often adjudged void And as I am not by importunity when my Princes Affairs are in a Sickly state or that the Die of War hath ran against him abroad to press and tire him then into a parting with his known Privileges so neither with a Salvo to my Oath which binds me to assist and defend them can I if I find his Judgment or Mind sickly lay Temptations before him to buy him as it were out of a Privilege that is just and adviseable for him to keep I am neither to starve nor pamper my Prince out of such a Privilege Nay more if my Prince did by any Error part with any such Privilege as not knowing the same to be inherent in the Crown as in the Case of an Answer of the Royal Martyr drawn by one of his Ministers not deeply vers'd in the Law to some of the Parliaments Propositions by which Answer he is acknowledg'd to be one of the three Estates I who know that the Privilege and Preheminence inherent in his Crown is to be above them all and have in the Oath of Supremacy Sworn that the King is the only Supream Governour and so none Co-ordinate or equal to him I am to take no advantage of that error but am still to assist and defend such his Preheminence And if ever a Prince did by fear part with such Privilege or Preheminence there being a par between fear and force according to that Law of the Proetor in the Digests Quod vi aut metu factum est ratum non habebo and in which Law as Baldus saith the Proetor was inspired by the Spirit of God I am not only not to take any advantage of such act of the Prince done by fear or force or to upbraid him therewith but am still to assist and defend such Privilege so derelinquish'd by him and am to account the same belonging to him as the word is in my Promissory Oath and to account him still in Law possess'd of the same according to the rule of Possessio etiam animo retinetur and which is justly apply'd in the Case of any one who in a Storm at Sea throws his Goods over-board to lighten the Ship. His late Majesty therefore did but right to himself when in his Declaration of the 25th of October 1660. Concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs he took notice how some had caused to be Printed and Publish'd in England a Declaration before Printed in his Name when he was in Scotland i. e. referring to the Declaration Printed at Edenburgh 1650. and saith thus of it vizâ—… Of which we shall say no more then that the Circumstances by which we were enforced to sign that Declaration are enough known to the World And that the worthiest and greatest part of that Nation did even then detest and abhor the ill usage of us
Consilium Peritorum and Discourse and Communication with others whom in meekness and lowliness of mind I am obliged to esteem better then my self to fix my own Iudgment of Discretion in this matter and will not deny to assist and defend this Preheminence of my Prince in particular without being morally certain that it is not granted or belongs not to him and will take the best care I can to effect that by any that by any lachesse or omission of the great Duty of Consideration I may give no man occasion again to exercise his Charity in not pronouncing me to be formally perjured and that after my Prince hath pardon'd me my attempted excluding him from the Throne I may not endeavour the disabling him from any one of his Rights while he is on it for so the style of the Exclusion Bill ran and it might have been as well call'd the Disabling Bill according to the words there shall be Excluded and DISABLED and is hereby Excluded and Disabled c. from all Titles Rights Prerogatives c. and rights that I have sworn to defend The Lord Chief Justice Vaughan who was a man of the first-Rate Talents if you consider both his natural and acquired parts doth yet in Thomas and Sorrell's Case in his Reports call the King's Power of Dispensing dark Learning and saith it seem'd so to him tho after so many Arguments in the Case And as that great Man found it dark so I think he left it such in some measure however yet so many daring Sciolists and who never look'd on a Law-Book in their lives will pretend to Oâ—…niscience in the Matter and perhaps out of a vain Jealousie of the King's Omnipotence being thereby asserted But I know your thoughts have travail'd far in this dark Learning and wherein you confess'd to me once that you had receiv'd some Illumination from that Iudge's Argument and as likewise you had from a Manuscript Report of that Case of Thomas and Sorrell containing an account of the things urged by the other Iudges and by the Councel concern'd in that Case and which are not mention'd in Sir I. Vaughan's Report of it and where he relates little but his own Argument He was a fair Reasoner and frank Discourser on all occasions and not byassed by any mercenary humour and according to that Candour you have often commended in him and which I have likewise experimented in your self let me now again make use of it in your imparting to me your thoughts in order to the Directing and Setling of mine as to the observance of my Oath in this particular And tho I know we live in a crooked and perverse Generation wherein so many are at the same time decrying both summum jus and Persecution and too all relaxation of the Laws and their Spirits lie like that Haven Acts 27. 12. toward the Southwest and Northwest two opposite Points and one would scarce think it possible that mens Spirits could be so extremely winding and crooked and thus opposite to themselves and while too they are crying out that any lawful Dispensing with the Laws establish'd is Contradictio in adjecto yet that Lord Chief Iustice's Report hath shew'd me the legality of the Dispensative Power in many particulars so far as to excite in me a desire to know more of it and to move me to pity the ignorance of my Countrymen who thus cry out of Contradictio in adjecto and not knowing what a Dispensation in Law means will fall under that censure of the Monk viz. Corrigis magnificâ—…t nescis quid Significat and of that Adage in Erasmus Stultior Choraebo who not being able to reckon in Numbers beyond five would yet undertake to Compute the numbers of the Waves in the Sea oras I may say in the words of S. Paul desiring to be Teachers of the Law understanding neither what they say nor whereof they affirm yet I assure you the Vogue of the Mobile will no more influence my thoughts about the Motion of the Laws by Dispensation then it would about the Motion of the Earth and who would take it very ill if they should be told it moves as fast as a Bullet out of a Canon because they do not perceive it A late great Philosopher of our Country hath told us That every day it appeareth more and more that years and days are determin'd by Motions of the Earth and another hath from the Diurnal and Annual Motion of the Earth endeavour'd to salve the Flows and Motions of some Seas illustrating the same by Waterin a Bowl arising or falling to either side according to the Motions of the Vessel but perhaps should a Prince in his Writings inculcate the Philosophy of the Earths motion the populace would have Fears and Iealousies of the instability of the Foundations of their Houses and Towns and of the shaking of their Property and as they have by Dispensations and they would be apt to quote Scripture against such Motion nay tho they should be told that such Motion would ennoble the Earth by exalting it into Heaven and too as Dispensations may be said to do by conducting those to Heaven who believe Humane Laws obliging the Conscience and yet shall not observe some of them But as when ever you have heretofore discours'd to me of Copernicus and Galilaeus and their Hypotheses you always found me an attentive Hearer you will be sure now much more to find me so while you are speaking of any of my Prince's Privileges that I am sworn to defend for I am now concern'd not to salve Phaenomena but to save my Soul by keeping my Oath And in the temper I am in now my whole Soul is overflowed with the sense of my having so lately through incogitancy violated that part of my Oath that so plainly obliged me to assist and defend the Hereditary Monarchy I shall be as chearfully attentive to you while you acquaint me with any Obligations resulting from my Oath as I would be to any one who told me how much I owed another and at the same time enabled me to pay it B. I shall be most ready when we meet next which I suppose will be very shortly to afford you lumen de lumine in any of the few things I know about this dark Learning In the mean time I shall observe to you on the occasion of your Mentioning the Lord Chief Iustice Vaughan's Report of Thomas and Sorrell's Case that as it hath through the Divine benignity been the frequent Method of Providence to send into the World unheard of Maladies and Remedies in the same Conjuncture of time and so likewise to make pestiferous Haeresiarchs and learned Confessors of the truth Contemporary and further when Heaven had made many of the inquisitive curious to thirst after the knowledge of truth in the works of Nature then to bless the World with the Discourses and Writings of Galilaeus Tycho-Brahe my Lord Bacon Gassendâ—…s and Des Cartes and Dr.
Harvey who open'd such great Springs of real Learning as refresh'd that noble thirst so it seems before the Date of His late Majesty's Declaration of Indulgence in the 24th year of his Reign and of the Act about the Test in the 25th year of it and both which were likely to produce among the Learned so many Inquiries into the Legality of the Dispensative Power inherent in the Crown and even among the unlearned an Epidemical Disease of talking about the same it came to pass in the course of Providence that by as Learned Iudges as ever sate on the English Bench and as Learned Councel as ever appear'd at its Bar the Learning about the Dispensative Power was ventilated and discuss'd in a Series of several years in the Case of Thomas and Sorrell For the Cause began in the King's Bench 18. Car. 2. and was there argued by some of the Great Councel of the Kingdom and there again argued on both sides by other Councel in Michaelmas-Term in the 19th year of his Reign And in Hilary-Term in 25. and 26. Car. 2. this Cause for the weight and difficulty of it was adjourn'd out of the King's-Bench into the Exchequer Chamber and there argued by others of the Greatest Councel of the Kingdom and many Law-Books quoted And the Case was afterward argued by all the Iudges of England at six several Days in Easter Trinity Michaelmas and Hilary Terms viz. by two Iudges each day and the Iudges differ'd in several Points and even about the definition or meaning of Dispensation For so that learned Chief Iustice tells you and saith That some of his Brothers defined it to be liberatio à poenâ and others to be Provida relaxatio Juris which saith he is defining an ignotum per ignotius and liberare à poenâ is the effect of a Pardon not of a Dispensation c. Thus as I may say there was a Circumvallation by the Learning which concern'd Dispensing that encompass'd some time preceding that Declaration of Indulgence in the 24th year of his Reign and some time following both it and the Act of the Test. I shall some other time perhaps entertain you with the Learned Manuscript Report of the whole Case but shall now tell you that during that Series of years there was no angry motion in the Sea of the Populace occasion'd by any thing said in any of the Arguments that propp'd up the Dispensative Power no not by that mention'd in Keeble's Reports about Thomas and Sorrell's Case to have been said in the Exchequer Chamber by Ellis the King's Serjeant and whose Opinion was as Currant for Sterling-Law as any Man 's of the long Robe Viz. That the King may SUSPEND an Act of Parliament till next Session And now since it hath thus appear'd out of that Chief Iustice his Report that at least a sixth part of the Sworn Iudges of the Realm as he thought were unacquainted with the meaning of Dispensing I think it may pass for a Miracle if any great number of the mobile did understand it But without their troubling their heads with Law-Books if they would but mind their English Bibles and there consult the 12th of S. Mathew they would soon forbear calling the lawful Dispensing with the Laws establish'd a Contradiction Our learned Ames on the Priests in the Temple Prophaning the Sabbath and being blameless observes very well in his Cases of Conscience 1. 3. c. 17. That Praecepta Deiex suâ naturâ nunquam ita Concurrent at necesse sit alterum eorum propriè violare per peccatum Quum enim praeceptum aliquod minus negligendum est ut majus observetur minus illud cessat pro illo tempore obligare that is to say is dispens'd with ita ut qui ex tali occasione illud negligunt sint planè inculpabiles id est non peccent Matth. 12. 5 7. And as to that in the Chapter of David's entring into the House of God and eating the Shew-bread which was not lawful for him to eat c. the Lord Bishop of London in his Second Letter to his Clergy Printed A. 1680. in the Paragraph about The half Communion occasionally thus observes with great Judgment That a positive Command of God cannot be disobey'd without guilt unless on some one or more of these grounds either 1. That God dispenses with it as he did with Circumcision in the Wilderness Or 2. That some Evil greater then the Consequence of the Non-Performance of it will certainly follow as when David ate the Shew-bread and they that were with him which depends on that rule of our Saviour which tho apply'd to the Sabbath yet extends to all other positive Commands that man was not made for them but they for man Or lastly in case of incapacity as the Children of Israels not going up to Ierusalem in the time of Captivity And there are other words in a foregoing Chapter of S. Matthew that are still applicable to the Pharisaical ignorance of such as reproach DISPENSING as unlawful Go and learn what that means I will have mercy and not sacrifice But according to the Example of our Blessed Lord in Having Compassion on the multitude I think you have taken a just occasion for the pitying so many of your Countrymen who in the present Conjuncture presume to exercise themselves in great Matters or in things too high for them relating to Law and State and who without enquiring about the modus of Dispensing with the Laws establish'd wherein Lawyers differ cry down the thing it self wholly and absolutely as a Contradiction to the lex terrae and in which not being so all Lawyers agree My Lord Primate Bramhal in his Book of A fair Warning to take heed of the Scottish Discipline shewing in Chap. 6. that I have before referred to That it robs the King of his Dispensative Power doth wish any one averse to that Power no greater Censure then that the Penal Laws might be duly executed on him till he recant his error And how Penal a thing by the Laws of Nations it is to alienate the hearts of People from the Prince's Government all the great Writers of those Laws and of the Iura Majestatis have enough shewn Moreover how Criminal a thing of that Nature is in the Court of Conscience our two great Writers of it Ames and Sanderson have enough taught us The Moral offices of Subjects toward their Princes are well set forth in Ames his Cases of Conscience 1. 5. c. 25. and where he saith Debent ex singulari reverentiâ cavere ne temerarium judicium ferant de ipsorum administrationes Exod. 21. 28. Eccles. 10. 20. 2 Pet. 2. 10. Jud. 8. Fundamentum hujus cautionis est 1. Candor ille qui cum erga omnes debet adhiberi tum singulariter erga Superiores 2. Difficultas explorandi fontes causas negotiorum Publicorum 3. Moderatio illa quâ leves infirmitates offensiones tolerare debemus communi tranquillitati
metaphysical universale however they may â—…ansie it to be a real being but what I know cannot exist a part from the particular Rights and Privileges belonging to the Crown being assisted and defended and from a serious endeavour to understand the truth about their belonging to it And my solicitousness to find out which in the shortest way possible and particularly as to the Privilege of discharging incapacity or disability incurr'd by Act of Parliament as I told you at our last meeting engaged me to divert you out of the course of your method and whereupon you told me you would refer my thoughts to the Assertory part of the Oath B. Well what ever damps I may see on English Mens loyalty or degeneracy from its nature by the arts of faction a while perverting them not to assist and defend this or that Privilege of the Crown I shall never despair of their coming again to themselves and that tho as in a vessel of Water and Oyl while any one is shaking it the Water may over-top the Oyl so likewise in their minds while shaken and stirred by Demagogues the Oyl of the Lord 's anointed is not there uppermost yet that through its own nature and through the English good nature and their natural addiction to Religion it will in time naturally appear to be so And now to go on without further prefacing on either side what if I should tell you that it imports you to consider that in in the Assertory part of the Oath of Supremacy you have declared and asserted that authority as due to the King that was challenged and used by king Henry the 8th and Edward the 6th that is that the King under God hath the Soveraignty and Rule over all manner of Persons born within these his Realms of what Estate either Ecclesiastical or Temporal so ever so as no other foreign Power shall or ought to have any superiority over them A. I would then tell you that you have mentioned some things to be in this Oath that I remember not to be there B. I grant that I mention'd to you somethings that are not express'd in the Oath and in the form of it as it is administred and was enacted 1 Eliz. c. 1. and by which Act the refusers of such Oath are punish'd with DISABILITY to bear Office. But in the same year in which that Act pass'd Queen Elizabeth in an ADMONITION annext to her Injunctions thought fit to exercise her Royal authority of the Interpretation or Declaration of the sense of that Oath enjoyn'd by Act of Parliament and in that Admonition you will find those words that you remember not in the Oath you took as likewise her ACQUITTAL of all Persons from all manner of Penalties and consequently of disability who took the Oath according to the sense of it publish'd in her Interpretation And if you consult the Act you will see that the disabilities inflicted in the Act on the refusers of the Oath are various And thus then you see that as soon as you have done taking the Oath you are immediately call'd on by your Conscience to defend the Privilege and preeminence of your Prince viz. of interpreting his Laws and of discharging the disabilities thereby inflicted A. I now remember that I have read that Admonition of the Queens but I account Proclamations Injunctions and Admonitions of Princes to be but temporary Laws and that therefore this Interpretation of the Queen's and her discharging of Disabilities expired with her Reign B. To obviate such thought I shall tell you that in the Act of the 5th of Queen Elizabeth c. 1. and by which the Refusal of the Oath of Supremacy is punish'd more severely then by the before-mention'd disability viz. by Proemunire for the first Refusal and by making it Treason for some Persons to refuse it a second time but Penalties that none ever doubted but the Crown might by its Pardon discharge there is a Proviso that the Oath viz. of Supremacy expressed in the said Act made in the said first year shall be takeu and expounded in such form as is set forth in an Admonition annexd to the Queens Majesties Injunctions Publish'd in the first year of her Reign that is to say to confess and acknowledge in her Majesty her Heirs and Successors none other Authority then was challenged and lately used by the Noble King Henry the Eighth and King Edward the Sixth as in the said Admonition may more plainly appear And this too lets you see that the Parliament by thus referring to the Queen's Admonition did approve of her Power therein exercised and of her having acquitted her Subjects from the Punishment of disability A. I must then I see fairly grant you that by that Parliament's having thus perpetuated the interpretation of the Oath of Supremacy contain'd in Queen Elizabeth ' s Admonition I am bound in Conscience to take it in that sense and am perjured if I do not so keep that Oath and must likewise grant that you have shewn how auspicious that Oath by the Queens interpreting the same and the Parliament about five years after approving that Interpretation was to the Assertion of such her Power and that if any taker of the Oath should gain-say such Power you have prepared such a Confutation in the case as was used to the old Philosopher who disputed against Motion and whom his Adversary confuted by removing him from his place But as you are a fair arguer I am to take leave to tell you That that Parliament tho they approved the Queen's Admonition in general did not particularly shew their Approbation of the Queen's Power of dispensing with the Penalties that she exercised in that Admonition B. They did sufficiently shew their Approbation of the whole and therefore you need not question their approving of its parts But because you seem to lay some stress on that Parliament's not expresly approving in terminis the Queen 's Power of discharging the Penalties and one of which by the Act of 1 o Elizabethoe was disability I shall tell you that whereas Queen Elizabeth had thought it expedient for the Supporting of the Consecration of the Bishops of the Church of England to dispense with whatever might cause Disability according to her Supream Authority by her Letters Patents the very same Parliament at their next Session did 8 o Elizabethoe c. 1. in terminis terminantibus declare their Approbations of the Queens dispensing with disability by those Letters Patents for it having been in that Statute mention'd that for the avoiding of all Ambiguities and Questions that might be objected against the lawful Confirmations investings and Consecrations of the said Archbishops and Bishops her Highness in her Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England c. hath used and put in her said Letters Patents divers other general words and Sentences whereby her Highness by her Supreme Power and Authority hath DISPENS'D with all Causes or doubts of any Imperfection or DISABILITY
doth appertain and is not nor ought to be subject to any foreign Iurisdiction Where we attribute to her Majesty the Chief Government by which Title we understand the minds of some slanderous Folks to be offended we give not to our Princes the ministring either of Gods Word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen do most plainly testify but that only Prerogative which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is that they should rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil doers The Bishop of Rome hath no jurisdiction in the Realm of England The Laws of the Realm may punish Christian Men with death for hâ—…inous and grievous Offences It is lawful for Christian Men at the Commandment of the Magistrate to wear Weapons and serve in the Wars Now after the Oath of Supremacy had been enjoyn'd in the first year of her Reign and the Admonition annexed to her Injunctions was then likewise publish'd viz. A. D. 1559. and after the Parliament had by proviso 〈◊〉 the interpretation of the Oath which Parliament began the 12th of Ianuary in the 5th year of her reign and from which day all things dâ—…ne in that Session are to bear date the Articles of Religion agreed on by the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London in the 5th year of her reign and A. D. 1562. were by the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces subscribed the 29th of Ianuary in that year and by the Clergy of the lower House of Convocation on the 5th of February following and to all which the Queen gave her Royal Assent And in the Articles there was by the Queens Royal Prerogative an additional Interpretation probably at the instance of the Clergy given to the interpretation in the Admonition and in the Parliaments Proviso and the which additional interpretation had in it no respect to nor mention of what being in several places of the former one might amuse the Clergy with some Fears and Iealousies namely the Duty Allegiance and Bond that were acknowledged due to Harry the 8th and Edward the 6th and the Authority that was challenged and lately used by those Princes however yet that latter Clause is qualify'd in the Admonition But for the 37th Article before-mentioned allowing the measures of the Royal Supremacy from the Prerogatives given by God in Scripture to holy Princes whereby our Clergy might seem to have brought the Prerogative into its own proper Element and theirs too the knowledge of the Scriptures being their profession our Clergy no doubt were always thankful to the Crowns Dispensative power and so exercised out of Parliament and whereby they were secured from penal disabilities either by suspension or deprivation for not taking the Oath in the sense of the Admonition Thus as things in their proper place are at rest the Queens Dispensative power and the Consciences of the Clergy by this interpretation of the Oath were so much at rest that about eight or nine years afterward the same 39 Articles that had been by the Archbishops and Bishops and Clergy of both Provinces agreed on in the year 1562. were by the said Archbishops Bishops and Clergy again agreed upon and again ratify'd by the Queen in the year 1571. the 13th year of her reign and when care was taken by the Government that that interpretation being incorporated in the body of the 39 Articles should be deem'd good in Parliament by the Statute of 13 o Eliz. c. 12. as the other interpretation in the Admonition had been by the proviso in the Act of the 5th of that Queen and probably for the same reason and as her dispensing with disability expresly in the 8th year of her reign was In the Act of the 13th of Eliz. reference was made to those Articles as agreed on by the Archbishops and Clergy and set forth by the Queens authority Anno 1562. and the Act is entituled Reformation of Disorders in the Ministers of the Church and in which it was enacted That all such as were to be ordained or permitted to preach or to be instituted into any Benefice with cure of Souls should publickly subscribe to the said Articles which shews if you mind it that tho the Parliament did well allow and approve of the said Articles yet the said Book oweth neither Confâ—…rmation nor Authority to the Act of Parliament And that Act concerning only Clergy-men tho the interpretation in the 37th Article is left to oblige the Clergy yet that in the Admonition might concern you to stick to if nothing had since happen'd whereby the dispensative power inherent in the Crown may have given your Conscience the benefit of the interpretation thus afforded to the Clergy But therefore I shall here tell you that the Canons of King Iames the â—…st Anno 1603 being confirmed for him and his Heirs and Successors are binding now however it hath been objected as the unhappiness of Queen Elizabeths Canonâ—… viz. A. 1571. A. 1584. A. 1597. wanting those formal words of Heirs and Successors to expire with her And as those words are in King Iames's Canons so are the words of enjoyning their being observ'd fuâ—…fill'd and kept not only by the Clergy but by all other Persons within this Realm as far as lawfully being Members of the Church it may concern them and tho in the first Canon there entituled The King's Supremacy over the Church of England in Causes Ecclesiastical to be maintain'd 't is order'd That all Ecclesiastical Persons shall keep and observe and as much as in them lyeth all and singular Laws and Statutes made for the restoring to the Crown of this Kingdom its ancient Iurisdiction over the state Ecclâ—…siastical yet in the next Canon entitled Impugners of the King's Supremacy censurâ—…d the measures of the King 's ecclesiastical Authority being taken from the Godly Kings among the Iews according to the 37th of the 39 Articles was an extending to the Layety the ben fit of the Interpretation obtain'd by the Clergy the which was in effect a judgment of the Convocations that the pursuance of that Interpretation of the King 's Ecclesiastical Power and the avoiding of the punishment of Disability by the use of that Power was not agaâ—…st the Law of the Land but the 5th Canon viz. Impugners of the Artiâ—…les of Religion establish'd in the Church of England censured and in which the establishment of the 39 Articles is solely referr'd to them as agreed on in Convocation in the year 1562. without any notice of the Parliament of the 13th of Eliz. having done any thing about them doth more clearly secure to you the benefit of the Interpretation the Clergy had A. You have mention'd so many things to me relating to the interpretation
Peace and Quietness of the People might be disturb'd by the Annual Calling of Parliaments according to the tenour of those Laws our Princes as Supreme Governors of the Realm did often dispense with their observance The Author of the Book call'd The Long Parliament Dissolv'd Printed in the year 1676. refers to the Laws of 4 o E. 3. c. 10. and 36. E. 3. c. 14. 5. E. 3. N o. 141. 5. E. 2. N o. 1. R. 2. N o. 95. as positively appointing the Meeting of a Parliament once within a year And the People saith he have silently waited and born the Omission of our Princes in not so Calling Parliaments And he further mentions how Queen Elizabeth Prorogued a Parliament for three days more then a year and he presumes to complain of His late Majesty's Proroguing his long Parliament to above a years time as illegal and he argues for that Parliaments being disabled from Sitting and acting afterward as a Parliament by reason of such Prorogation as contrary to the aforesaid Laws and which he saith were declared to be in force when the triennial Act was made in 16. Caroli 1 mi. and so likewise in the Statute for repealing that triennial Act in 16. Car. 2 o. in these words And because by the Ancient Laws and Statutes of this Realm made in the Reign of King Edward the Third Parliaments are to be held very often c. And how the Iudgment of the House of Lords was assertive of the legality of that Parliaments not being disabled from sitting after such His late Majesty's Prorogation is fresh in memory But to return from whence I digress'd I may here take notice to you how our Princes as Supreme Governors of the Realm and as having the Rule of all Persons committed to them by God and to whom they stand accountable for the same have held themselves obliged further to dispense with disability incurr'd by Acts of Parliament upon a Religionary account and which they have done to the general satisfaction of their Subjects of all Religions A What do you here intend to refer to B. I do here intend to refer to the Statute of 3 o Iacobi c. 5. by one Clause in which Act Convict Recusants are DISABLED from practising Physick or bearing any Office or Charge Military and by which Clause every Person offending is to forfeit for every such Offence 100 l. and the one Moyety thereof to be to the King and the other Moyety to him that will sue for the same c. But notwithstanding the Zeal of that Prince against Popery he out of a tender regard to the Bodies and Healths of his People and the ennabling many learned Roman-Catholick Physicians to preserve them did by Connivence sufficientâ—…y dispense with that Law insomuch that it may be said that that severe disabling Law came on the Stage but as Cato into the Theatre only to go off again And I have elsewhere mention'd it that a Book afterward Printed in his Reign call'd The Foot out of the Snare sets down the Names of about Twenty five famous Roman-Catholick Physicians then Practising in London and the places of their abodes and whom yet I believe no Informer ever molested And notwithstanding the disability incurr'd by that Act of Parliament I account that an eminent Roman-Catholick Physician not long since dead was not by any among our various Sects of Protestants in the Plot-times envy'd the liberty of being in our Metropolis the greatest Practicioner of that noble Science By the same Clause Roman-Catholick Lawyers are likewise disabled from Practice and under the same Penalty but who likewise enjoy'd the same Dispensation by Connivence with those of the other Profession accordingly as Mr. Nye in his Book call'd Beams of former Light observes p. 146. viz. The Law Physick Merchandize c. may be practised by a Turk or Iew or Papist here among us c. How severe the Laws in being are against Roman-Catholicks of the other great Profession namely of Theology and of the Clerical orâ—…er officiating here you know But you likewise know my opinion I discours'd to you of in the Conjuncture of the Plot and Panick fears namely that by virtue of the Contents of the Assertory part of the Oath we are upon even our Protestant Kings as Supreme Governors of the Realm both in Matters Ecclesiastical and Civil and as having the Rule of all Persons committed to them by God were morally bound to see our Roman-Catholick Countreymen while living among us here provided with a Competent Priesthood as Physicians for their Souls and to administer the Sacraments to them A. Yes I remember you Discourse of that matter then and how you mention'd it that if any Turks or Iews or any Heterodox Religionaries desired to live here without a Priesthood the Prince as Guardian of both Tables was obliged by his Coercive Power to make them put their own Principles in practice by their having a Competent Priesthood and which all the Sects of the Mahumetan Pagaâ—… Iewish and Christian Religion own it as their Principle to have and that as Religion was necessary to the State to make men good Subjects and ready to serve their Prince and just Dealers a Priesthood was necessary to Religion B. You are not therefore to wonder at the Dispensation by Connivence so many Roman-Catholick Priests enjoy'd here in the Reigâ—…s of former Princes And I shall some other time tell you how our Laws that DISABLE Papists from bearing Arms were in the time of the Rebellion after A. 1640. necessarily dispens'd with by the Royal Martyr as Supreme Governor of the Realm and that none of the Church of England did look with an evil eye in the least on such disability being then dispens'd with by Prerogative A. I suppose you may have heard it objected that by the Statute of 25. C. 2. which has lately employ'd your thoughts the Prerogative of the King is not touch'd for that the King may grant the Offices to any of his Subjects and that the Act is only a Direction to the Subject to qualifie himself accordingly for the King's Service and that if he be uncapable to serve the King 't is through his own default and he is punishable for the same as happen'd in the Case of one who was made Sheriff and neglected to take the Oaths and that there was an Opinion given in the Case that no Subject could put himself out of a Capacity to serve the King but for so doing he is punishable B. But the more you think of this Matter you will find the unreasonableness of the Objection recurring upon your thoughts with greater force For it is not in mens Power to qualifie themselves to serve the King by believing what doctrinal Propositions they will and tho you have heard of a Faith that will remove Mountains yet you may consider that 't is as easie to remove them as your Faith it self about Matters of reveal'd truth and that considering the Circumstances
some mens Minds are involv'd in they can no more alter their beliefs about Transubstantiation then they can transubstantiate themselves into other Creatures and are under a Moral incapacity of preventing another incurred by Law. And therefore as it would be Injustice in a Judge to Punish a man for the Errors of the mind that he knoweth not to be voluntary and for a man 's not putting himself into a Capacity to serve the King by the Professing of the truth in Problematical Points when the King of Kings hath by the not sufficient promulgating of such truth to his understanding render'd him innocent in his disbelief thereof and so long morally uncapable to profess it so by one man's after another appearing thus unable to qualifie himself to serve the King he may be totally unserved I have often heard you complain of the narrow Idea's of the King's Supremacy in some of the Non-Conformists but if you will read the Protestation of the King's Supremacy made by the Nâ—…n-conforming Ministers and Printed A D. 1605. you will find that they have there given in sufficient caution for tâ—…eir Principles not allowing any of the King's Subjects being disabled from serving him For they having said in § 1. We hold and maintain the same Authority and Supremâ—…cy in all Causes and over all Persons Civil and Ecclesiastical granted by Statute to Queen Elizabeth and expressed and declared in the Book of Advertisements and Injunctions and in Mr. Bilson against the Iesuites to be due in full and ample manner without any limitation or qualification to the King and his Heirs and Successors for ever they add in § 2. We are so far from judging the said Supâ—…emacy to be unlawful that we are persâ—… aded that the King should sin highly against God if he should not assume the same to himself and that the Churches within his Dominions should sin damnably if they should deny to yield the same to him yea tho the STATUTES of the Kingdom should deâ—…y it to him And they tell you in Sect. 6. that the height of the King 's Royal Dignity consists in his Supremacy It is thus likewise a kind of familiar or Vulgar Error among Protestants to think that in the â—…ncient times this Fundamental Assertory part of your Oath tâ—…at the King is the only Supreme Governor of this Râ—…alm was not allow'd Long before the Rescript of the University of Oxford to Henry the 8th A. 1534. mention'd that he was next under God their happy and Supreme Moderator and Governor and on which being brought into the Parliament House an Act passed whereby the King was declared Supreme Head and Governor of the Church and long before it was declared by the Parliament 16. R. 2. c. 5. that the Crown â—…t England hath been so free at all times that it hath been in no earthly subjection but immediately subject to God in all things touching the Regality of the same Crown and to none other and long before Bracton's writing in the Reign of H. 3. Omnis quidem sub Rege ipse sub nullo sed tantum sub Deo and ipse autem Rex non debet esse sub homine sed sub Deo. c. you will find if you look into Coke's 4th Instit. c. 74. that in the Law before the Conquest the style runs Rex autem quia Uicarius summâ—… Regis est ad hoc est constitutus ut Regnum terâ—…enum populum Domini super omnia sanctam veneretuâ—… Ecclesiam ejus regat c. and where he tells you of the style of King Edwin in his Charters viz. of Angâ—…orum Rex totius Britannicae telâ—…uris Gubeâ—…nator Rector And he there refers likewise to several Grants made by Abâ—…ots and Priors to King E. 4. wherein they style him by these very words Supremus Dominus noster But that he might perimere litem as to the point of the ancientness of the King's Supremacy he there referreth to the judgment of Parliament declared in the Statute of 24 o. H. 8. c. 12. viz. That by divers authentick Histories and Chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this Realm of England is an Empire and so hath been accepted in the World governâ—…d by one Supreme Head and King c. unto whom a Body-Politick compact of all sorts and degrees of People divided in terms and by names of Spiritualty and Temporalty been bounden and owen to beat next unto God a natural and humble Obedience c. And here I am led to tell you that as it is on this Foundation of the King 's being the Supreme Governor and Ruler of all sorts and degrees of men thus anciently acknowledged by our Roman Catholick forefathers that the Regal Power of Dispensing with the Laws that were Penal by Incapacity and particularly in order to the Crown 's being enabled to command the Obedience and Service of all Estates and Degrees of men was built so it is on the same that the Usurpations of the Papal Dispensative Power of that kind were opposed I shall before we part give you instances hereof A. I thank you but shall here tell you that the Expression you used just now about the King being disabled by his Subjects being so hath overcast my thoughts with some kind of horror B. I cannot help it but if you will have me speak with the frankness of a Philosopher concerning the Nature of things the disabling of the Subjects must have that effect in Nature and of the disabling of their Country too And I think too you gave me a hint for some such thought at our last meeting If you do but consider the Services done to Monarchs by that abject Nation of the Iews and who by Tacitus were call'd the Vilissima pars servientium and how in our Saviour's time they were serviceable to the Roman Empire in the Collection of the Customs and how much they have been since and still are useful to the Grand Signior and to many Christian Princes by gathering in their Imposts you will easily imagine the loss that would redound to Princes by Religionary Heterodoxy disabling any to serve them It is but natural to men of the most inquisitive and penetrating thoughts to differ from many Points of Theology receiv'd by Princes and their People and since such heterodoxy doth difficult their access to Preferment it is but Natural to them by their working Thoughts and Industry to arrive at the excelling the duller Orthodox in whatever course of life they take and by that means to try to push on their way into their Prince's favour and consequently to have very sharp regrets against any Methods that would incapacitate them for it And as if this Civil Death were to Men of great Thoughts the terrible of terribles and what as hindring them from serving their Prince and Country were like Burying them alive I shall shew you how a Man of great Abilities and who had made a great Figure in the Church
Disability of a whole third estate as to bearing secular Offices did not stand in the way of Prerogative I have read it in Fuller's Church-History that in the year 1350. the Lords and Commons in Parliament did find themselves aggrieved that the Clergy-men engrossed all secular Offices and thereupon presented the ensuing Petition to the King according to this effect insisting only in the substance thereof viz. And because that in this present Parliament it was declared to our Lord the King by all the Earls Barons and Commons of England that the Government of the Kingdâ—…m hath been performed a long time by the Men of Holy Church which are not justifyable in all Cases whereby great mischiefs and damages have happen'd in times past and more may happen in time to come in disheriting of the Crown and great prejudice of the Kingdom c. that it will please our said Lord the King that the Lay-men of the said Kingdom which are sufficient and able of Estates may be chosen for these and that no other Person be hereafter made Chancellor Treasurer Clark of the Privy-Seal Barons of the Exchequer Chamberlain of the Exchequer Comptroller and all other great Officers and Governors of the said Kingdom and that these things be now in such manner establish'd in form aforesaid that by no way it may be defeated or any thing done to the contrary in any time to come saving to our Lord the King the Election and removing of such Officers but that always they be Lay-men such as is abovesaid To this Petition the King return'd that he would ordain upon this point as it should best seem to him by the advice of his good Council In fine you see that tho the Clergy-men were thus disabled by the general Customs and Usage of the Realm and by lawful Canons and provincial Constitutions accounted by that Iudge beforemention'd to be tanta-mount to Acts of Parliament yet you â—…ee our Kings did frequently dispense with these Customs lawful Canons and Constitutions And tho the Office of Bishops renders them guardians of the Canons yet you see how tender they have been of the Regal power of Dispensing therein And as that saying of Wicliffe however censured in the Council of Constance may perhaps with a little help be reduced to Orthodoxy viz. That â—…ne should be Excommunicated by any Prelate unless he know him Excommunicated by God so with parity of reason it may be said that none should be totally disabled by any Prince from serving him unless he knew him really disabled by God and especially when he knew the contrary and that the Services of the great men of the Clergy had so often been successfully employ'd at the Helm of State and when for the honour of Clergy-mens Councel some of the most profound pieces of State-Policy our English Story hath in it are to be attributed to Clergy-mens officiating in their Princes Councels and as for Example when by the figure that Bishop Morton made at the Helm he did make up the dismal breach and united the two Houses of York and Lancaster in the Happy Marriage between Henry the 7th and the Lady Elizabeth aâ—… when Bishop Fox who was Lord Privy Seal did by his Advice lay the Foundation of a more happy Union between the Kingdoms of England and Scotland by the eldest Daughter of Henâ—…y marrying Iames of Scotland and the younger matching into France that so on their ever coming to inherit Scotland might be annex'd to the Imperial Crown of England and England not be annex'd as a Province to France and for the Consequences of which Advice both Englishmen and English and French Protestants have so much cause to say We Praise thee O God c. And I am here minded of what Fuller tells us on A. 14. H. 4. viz. It was moved in Parliament that no Weishman Bishop or other shall be Iustice Chamberlain Chancellor Treasurer Sheriff Constable of a a Castle or Keeper of Records or Lieutenant in the said Office in any part of Wales or of Councel to any English Lord notwithstanding any Patent made to the contrary Cum clausulâ non obstante licet Wallicus natus and that it was answered that the King willeth it except the Bishops and for them and others which he hath found good loyal Lieges toward him out said Lord the King will be advised by the Advice of his Councel Ex Rot. Parliamentariis in turri Lond. in hoc Anno which Citation Fuller professeth to be taken out of the Authentick Records in the Tower. There passed an Act of Parliament in the 4th year of Henry the 4th by which it is Enacted That no Welshman shall be Iustice Chamberlain Sheriff Coroner nor other Officer in any part of Wales notwithstanding any Patent to the contrary with the Clause of Non-obstante and yet without Question saith my Lord Coke 12th Rep. the King might dispense with this Statute but you see how on the Parliaments resenting the Dispensations the Act had met with and particularly in Bishops having contrary to the tenor of the Act served the Crown in Secular Employments the King particularly adhered to the exercise of his Dispensative Power in their Case It was upon the ground of this Assertion viz. Of the Crown 's being entitled to Command the Services of all Subjects that some Papists were employ'd by Queen Elizabeth in Affairs of the State notwithstanding any disability incurr'd by not taking the Oath of Supremacy And Viscount Montacute tho a Roman Catholick was as Cambden tells you sent by her as her Embassadour to the King of Spain and employ'd too about the Business of the Scots and to do right to the Protestant Religion Sir Edward Carne likewise a Roman Catholick was sent by her as her Embassador to the Pope And as to the sense of many of that Queen's most renowned Ministers of State about the Deprivation of the Nonconformist Divines disabled eo Nomine from their Ministry being Penal to the People the Author of certain Considerations tending to promote peace and good will among Protestants hath mention'd it that Eight of that Queens Privy Councellors writ a Letter in their favour to the Bishops of Canterbury and London in the close whereof 't is said viz. Now therefore we for the Discharge of our Duties being by our Vocation under her Majesty bound to be careful that the Universal Realm may be well govern'd according to the Honor and Glory of God and to the discharge of her Majesty being the Principal GOVERNOR of ALL her SUBIECTS under Almighty God do most earnestly desire your Lordships to take some charitable Considerations of these Causes that the PEOPLE of THIS Realm may not be DEPRIVED of their Pastors being Diligent Learned and Zealous tho in some Points Ceremonial they may seem doubtful only of Conscience and not of wilfulness c. Tour Lordships loving Friends William Burghly George Shrewsbury A. â—…rwick R. Leicâ—…ster C. Howard J. Crofts Chr. Hatton
Fra. Walsingham And what sense the House of Commons had in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames the First of the Disabling of several of the Nonconformist Divines being a Gravamen to the Realm appears by the Petition of that House to the King Anno 1610. as I find it in Mr. Nye's Beams of former Light p. 103. viz. Whereas divers painful and learned Pastors that have long time travell'd in the work of the Ministry with good Fruit and Blessing of their Labour have been removed from Ecclesiastical livings being their free-hold and from all means of maintenance to the great grief of sundry your Majesty's well-affected Subjects we therefore humbly beseech your Majesty would be graciously pleas'd that such deprived and silenced Ministers living quietly and peaceably may be restored c. But in short if you consider that the great Cause that excited the Loyal Zeal express'd in the Statute of the First of Queen Elizabeth and whereby so many Statutes of Harry the 8th against the Papal â—…pations were revived was that the King and Kingdom might not be disabled by Clergy-mens not being Subjects to the Crown through Papal Exemptions and that the Crown might Cum effectu be restored to its Government over them i. e. of the whole Realm and that our Monarchs should by means of such Exemption be no more disabled from being Governors only IN their Realm and not OF it and as when the Right of two Persons claiming to be Princes of Tuscany was before the Pope's Arbitrage he determin'd that one of them should be A Prince IN Tuscany and the other Oâ—… it you will find that this Supreme Power over all Persons as inherent in the King is the very Lapis Angularis on which your Abjuration of foreign Iurisdiction and on which the whole Promissory part of your Oath are built For when you have first declared in your Oath that the King is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or Causes as Temporal and then what followeth upon that viz. That no foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm you say And THEREFORE I do â—…tterly renounce and forsake aâ—…l foreign Iurisdictions c. And do promise that from henceforth I shall bear Faith and true Allegiance to the King's Highness c. and to my Power shall assist and defend all Iurisdictions c. granted or belonging to the King's Highness c. or united and annex'd to the Imperial Crown of this Realm Thus then the Reason why you abjure foreign Jurisdiction for you ABIURE when you swear to quit and forsake as Mr. Nye in his Observations on that Oath tells us and why you promise to assist and defend all Iurisdictions granted or belonging to the King whose Subject you are is resolved into the Kings being the only Supreme Governor of this Realm as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or Causes as Temporal I am here further to tell you that when by your Oath you have renounced the Pope's Dispensative Power you have asserted and have obliged your self to defend the Jurisdiction of the King 's Dispensative Power in the room of it and the defence of which was the great design and drift of the entire Statute of 1 o. Eliz. and of your Oath therein and no collateral thing A. I have been and am pleas'd with that Prospect you have given me into the Region of the Dispensative Power used by the Crown in the Interpretation of my Oath a Region that was before to me like the terra Australis Borealis incognita but to deal frankly with you I am yet to seek out the meaning of this notion last â—…rted by you that the drift and design of the Statute of 1 o. Elizabethae and the Oath was to prop up the King 's Dispensative Power I doubt not but you are perfectly sensible that he who speaks to that tender thing call'd Conscience and about an Oath ought to be tender of any point he urgeth to it and not to wyre-draw any thing by forced Consequences that is to be offered to it as Obligatory B. I assure you I go by those very measures in giving you my Judgment of the design and drift of that Statute as I have done and that he must put the Statute on the wrack that will make it speak any other meaning Consider what the Prefatory part as the key of it mentions viz. That divers good Laws and Statutes that were made in Henry the Eighth's time as well for the utter extinguishment and putting away of all Usurped and Foreign Power c. as also for the restoring and uniting to the Imperial Crown of this Realm the ancient Iurisdictions c. to the same of Right belonging by reason whereof we your most humble and obedient Subjects from the 25th year of the Reign of your said dear Father were continually kept in good order and were disburden'd of divers great and intolerable Charges and Exactions before that time unlawfully taken and exacted by such Foreign Power and Authority as before that was usurped until such time as all the said good Laws and Statutes by one Act of Parliament made in the first and second years of the Reigns of the late King Philip and Queen Mary c. were repeai'â—… by reason whereof they then further mention how they were then brought under an Usurped Foreign Authority to their intolerable Charges and they thereupon desire the Repealing of that Act. Here we are given to see by their dating the aera of their being well govern'd and disburthen'd of divers great intolerable Charges and Exactions taken and exacted by Foreign Power from the 25th of Henry the 8th and had their eye on the Statute of the 25th of Henry the 8th c. 21. entituled No Imposition shall be paid to the Bishop of Rome which sets forth how the Subjects of this Realm were impoverish'd by intolerable Exactions of great Sums of Money taken out of this Realm by the Bishop of Rome as well in Pensions Censes Suits for Provisions and Expeditions of Bulls c. and also for Dispensations Licences Faculties Grants Relaxations Writs call'd Perinde valere Rehabilitations Abolitions and other infinite sorts of Bulls Breves and Instruments of sundry Natures c. wherein the Bishop of Rome hath been not only to be blamed for his Usurpation in the Premisses but also for his abusing and beguiling your Subjects pretending and persuading them that he hath Power to Dispense with all Humane Laws Uses and Customs of all Realms in all Causes which be call'd Spiritual which matter hath been usurped and practised by him and his Predecessors by many years in great deâ—…gation of your Imperial Crown and Authority Royal contrary to Right and Conscience For where this your Graces Realm recognizing no Superior under God but only your Grace hath been and
while or since that Statute of the 25th of his Reign committed the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to Lay-men did or might give occasion to some Evil-dispos'd persons to think and little regard the Proceedings and Censures Ecclesiastical made by his HIGHNESSE and his Uice-gerent Officials Commissaries Iudges and Uisitors being also Lay and Married men to be of little or none effect whereby the people gathereth heart and presumption to do evil and not to have such reverence to your most Godly Injunctions and Proceedings as becometh them c. So I leave it to you to consider how the disabling of any subjects by reason of Religionary Heterodoxy to serve their Prince did or might give occasion to some evil-disposed Persons to attempt the disabling of their Prince on the same account as I bâ—…fore hinted it to you and as the popular incogitancy of the Power given by God extending to all such Persons as should be employâ—…d under the King producing the irreverence of their surmises of the incapacity of the Officials and Visitors employ'd by the Vicegerent and consequently of the incapacity of the Vicegerent himself did naturally terminate in their gathering heart and presumption to do evil and to surmise the King 's being disabled to exercise all manner of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and to do that which was directly repugnant to his Majesty as Supreme Head of the Church and to his Prerogative Royal his Grace being a Lay-man how you ought still to preserve a tenderness in your thoughts for that Prerogative Royal given him by God's Word of Commanding the Services of all his Subjects by what Laws or Constitutions soever de facto incapacitated And by the gradual Proceedings I have now mention'd you ought with horror to think of the incapacitating any one Subject to serve his Prince as of the first step from a Precipice A. You have provided variety of Entertainment for my Consideration and have my thanks for it But suppose I should be so Curious and Inquisitive as to ask where in God's Word that Power is given to Princes to employ such Persons as they shall think fit in their service according to the purport of that Statute B. You may likewise suppose that you would then find my Genius so inquisitive as to ask you where you have been at Church of late years For you could then go to no Church in England Scotland or Ireland without hearing St. Paul's Omnis anima spoken of Let every soul be subject to the higher Powers whether he be Apostle or Evangelist Prophet Priest Clergy or Layety whether he be of the People diffusive or representative and the like And as the well-drawn Effigies of a man seems to look on every one in the Room so hath the Picture of the Regal Power drawn by the Divines of the Church of England appear'd to cast its Eye on every one and been made as it were Vocal and saying to every one For he is the Minister of God to thee for good And the good old Book call'd God and the King that you have read over and over hath told you that the Bond of the King's Subjects Obedience to his Majesty is inviolable and cannot be dissolv'd And indeed the thing being so plain by the Law of Nature which being written in man's heart is the very same so far forth as it is yet undefaced with the Law of God reveal'd in the Word it is not tanti to raise Moot-Points about this relating to Scripture I doubt not but you remember it in my Lord Herbert's Harry the 8th that there being a Rebellion of many of the Commonalty A. 1536. and the Rebels sending the King their Grievances and one whereof was That his Grace had ill Councellors and of mean Birth among which Cromwel was not forgotten and the King sending an Answer penn'd by himself as to their Grievances he did therein upbraid them for medling in the choice of his Counsellors and command their acquiescence therein on the grounds of Nature and of his being their Natural Liege-lord A. Well Sir Let it for the present pass as a datum or concessum as you will have it that the Obedience of Subjects in serving their Prince is founded on the grounds both of Nature and Scripture And I shall moreover allow it to you that if you had an Enthusiast to deal with and such who as you said do outrage the 13th of the Romans out of the Apocalypse you might out of Brightman's Revelation of the Apocalypse shew him out of that part of Holy Scripture sufficient Authority for the King 's particularly making Cromwel his Vicegerent For he there on the 14th Chapter and the 17th and following Verses saith This Angel is Thomas Cromwel who lived in the days of Harry the 8th that most mighty King and was a man of great renown and place in our Kingdoms being the Earl of Essex and Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal who came out of the Temple and being a sincere favourer of pure Religion He had a Sickle in his hand being made the King's Deputy in all Ecclesiastical Matters and it was a sharp one as with which he sets stoutly and deliberately to his work and yet he had no Crown or Diadem to grace his head withal being a Minister rather to put another Man's Power in Ure then any that wrought by his own Power and Authority And he on Verse the 18th makes the other Angel to be a Martyr viz. Tho. Cranmer and refers the meaning of the words He cryed with a great voice to him that had the Sickle to Cranmer because saith he in the days of Harry the 8th he inflamed the mind of Tho. Cromwel by his words with a desire to make a Vintage B. I thank you for diverting me with that passage of Brightman but I can refer you to another Writer of our Church whose Authority will go further with us then Brightman's and who hath recorded it that the great figure that Cromwel made both in the Church and State and his and Cranmer's acting together in concert and by joynt Councels both in Church and at the Helm of State was so highly fortunate to the Reformation You may find this observed by Archbishop Parker in his De Antiquitate Ecclesiâ—… Britannicoe p. 530. where he saith Namque profligato Papa susceptâ Ecclesioe Anglicanoe defensione curâ tutelâ Rex excelsiâ—…ing â—…ii multarum rerum usu peritum Thomam Cromwellum Vicarium suum in spiritualibus generalem designavit Hic cum Thoma Cranmero Archiepiscopo tanquam in puppi sedit clavumque Ecclesioe Anglicanoe tenuit proramque à papali littore avertit in Christianum portum reduxit A. Was Vicar-general to the King in Spirituals Cromwel's style for his Office as the Archbishop there termed it B. I am apt to think it was not I never saw any Copy of his Patent or Commission for it The Acts of Parliament in H. the 8â—…h's time style him The King's Vicegerent c. And
Now you know how much Simplicity becomes an Oath and how requisite it is that it should be conceiv'd in plain and liquid terms and taken in the Imposer's sense and without mental reservations and that you should Swear therein to no dogmatical Assertion and as to which Mr. Nye saith well in his Observations on that Oath to swear positively to any dogmatical Assertion is not required It would be a taking the Name of God in vain for if it be a certain and undoubted truth in it self and to others as are Principles of Reason and Articles of Faith an Oath is vain for it ends no strife If doubtful and a question whether true or not tho such an Oath puts it out of question that I believe so yet not that it is a truth My belief tho never so much evidenced and confirm'd doth not make a doubtful matter in it self more credible nor is one man's believing an Assertion just ground for another man to believe the same Such an Oath therefore is in vain and not a fit Medium to end such a Controversy Now how far your declaring in your Oath that no foreign Prelaâ—…e hath nor ought to have any Iurisdiction Spiritual within this Realm and the Interpretation of it pursuant to the 37th Article delivering the Plain words The Bishop of Rome hath no Iurisdiction c. may bring you within the Verge of swearing what is dogmatical I leave you to judge but shall take the liberty to tell you that when I see some of our Laws and particularly this about our Oath girdled with so many Interpretations like new tender-sided Ships I shall be apt to take little pleasure in embarquing my Conscience in such an Oath and am apt to call to mind the Censure which Mr. Milton's Character of the Long Parliament of 40. fulminates against his Countrymen and by which he so much disables our understandings as to Political Government and saith that the Sun which we want ripens Wits as well as Fruits and as Wine and Oyl are imported to us from abroad so must ripe understanding c. B. But however tho our Wine and Oyl are imported to us from abroad our Dispensations are not and we have no Occasion to send Gold to Rome for Lead And I assure you he who shall consider that the English Virtuosi were the last that did receive the yokes of the old Imperial and later Papal Power of Rome and the first that threw them off will tho we are Crasso sub aëre nati have no cause to vilifie our understandings but rather to envy their triumphs over Infallibility so call'd And perhaps when I shall have told you of another passage of the Bishop P. 59. in his Schism guarded you will think the Eyes of our Ancestors understandings did look out sharp when the two Statutes of the 25th of H. 8. and 1 o Eliz. were made and there he saith Suppose any of our Reformers have run into any Excesses or Extremes either in their Expressions or perhaps in their Actions it is a difficult thing in great changes to observe a just mean it may be out of Humane Frailty as Lycurgus out of hatred to Drunkenness cut down all the Vines about Sparta or it may be out of Policy as men use to bend a Crooked rod as much the contrary way or as expert Masters of Musick do sometimes draw up their Scholars a Note too high to bring them to a just tone what is that to us as long as we practice the Mean and maintain the Mean and guide our selves by the certain line and level of Apostolical and Primitive Tradition There is no doubt but in the framing of the Statute of 1 o Eliz. and the Oath therein regard was had to the Oath in the 35th of H. 8. c. 1. viz. I having now the veil of Darkness of the Usurped Power Authority and Iurisdiction of the See and Bishops of Rome clearly taken away from mine Eyes do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience that neither the See nor the Bishop of Rome nor any foreign Potentate hath nor ought to have any Iurisdiction Power or Authority within this Realm neither by God's Law nor any other just Law or means c. and that I shall never consent nor agree that the aforesaid See or Bishop of Rome or their Successors shall exercise or have any manner of Authority Iurisdiction or Power within this Realm c. And this Oath remain'd the same all the rest of his Reign and all Edward the 6th's time and as to which Queen Elizabeth changed the Expression of Supreme Head and both Harry the 8th and She having their Eyes on the effect of Papal Excommunications and concern'd to have the nullity of them believed by their Subjects might seem according to the Primate's Expression to bend the crooked rod of the Papal Iurisdiction overmuch the contrary way in their Oaths that so it might come to that just straitness referr'd to according to the Primate's measures of it But after all I shall tell you that I think no Political respects can justifie the putting doubtful Expressions into an Oath or the taking of one with mental reservations of a sense different from the Common one of the words and I do therefore joyn issue with you in the Point that the Clause in the Oath That no foreign Prelate hath or ought to have any Iurisdiction c. being the very same in the 37th Article and in the Interpretation of which Article King Iames his Canons have as you said made you a sharer with the Clergy you and all others who take the Oath may be thankful for the benefit of that King having further exercised the Dispensative Power of his interpreting the whole intent of that Oath And that Interpretation of it which hath made the Coast of the Oath clear to you in this Point you will find agreeing to what he hath in our Language Publish'd to the World and dedicated to eternity For he having in his Premonition to all Christian Monarchs mention'd how he caus'd the House of Commons to Reform a Clause they had put into the Oath of Allegiance derogatory to the Pope's spiritual Power viz. That the Pope had no Power to Excommunicate him and that he was ready to consent that the Bishop of Rome should have the first Seat and be Patriarch of the West and be Primus Episcopus inter omnes Episcopos princeps Episcoporum so it be no otherwise but as Peter was Princeps Apostolorum takes occasion in his Apology for the Oath of Allegiance to let the World know his Royal judgment of the intent of the OATH of SUPREMACT and there in Confutation of the Pope's Breves and Bellarmine's Letter he saith in p. 108. that the rendring Christian Kings within their own Dominions Governors of their Church as well as of the rest of their People in being Custodes utriusque tabulae not by making new Articles of Faith c. but by
clear'd of those doubtful Expressions in them which cause their scruples c. whereby they may to the entire Satisfaction of His Majesty and the Nation fully testifie the Allegiance and Fidelity of faithful Subjects and true Patriots and no longer remain as they generally now do distrusted c. But there was another Book that year Publish'd by a Roman Catholick of which the title was A seasonable Discourse shewing how that the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy as our Laws interpret them contain nothing which any good Christian ought to boggle at and where the Saying of Tertullian is quoted Bonae res neminem scandalizant niâ—… malam mentem c. and where having taken notice of the Queen's Admonition and the Proviso of the Statute of 5 o Eliz. and the 37th Article and the Iudgments of the Bishops Bramhal and Carleton as Sir Iohn Winter had done and for the same purpose giveth his Judgment that the taking of those Oaths gives no Scandal and he in p. 38. averrs that Sir John Winter told him many years ago that he had the Iudgment of Sorbouists Secular Priests and Iesuites that he might take the Oath of Supremacy declaring the sense which the Law allows And I shall here by the way take notice that as to the Oath of Allegiance F. Cressy saith in his Epistle Apologetical p. 111. that few Roman Catholicks if any at all would refuse that Oath if that unlucky word heretical were blotted out c. or if they might change heretical into contrary to the Word of God which he saith he verily believes was the sense intended by King James But now after all this said I shall tell you that according to what is observ'd by the generality of Writers oâ—… Princes easing their Subjects by their Dispensative Power of interpreting their Laws viz. That they take occasion then to intermix with such interpretation somewhat else that may advance their Power there were Fears and Iealousies that some of these foremention'd interpretations tho lessening the spiritual Power of the Crown might enlarge its temporal and particularly such as in the Queen's Admonition mention'd the Duty Allegiance and Bond acknowledg'd to be due to Harry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth and as I partly before hinted such as in the Proviso in the Act of the 5th of the Queen that ratifying the Admonition hath in it the additional words of acknowledging in her Majesty her Heirs and Successors the Authority that was challenged and lately used by Harry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth and such as in the 37th Article explain'd the Queen's Power by that given by God himself to all GODLY Princes in Scripture and where notwithstanding the Word Godly being put in there to gild the Pill of the Absolute Power of the Iewish Kings and to make it be the more easily swallow'd the real meaning was the Power given to all the Iewish Kings for the right of their Power depended not on their Godliness and such as in the Canons of King Iames ipso facto Excommunicate all that do not give the King the same Authority in Causes Ecclesiastical not only that the Godly Kings had among the Iews but what the Christian Emperors had in the Primitive Church And there too notwithstanding the word Christian might be for the like reason put in as that of Godly was and to cause the owning of that absolute Imperial Power which pursuant to the Lex Regia was used by the Christian Emperors as well as their Heathen Predecessors in punishing Heterodoxy ad libitum the meaning of the Canon was not to devest Heathen Emperors of their right of judging about Matters of Religion and as to which Grotius in his Letter to the States Embassador having said neither would Paul have appeal'd to Nero had he judged that no right of Iudging in a Case of Religion belong'd to him addeth Wherefore as Trajan Civilly honest Nero wicked are equal in the Right of Government so Pious Constantine and Impious Nero are equal in the right of judging in aptitude and skill unequal The Canons therefore of Forty enjoyning the Explanation or Interpretation of the Regal Power there inserted to be one Sunday in every Quarter of the Year read by the Clergy to their Flocks did well provide for the cautioning them as against the setting up any independent Coactive Power either Papal or Popular so against Fears and Iealousies relating to their Properties in their Goods and Estates and by that Explanation they shew that Christ came not to Undermine or Disturb but to Confirm the Civil Government of Pagan Princes and that in the first times of Christ's Church Christians were ready to submit their very Lives to the very Laws and Commands of those Princes A. But doth that Explanation of the Regal Power assert any thing in Defence of the Dispensative part of it B. You see how without wyre-drawing any Consequences the very first Paragraph of the Explanation doth both strengthen the foundation of the assertory part of your Oath we have been so long discussing and strike out new lights in the Fabrick of the Oath You see it tells you downright that A Supreme Power is given to the Order of Kings by God himself in the Scriptures which is that Kings should rule and Command in their several Dominions all Persons of what rank or estate soever c. And the Explanation doth effectually enough provide by the second Paragraph that Kings should take care that none in their Dominions but the stubborn and evil doers may be restrain'd with the Temporal Sword for it saith The Care of God's Church is so committed to Kings in the Scripture that they are commended when the Church keeps the right way and taxed when it runs amiss and therefore her Government belongs in chief to Kings For otherwise one man would be Commended for another's Care and taxed but for another's Negligence which is not God's way And this is an Argument taken ab absurdo and the strongest that can be used in Law and not to be set aside but by the alledging something as more absurd against it and amounts to this that it is absurd that Kings who are commended when those who are not stubborn nor evil doers are not under any restraint by the Temporal Sword for the Church runs not the right way when that Sword is a terror to any but evil doers and tax'd on the contrary being done should not be judged to be authorized to exempt those from all restraint thereby And when the People are not liable to blame for Kings erring in their Judgment about the Persons to be so exempted from restraint nor to be commended or rewarded for their not erring therein can any thing be more absurd then for the independent Coactive Power of Kings it self to be restrain'd to the Punishing such as they shall judge Innocent But the two tenderest things in the World are Sovereign Power and Conscience and both of them were made with a
request them to consider that a Private Interpretation of a Publick Act can give no satisfaction unless it be either expresly or virtually allow'd by the highest Authority that doth impose it and then it is made Publick c. But the Authority of Interpretation of any doubt in such a Publick Act belongs properly not to private but publick Persons c. For private Men tho Learn'd if they take upon them the Interpretation of publick Dictates may be more like to light on mutual Contradictions of each other then on the true and proper Construction of the Text they interpret So did Vega and Soto Soto and Catherinus who wrote against each other contrary Comments on the Council of Trent In which respect it was a wise advice given to the Pope by the Bishop of Bestice viz. to appoint a Congregation for the expounding of the Councel and well follow'd by him when he forbade all sorts of Persons Clerks or Laicks being private Men to make any Commentaries Glosses Annotations or any Interpretation whatsoever on the Decrees of that Councel Dr. Burgesse indeed made an Interpretation of his own Subscription but there had been no validity in it as we conceive unless it had been allow'd by the Superior Powers And so it was for as he saith It was accepted by King James and the Archbishop of Canterbury affirm'd it to be the true sense and meaning of the Church of England He refers there to Dr. Burgesse in his Answer to a much applauded Pamphlet Praefat. p. 26. A. Your mentioning that of Dr. Burgesse his Interpretation of his Subscription minds me of what I have read at the end of his Book call'd No Sacrilege nor Sin to alienate or purchase Cathedral Lands viz. in his Postscript to Dr. Pearson and his No Necessity of Reformation of the Publick Doctrine of the Church of England Printed A. 1660. where he saith As touching the Regal Supremacy we own and will assert it as far as you do or dare Only we had reason to take notice of the improper Expression in the 37th Article that the Queen's Majesty hath the Supreme Power For if the Declaration father'd on the late King and prefix'd to the Articles had so much Power with his Printer that he durst not alter the word Queen into King even in the year 1642 and those Articles must be read Verbatim without Alteration or Explanation then we say again there is a Necessity of Reforming that Article in the expression of it and not to talk at random what was indeed the meaning unless we may have leave when we read it Regiâ declaratione non-obstante to declare the sense which the Declaration alloweth us not to do But the truth is that exception of the Doctor to the Articles may well pass for a Scruple or rather a Cavil and at this rate we should be put to it to say O King interpret for ever B. You say right Dr. Pierson in that Judicious Book of his call'd No Necessity of Reforming the Doctrine of the Church of England well observes that the 37th Article hath express reference to the Queen's Injunctions set forth in the year 1559. and those Injunctions take particular care that no other Duty Allegiance or Bond should be required to the Queen then was acknowledged to be due to the most noble Kings of famous Memory King Henry the 8th her Majesty's Father or King Edward the 6th her Majesty's Brother The words of the Article declare that the Doctrine contained in it concerneth all the Kings as Kings The title in General is of the Civil Magistrates and the words run thus where we attribute to the Queen's Majesty the chief Government we give not to our Princes c. shewing that what they gave to her they gave to all the Kings of England Which will appear more plainly out of the first Latine Copy Printed in the time of Queen Eliz. in the year 1563. read and approved by the Queen the words whereâ—…f are these Cum Regiae Majestati summam gubernationem tribuimus quibus titulis intelligimus animos quorundam Calumniatorum offendi non damus Regibus nostris aut verbi Dei aut Sacramentorum administrationem c. Being therefore the Article expresly mentioneth and concerneth the Kings of England as they are the Kings of England the mention of the Queen's Majesty in the Article can make the Doctrine no more doubtful then it doth our Allegiance in that Oath which was made 1 o Eliz. where the Heirs and Successors of the Queen are to appoint who shall accept the Oath the words of which are that the Queen's Highness is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm But I hope the Heirs and Successors of Queen Elizabeth did never appoint that Oath to be taken in the Name of the Queen's Highness but in their own It may be supposed that some such like Cavilling or Scrupling humour possess'd the fancies of some in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames the First and that some occasion was thereby given to that Prince in those his Canons expresly therein maintaining the 39 Articles and the Subscription thereunto and particularly in the 36th Canon there to enjoyn a Subscription to three Articles in such manner and sort as is there appointed and of which the first is That the King's Majesty under God is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm and of all other his Highness Dominions c. and that no foreign Prince Person Prelate HAUE or OUGHT to have any Iurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual c. and in which the words have or OUGHT to have might possibly be inserted out of a Royal Complaisance with the Desires of some Scruplers in whose behalf the Famous Dr. Rainolds moved the King at the Hampton-Court Conference that to the Position in the 37th Article viz. The Bishop of Rome hath no Iurisdiction in this Realm of England might be added nor OUGHT to have but which motion the King then rejected as a thing superfluous and saying Habemus quod jure habemus You may find an Account of this twoâ—…old Subscription in Coke 4. Inst. c. 74. and where he saith Subscription required by the Clergy is twofold One by force both of an Act of Parliament CONFIRMING and Establishing the 39 Articles of Religion agreed upon at a Convocation of the Church of England and ratify'd by Queen Eliz. 13. Eliz. c. 12. Another by Canens made at a Convocation of the Church of England and ratify'd by King James A. I had thought you told me that the 39 Articles owed no Confirmation nor Authority to that Act of the 13th of Eliz. B. I did tell you so and do think that when my Lord Coke used the word Confirming he spake cum vulgo or as the word is taken minus propriè and as it is taken in declarative Acts of Parliament sometime to mean declared and as I and others may in Discourse sometimes use the word But speaking properly to
confirm being firmum facere i. e. what was not so before you are not to think that the Parliament in 13 o Eliz. did so They Enacted what was by the Queen before authorized and as the words there are about the Articles viz. Put forth by the Queen's Authority And you may too for this purpose Consult the style of the Act 23 o Eliz. c. 1. Entituled An Act for retaining the Queen's Subjects in their due Obedience and where 't is made Treason for any to withdraw any Subjects from their Natural Obedience to her Majesty or to withdraw them for that intent from the Religion now by her Highness Authority establishâ—…d within her Dominions Thus too as to the Queen's disabling several of the Roman-Catholick Bishops and Deans by her Ecclesiastical Commissioners in the beginning of her Reign pursuant to the Act of 1 o Eliz. c. 1. for restoring to the Crown the Ancient Iurisdiction the Act of Parliament 35 o Eliz. c. 8. entituled Every Deprivation of any Bishop or Dean made in the beginning of the Queen's Reign shall be good and Archbishops Bishops and Deans made by the Queen shall be adjudged lawful begins with acknowledging that the former were justly deprived and it is therefore Declared and Enacted by Authority of this Parliament that all and every Deprivation c. and all and every Sentence of Deprivation c. had pronounced and given c. shall be adjudged deem'd and taken good and sufficient in Law c. and as to the latter viz. That all such Archbishops Bishops and Deans as were ordain'd or made by the Authority or Licence of the Queen's Majesty c. shall be taken and adjudged to be lawful c. Thâ—…y confirmed not what the Queen did in disabling the former and enabling the latter but only declared and enacted the validity of what the Queen had done And here you have again the Judgment of Parliament for approving the Queen's Power of Enabling and Disabling And here too by the way I am to tell you that you have another judgment of Parliament suitable to that in 8 o Eliz. and for the adjudging and taking to be Lawful the making and ordaining of the Archbishops and Bishops by the Authority or Licence of the Queen's Majesty c. any ambiguity or question in that behalf heretofore made to the contrary notwithstanding and which QUESTION before made in the Case I have before shew'd to be disability A. But I suppose you have read of that TWO-FOLD Subscription my Lord Coke speaks of represented as a Gravamen by some B. I have so and the last Book I read that so represents it is the Answer to Dr. Stillingfleet ' s Sermon by some Non-Conformists c. Printed A. 1680. and where in p. 29. they thus express their desires viz. That all New devised Oaths Subscriptions and Declarations together with the Canonical Oath and the Subscription in the Canons be suspended for the time to come If that be too much we shall consent our selves with a modester motion that whatsoever these Declarations be that are required to be made subscribed or sworn they may be imposed only as to the matter and end leaving the takers but free to the use of their own Expressions And this expedient we gather from the Lord Coke who hath providently as it were against such a Season laid in this Observation The form of the Subscription set down in the Canons ratify'd by King Iames was not express'd in the Act of the 13th of Eliz. 4. Inst. c. 74. And consequently if the Clergy enjoy'd this freedom till then in reference to the particulars therein contain'd what binders why they might not have the same restored in reference also to others It was the second Article enjoyn'd by that Canon to be subscribed viz. That the Book of Common-Prayer c. containeth in it nothing contrary to the Word of God and that it may lawfully be used c. at which they took so much offence and to which the Act of Parliament required not their Subscription A. I perceive then my Lord Coke doth not reflect on the form of Subscription as enjoyn'd by the 36th Canon of King Iames and by his Regal Authority out of Parliament as illegal notwithstanding what had been enacted in the 13th of Queen Elizabeth B. He doth not And he there further faith By the Statute of 13. Eliz. the Delinquent is disabled and deprived ipso facto but the Delinquent against the Canon of King James is to be proceeded withall by the Censures of the Church And I heard Wray Chief Iustice in the King's Bench Pasch. 23. El. report That where one Smith subscribed to the said 39 Articles of Religion with this addition so far forth as the same were agreeable to the Word oâ—… God that it was resolv'd by him and aâ—…l the Iudges of England that this Subscription was not according to the Statute of 13. Eliz. because this Statute required an absolute Subscription c. Besides this Subscription when any Clerk is admitted and instituted to any Benefice he is sworn to Canonical Obedience to his Diâ—…cesan But as to his saying that the Delinquent against this Canon is to be proceeded withall by the Censures of the Church I shall observe that the beginning of the Canon doth incapacitate any to be receiv'd into the Ministry who doth not subscribe the three Articles in it and that the Canon doth afterward put some temporary Disabilities on Bishops who shall Ordain Admit or License any one except he first have subscribed in manner and form there appointed and it is the Universities if offending that the Canon leaves to the Danger of the Law and His Majesty's Censure Here then you see King Iames the First did out of Parliament add a new Subscription to what was required by the Act of Parliament and did likewise out of Parliament make incapacity to be the Punishment of refusing such new Subscription And I need not tell you that that Power so exercised by that Prince out of Parliament hath been approved not only by all the Bishops of the Church of England as putting the Form of Subscription required by that Canon in execution ever since and to this day in lieu of the form required by the 13th of Eliz. but as I may say virtually and tacitly by all our Kings and Parliaments ever since who have acquiesced in the same But what if I should tell you that the Authority of the King in thus making that Canon about Subscription hath been since expresly approved in Parliament A. I should be most ready to hear it B. You may therefore please to consult the Act for Uniformity 16 o Car. 2. and in the latter end of it you will see that in a Proviso referring to the 39 Articles as agreed on by the Archbishops c. A. 1562. and particularly to the 36th therein about the Book of Consecration of Archbishops c. set forth in the time of Edward the 6th as
leaving Aliens or Foreigners of the Reform'd Churches that were then allow'd or tolerated by the King's Majesty or that should be allow'd by him his Heirs and Successors to be secured under the Wing of Prerogative from all the Penalties in that Act was a greater President of a Parliament's deference to the Dispensative Power But here it falls in my way to ask you if the Parliament in that Act interpreting and expounding the Sulscription to the 36th Article as you before mention'd did not shew some want of tenderness to the Regal Power of interpreting B. Not in the least The King thought fit in his Legislative Capacity and with the Concurrence of the three Estates to issue forth such interpretation to the end it might be perpetuated But you will find that they were so tender of that branch of Prerogative namely of the Regal Power of interpreting out of Parliament that having referr'd to the King's Declaration of the 25th of October 1660. i. e. that concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs we spoke of before and mention'd that according to that he had granted his Commission to several Bishops and other Divines to review the Book of Common Prayer and to prepare such Alterations and Additions as they thought fit to offer and that afterwards the Convocations of both the Provinces of Canterbury and York being by His Majesty called c. His Majesty hath been pleas'd to Authorize the Presidents of the said Convocation and other the Bishops and Clergy of the same to review the Book of Common Prayer and the Book of the form and manner of the making and consecrating of Bishops Priests c. and that they should make such Additions and Alterations in the said Books as to them should seem meet and should present the same to His Majesty for his further Allowance or Confirmation and then setting forth that the same was accordingly done and that some alterations were inserted into those Books by the Convocations and by them Presented to His Majesty and all which His Majesty having consider'd hath fully approved it then follows that His Majesty hath recommended to this present Parliament that the Books of Common Prayer c. with the Alterations and Additions which have been so made and presented to His Majesty by the said Convocations be the Book which shall be appointed to be used c. in all Parish Churches and Chapels c. And it is upon the foundation of what His Majesty did as before-mention'd that the following enacting Clauses with their Sanctions and Penalties are built And you may if you will take notice of a Proviso toward the end of the Act being very tender of not hurting what King Iames by his Prerogative did in Uniting the Prebendship to the Professor of Law in Oxon for the time being and whereby that King dispens'd with the incapacity of Lay-men as to the enjoyment of such Prebendship but the Act and the Proviso takes care to perpetuate the King's Professor's enjoying the same and leaves the Prerogative at liberty to dispense with such disability in the Case In short you see how tender that Parliament was of Prerogative and tho they thought it not fit to give such loud Applauses to his late Majesty's Declaration of October the 25th A. 1660. before-mention'd wherein so much of the Dispensative Power was exerted yet you find they refer to it with respect A. I have almost forgot the particulars of the Dispensative Power therein exerted B. I shall tell you that the King having there mention'd and what the Act takes notice of his saying that he would appoint some Divines to review the Common Prayer Book and to make such Alterations as shall be thought most necessary c. it then saith Out Will and Pleasure is that none be punish'd or troubled for not using it until it be review'd and effectually reform'd He there speaks several times of Dispensing with Ceremonies that were by Law establish'd It is there likewise said Because some men otherwise Pious and Learned say They cannot conform unto the Subscription required by the Canon nor take the Oath of Canonical Obedience we are Content and it is Out Will and Pleasure so they take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy that they shall receive ordination institution and induction and shall be permitted to exercise their Function and to enjoy the Profits of their Livings without the said Subscription or Oath of Canonical Obedience c. A. I see here is King Iames the First 's incapacitating Canon dispens'd with and indeed suspended B. The Declaration goeth on with taking care that None be Iudged to forfeit his Presentation or Benefice or be deprived of it upon the Statute of the 13th of Elizabeth c. 12. so he read and declare his Assent to all the Articles of Religion which only contain the Confession of the true Christian Faith and the Doctrine of the Sacraments comprised in the Book of Articles in the said Statute mentioned And this Declaration had before express'd His Majesty's mindfulness of his Declaration from Bredagh and his saying We publish'd in our Declaration from Bredagh a Liberty to tender Consciences and that no man should be disquieted or call'd in Question for Differences of Opinion in Matters of Religion which do not disturb the Peace of the Kingdom and that we shall be ready to consent to such an Act of Parliament as upon mature deliberation shall be offer'd us for the full granting that Indulgence Here was a Liberty of Conscience granted and publish'd and Heterodoxy about the very Articles of Religion tolerated and a throwing off of Penal Laws and for which Declaration I should have told you that Baker's History p. 703. mentions that the House of Lords order'd Thanks to be given to the Messenger who brought that gracious Declaration A. And yet you say the Declaration October 25. 1660 thus dispensing with disability incurr'd by the Canon and the 13th of Eliz and by Queen Elizabeth's Act of Uniformity was both approved and applauded by the former Parliament I have not heard of the like in the kind of it B. No doubt but the Author there referr'd to the Declaration of Octob. 25. A. 1660. for which the House of Commons so express'd their thanks however by the supposed carelessness of the Printer the Publication is said to be October 8th 1660. For the words by him cited as said by his Majesty viz. Our present Consideration and work is to gratify c. are in that Declaration p. 15. and 16. But if it were not for cloying you with other like Instances I could tell you of the like in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames the First A. I pray speak not of cloying My Patience may be soon surfeited with two or three such things as some call Presidents But this thing call'd Iudgment of Parliament carries with it so much weight as well as Veneration that you can no way more oblige me then by going on to entertain me with Instances of that
say right The King may thus according to his Lordship's Opinion suspend all Penal Disabilities as well as other Penalties incurr'd by Acts of Parliament and particularly by the Test-Act of 25 o Car. 2. and hereby to the Great figure he made in the framing of that Act any who are displeas'd with the Act may apply the Una eademque manus c. A. But I suppose his Lordship there has nothing that may favour the repealing of the Test or any of the Penal Laws against the Papists B. None would expect from him anything to be moved for the repealing of the Test however he allow'd Prerogative to suspend it But at that time that all People of narrow Souls and ignoble Thoughts were with so much clamour hunting down all Roman-Catholicks without distinction and when the most devout among them by being as it were ad bestias damnati and devoured by Informers appear'd as a spectacle of delight to many inhumane Protestants his Lordship's humanity was so great as to incline him in p. 6. there to give them somewhat like a Quietus from all Pecuniary Laws And the truth is when I consider how little Wool the fleecing of Roman Catholicks and Quakers or any Heterodox Religionaries at home or abroad hath brought to the Exchequer of any Prince or State and only to Informers and that the Consciences of peaceable Men have been burden'd by Men of no Conscience and by the turba gravis paci who are indeed burthens of the Earth I tremble to think what occasion may have been taken by Male-contents to say in their Hearts as to any such Prince or State according to those words of the Psalmist Thou sellest thy People for nought and dost not encrease thy Wealth by their Price or and takest no Money for them I shall at some other time of our meeting give you some account cut of the Records of the Exchequer of the inconsiderable Sums of Money that have for several years been brought to it by the severe Prosecutions of Roman-Catholicks and Quakers But there is another thing very well worth your reading in that Book and which is the more proper for our Consideration as suiting some great Points we have been discoursing that concern our Oath and that is this Hâ—…s â—…ate Majesty's Ministers in that year 1675. having brought in a Bill in Parliament for a TEST extending to Protestants and which as the Book saith was call'd by one of His Majesty's Ministers A moderate Security to the Church and Crown you will there in p. 15. see it mentioned how as to the Assertory Parts of the Oath in that Test It was worthy the Consideration of the Bishops whether Assertory Oaths which were properly appointed to give Testimony of a Matter of Fact wâ—…ereof a man is capable to be fully assured by the evidence of his Senses be lawfully to be made use of to confirm or invalidate Docâ—…inal Propositions and whether that Legislative Power which imposeth such an Oath doth not necessarily assume to it seif an Infallibility And as for promissory Oaths it was desired that those learned Prelates would consider the Opinion of Grotius De Jure Belli Pacis l. 2. c. 13. who seems to make it plain that those kind of Oaths are forbidden by our Saviour Christ Matth. 5. 34 37. and whether it would not become the Fathers of the Church when they have well weiâ—…h'd that and other places of the New Testament to be more tender in multiplying Oaths then hitherto the great Men of the Church have been It is there toward the end of the page mentioned how some of the Lords dâ—…sired that it might be clearly known whether it were meant all for an Oath or some of it a Declaration and some an Oath If the latter then it was desired it might be distinctly parted and that the declaratory part should be subscribed by it self and not sworn There was no small pains taken by the Lord Keeper and the Bishops to prove that it was brought in the two first Parts were only a Declaration and not an Oath and tho it was reply'd that to declare upon ones Oath or to abhor upon ones Oath is the same thing with I do Swear yet there was some difficulty to obtain the dividing of them and that the declaratory part should be only Subscribed and the reâ—…t sworn to A. But have you mention'd these things as if you would incline me to concur in opinion with that Lord as to the King's Power of suspending the Penalties incurr'd by Acts of Parliament and to agree with the Measures of some other Lords then about Oaths assertory and promissory as referr'd to B. If I were of the same opinion about the King's Power in that Matter as that Lord and Sir William Ellis were I would however forbear troubling you with it at this time while we are considering the Obligation of our Oath of Supremacy in order to our assistance and defence of the Preheminence of the Dispensative Power And therefore I shall not in the least endeavour to incline you now to imbibe the perswasion of any nice Controverted point of Law or Theology and wherein there seems probab lis causa litigandi And if when we are parted you on your recollection of our Discourse at this or our first meeting should have the least trouble by calling to mind any thing I have occasionally mention'd that is matter of Controversie you may with all my heart put it off with a temporary transeat from your thoughts But one of my aims in referring to that Opinion of his Lordship was That knowing you to be much concern'd for the ease and quiet of your Prince and Country I might Console you with an Instance of a great ferment about the Regal Power suddenly going off and as that Book too shew'd you that another did in the Government that was occasion'd by the new Test-Bill then introduced And I must tell you that another of my aims in my pointing you to his Lordship's Observation of the Suspensions of the Penal Statutes in the late Reigns was occasionally to direct you to a tenderness for the Regal Rights in general and for the undoubted Right of the Dispensative Power in Particular The same thing likewise hath been my aim in the several Presidents I have given you of the Ecclesiastical Power by Queen Elizabeth King Iames and King Charles the First exercised in suspending Penal Laws The expression of tenderness for the Rights of our Princes hath been much used by the loyal Patriot'y Writers in the late Reigns And here I shall à propos apply it as the Resuscitatio Part. 1. p. 37. mentions it as used by my Lord Bacon in a Speech in the House of Commons in the Reign of King Iames the First to the Question now before us in the Reign of King Iames the Second His Lordships words are Since therefore we have a Prince of so excellent Wisdom and Moderation of whose Authority we ought to
making his Interpretation of the Law to be a rule in all Cases as in divers late Proclamations he hath done And if you will look on His Majesty's Answer to the Declaration of bâ—…th Houses of Parliament of July 1. 1642. you will find there very many Profound Observations and Presidents and Authorities of Law and wherein he several times refers to the happy times of that good Queen Elizabeth as well as to ancient Times and he thence taking his measures saith in p. 15. The King caus'd Proclamations to be made for in such Cases Proclamations declaratory were not conceiv'd in those times to be illegal c. And you may easily imagine this Power of authentick Interpretation very well Consistent with the just Power of the House of Lords in declaring the Law in a particular Case of which I occasionally mention'd to you the late Earl of Anglesy's opinion But how not only the Lords but the House of Commons did often during the late Rebellion encroach on the Regal Power of declaring and by Ordinances without and against the King's consent I shall some other time shew you at large A. Can you readily now at this time give any instance of the House of Commons thâ—…n doing any thing of that Nature B. Yes and I can refer â—…ou for the fact of it to The Declaration of King Charles the First of August 12. 1642. to all his lâ—…ving Subjects and who there mentionâ—… That after several in imations of Treasons PLOTS and Conspiracies 〈◊〉 the Papists of great Provisions of Arms by them and training Men under-ground and many other false Reports created spread and countenanced by themselves upon some general Apprehensions of Designs against them a Protestation is made in the House of Commons for Union and Consent among themselves to perform those Duties which if they had meant no more then they had express'd had been sufficiently provided for by the Oaths they had already taken and which their former Duties obliged them to Hereupon a Protestation is framed and being put into such words as no honest man could believe himself obliged by it to any unlawful Action was voluntarily taken by all the Members of the House of Commons and presently recommended to the House of Lords where it receiv'd the same Countenance that is was look'd upon as containing nothing in it self unlawful tho some Members of that House refused to take it as being voluntary and not imposed by any lawful Authority Then 't is recommended to the City of London and over all the Kingdom by Order from the House of Commons a strange and unheard of Usurpation to be taken by all Persons But within very few days upon Conference among themselves and among those Clergymen who daily sollicite their unlawful and unwarrantable Designs with the People they find they were by this Protestation so far from having drawn People into their Combination that in truth all men conceiv'd that they were even engaged by it against their main Design by promising to defend the true Reform'd Protestant Religion express'd in the Doctrine of the Church of England And thereupon some Persons of that Faction prevail'd that after the Members of the Houses had taken it a Declaration was set forth by the House of Commons that by those words The Doctrine of the Church of England was intended only so far as it was opposite to Popery and Popish innovations and that the words were not to be extended to the maintenance of the Discipline and Government c. and so under this Explication and Declaration publish'd only by the House of Commons and never assented to by the House of Peers this Protestation was directed to be generally taken throughout England And to that purpose a Bill is drawn passed the House of Commons and sent up to the House of Lords who at the second Reading finding many particulars in it unfit to be so severely imposed upon the Subjects absolutely rejected You see here again an Instance of the Prudence of the great Consiliarii Naâ—…i His Majesty's great Councel in not aiding the Faction against Prerogative in that Point For tho on the account of His Majesty's tacit Dispensation by way of Connivence presumed in that Conjuncture many of the Loyal of the Church of England did take that Protestation and concur in the recommendation His Majesty not having Prohibited the taking of it as he did aâ—…terward by a Proclamation forbid the taking of the Covenant â—…et when it was visible that such an Interpretation so encroaching on the Church of England and on Prerogative was design'd without and against His Majesty's Approbation to be imposed on the People it is not to be wonder'd that the Lords as things then were rejected a Bill of that Nature But it follows then in His Majesty's Declaration Yet of this we took no notice but pressed still the Disbanding of the Armies c. so that the ferment about the Protestation and the trouble it gave the Kingdom by the Super-induced Interpretation were in a short time over A. You having from the occasion given you by Queen Elizabeth's Power of interpreting and by her dispensing with disability in all who took the Oath of Supremacy according to the sense notify'd in The Admonition referr'd my thoughts often to the Regal Power of interpreting and having in the beginning of our Discourse this meeting left it to me tâ—… consider how much the Power of Dispensing with any Law may be thought â—…o-incident with interpreting and promised me that you would some other time shew me at large that the Dispensing with Laws is in effect the equitable interpreting that in such and such Cases and Circumstances they were not intended and ought not to bind but ought to be relax'd I shall be glad if before we part you would do it B. I had rather do it at our next meeting And if in the mean time you please to entertain your self with Bishop Taylor 's Ductor Dubitantium you will there find much learnedly writ of this subject And he there in l. 3. c. 6. particularly tells us that the Interpretation of Laws made by Iudges is matter of Fidelity and nothing of Empire and Power and it is a good probable warranty of Conscience â—…ut no final Determination in case any doubt happen to oppose it No man is to ask favour of the Iudge but of the Prince he may And he had before said That when the Power that made the Law doth interpret it the Interpretation is authentical and â—…bligeth Conscience as much as the Law and can release the Bond of Conscience as far forth as the Interpretation extends as if the Law were abrogated and that whether it be by declaring the meaning of the Law or by abating the rigour or by dispensing in the Case or enlarging the Favour or restraining the Severity it is all one as to the event of the Obligation of Conscience A. But it seems then that he makes the declaring or interpreting the meaning
Numb 35. 33. A. But by the way do you think then that Sovereign Princes offend the Law of God in Pardoning Murther B. I do observe that many presume to censure Kings for so doing and are superstitiously misguided by thinking that those two places of Scripture referr'd to by my Lord Coke do necessarily make it a sin in Princes to Pardon Murther But I shall when we meet again shew you the mistake of such therein and shall shew you that David at that time when the Law of God and the lex terrae was the same thing and who had Sworn and would perform it that he would keep God's righteous Iudgments was not to be censured to have sinned either in the reprieve of Ioab who had murthered Amasa and Abner and in delaying the Execution of the Law and leaving it to Solomon his Son or in the Pardon of Absolon who had slain his Brother Ammon and that when the Law faith in Numb 35. The Murtherer shall surely be put to death our best Commentators and out of the Rabbins say that this is spoken to the Iudges before whom such Causes regularly came and under the Supreme Power and by authority thereof judged those Causes and that tho the Iudges who were subordinate to the Supreme Power were to take no Satisfaction for the life of a Murtherer but were by that Law to Condemn him yet that it followeth not that the Supreme Power who made them Iudges might not in some Cases Reprieve and Pardon some whom they had Condemned A. I shall be glad to hear you discourse of this and the rather for that 't is so Customary to many when they find the Prince exercising this Prerogative of Pardoning to be apt too much to busy their heads with those two places in the Old Testament to their neglect of others there viz. Exod. 22. 28. Prov. 24. 21. Eccles. 10. 20. and of Acts 23. 5. in the New and likewise there of Rom. 13. 2. 5. 1. St. Peter 2. 17. and from whence they might Collect their moral offices of not doing or speaking or thinking dishonourably of the Lord 's annointed and of paying honour and obedience to his Sovereign Power and that for Conscience sake But in the mean time give me leave à propos to ask you if ever you heard of any one of the Iudges of the Realm in the Reign of our former Princes that gave his judgment for the allowance of the King's Pardon of disability Shew me but that and I shall not be affrighted with my Lord Ch. Justice Vaughan's Simoniacal Dead man. B. I shall tell you of a Case that was well enough known to him and which you may find in Croke 3d p. 55. Sir Iohn Bennet v. Dr. Easedale where you may see that Sir Iohn Bennet being fined 20000 l. for Bribery by the Star-Chamber and Censured to be Imprison'd and made uncapable of any Office of Iudicature and that he having a Pardon from the King reciting the Bribery and Offences mention'd in the Decree and all Penalties and Punishments by reason thereof and all Disabilities and Incapacities and all things concerning the said Sentence except the Fine of 20000 l. and the Court of Star-Chamber having the advice of all the Iudges relating to the Decree and Pardon it was resolv'd by them all that this Pardon hath taken away all force of the Sentence in the Star-Chamber except for the Fine of 20000 l. and all Disabilities are discharged thereby That Lord Chief Iustice knew that as it was set down in that Chapter of Pardons Inst. 3. the King's Pardon extends to all Suits in the Star-Chamber and he knew of what was mention'd Inst. 4. Chap. 1. Of the High Court of Parliament viz. Of a Pardon to the Lord Latimer of a Iudgment in Parliament and he knew that by his own and other Iustices of Assize going into their own Countrys in the Execution of their Offices by vertue of the King 's Non-obstante to the Statutes of 8. R. 2. c. 2. 3. H. 8. c. 24. himself and as many as went Iudges of Assize so into their own Countrys gave Judgment by so doing for the Prerogative of dispensing with such Acts of Parliament and he likewise knew that as it is well express'd in Theâ—… Answer of King Charles the First to the Declaration of both Houses of Parliament concerning the Commission of array A. 1642. An Act of Parliament in any Matter tho mistaken being assented to by the King and his two Houses is equally binding as having equal Authority with an Act introductive of a new Law and that therefore Acts of Parliament having so particularly declared the justness of the Prerogative's dispensing with disability no magna nomina of any particular Sages of the Law in otherwise opining can expect any deference And if you will consider what my Lord Coke in that Chapter of Pardons hath mention'd of the operation of Prerogative over the dead in Law and consider the President he refers to viz. Pasch. 22. E. 3. tit Cor. 239. Coram Rege Quidam indictatus de Felonia inde Culp dicit quod Rex eum Conduxit inde producit Chartam quod Rex eum Conduxit in Vasc. in exercitu dicta Charta allocata fuit per Curiam and there see his opinion grounded on it that if a man be Indicted of Felony and found Guilty and being in Prison the King may under the Great Seal reciting the Offence c. retain him to serve in his Wars on this side or beyond the Seas this Charter he may Plead and the Court ought to allow it I believe you will be of Opinion that any one who will desire any more Presidents for the Commanding the services of dead men ought to be sent for one to the REHEARSAL viz. that of Arise you dead Men and get ye about your business A. Well Sir As for this objected Dead-man requiescat in Pace I have done with him and since from some things you have said I gather that the dispensing with disability by Roman Emperors and Popes of Rome did never by any ferment disturb their Governments and moreover since no men of sense here have ever troubled themselves or the Government with any vexatious Question about the King's Power in discharging a man from a Praemunire but not from a Penal disability incurr'd whereas by a Praemunire as my Lord Coke shews us Inst. 3. c. 54. men are put out of the Protection of the King and DISABLED to have any Action or Remedy by the King's Law or the Kings Writs and exposed to many other dreadful Punishments I do now begin to wonder whence it is that the mistake in some mens Minds hath come about a Penal disability being so unremoveable And thus I think too one might wonder how such as will allow the King's Pardon to discharge one from an Excommunicatio minor or major do look on disability as such an anathematizing thing as is not to be touch'd or that cannot be
Harry the 8th's Oath or Queen Elizabeth's in the words of no foreign Prelates having here any Iurisdiction c. any Power the Pope could justly claim as a Successor to the Apostles was impeachâ—…d And no doubt but Harry the 8th being by that Statute declared to be but a Lay-man no men of sense construed that Statute to give him the exercise of any Iurisdiction or Power of the Keys in foro interno as a Successor of the Apostles The old Distinction of Bracton l. 1. c. 8. that King's cannot Excommunicate ministerialiter because they are Lay-men but may do it authoritativè by appointing others to do it gave Satisfaction in Harry the 8th's time and might had it been thought of in Queen Elizabeth's Reign have sav'd the labour of the Interpretation in the Admonition in removing the ferment that the Oath occasion'd among Protestant Scruplers But tho the Preamble of the Admonition referrs to some Protestant Clergy-men as the Scruplers yet the following words viz. That her Majesty would that all her loving Subjects should understand that nothing was is or shall be meant or intended by the same Oath c. shew her Pious design of Complaisance as to the Consciences of her Catholick as well as Protestant Subjects and whose freedom from Imposition of ambiguous or otherwise unlawful Oaths she knew was purchased for both of them alike by the Blood of Christ. And you know I referr'd you to Sir Iohn Winter's Observations on the Oath of Supremacy as representing the Oath by the help of Queen Elizabeth's Interpretation in the Admonition and of the Enacting of that Interpretation in Parliament and of the Interpretation in the 37th Article as lawful to be taken tho possibly inexpedient on the account of Scandal and likewise to another Roman-Catholick Writer who on the account of those Interpretations thought it might both lawfully and without Scandal be taken And you and others who think that Oath of importance for the securing the Peace of the Government may thank the Prerogative of Regal Interpretation for supplying the Lamp of it with the Oil that hath made it last so long and which otherwise would soon have gone out in a snuff as I shew'd you by the offence that was taken at it at home and abroad when it was first set up and which now may perhaps help to illuminate the English World in the measures of Loyalty so long as the Sun and Moon endure that is if you suppose that the use of Oaths would endure so long But Dii meliora And it here coming into my mind that you in your somewhat airy way of discoursing of the Oath resembled it to a tender-sided Ship girdled with so many interpretations I shall take occasion further to impress it on your thoughts that it is still THE SAME OATH tho partaking of all those Interpretations and as we say of eadem navis toties refecta and the several interpretations are not by you to be resembled to girdlings but to its main inward beams and timbers that are become parts oâ—… it Moreover you know that a girdled Ship by reason of the incompactness of its adventitious parts with the other cannot last the fourth part of the time that another will. But you see how long this Oath hath continued and riding triumphantly in the Sea of time hath too carried out all its Guns in Stormy weather and made the Usurp'd Power of the Court of Rome strike Sail to our Princes Yet I shall here take occasion from my having just now minded you of the Interpretations of the Oath inclining Sir Iohn Winter and the other Roman-Catholick to judge of it as they did to tell you that I have often wish'd that in the times of the three last Reigns the Power of Interpretation had further exerted it self in the further clearing of any thing in that Oath and in the Oath of Allegiance at which offence was by so many taken however by the Oaths not given and that such Interpretations had been approved in Parliament and particularly that the Interpretation of the word HERETICAL in the Oath of Allegiance as being meant of Contrary to the Word of God had brought all our Roman-Catholick Brethren to the taking of that Oath as I told you that F. Cressy thought it would have done and who said that he believed that that was the sense intended by King Iames in the word heretical And I shall be glad if those Interpretations relating to the Oath of Supremacy which succeeded those that Sir Iohn Winter and the other Roman-Catholick took notice of may in the event Conduce to render it more acceptable to others of them and the rather for that it is apparent that all the Interpretations are Consistent with the Oath and with one another as from what I have spoken you may Collect. But by so many other Pious and Learned Roman-Catholicks appearing not to be of the opinion that the Interpretations of the Oath mention'd by those two Writers may legitimate the taking of it I have long wish'd to the Oath all the additional clearness that Law could give it and that they would wish given who were required to take it And as one Doctor 's opinion for the justness of a Litigants Cause hath on his being cast in it been allow'd to save him from being as a Calumnious and rash litigator condemned in Expences thus so great a Master in our Israel and Vindicator of our Church from Schism as Archbishop Bramhal having given his Opinion about the Oath as I told you namely as to what related to the King's Power in Spirituals and to no foreign Prelate having any Spiritual Iurisdiction here viz. This might have been express'd in words less liable to Exception I shall censure no man as a Caâ—…umniator of the Oath who shall wish that any lawful Interpretation may make those words less liable to Exception Sir Iohn Winter as I told you having mention'd the Explanations not being known to all and their intricacy and the constant tendring of the Oath for â—…o many years without the aforesaid Explanation as likely to give just cause of Scandal c. I must tell you I like not his words of the GIVING just cause of Scandal but what I have shew'd you of many passages about the Explanations which were not observ'd by him and particularly of the 37th Article affording only to the Clergy a more favourable interpretation and which was enacted as to them in 13 o Eliz and of the Canons of King Iames first extending the benefit of that Interpretation to the Layety and of the Canons of King Charles the First further explaining the 37th Article may justly incline you to wish that the sense of the Oath did Primâ facie appear as liquid to all as it now doth to us two And I shall here take occasion for the propping up the interpretation relating to the Oath made by those two Princes in their Canons to tell you that as you accounted King Iames his
Thomas and Sorrell tell you that by one of the great Councel who argued in it it was asserted with great Learning That the Non-obstante in that Case remain'd good after the King's death That tho Acts the King doth in his Natural Capacity determine by his death as making of Iudges c. for those referr to his Natural Will yet things done in his Royal Capacity as King do not determine by his death as a License to alien in Mortmâ—…in in one King's time serves in anothers and the Reason is when the Subject is once exempt out of the Restraint of the Act he is ever exempt unless the Exemption be limited Coke 1. Inst. 52. 6. If the Lessor licence his Lessee that is restrain'd by Condition not to Alien tho the Lessor die the licence shall serve the Lessee to alien and is not determin'd by the Lessor's death And in this Point he cited Trin. 2. Jac. C. B. Rot. 2835. Wright versùs Radcliffe and Trin. 2. Jac. Norris v. Mason C. B. as Cases adjudged in this point And I shall then shew you how the same thing was then by others asserted but you may now for this purpose remember how the instances I have given you of Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments approving and declaring to be good what she did of this kind and the instances of what others of our Princes did by their own Authority and out of Parliament being valid and being afterward approved in Parliament have supported the extent of the Regal Authority of this kind as to point of time But because according to the Rule of Unumquodque dissolvitur eo modo quo colligatur many Indulgences and Injunctions and Dispensations being revocable by Kings themselves and by their Successors and because declaratory Acts of Parliament cannot be repeal'd but by other Acts common Prudence doth suggest it to all to endeavour the perpetuating to themselves by the Legislative Power what they account beneficial And if you will you may use the term of having it confirm'd by that Power that is if you will allow it to have been firm before you may call it confirm'd by the Prince and the three Estates afterward enacting it and making its firmness perpetual And this is the thing I aim'd at in what you might take for a Criticism when I said that the 39 Articles owed no Confirmation nor Authority to the Act of the 13th of Eliz. A. I know the reason of your cautious speaking here about a tender Point You accounting even every Declaratory Judgment of Parliament for our Religion to be a Treasure and having often said that you would allow some Roman-Catholicks to mock on in calling our Religion a Parliamentary Religion did I judge design to do honour to our Religion as well as to our Prince's in shewing that it was here orderly establish'd by God's Vicegerents before it was by the Deputies of the People or the Magnates Regni B. You guess right at my meaning in this way to salve Phaenomena And if you will look on a Book Printed in Oxford A. 1645. entituled Parliaments Power in Laws for Religion or an Answer to that old and groundless Calumny of the Papists nick-naming the Religion of the Church of England by the name of a Parliamentary Religion c. you will find the Fact in this Point clearly deduced through the course of our Laws and Constitutions in a long series temporum from the Reign of Harry the 8th downward and for the honour of our Kings and of the Church and the Reformation and the measures I have taken in our discourse have been suitable to those of the judicious and learned Author of that Book A. Well Sir we have had a great deal of frank Discourse and I will now take the freedom to put one Question more to you You have entertain'd me with the several Interpretations of our Oath and have shew'd me how the obligatoriness of them all hath been perpetuated and you have likewise salved the Phaenomena in the Iustice of the Government as to the Laws in terrorem But you know the Story of one who being Lord of a place did leave a Pit long open too near the High-way and who at Night erected Lights about it to prevent its being mischievous and he afterward hearing that sometimes poor Blind men who were Travellers fell into it and that at other times by various accidents the Lights were not helpful to other Passengers as being took away or going out too soon and he therefore at last very fairly removed both his Nuisance and Lights together And now may it hot be wish'd that the Prince and the three Estates would remove the Laws about our Oaths and the Interpretations too and so likewise all the Laws in terrorem among which I suppose you reckon the Test-Acts at which so many have taken offence B. You may easily guess that till we have both of us at another meeting discours'd of the Obligation resulting from the Promissory part of the Oath I will not engage your thoughts in any matter of Controverfie that may in the least perplex them But as soon as we have fully discours'd that I shall frankly give you my thoughts at large relating to the question about Repealing of the Test-Acts in a Parliamentary manner but do at present wholly forbear to mention what I think thereof And I have before told you my judgment of the likelihood of the continuance of our great Oath as a great luminary that may perhaps enlighten our English World in the measures of Loyalty to the end of time and as I have told you the Oath giveth no offence to the Considerate so I will hope none will be taken at it But I must here tell you that I have a greater veneration for the Oath because I look on the serious Consideration of the assertory part of it as likely to be very Instrumental in allaying the ferment we have been speaking of A. God grant it may be so B. You remember what I hinted to you about the Clause whereby you testify'd and declared that the King is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or Causes as Temporal and from whence it follow'd by way of natural Consequence that no foreign Prince c. hath any Iurisdiction within this Realm being the Corner-stone on which the great And therefore I mean your forsaking foreign Iurisdiction was built And I assure you that the same first Declaration doth bind you to the like AND THEREFORE to renounce the belief of any Power on Earth being able to dissolve your King 's right of Commanding your Obedience and your Obligation to obey him And indeed if I had produced to you no Iudgment of Parliament for the purpose I have done but that which is contain'd in the assertory part of the Oath and which is unanimously interpreted by Divines and Lawyers as expressive of the King 's right jure naturae to Command the Obedience of
of the Oath of Supremacy which I never knew before that may seem to perplex the Conscience of any one who would take it and to expose it to such a kind of Ordeale-Purgation per ferrum candens that may make the passage through it dangerous to Ones Conscience B. Look you to that who have taken the Oath and do you consider how far you are by the Interpretations that I have referr'd you to obliged to take your measures in the Matter that lies now before you as to your assisting and defending the Prerogative of the Dispensative Power and I likewise recommend it to you to observe how much to the satisfaction and ease of the minds of the generality His Majesty's Lay-Subjects he by Connivence hath dispens'd with their not troubling themselves to study the Duty Bond or Allegianâ—…e that was acknowledged to be due to Henry the 8th or Edward the 6th or the Prerogative given by God to Godly Princes in the Scripture or the Christian Emperors in the Primitive times for however our Divines are by the 39 Articles and the Canons of King Iames and King Charles the First particularly obliged to study these Points and that the knowledge of the same may oblige Men of learning and leisure among the Layety to Conduct their Consciences thereby in their observance of this Oath yet His Majesty 's not reviving among all his Subjects by any Proclamation or Ecclesiastical Injunction or otherwise the notices of these forgotten things cannot but be acceptable to the generality of them as a Dispensation by Connivence And therefore in Complaisance with and gratitude to him they are by the Law of Nature bound to give him what is plainly his Due according to the plain Oath tender'd to and taken by them and to take care that they do not exercise an Illegal Power of dispensing by way of Interpretation of that Oath to the Subversion of the sense of the Assertory and Promissory parts of it both which are the Supporters of the Royal Dispensative Power But reserving for some other time my thoughts relating to the Dispensative Power exercised by the Godly Princes in Holy Scripture and by the Christian Emperors I shall desire you now to look on your Oath in the plain natural sense of it and as much as if no authoritative one had ever been given of it Consider that when you declare the King is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm or Governor of all Persons in it no Humane Laws can bind our Consciences by any disability Penal incurr'd from serving him When Kings say there is a Necessity for our Service St. Paul hath said we must needs be subject to them and which as Grotius hath well observ'd implies Obedience to their Commands as well as Submission to their Coercion As Dr. Donne in his Pseudo-Martyr observ'd well concerning the Oath of Allegiance All the Substance of the Oath is virtually contain'd in the first Proposition That King James IS lawful King of all these Dominions the rest are but Declarations and Branches naturally and necessarily proceeding from that root the same as to the Point we are upon may be verify'd of the Oath of Supremacy The King's Highness IS the only Supream Governor of this Realm not shall be by virtue of this Act IS SO notwithstanding any thing that hath been done or is a doing and whereby any former Princes supposed de facto consenting to tye up his hands from Governing all his Subjects and ranging them in their Stations in his Service is out of the Case of your Oath who have sworn thus that King Iames the Second IS the only Supreme Governor c. Since therefore you have in your Oath acknowledged that the King is the only Supream Governor and that according to the 37th Article of the Church of England He HATH the rule of all Estates and Degrees committed to his charge BY GOD whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil I will ask you if any Humane Law can disable any Persons from being govern'd by him more then it can Children from honouring their Parents According to those words in Malachi If then I be a Father where is my honour and if I be a Master where is my fear c. may it not be said to every Subject while the King IS your King while he is your only Supreme Governor and while he is your Political Father will you not be Govern'd by him Or in effect will you Govern him by thinking to oblige him not to employ this or the other Subject and in effect endeavour both to dishonour and disable him who is the Head of the Community as it were by loss of Member Will you dishonour him who bears the Sword by imposing on him your belief that such a Member of the Body Politick is a gangrened one and necessary to be cut off from serving the State when he tells you he knoweth the contrary Or will you dishonour his Religion by saying that Papists are disabled by their Religion from being sound Members of the State when he knoweth they are not so disabled by it and accordingly as Sir William Temple hath in his Excellent Observations on the Low Countries made it appear that the Papists there are a sound part of the State Remember that the words only Supreme as apply'd to your King in the Assertory part of your Oath are not Otiosa Epitheta You will find that our great Casuist Bishop Sanderson in his Seventh Lecture of the Obligation of Conscience lays so much stress on those words in your Oath Only Supreme Governour as to judge him PERIUR'D who having taken the Oath shall assert the Figment as he calls it of Co-ordinate Power Quid enim PERIURIUM dici mereatur si hoc non sit manifestissimum PERIURIUM quem solum esse Supremum in suo regno Moderatorem Conceptis verbis juraveris ei parem etiam in suo regno potestatem constituere agnoscere If you did but often enough consider your Prince as asserted in your Oath to be Governor of the Realm you would find in your thoughts no difficulty of allowing him the Power of Commanding all Persons in it without exception to serve him Bishop Bilson in his Book of Supremacy p. 238. saith Though Bishops may be call'd Governors in respect of the Soul yet only Princes are Governors of Realms Pastors have Flocks and Bishops have Diocesses Realms and Dominions none have but Princes c. and so the style of Governor of this Realm belongs only to the Prince and not to the Priest and imports a Publick and Princely regiment And here I shall take occasion to tell you that as the Common Law subjecting the Inhabitants of this Realm to the Government of Bishops hath not kept our Princes from exempting particular Persons and Bodies Corporate from their Iurisdiction but could not exempt them from being subject to their Prince and from obeying him that much less could any Statute Law do it It is upon the weight of
of a Law and dispensing to be different things B. He had an excellent Metaphysical head and his Method of writing in that Chapter Of the Several ways of the changing of Humane Laws was partly after the Example of Suarez in his Book De Legibus and who was a voluminous Writer of Metaphysicks and writing of any Subject could not recedere ab arte suâ in that Learning that is so infinitely prolifick of Artificial distinctions without Natural differences I mention'd the Bishop's but PARTLY writing after the way of Suarez for he was far from crumbling the weightier Points of the Law into the Minutiae of Metaphysicks as the other did and he in his excellent Preface doth very passionately complain of Moral Theology having been made an Art of the Schools and that what God had made plain Men have intricated and for that purpose saith There is a Rule among the Lawyers which very much relates to the Conscience of those Men who are engaged in Suits and Sentences of Law in all Countrys which are ruled by the Civil Law in quolibet Actu requiritur Citatio of this Rule Porcius brings an hundred and sixteen Ampliations and an hundred and twenty four Limitations c. And thus Suarez in his 6th Book De Legibus and the Title of which Book is The Interpretation Cessation and change of Humane Laws hath there Twenty seven Chapters concerning the same and where his first Chapter is Of the way of rightly Interpreting an Humane Law his 2d Of the Extension in them by Interpretation of them and his 3d Of the Extension to a Case not Comprehended his 4th Doubts of the Extension of Laws his 5th Of the Restriction by Interpretation his 6th Of the Ceasing of the Obligation of a Law in particular Contrary to its words his 7th Of the Excusing of a Law by Equity his 8th Of the Use of Equity without recourse to the Prince his 9th Of the Ceasing of a Law upon its Cause ceasing his 10th Of Dispensation in an Humane Law his 11th Of the Effects of Dispensation his 12th Of the Material Cause of Dispensation his 13th Of the form of Dispensation and so on in the others with much Metaphysical subtlety But the Bishop in his before-mention'd Third Book and 6th Chapter viz. Of the Interpretation Diminution and Abrogation of Humane Laws brings in but seven ways of the changing of humane Laws so that the Obligation of Conscience is also changed whereof his first is by Equity His second is by Interpretation His third by a Contrary or a ceasing reason And his fourth by Dispensation c. and of which latter he saith If we use the word improperly Dispensation can signifie a Declaration made by the Superior that the Subject in certain Cases is not obliged that the Law-giver did not intend it c. but when Dispensation signifies Properly it means an Act of mere Grace and Favour proceeding from an extrinsick Cause that is not the Nature of the thing or the merit of the Cause but either the merit of the Person or some degrees of reasonableness in the thing which not being of it self enough to procure the favour of the Law is of it self enough to make a man capable of the Favour of the Prince c. But as here in this nice distinction he is enforced to make him who doth dispensare to do that which the Canonists make the ratio nominis of it namely diversa pensare and in the Scales of Equity to weigh and interpret the degrees of the reasonableness of the thing so in his handling of the Prince's Power of interpreting he makes Equity Co-incident with it and refers to the Law in the Code viz. Inter aequitatem jusque interpositam interpretationem nobis solis oportet licet inspicere and his instances of that Power of Interpretation are referr'd to the favours shew'd by it to Persons and particularly to Solomon's absolving Abiathar from the Sentence of Death because he had formerly done worthily to the Interests of his Father David And then saith Now this Power tho it may be done by Interpretation yet when it is administred by the Prince it is most commonly by way of Pardon absolute Power and Prerogative When a Law determines that under such an Age a Person shall be UNCAPABLE of being the General of an Army the Supreme Power can declare the meaning of the Law to be unless a great excellency of Courage and maturity of Iudgment supply the want of years in which very Case Scipio Africanus said wisely when he desir'd to be employ'd in the Punick War Se sat annorum habiturum si populus Romanus voluerit Thus Tiberius put Nero into the Senate at Fifteen years of Age and so did Augustus the like to Tiberius and his Brother and the People declar'd or dispens'd with the Law in Pompey ' s Case and allow'd him a triumph before he had been Consul or Praetor And he had before said When the Law-giver interprets his Law he doth not take off the Obligation of his Law i. e. meaning the Obligation of his Law in general but declares that in such a Case it was not intended to oblige Tacitus tells of a Roman Knight who having sworn to his Wife that he would never be divorced from her was by Tiberius dispens'd with when he had taken her in the unchaste Embraces of his Son-in-Law The Emperor then declared that the Knight had only obliged himself not to be divorced unless a great Cause should intervene And thus Suarez himself in his said 10th Chapter De Dispensatione in lege humanâ makes Dispensation apply'd to signifie an act quo quis ab obligatione legis eximitur and saith quia unus modus esse potest per Interpretationem ideo potuit etiam in eâ significatione usurpari tamen in hac etiam significatione sumpta non quamcunque interpretationem legis sed illam solam quae in casu dubio per potestatem superioris datur ad liberandum subditum ab obligatione legis significat quia haec tantum est Actus administrationis potestatis ADEO Commissae Et illa tantum tollit aliquo modo onus legis quod sine tali potestate auferri non posset and so saith he 't is agreed on by all that Dispensation is an Act of Iurisdiction but 't is drawn into the Law to signifie the taking away the vinculum of the Law in particular Cases and so we generally use it A. But Metaphysicks apart I shall not trouble my self about what is what but what is my Duty by virtue of my Oath And I observe that what you cited out of the Bishop viz. That when the Power that made the Law doth interpret the Interpretation is authentical c. may render him no favourer of an Interpretation not made in Parliament by the Legislative Power B. I shall sometime at our meeting again observe to you what the Bishop hath there asserted l. 3. c. 3. that Kings
have a Legislative Power in the Affairs of Religion and the Church and where he saith that the LEAST part of this Power is to permit the free exercise of it and to remove all Impediments and to give it Advantages of free Assemblies and Competent maintenance and Publick Encouragements c. And shall then shew you what Power Circa Sacra the Church of England with great Prudence and Justice allow'd our Princes in the introducing the Reformation and which its Constitutions and Canons have since owned and from the allowance of which Power our great Church-men then knew there could be vestigia nulla retrorsum in the Case of a Prince of any other Religion coming to the Crown But I shall at present tell you that as to what I have mention'd to you out of Suarez and that Bishop altho you need neither now nor at any time to charge your memory with the subtlety of Distinctions and of the Propriè and minus Propriè when you are in eager pursuit of the substance of things you will find in both those Authors what is very substantial about the Doctrine of Dispensing and what I have cited of their rendring Dispensing and Interpreting thus Co-incident is à propos and may mind you of Princes being both empow'red and obliged in Justice in their administration of the executive Power of their Laws to declare or interpret their Religionary Penal Laws as dispensable in relation to particular times and Persons And you may therefore here call to mind that passage in the Council of Trent viz. That on Fryar Adrian ' s vociferating there about the Pope's dispensing being an Arbitrary favour Verdune the famous French Divine took him down with saying that it is a fond Perswasion that Dispensing is a mere favour for it is as good distribute Iustice as what is most so And the Priest sins if he giveth it not for it is nothing else but a right Interpretation of Law. You may very well suppose that thoughts arising from those words in the Ordination of Bishops viz. That you have your Authority not to destroy but to save not to hurt but to help c. to be so merciful as not to be remiss so to administer Discipline as not to forget Mercy c. have formerly inclined our Bishops in the Reigns of King Iames and King Charles the First to think themselves obliged to interpret and declare the Laws about Church discipline as dispensable and to dispense with them in the Cases of Mr. Hildersham and Mr. Dod as I told you at our last meeting And can you here see an Act of Parliament that thus sâ—…tleth the Ordination of Bishops and which Act not only allows but requires them thus to Interpretari dispensare in lege or in an Act of Parliament and fancy it possible for the King when as the Act of 37 o H. 8. tells you that Archbishops Bishops Archdeacons and other Ecclesiastical Persons have no manner of Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical but by under and from His Royal Majesty not to be empow'red to exercise such Jurisdiction And I may here add that when it is declared in the Statute of 1 o Eliz. c. 2. that the Queen's Majesty may ordaâ—… such further Ceremonies and Rites as may be most for the advancement of God's Glory c. will any one wonder at the Crowns relaxing the Penal Laws about Rites and Ceremonies in the Case of particular Persons and as Edward the 6th as is known did in the Case of Bishop Hooper And if you have a mind to see an Act of Parliament that not only approves the Prince's remitting of his Penal Laws but what applauds some excess in so doing I can for that purpose direct you to the Act of 1 o Edw. 6. c. 12. in the beginning of which 't is said Nothing being more Godly more sure more to be wish'd and desired between a Prince the Supreme Head and Ruler and the Subjects whose Governor and Head he is then on the Prince's part great Clemency and Indulgency and rather too much indulgency and remission of his Royal Power and just Punishment then exact Severity and Iustice to be shew'd c. But as when we were near the end of our former Conference you rightly observ'd that many perverse People would be crying out that any lawful Dispensing with the Laws establish'd was Contradictio in adjecto so I shall now observe to you that any who to the diminishing from a Prince's Character of being just presume to insinuate it that a Prince's valuing himself on that Character and yet shewing mercy to some in releasing them from the Bonds and Penalties of some of his Laws is a Contradiction do appear to me great objects of Compassion in so erring And for this I shall refer you to the Happy future State of England where in p. 233. 't is said that He who separates Mercy from Iustice is unjust to the very name of Iustice and robbeth it of the better half of its signification leaving its teeth and claws and taking away its heart and bowels Jarchas the Indian and Chief of the Brachmans in Philostratus is brought in finding fault with Apollonius Tyaneus and others of the Greeks for that they confined and apply'd the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to those only who do no wrong to one another and telling them that they were in an error for saith he among the Chiefest Offices of Iustice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 together with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought to be reckon'd up And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 just and kind men are convertible terms in Aristophanes and joyn'd both together in Plutarch and Aristotle saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Moderation or Clemency is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a piece of justice better then all justice And you will find Mr. Gregory there cited for relating it in his Opusâ—… That the Mahumetans have another Lord's Prayer call'd by them the Prayer of Jesus the Son of Mary and that endeth thus And let not such a one bear rule over me that will have no Mercy on me for thy Mercies sake O thou most merciful A. I say Amen to that Petition and do at the same time pay my thanks to Heaven for that one doth bear rule over me in whose great Genius Iustice and Mercy do appear to the World as the same thing and whose Iustice when ever any one shall come to Paint in Story he will not need to do it in the way of a half-face to hide any defect of Mercy and wherein if any Prince be deficient his Historian will be put to do it in the way I mention'd and as Pliny tells us Appelles drawing the Face of a King who had but one Eye and intending to conceal that defect was put upon the Painting him turning his Visage a little away and so shewing but the one side of his Face and from whence Pliny makes the Invention of that