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A05094 The French academie wherin is discoursed the institution of maners, and whatsoeuer els concerneth the good and happie life of all estates and callings, by preceptes of doctrine, and examples of the liues of ancient sages and famous men: by Peter de la Primaudaye Esquire, Lord of the said place, and of Barree, one of the ordinarie gentlemen of the Kings Chamber: dedicated to the most Christian King Henrie the third, and newly translated into English by T.B.; Academie françoise. Part 1. English La Primaudaye, Pierre de, b. ca. 1545.; Bowes, Thomas, fl. 1586. 1586 (1586) STC 15233; ESTC S108252 683,695 844

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deed in the gouernment of the common-wealth they sayd That man hath wrought an act of policie this day But the chiefe signification of this worde and that which aunswereth to our present discourse is the order and estate whereby one or many townes are gouerned and publike affaires well managed and administred But before we beginne to speak of the diuers sortes of Policies that is to say of gouernments of townes of which all Common-wealthes and Monarchies are compounded let vs speake a word of the end of policy and of that marke whereat it ought especially to aime As all Cities and ciuill societies are appointed for the obtaining of some Good so all policie respecteth the same and tendeth to no other thing than to vnite and frame vs to the companie of men so long as we liue amongst them to conforme our maners to a ciuill iustice to set vs at agreement one with another and to maintaine and preserue common peace and tranquillitie by procuring that euery one may haue his owne It is the cause that men to communicate togither without fraud or hurt that the insolencie of the wicked is brideled and punished briefly that not onely all duties of humanitie are vsed amongst men but also that some publique forme of religion appeereth and that blasphemies against the diuine nature and other offences which trouble common quietnesse are not openly broched For although it falleth not within the compasse of mans power as we said to prescribe and appoint by their authoritie any regiment and gouernment ouer soules yet euery one is not to bee suffred to forge at his pleasure lawes concerning religion and the maner of seruing God But ciuil ordinance must carefully prouide that the true seruice of God be not publikely violated and polluted through an vncontrouled libertie especially considering that the conseruation of euery well ordered policie dependeth thereupon But we shal vnderstand this matter more at large hereafter in the particular handling of the parts of an estate which we wil diuide into 3. principal and general heads folowing therin the ancient Politikes namely into the Magistrate the Law and the people Now to goe on with that which was propounded vnto vs let vs speake of those kindes of gouernments which were amongst the ancients The ordinance of a citie or order amongst magistrates especially amongst them that had the soueraigne rule ouer all was called of the ancients Common-welth or as some others wil haue it Weale-publike which in hir kind of gouernment was named according to the qualitie of the chiefe rulers therof And those common-wealths that tended to common benefit were said to be right simply iust but if they respected the profit of the superiors only they were said to be corrupt were called transgressions of right commō-wealths these being the cause of as much euil to the whole body of the city as the others are of Good For as the good or euill of an house dependeth of the father of the familie the safetie or losse of a ship of the Pilote or master the good or ill successe of an army of the generall thereof so the happines or vnhappines of townes and peoples dependeth of the magistrates and yet so that God ruleth ouer all Common-wealths then are either good or bad right or corrupted That is a good common-welth wherin the gouernours seeke the publike profit of the citizens the benefit of the whole ciuil societie It is called right and iust bicause it hath such an end and seeketh after the same taking no counsell about any thing but only about the preseruation of iustice A corrupt common-wealth is that which repugneth and is directly contrary to that which is good and iust chiefly to the end therof For it seeketh only the increase of priuate commoditie hauing no care of publike profit There are 3. kinds of good common-wealths and 3. of bad whose gouernment alwayes consisteth in the superiors of the estate taking their appellation and name of them as hath been said The first kind of good common-wealths is a Monarchie which taketh place whē the soueraigntie is in one alone This respecting publike profit onely and preferring common benefit always before hir own priuate and particular commoditie taketh vpō hir the name of a kingdom or of kingly power But if she looke vnto his particular benefit that ruleth seeking to raign by an absolute wil without any obseruatiō of iust laws then she hath the name of tirānie which is the first bad kind of cōmon-welth Now forasmuch as we liue in this kingdō vnder this first kind of cōmon-welth called a kingly monarchie we wil dilate this matter cōsider thereof at large in a seueral treatise that we may the better know the excellencie of it when it is wel iustly ordained The second kind of a right good commō-welth is of a Greek word called an Aristocratie which in our lāguage we may interprete the power of the best mē whō we cal in latine optimates bicause they are accounted for the best most vertuous men This forme of gouernment taketh place when a few tried and approoued men for maners and learning haue the soueraigntie iointly togither and make lawes for the rest of the people whither it be generally or particularly directing their thoughtes to no other marke than to publique vtilitie and profite This was seene most excellently among the Lacedemonians whose common-wealth surpassed all others of hir time as well for hir policie and establishment whereof there was neuer the like and wherein she continued about 500. yeeres as also for the glorie of hir warlike actes whereby she helde the empire of Graecia a long tyme vnder the lawes of that happy Aristocraticall gouernment which Lycurgus established there This man seeyng their estate to incline one while to tirannie when the kings had too much power and an other while to popular confusion when the common people beganne to vsurpe too great authoritie deuised with him-selfe to giue them a counterpoize that should be healthfull for the whole bodie of the Common-wealth by establishing there a Senate which was as a strong barre holding both the extremities in equall balaunce and giuing firme and stedfast footing to their estate For the 28. Senators making the bodie of the Senate sometimes tooke part with the two kings who were depriued of all soueraigntie so far foorth as was thought needfull to resist the rashnesse of the people and contrarywise sometimes they strengthened the peoples side against the kings who had then but the voyces of two Senatoures in the councell thereby to keepe them from vsurping any tyrannicall power True it is that their estate was not purely Aristocraticall vntill one hundred yeeres after the first establishment thereof by Lycurgus bicause hee had left the confirmation and abrogation of the aduice and decrees of the Senate in the peoples power But Polydorus and Theopompus
ciuil estate gouernment which is the chief Magistrate let vs consider now of the second no lesse necessary therein which is the law whereby he is ioined and vnited to the rest of the publike body for the maintenance and preseruation thereof ACHITOB. The lawe is in the citie as the spirite is in the body For as the body without the spirite vndoubtedly perisheth in like maner euery citie Commonwealth that hath no law falleth into ruine and perdition Therefore Cicero calleth lawes the soules of Common-wealths ASER. As the soule guideth the body and indueth it with abilitie to work so the law is the direction maintenance of euery Estate By the lawe is the Magistrate obeied and the subiects kept in peace and quietnes But let vs heare AMANA handle this matter AMANA We see that naturally all liuing creatures whether earthie watry aërie or flying tame or wild seeke after the companies and assemblies of their kinds to liue with them as Sheepe by flocks Kine Oxen Harts and Hindes feeding by herds Horses Asses Mules by companies Choughs Stares Cranes other birds by flights Fishes both in fresh and salt waters following one another in sholes Bees dwelling in hiues Pigeons in doouehouses Ants in little hollow places No maruell therefore if men singularly adorned with an immortal soule with reason speech and by these prerogatiues more communicable than other creatures as borne to honour God to loue one another to liue togither in a ciuill policie with lawes Magistrats iudgements hauing proper to themselues onely the knowledge of good euill of honestie dishonestie of iustice iniustice knowing the beginnings causes of things their proceedings antecedents consequents their similitudes cōtrarieties no maruel I say if they liue more commodiously happily togither do that by right equity which other liuing creatures do only by a natural instinct seeing also they may be assured as Cicero saith that nothing here below is more acceptable to god the gouernor of all the world than the cōgregations assemblies of mē linked togither by right equity which we cal cities Now we are to note that all those which obey the same lawes Magistrats make iointly togither but one city which as Aristotle saith is euery cōpany assembled togither for some benefit If a city be assēbled in monarch-wise it is to be defēded against strāgers to liue peaceably among thēselues according to law if Aristocratically vnder certaine chiefe lords it is to be respected according to their riches nobility vertue if in a popular cōmunity it is to enioy liberty equality the better that the city is guided by policy the greater benefit they hope for therby Therefore as the Venetians make but one city liuing vnder an Aristocraticall gouernment the Bernians an other liuing vnder a Democraty whether they liue within or without the wals or far frō the chief towne so all the natural subiects of this Monarchy acknowledging one king for their soueraigne lord obeying his commandemēts the decrees of his coūcel represent one city political cōmunion cōpounded of many villages townes prouinces Prouostships Bailiweeks Senshalships gouernments Parliaments Barronies Counties Marquesies Dukedoms Cures Bishopriks Archbishopriks being in of it self sufficiently furnished with all necessary honest things for the leading of a good vertuous life obeying the statuts lawes ordinances established therin according to which the Magistrat ought to rule to gouern his subiects shewing therby that albeit he be not subiect to the law yet he wil as it becommeth him liue gouerne himselfe vnder the law Therfore the Magistrate is very wel called by some a liuing lawe the law a mute Magistrate Moreouer the marke of a soueraign Prince of which depēdeth whatsoeuer he doth by his imperial authority is the power to prescribe lawes vnto all in general to euery one in particular not to receiue any but of God who is the Iudge of Princes saith Marcus Aurelius as Princes are the iudges of their subiects yea it is God saith the wise mā that wil proceed with rigor against thē for the contēpt of his law So that they which say generally that princes are no more subiect to laws thā to their own couenāts if they except not the laws of god of nature those iust couenants and bargaines that are made with them they are iniurious to God And as for their power to abrogate such lawes by their absolute authoritie it is no more permitted vnto them than the other seeing the power of a soueraign is only ouer the ciuill or positiue lawes But that we may haue some certaine vnderstanding of the matter heere propounded vnto vs to intreate of we must first see what the lawe is into howe many kindes it is diuided whereunto it ought to tend the profite of it and howe we must obey it The lawe is a singular reason imprinted in nature commanding those things that are to be done and forbidding the contrary We haue both the lawe of nature and the lawe written The lawe of nature is a sence and feeling which euerie one hath in himselfe and in his conscience whereby he discerneth betweene good and euill asmuch as sufficeth to take from him the cloake of ignorance in that he is reprooued euen by his owne witnesse The written lawe is double diuine and ciuill The diuine lawe is diuided into three partes that is into Manners Ceremonies and Iudgements That of Manners was called of the ancient writers the Morall lawe beeing the true and eternall rule of Iustice appointed for all men in what countrie or tyme soeuer they liue if they will direct their life according to the will of God And as for the Ceremonies and Iudgements although they haue some relation to Maners yet bicause both of them might be altered and abolished without the corruption or diminution of good manners the Ancients did not comprehend those two parts vnder the word Morall but attributed this name particularly to the first part of the lawe of which the sincere integritie of Maners dependeth which neither may nor ought in any sort to be altered or changed and whereunto the end of all other lawes is to be referred in honouring God by a pure faith and by godlines and in being ioined vnto our neighbour by true loue The Ceremonial lawe was a Pedagogie of the Iewes that is to say a doctrine of infancie giuen to that people to exercise them vnder the obedience to God vntill the manifestation of those things which were then figured in shadowes The Iudiciall law giuen vnto them for policie taught them certaine rules of iustice and equitie wherby they might liue peaceably togither without hurting one another Now as the exercise of ceremonies appertained to the doctrine of pietie which is the first part of the Morall law
the law of God of nature Now forasmuch as when we intreated of the soueraigne magistrate we described him such a one as he ought to be answering truly to his title that is to say a father of the coūtrey which he gouerneth a sheepheard of his people the gardian of peace protector of iustice preseruer of innocencie that man might wel be iudged to be beside himself that would reprehend such a gouernment But bicause it commonly falleth out that most princes wander far out of the right way that some hauing no care to do their duty sleep in their delights pleasures others fixing their harts vpon coueto●snes set to sale all lawes priuiledges rights iudgemēts some spoil the poore people by ouercharging them with impostes exactions to furnish their prodigalitie vnmeasurable dissolutenes others exercise open robberies in sacking of houses violating of virgins maried women in murdring innocents or suffring such violence to be done vnder thē by the ministers baudes of their pleasures some also oppres the nobility euen the princes of their bloud to shew fauour to base persons and those strangers despising woorthy mē that are their natural subiects vassals I say considering these things it will be very hard yea altogither impossible to perswade a great many that such are to be acknowledged for princes and true superiors that we must of necessitie obey thē so far as we may without offending our consciēces confecrated to God onely For this affection is rooted in the harts of men to hate detest tirants no lesse than they loue reuerence iust kings So that whē amongst such lothsom vices so far estranged not only frō the duty of a magistrate but also from all humanity they see in their soueraign no forme of the image of God which ought to shine in him no shew of a minister giuen from aboue for the prayse of good men and execution of vengeance vpon the wicked they are easily driuen forward to hate to contemn him and finally to rebell against him But if we direct our sight to the word of God it will lead vs a great deale farther For it wil make vs obedient not onely to the rule of those princes which execute their office according to iustice but to them also that do nothing lesse than their dutie It telleth vs that whatsoeuer they are they haue their authoritie from God only the good as mirrors of his goodnes the bad as scourges of his wrath to punish the iniquitie of the people but both the one and the other authorized from him with the same dignitie and maiestie in regard of their subiects Therfore in respect of obedience and reuerence we owe as much to the vniust as to the iust prince Which thing bicause it is so hardly beleeued amongst mē lesse practised now than euer I wil insist a litle longer in the proofe of my saying by testimonies of the scripture than we haue vsed to do in our other discourses First I desire euery one diligently to consider and marke the prouidence of God that special working wherby he vseth to distribute kingdoms to establish such kings as he thinks good wherof mention is oftē made in the scripture As it is written in Daniel He changeth the times seasons he taketh away kings he setteth vp kings that liuing men may know that the most high hath power ouer the kingdom of men and giueth it to whomsoeuer he wil appointeth ouer it the most abiect among mē It is wel known what maner of king Nebuchadnezzer was euē he that took Ierusalē namely a great thief a robber Notwithstanding God affirmeth by the prophet Ezechiel That he gaue him the lād of Egypt for the reward of his work for the wages of his army wherwith he had serued him in spotling and sacking Tyrus And Daniel said vnto him O king thou art a king of kings for the god of heauē hath giuē thee a kingdom power strēgth glory Whē we heare that he was appointed king by god we must withal cal to mind the heauēly ordināce which cōmandeth vs to feat honor the king then we wil not doubt to yeeld to a wicked tyrant that honour which God hath thought him meet for Whē Samuel declared to the people of Israel what they should suffer of their kings not onely according to the rights and priuiledges of his maiestie but by tyrannical customs and fashions namely that they would take their sonnes and daughters to serue him their lands vines and gardens to giue them to their seruants contrary to the commandement of the law of God yet he inioined them all obedience leauing them no lawful occasion to resist their king I haue saith the Lord in Ieremy made the earth the man the beast that are vpon the ground by my great power by my out-stretched arme haue giuen it vnto whom it pleased me But now I haue giuen al these lands into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babel my seruant the beasts of the fields haue I also giuen him to serue him And all nations shal serue him and his sonne and his sonnes sonne vntil the very time of his land come also And the nation and kingdom which will not serue the same Nebuchadnezzar king of Babel that wil not put their necke vnder the yoke of the king of Babel the same nation wil I visite saith the Lord with the sword famine pestilence Wherfore serue the king of Babel and liue We know by these words with what great obedience God would haue this peruerse cruel tyrant to be honored only for this reason bicause he was lift vp by his hand vnto that roial maiestie Now if we are bound to beleeue as much of al the kings of the earth these foolish seditious thoughts should neuer come into our mindes that a king must be handled according as he deserueth that it standeth not with reason that we should accoūt our selues his subiects who for his part behaueth not himselfe towards vs as a king There is in the same prophet a cōmandemēt of god to his people to desire the prosperitie of Babylon wherin they were held captiues to pray for it bicause in the peace therof they should haue peace Behold how the Israelits were commanded to pray for his prosperity who had spoiled thē of their goods possessions caried thē into exile brought thē into miserable bōdage so far off is it that they were permitted to rebel against him Although Dauid already elected king by the wil of God anointed with holy oile was vniustly pursued of Saul yet he said The lord keep me from doing that thing to my master the lords anointed to lay my hand vpon him For who can lay his hand on the Lordes annointed and be guiltles As the Lord liueth either
commoditie thereof A notable law for the common instruction of children Of Gymnastick or bodilie exercise The end of Musicke The vse of painning Fower things to be vsed in the institution of youth Instruction which consisteth in six precepts 1. The first precept The first thing that youth must learne is to worship God We can do nothing without the grace of God 2. The second precept Youth must not glorie in transitoric goods Nor in bodilie beautie The fruits of true knowledge and vertue 3. The third precept The common diseases of youth Modestie is the best remedie for them 4 The fourth precept hath fower branches 5. The fift precept 6 The sixt precept Of admonition Of promises Youth is to be drawne on with the promises of eternall life Of praises and threatnings Hope and feare are the foundation of vertue Adolescencie is the age betweene 14. 28 Place and time are to be considered in all things All kind of behauior not conuenient in all ages Of the diuision of the ages of man The number of seuen accounted a perfect number Of the climactericall yeere of 63. The whole age of man diuided into six parts Of Infaucie Of Childhood * He meaneth not common naturall infirmities but malitious offences Two things requisite in a Schoolemaister skill and bonestie of life The benefit that commeth by good Schoolemaisters A strang custom vsed by the children of Rome The reason o● this word Iuuentus Of adolescencie The fruits of adolescencie being left to it self Aurelius exhortation to his sonnes gouernours Concupiscence raigneth most in Adolescencie Who are to be accounted free Knowledge and iudgement are the gard of adolescencie Catoes sonne banished for breaking an earthen pot And Cinnaes sonne for gathering fruite without leaue How the Romanes taught their yoong men to forsake the follies of their first age The dutie of yoong men A moderate youth maketh a happie old age Examples of vertuous young men Alexander a paterne of vertue in his youth Bucephalus Alexanders horse Pompey Papyrius Of 〈◊〉 ma●s estate The dutie of a man at the perfection of his age Clitomachus M. Aurelius Solon learned to the hower of his death Socrates learned musick being old T. Varro and M. Cato learned Greeke when they were old Iulianus Alphonsus Of old-age Psal 90. 10. Prudence is the ornament of old age What Senate is and frō whence it came What vse is to be made of a white beard Epaminondas salutation vsed to men according to their ages Cato What breedeth authoritie in a man Sophocles To whom old age is not grieuous The soule is not subiect to mans iurisdiction Gal. 3. 18. Col. 3. 11. Gal. 5. 1. 13. Rom. 13. 1. 2. All power is of God The beginning and preseruation of policies is from God Of commanding and obeying Policie is the bond of all societie There is shew of commanding and obeying in all things As in harmonie The superior part of the world ruleth the inferior The Sunne is king and the Moone Queene among the starres The Moone ruleth ouer all moistures The Fire and Aire chiefe among the elements The Eagle Lion whale and pike ouer their kinds No people without all policie Diuine iustice humane policie always linked togither Religion is the foundation of all estates The auncie●● law makers established then ordinance through the means of religion Religion the greatest means of inlarging the Roman empire What Policie is and from whence the word is deriued The diuers significations of this word Policy Of the end of policie Ciuil ordinance ought to maintaine the worship of God Euery estate cōsisteth of 3. parts of the magistrate the law and the people When common-wealths are right and when corrupt The good or euil estate of cōmon wealths dependeth of the magistrates next vnder God The diuision of common-welths in generall The subdiuision of them Of a monarchie Of a tirannie Of an Aristocratie and what it signifieth The Lacedemonian estate was an excellent paterne of this gouernment Why the Senate of Lacedemonia was first instituted What power the kings of Lademonia had The policie of Polydorus and Theopompus to get the power out of the peoples hands Why the Ephories were appointed in Lacedemoni● Of an Oligarch● How an Oligarchie is changed into a tirannie with examples thereof Of a Timocraty * His meaning is that it is ruled by some lawes taken from ccb of these Of a Democratie Fiue kinds therof according to Aristotle in his 4. booke of Politi ca. 4. Athens a Democratical estate Of a mixt kinde of common-wealth Examples hereof The perfectest distinction of common-wealths There is difference between the estate and the gouernment of a common-wealth Examples of the popular estate Of the Aristocraticall Of the Monarchicall What right is The foundation of euery estate is the soueraigntie therof Euery estate cōsisteth of 3. parts The magistrate is the image of God The wisest must rule Why God distributeth his gifts diuersly to diuers men A well gouerned familie resembleth the kingly regiment Gen. 10. 10. Of the originall of kingdoms Cicero his opinion therein What soueraigntie is A little king asmuch a Soueraigne as the greatest Monarch Of the name of Magistrate The Dictator of Rome was called Magister populi The calling of Magistrates prooued to be lawfull Psal 82. 6. Iohn 10 35. 2. Chron. 19. 6. Prou. 8. 15. 16. The calling of the Magistrate is most holie He is the minister of Gods iustice Good counsell for Magistrats The Magistrate compared to the hart of a liuing creature And to a Carpenters rule The Magistrate is in the Common wealth that which reason is in the soule The example of the Magistrate is the best way to teach the people Whereunto the Prince is bound aswell as his subiect The dutie of the Magistrate consisteth in three things The art Royall Philosophicall and Politicall is all one Who is most woorthie of soueraigne authoritie Why there are so few vertuous Princes Wherin the dutie of the chiefe Magistrate consisteth Why the sword is put into the Magistrates hand Ier. 22. 3. What is meant by this precept Do Iudgement and Iustice Prou. 16. 12. 20. 8. 26. Prou. 25. 4. 5. He that suffreth euill is culpable aswell as he that committeth it Seueritie and clemencie are to be linked togither in a Magistrate Ciuilitie and grauitie must be ioined both togither in a Magistrate The dutie of the Magistrate Al motions contained vnder one and all causes vnder the first The law is the blood and bond of the Common-wealth The law is the spirite and soule of the common-wealth All creatures are sociable by nature The prerogatiues of men aboue other creatures What a citie is The diuers ends of the three good Common-wealths A king must line vnder a law albeit he be not subiect to the lawe The marke of a soueraigne Wisd 6. 3. How far Princes are subiect to lawes Wherein the absolute power of Princes consisteth The definition of the law The diuision
chiefly to handle at this present The Grecians called it by these two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the one signifieng troble the other a band as if they would haue said that it held the soule bound and wholie troubled They affirmed also that this feare was as it were a giddinesse and alienation of the mind from the right sense making the soule idle dead void of euerie good exploit or effect whatsoeuer The last kind of feare is that which worketh in the wicked a feare of paine and punishment appointed for offences wherby they are as it were with a bridle kept backe and restrained from presuming to commit their villanies and damnable purposes Now as the first kind of feare said to be good and necessarie is a great token of a commendable and vertuous nature as that which for good cause is grounded vpon the feare of reproch and infamie and vpon a desire to effect whatsoeuer belongeth to dutie so the one of these two last kinds testifieth a vile contemptible and abiect nature and the other a wicked corrupt disposition Plutark speaking of this good feare calleth it one of the Elements grounds of vertue saying that it is chieflie requisite and necessarie for those that haue authoritie ouer others who ought to feare rather to practise euil than to receiue punishment for the same bicause the first is the cause of the latter not onelie to themselues but to so manie as wallow in wickednesse which is neuer without recompense Therefore a prudent and well aduised man ought to haue this feare alwaies before his eies I meane this childlike feare which is vnseparably ioined with the true loue we owe to our common father and is the beginning of all wisedome wherby we are induced to honour him And looke how much the more the ancient Pagans were kept in awe by this good feare so much the more shall our condemnation be doubled if we despise it The dutie also of this profitable feare is to haue an eie vnto the good and safetie of our countrie and to cause vs faithfully to discharge euery charge committed vnto vs to the end we incurre not perpetuall shame and infamie among all good men It causeth vs to feare onelie the dishonor of an vnaduised counsel or action and to account it very seemelie honorable to be blamed and euil spoken of for well dooing which Alexander the great said did well become a king This good feare made Phocion who for his desert and valure was chosen generall of the Atheniens fiue fortie times to saie that he would neuer counsell but hinder to the vttermost of his power that enterprise of war which they would haue concluded against Alexander For said he although the Athenians would cast awaie themselues yet I will not suffer them to doe so bicause I haue for that intent purpose taken vpon me the charge of a Captain And when Demosthenes who persuaded this warre said vnto him the people will kill thee if they enter into a furie Phocion replied Naie they will kill thee if they be well in their wits Antigonus the second king of Macedonia declared what benefit commeth of this good feare necessarie for the foresight of a wise and experienced captaine in warre when retiring once from before his enimies who came to assaile him and being told by certaine that he fled he answered It is cleane contrarie For I looke backe to that profit wich is behind me As touching the opinion of the ancients alreadie mentioned that to stand in feare of nothing is more hurtful to Common-wealthes than foraine enimies it is that which Scipio Nasica a Romane Senator meant to signifie when vpon the hearing of some who said that Rome was in safetie if Carthage were laid wast he replied that it was farre otherwise For said he we are in greater danger now than euer bicause we stand no more in awe of anie whereby he wiselie inferred that too great and vnlooked for prosperitie of cities is commonly the cause of raising ciuill wars in them secret diuisions or else of bringing into them so great idlenes that by it a gate is opened to all vices as in truth it fell out with the Romans For then beeing in the top of their felicitie and greatnesse by reason of the destruction aswell of the Carthaginians by Scipio the yonger as of the Macedonians vnder Perseus and Antiochus the people began to abuse their authoritie preferring vnto estates and places of honour not the best and iustest citizens but such as flattered them most in their vices and dissolutenes and wan their hearts with prodigall and superfluous feasts and distributions to whome they solde their publike voices Whereupon in the end those ciuill wars arose which was the cause of their finall ouerthrow and of the alteration of their popular estate into a tyrannie afterwards called a Monarchie But this discourse being the matter of another Subiect let vs come to the defect of the vertue of Fortitude which is a feare voide of reason and assurance and argueth a faint and cowardlie hart causing a man through want of sense and vnderstanding to account this the surest waie to doubt all things and to distrust euerie one Of this feare one of the ancients said Feare taketh awaie memorie and all good effects from euerie art and industrie Yea sometimes some haue beene found so faint-harted that as soone as this feare seazed vpon them they gaue vp the ghost not beeing oppressed with anie other euill or violence It is in this passion that Feare and Greefe fullie practise their power being grounded vpon a false opinion of euill and sworne enimies to all rest and tranquillitie gnawing and consuming life as rust doth steele or yron Neither is this feare without an vnrulie desire and immoderate ioie in things that are worldlie base and contemptible whereupon the soule is continuallie carried hither and thither with pernicious and immoderate passions which depriue hir of the excellencie of hir immortalitie to attend to the mortall and corruptible affections of the flesh Alexander spake of such as are possessed with this feare when he said that no place is so strong by nature and situation which fearefull men iudge safe enough Therefore the Satyricall Poēt said verie well that Fortune alwayes maketh timorous men little For although they be borne bigge of stature yet the small courage of their hearts maketh them so much the more contemptible bringing foorth worse and more dangerous effects and making them vnwoorthy of all intermedling with matters of estate of policie or of warre In this number among many whom histories mention we may heere reckon Claudius the first of the Caesars who was so faint-harted base-minded blockish that his mother said often of him that Nature had begun but not finished him And truly a hartles-fellow or one of litle-hart is nothing els but a bodie
was nothing but vertue could tame it and that men furnished therewith behaued themselues constantly and courageously in both kinds of fortune Vertue saith Cicero abideth calme and quiet in the greatest tempest and although she be driuen into exile yet she stirreth not out of hir place and countrey but shineth so alwaies of hir selfe that she cannot be soiled with the spots of an other This excellent Orator and Philosopher giueth vs also wholesome counsell to oppose against the dangerous effects that are to be feared in prosperitie When we are saith he in best estate we must vse the counsell of our friends more than we do commonly and as long as it continueth we are greatly to beware that we open not our eares to flatterers who are the plague destruction of the greater sort bicause all their labor is to propound vnto vs occasions meanes to enioy delights and pleasures and to shew out selues to be proud and arrogant during the time of our prosperitie to the end we should put good men farre from vs and reserue to them onely that authority wherein they are setled Whereas on the contrarie side our true friends would lead vs backe to consider the inconstancie of humane things to the ende that we abuse not our felicitie but behaue our selues as a wise Pilote doth who alwayes feareth a smiling calmnesse in the maine sea Which consideration maketh a mā constant and resolute to beare and indure all sinister chaunces and not so ready and easie to be deceiued bicause he always feareth and distrusteth fortune Let vs now come to examples of that which we haue here alleaged As touching the pernitious effects of ouer great prosperitie they may well be noted in Alexander the great who although he was indued with notable and rare vertues yet could not vse moderately the great good speed and happy successe of all his enterprises but being conquered of the Persian delights gaue himselfe ouer to commit many insolencies and then filled with prefumption and pride would haue been worshipped Iulius Caesar being ascended into the highest degree of fauourable fortune that he could desire and lending his eare ouer freely to flatterers would be called and declared a king which name was most odious to the Romanes since the time that Tarquinius was banished as we mentioned before and retained alwayes to himselfe the authoritie and power of a Dictator which before continued but a certaine time He bestowed the publike offices and places of honor vpon whō he thought good whereof proceeded the ill will of his subiects and in the end his destruction The greatnesse of Pompey was that which afterward ouerthrew him For imploying his credite to fauour others vniustly it fell out to him as to cities that suffer their enemies to enter euen into their strongest places diminishing so much of their own forces as they adde to others that wish them no good Which thing Sylla the Dictator did very notably giue him to vnderstand when he sawe that Pompey by his countenance and fauour had brought Lepidus a wicked man to the dignitie of Confulship I see well quoth Sylla to him thou art very glad bicause thou hast preuailed in this suit and sure thou hast great cause so to be For it is a goodly matter and the point of a noble man to be so gratious with the people that through thy fauour Lepidus the wickeddest man in the world hath caried away the Consulship before Catullus the honestest man in all the citie But I aduise thee to beware of sleeping now and to haue a vigilant eie to thy busines bicause thou hast armed made strong an aduersarie against thy selfe Wherof Pompey had experience afterward in those warres which Lepidus raised against whome he was sent by the Senate and in the end obtained the victorie But the fauour he bare to Caesar entring vpon the gouernment of publike affairs came not to that passe For he was afterward ouerthrowne by the same meanes wherewith he had strengthned Caesar against others Out of which we may draw an excellent doctrine for all that are placed in authoritie or that haue the eares of great men at commandement that they neuer cause the wicked to be aduanced For as the worme that is bred at the foote of a tree groweth with it and in the end destroieth it so a wicked man aduanced by the fauour of one greater than himselfe becommeth afterward vnthankfull and treacherous vnto him This mooued Archidamides the Lacedemonian to answer in this sort one that commended Charilaüs king of Sparta bicause he shewed himselfe alike courteous to all But how deserueth that man praise who sheweth himselfe courteous towards the wicked Now to returne to our speech touching the effects of prosperitie not ruled by the reason of true prudence what is more hatefull or hath at any time beene more hurtfull to men than pride Which as Plato saith dwelleth with solitarines that is to say is so hated that in the end it is forsaken of all the world And whereof is it bred sooner than of prosperitie Which that wise man excellent Romane captaine Paulus Aemilius knowing ful well after the victorie gotten by him against Perses king of Macedonia being desirous to admonish the men of warre that were in his armie and to keepe them within the compasse of their dutie he vsed these or the like speeches vnto them Is there any man now my friends and companions that ought to waxe proud and to glorie in the profperitie of his affaires if he hath lucke to his liking and not rather to feare the ficklenes of fortune who euen at this present setteth before our eies such a notable example of the common frailtie of man subiect to the ordinarie course of fatall destinie which turneth about continually You see how in the moment of an houre we haue beaten downe and put vnder our feete the house of Alexander the Great who was the mightiest and most redoubted Prince in the world You see a King not long since followed and accompanied with so many thousands of fighting men brought to such miserie that being prisoner he must receiue his meate and drinke at the hands of his enemies Ought we to trust more to our good hap and to thinke it more firme and assured Truly no. And therefore let vs learne to humble our selues and to restraine this foolish arrogancie proud insolencie wherewith our youth seemeth to be ouercome by reason of the victorie obtained by vs and let vs expect to what end and issue fortune will guide the enuie of this present prosperitie Marcus Aurelius after he had vanquished Popilion Generall of the Parthians spake thus vnto him I tell thee of a truth that I stand in greater feare of fortune at this present than I did before the battell For she careth not so much to ouertake the conquered as to subdue and vanquish the Conquerors This selfe same consideration caused Philip
reuenged or called in question after that peace and agreement togither is made otherwise there would neuer be any assurance of peace or end of periurie From the selfe same fountaine of the profanation of faith and custome in lying it being the propertie of vice to ingender another vice for a punishment of it selfe proceedeth that pernitious plague of kingdomes and Common-wealths I meane Treason hated of God and men wherewith periured persons being bewitched feare not to betray themselues so they may betray others also and their countrey Whereupon they become odious to euery one euen to those who vsed them to serue their owne turnes in disloyall and wicked actions and in the end they receiue the reward due to their execrable impieties For this is the common affection that men beare towards such people so to seeke them out which notwithstanding is not the propertie of a noble hart when they stande in feare of them as they that want gall or the poison of some venemous beasts afterward to giue them ouer and to reiect bicause of their wickednes If a man be called slothfull he may become diligent if talkatiue hold his peace if a glutton temperate himselfe if an adulterer abstaine if furious dissemble if ambitious stay himselfe if a sinner amend but he that is once called a traitor there is no water to washe him cleane nor meane to excuse himselfe Nowe let vs come to the examples of the Ancients and know what zeale they bare to fidelitie and hatred to periurie and treason as also what recompence commonly followed and accompanied such things and with what reward noble-minded men did requite those that were disloiall and traiterous Attilius Regulus a Romane of great credite being taken prisoner in the Carthaginian warre and sent to Rome vpon his faith to intreat about a peace and the exchange of captiues so soone as he arriued gaue cleane contrarie aduice in the Senate shewing that it was not for the profit of the Common-wealth to make such an agreement Afterward hauing resolued with himselfe to keepe faith with the enimie he returned to Carthage where he was put to death very cruelly For his eie-lids being cut off himselfe bound to an engine he died with the force of waking Demaratus king of Sparta being in Persia with the king against whome a great man of Persia had rebelled was the meanes of their reconciliation Afterward this barbarian king hauing his said Vassaile in his power would haue beene reuenged of him thinking to put him to death But the vertuous Lacedemonian turned him from it declaring vnto him that it would redound to his great shame not to know how to punish him for his rebellion when he was his enimie and now to put him to death being his seruant and friend A reason truly well woorthie to be marked but very slenderly put in vre at this day Augustus hauing made proclamation by sound of trumpet that he would giue 25000. Crownes to him that should take Crocotas ringleader of the theeues in Spaine he offered himselfe to the Emperor and required the summe promised by him which he caused to be paid him pardoned him withall to the end no man should thinke that he would take his life from him thereby to frustrate him of the promised recompence as also bicause he would haue publike faith and safetie kept to euery one that came according to order of Iustice although in truth he might haue proceeded and giuen out processe against him Cato the elder being in warre against the Spaniards was in great danger by reason of the multitude of enimies who sought to inclose him round about And not being then in possibilitie to be succored of any but of the Celtiberians who demanded of him 200. Talents which are 120000. Crownes in hand for their wages the Councell tolde him that it was not by anie meanes to be gotten presently but yet promised to furnish them with such a summe and that within any time which they would appoint otherwise that it was more expedient not to meddle with them But this wise and wel aduised captaine vsed this occasion to very good purpose by resoluing with himselfe and with his souldiers either to ouercome their enimies or else to die after they had agreed with the Celtiberians that the Romane glorie should not be stained by the falshood of their promises For quoth he to his souldiers if we get the battell we will pay them not of our owne but at the charges of our enimies but if we loose the victorie none will be left aliue either to pay or to demand any paiment There was no talke among the Councell of these noble Romanes how they might deceiue their enimies or those whose seruice they were vrged to vse but they determined rather to die than to be wanting in their promise Likewise we may note that as their enterprizes thus grounded had good successe so periurie and violating of right were through the vengeance of God pursued for the most part with vnhappie effects contrarie to the platformes and desires of periured and faithles men or at leastwife that themselues were speedily punished for their wickednes And therefore when Tissaphernes Lieutenāt to the king of Persia had broken a truce which he had made with the Grecians they gaue him thankes by his owne Herald bicause he had placed the Gods in whose name the truce was sworne on their side And in deede he smally prospered after that in his enterprizes Cleomenes king of Lacedemonia hauing taken a truce for seuen daies with the Argians assaulted them the third night after knowing that they were in a sound sleepe and discomfited them which he did vnder this craftie subtletie bicause forsooth in the foresaid truce mention was made of the day onely and not of the night Whereupon the Grecians noted this as a iust iudgement of his periurie and breach of faith in that he was miraculously frustrated of his principall intent which was by the meanes of that ouerthrow to haue suddenly taken the citie of Argos For the women being full of wrath and iust griefe for the losse of their husbands by the cowardly treacherie of this Lacedemonian tooke those weapons that were in the said towne and droue him from the wals not without great murder and losse of the greatest part of his armie Whereupon within a while after he became furious and taking a knife he ript his bodie in smiling manner and so died Caracalla the Emperor trauelling with his armie towardes the Parthians vnder pretence of marying the daughter of Artabanus their king who came for the same purpose to meete him he set vpon him contrary to his faith and put him to flight with an incredible murder of his men But within a little after being come downe from his horse to make water he was slaine of his owne men which was noted as a iust punishment sent from God for his vnfaithfulnes
king or master but holdeth of one only Iesus Christ according to the ministerie of his word the other is to ordaine a ciuil iustice only and to reforme outward maners wherunto the body during this life is wholy subiect rescruing the first estate of man in his freedom according to the diuine rule of pietie we are diligently to looke to this second estate of subiection seruitude which is most necessary for the maintenance of common peace tranquillitie amongst men Now forasmuch my companions as we haue hitherto according to our weak iudgement noted the moral vertues of the soul for the better framing of mens actions to that which is decent honest in this life and folowing the same order haue also giuen rules instructions for the gouernment of a family we are now to enter into this large field of humane policie to consider of the parts that belong vnto it referring the chiefe scope of the handling of this matter which otherwise would be infinite to the ruling preseruing of our French monarchie for the instruction of al estates that are therein And first we wil see what ciuil policie is and intreat briefly of the diuers kinds of gouernments amōg the ancients that we may so much the better attaine to the knowledge of that vnder which we liue AMANA To command and to obey saith Aristotle are not only necessary but also profitable yea some things are borne to obey and others to command whose common end is publike benefit ciuil iustice which are preserued by a wel established policie and right gouernment according to the lawes of nature ARAM. Euery ciuil societie must be kept in order by some policie which is a necessary helpe to cause a man to walke in his vocation But as the elements cannot be intermingled one with another except it be by an vnequall proportion and temperature so I thinke that ciuil policies cannot wel be preserued but by a certaine inequalitie which is to be seene in all countries by diuers sorts of Gouernments But let vs heare ACHITOB discourse to this effect ACHITOB. In all things compounded of matter and forme commanding obeying are so naturall that there is some shew therof euen in things without life as we see in that harmonie which consisteth in voyce in sounds wherein the contra-tenor seemeth to command ouer the base This whole inferiour world obeyeth the superiour and is gouerned thereby through a certain vertue accompanied with light and heate called of many Philosophers the spirit of the world or as Plato saith the soule of the world which descending from the celestiall nature and intermingling it selfe throughout the whole masse of this great body penetrateth quickneth nourisheth and moderateth all chaungeable things vnder the Moone The chiefe minister and disposer of this vertue is the Sunne whom we acknowledge as king among the starres lightning the vniuersall frame with his beames The Moone is as it were the Queene ruling ouer all moistures and among other maruails shewing hir manifest power ouer the flowyng and ebbing of the Ocean seas We see among the Elements that the Fire and Aire through their first qualities are Actiue and that the water and earth are Passiue as beeyng more materiall Amongst all kinds of birdes the Eagle is president amongst beasts the Lion In fresh and salte waters the mightiest fishes rule as the Whale in the sea and the Pike in pooles Man ruleth ouer all liuing creatures and in man compounded of body soule and vnderstanding the soule commaundeth ouer the body and the vnderstanding ouer the desire We haue also seene by proceeding from one particular man to a familie made of many persons how the head commandeth diuersly ouer the partes of his house Euen so it is necessary that euery ciuill societie which is made one of many families tending to a generall good should be kept in by some policie consisting in commanding and obeying In many places of the world there are countries where the cities are not inclosed where there is no vse of learning and where there are no kinges Other people there are that dwell in no houses that vse no money that liue with rawe flesh in a worde that seeme to hold more of the nature of beasts than of men And yet there are none that haue no kind of policie established amongst them or that vse no lawes or customes whereunto they willingly submit themselues Neither are they without some apprehension and reuerence of the diuine nature vsing prayers sacrifices although damnable so straightly are these two things diuine Iustice and humane Policie ioined togither that the one cannot in any sort remaine amongst men without the other Therefore Plutarke saith that a citie will sooner stand without a foundation than ciuil policie can be framed and established without any religion and opinion of God or without the preseruation thereof after it is once receiued Moreouer the first agreement of people forsaking their barbarous and rusticall life to ioine in ciuil societie was to this ende that they might haue a place of religion to keepe them togither Religion surely is the foundation of all common-wealths of the execution of lawes of the obedience of subiects towards their magistrates of their feare towards princes of mutual loue among themselues and of iustice towards others Lycurgus reformed the estate of the Lacademonians Numa Pompilius of the Romanes Solon of the Athenians and Deucalion of all the Graecians generally by making them deuout and affectionate towardes the gods in prayers othes oracles and prophesies through the means of feare and hope of the diuine nature which they imprinted in them Polybius gouernour and lieutenant to Scipio Africanus and taken for the wisest Politician in his time saith That the Romans had neuer any greater means than religion to extend the borders of their empire and the glory of their famous acts ouer all the earth Desiring therfore that religion the truth and the law of God all which are one and published by the mouth of God may continue and dwel amongst vs let vs see what Policie is wherunto it ought chiefly to tend and what sundry sorts there are of establishing it by the contrary kindes of gouernment vsed among the auncients Policie is a worde deriued of this Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth the regiment of a citie or common-wealth and that which the Graecians call Political gouernment the Latines call the gouerment of a common-wealth or of a ciuil societie This word Policie hath been taken in many significations amongst the auncients sometime it signified a Burgesie that is to say the participation and enioying of the rights and priuiledges of a towne sometime the maner of life vsed by some politicall person as when one commendeth the policie of Pericles or of Bias that is their kind of gouernment sometime also when they would note some woorthy
beyng kinges and seeyng how hard a matter it was to assemble all the people togither and how they ouerthrew many tymes the sacred decrees of the Senate holpe them-selues with an oracle from Apollo whereby it was signified that the Senate of thirtie should from thence-forth haue all power in matters of estate in so much that of Senators they became soueraigne lordes And to content the people they appointed fiue Ephories who were chosen out of the people as Tribunes to keepe away tiranny That policie then is truely Aristocraticall wherin vertue only is respected in the distribution of magistracies and the benefit of the subiects is chiefly considered in the gouernment thereof Oligarchie is opposite and contrary to this and is the second kinde of a corrupted common-wealth This is when a few noble or riche men occupie the authoritie and administration of the common-wealth reiecting the poorer and baser sort and aiming at nothing but at their owne priuate and particular profite without all care of publique commoditie These men alwayes vse to take part with their like in nobilitie or riches to the treading downe and oppression of the meaner sort of people Moreouer they rule all matters according to their affections and through ambition and couetousnes take them into their own hands vntil some one that is mightiest amongst them find the means to rule absolutely and to change the Oligarchie into a tiranny Aristotle affirmeth that all the auncient gouernments in Sicilia were Oligarchies among which that of the Leontines was translated into the tirannie of Panecus that of Gela into the tirannie of Cleander that of Rhegium into the tirannie of Anaxilas and so of many others The third kind of a good and right common-wealth is of a Greeke worde called Timocratie which we may call The power of meane or indifferent wealth This kinde of gonernment was after a peculiar sort called of the Auncients by the name of Common-wealth bicause this policie tended most of all to publique profite and was guided by lawes and compounded of an Oligarchie and a Democratie which are two extremes and of themselues vicious and corrupt For of their mediocrities this forme of common-wealth was instituted after 3. sortes First by taking the lawes and institutions of both secondly by holding the mediocritie of things commanded by them thirdly by following the constitutions partly of the one partly of the other Aristotle speaketh of this kind of Common-wealth when he saith That ciuill societie consisting of meane persons is very good and that those cities are wel gouerned wherein there are many of the middle sort who haue more power than both the other parties or at least than any one of them For where as many are passing rich or extreme poore there followeth either an extreme Democratie or an intollerable Oligarchie or els through their excesse a tirannie Nowe the last kind of corrupt common-wealth remaineth to be seene which is called Democratie where free and poore men being the greater number are lordes of the estate There were fiue sortes of them the first where the gouernment was equally communicated to all the second where regard was had to wealth although it was but small the third where all the citizens were partakers of the gouernment vnder the ruling of the lawe the fourth where euery one might attaine to the magistracie so that hee were a citizen and the lawe ruled the fift where other things beyng equall the multitude commanded and not the lawe and then the people onely gouerned accordyng to their fansie by decrees and prouisoes which they gaue out daily oppressing the vertuous riche and noble that they might liue in all libertie This kinde is not to bee called a Common-wealth seeing the lawes beare no sway but beyng aunswerable to a tirannie it is passing ill and vnwoorthie to bee numbred among Common-wealths Plato and Xenophon wrote that the Democratie of Athens was such a one where the people was giuen ouer to all licentiousnesse without either feare of Magistrates or obseruation of lawes Nowe of the three kindes of good Common-wealthes mentioned by vs Aristotle Polybius Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and Cicero compound an other that is partaker of all three saying that euery kind of Common-wealth established simplie and alone by it selfe soone degenerateth into the next vice if it be not moderated and kept backe by the rest Therefore they say that a Common-wealth erected with a right gouernement to continue long must haue the vertues and properties of the other Common-wealths ioyned togither in hir to the ende that nothing growe out of proportion which may cause hir to degenerate into hir next euill and so consequently ouerthrow hir Likewise many auncient and late Politikes haue maintayned that the Common-wealths of the Lacedemonians Carthaginians Romans and others that are famous as that of the Venitians were compound and mildlie intermingled with the royall Aristocraticall and popular power But this subiect deserueth well a seuerall discourse which beyng needlesse for the vnderstanding of the matter here propounded vnto vs we will not stay any longer in the curious searching out of sundry other kindes of estates and policies which the ancients haue drawen out of these alreadie described We will note therefore for the conclusion of our speech that the reason why so many kindes of Common-wealths are mentioned by the auncients is this bicause euery citie is compounded of many partes the diuersitie of which according as they were in greater number and power caused them to varie the names of gouernments But to auoyd confusion and obscuritie we may say that if the soueraigntie consisteth in one onely prince the estate is Monarchicall if all the people haue interest in it the estate is popular and if onely the least parte of them haue the chiefe power the estate is Aristocraticall But if their forme of gouernment be contrary to their nature they take an other qualitie but chaunge not their essence Moreouer we say that the preseruation of euerie publique societie dependeth of the policie well ordeined without which there can be nothing but disorder confusion among men We say that policie is the order of a citie in the offices of magistracie namely in the chiefe of all in whose gouernment the whole Common-wealth consisteth which if it be in the peoples handes is called Popular as in the Cantons of Switzerland and leagues of the Grisons in many free townes in Germanie and in old time was in Athens if in the hands of certaine persons as of the gentlemen of Venice and of some families in Genes it is called Aristocraticall if it dependeth of the wil of one alone it is called a Monarchie as in France Spaine Portingale England Scotland Sweathland Polonia Further we say that the diuersitie of gouernment among cities and peoples dependeth of their end if they tend to a good ende which is to publique benefite they are
general end be to set an order and policie amongst vs and not dispute of their reason and cause as long as their iurisdiction extendeth not to our soules to lay vpon them a new rule of iustice Of the People and of their obedience due to the Magistrate and to the Law Chap. 56. AMANA WE haue hitherto seene that the preseruation of policies dependeth of the obseruation of the law that the soueraigne magistrate ruleth thereby and vseth it as a bond to reduce to vnitie and agreement all the citizens of one Common-wealth being vnlike in calling and liuing vnder his dominion at which marke euery good politike gouernor ought chiefly to aime Now my companions we are to intreat of this third part of a citie which maketh the politike body perfect and absolute namely of the people and of that obedience which they ought to yeeld to the magistrate and to the law ARAM. The whole Common-wealth fareth well or ill as all hir parts euen to the least are ruled and containe themselues within the compasse of their duetie For all of them togither make but one body whereof the magistrate is the head and the lawe the soule that giueth life vnto it Wherefore it is needefull that these should commaund and the other obey ACHITOB. Whatsoeuer profiteth the whole profiteth the part and that which is commodious to the part is also commodious to the whole and so contrarywise Wherefore to obey well which is necessarily required of the people is greatly auaileable to the whole political bodie Now let vs heare ASER handle this matter vnto vs more at large ASER. In euery discipline the beginning is commonly taken from the least partes thereof Grammer taketh his beginning from letters which are the least things in it Logike from the two least partes thereof namely the Nowne and the Verbe Geometrie from the point Arithmetick from Vnitie Musick from the Minnem and Sembrief which are likewise the least parts therof Therefore hauing seene that Policie is the order and life of the citie and that the citie is a multitude of citizens before we speak of the whole bodie of them we must as I think intreat first of a citizen who although he differ according to the diuersitie of common-wealths yet to take him properly may be said to be euery one that hath right to iudge in his citie hath a deliberatiue voyce in the generall or common councell thereof This definition of a citizen cannot fitly be applied to all citizens of all Common-wealths but only to those that are ruled popularly wherin they are all equall and gouerne themselues by assemblies in which euery one hath libertie to speake his aduise Some define a citizen to be he whose parents are citizens or els to be a free subiect holding of the soueraigntie of an other wherin they adde this word Free to distinguish him from slaues and strangers But generally we may say that whosoeuer may beare offices or magistracie in what forme of gouernment so euer is reputed taken for a citizen and such are all the naturall Frenchmen in this monarchie amongst whom there is not one how base soeuer he be that may not be made noble by vertue or that may not by skill and integritie of life attaine to the greatest estates of iustice of treasurie and of other publike charges This is not seen in all common-wealths For in the Seignorie of Venice it seemeth that none are truely citizens but the lordes and nobles who onely enioy the office of magistracie and may enter into the great councell after they haue attained the age of fiue and twentie yeeres As for the people they intermeddle not with any matter of gouernment this only excepted that they may be Secretaries and Chancellors as Contarenus reporteth The citie of Rome hauing many times sundry gouernments the appellation of a citizen was likewise diuers therein For as long as the first kings rules the common people were altogither excluded from publike honors offices But after when the regall power was changed into the gouernment of a certaine number of men chosen by suffrages and common voyces the people were admitted to magistracies and to the managing of affairs being present at the publike assemblie had in Mars his field which was distributed by tribes wardes companies and centuries to deliberate of the common estate to create magistrates and to decree new lawes where he was reputed for a citizen in deed that was a free man that had both house and tribe and possibilitie to attaine to honor enioying besides many other priuiledges and prerogatiues But when the soueraigntie came into the emperors hands those assemblies continued onely vnder Iulius and Octautus and after were abrogated by Tyberius and translated to the Senate and to the absolute power of the prince taking away al authoritie frō the people in publike matters Now to returne to our former assertion we say that all they are citizens to whom the gate that leadeth to the gouernment of the citie lieth open I mean the whole company of them that liue vnder the same lawes and soueraigne magistrates Such are all the subiects and naturall vassals of our king of whom the people and the nobilitie are the two orders or estates and of them is the estate of the church compounded which maketh one part of the common-wealth of France This self-same distinction of citizens is obserued almost throughout all Europe But besides this general diuisiō there are some more special in many common-welths as at Venice into the Gentlemen Burgesses Common people at Florence before it was brought in subiectiō to a Prince there were the greater sort the middle sort the vulgar or common sort of people And our ancient Gaules had the Druides the Horsemen the inferior people In Egypt were the Priests the Souldiors the Artificers And although Plato labored to make all the citizens of his common-welth equal in rights prerogatiues yet he diuided them into three estates into Gardes Souldiers and Labourers Whereupon we must necessarilie inferre this conclusion that there neuer was nor can be Common-wealth wherein the citizens were equall in all rights and prerogatiues but that some had more or lesse than others and yet so that wise Politikes haue carefully prouided that the meanest should haue no cause to complaine of their estate Moreouer the conueniencie and proportionable agreement of our French estates hath been the cause why this kingdome vntill this our infortunate age hath continued prospered so long amongst other kingdoms both of auncient and late times namely when Goodes Honours and publike charges were ordinarily distributed according to the condition of euery estate and their rightes and priuiledges preserued especially when it was carefully prouided that one estate should not grow too great aboue the other I meane that the nobilitie should not keep the people too much vnder and bring them to a
desperate estate and that the people through their traffike offices of iudgements and receipts for the prince which they exercised and benefices which they enioyed should not excessiuely enrich themselues to the preiudice of the nobilitie nor get into their hands the lands of the nobles who being impouerished could not sustain the charges of warre nor serue the king in his armies But the neglect of this foresight the great inequalitie of riches among the estates that one part which was woont to be poorest being now become richer than both the other two is the cause of great wounds in the body of this monarchie The poore people being oppressed by both the other estates is fallen vnder the burthen like to Aesops asse And the horse that would cary nothing I mean the nobilitie clergie are constrained some to beare their tenths extraordinary subsidies others to ●ell their liuing to go to war at their own charges But these things deserue a long discourse by it self may hereafter be touched more fitly thā at this time Let vs then generally consider of our proposition namely of the duty of al those subiects which liue vnder one estate and policy First it is necessary that they should haue the estate of the magistrate in great estimation acknowledging it to be a commissiō charge giuen by God therfore they must honor reuerēce him as one that representeth vnto them the heauenly empire ouer al creatures For as God hath placed the Sun in the heauēs as an image of his diuine nature which lightneth heateth quickneth norisheth al things created for mās vse either in heauē or earth so the soueraign magistrate is the like representatiō light in a city or kingdō especially so long as the feare of God obseruatiō of iustice are imprinted in his hart Some are obediēt enough to their magistrates would not but that there should be some superior vnto whom they might be subiect bicause they know it to be expedient for common benefit yet they haue no other opinion of a magistrate but that he is a necessary euil for mankind But when we know that we are commāded to honor the king to feare God and the king which we finde often in the scripture we must vnderstand that this word to honour comprehendeth vnder it a good opinion and estimation which we must haue of the soueraigne magistrate and that the ioining of the king with God must cause vs to attribute great dignitie and reuerence vnto him in respect of that power which is giuen him from his maiestie Likewise when it is said that we must be subiect to the higher powers not bicause of wrath onely but also for conscience sake it is to honour them with an excellent title and to binde vs to obey them for the feare of God and as we wil obey his ordinance bicause their power dependeth of him Of this honour and reuerence it followeth that we must submit our selues vnto them in all obedience whether it be in yeelding to their ordinances or hestes in the paiment of impostes and subsidies or in receiuing such publike charges as it shall please them to commit vnto vs. Briefly euery subiect is bound to serue his prince with goods and life which is the personall seruice of a naturall subiect not as a hireling that serues at will whereas the other seruice is necessarie Leteuery soule saith S. Paul be subiect to the higher powers For whosoeuer resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God He writeth also to Titus in this maner Put them in remembraunce that they be subiect to the principalities and powers and that they be obedient and ready to euery good worke Submit your selues saith S. Peter vnto all maner ordinance of man for the Lordes sake whether it be vnto the king as vnto the superiour or vnto gouernours as vnto them that are sent of him for the punishment of euil doers and for the prayse of thē that do well Moreouer to the end that subiects should testifie that they obey not dissemblingly but of a free and willing mind S. Paul addeth that they must by prayers to God recommend their preseruation and prosperitie vnder whom they liue I exhort saith he that first of all supplications prayers intercessions and giuing of thanks be made for all men for kings and for all that are in authoritie that we may lead a quiet and a peaceable life in all godlines and honestie Neither let any man deceiue himself herein For seeing no mā can resist magistrates without resisting God howsoeuer some may think that a weak powerles magistrate may be cōtemned without punishment yet God is strong mighty to reuenge the contempt of his ordinance Besides vnder this obedience is contained that moderatiō which al priuate persons ought to obserue in publike affairs namely that they must not of their own motiō intermeddle in the gouernment or reformation of them nor take vpon them rashly any part of the magistrates office nor to attempt any publike thing If there be any fault in the common policie that needeth amendment they must not therfore stir at al therin nor take to thēselues authoritie to redres it or once to put too their helping hands which in that respect are as it were bound behind thē But they are to shew it to the superior who only hath his hand vnbound to dispose order publike matters if he then command them to deal therin they may put it in executiō as being furnished with publike authoritie For as we vse to call the counsailors of a prince his eies eares bicause they must be vigilant for him so we may also cal those mē his hands whom he hath appointed to execute such things as are to be don And to these we owe honor obedience seeing the force of the laws consisteth in their cōmandement These are the magistrates officers established by the soueraigne armed with power to cōpel the subiects to obey his laws or els to punish thē Wherby we see two kinds of cōmanding with publike power the one in chief which is absolute indefinite aboue the laws aboue magistrates and priuate men the other is lawful subiect to the lawes to the soueraigne which power properly belongeth to them that haue extraordinary power to command as long as their commission lasteth The soueraign prince acknowledgeth after God none greater thā himself the magistrate holdeth his power after God of the soueraign prince and is always subiect to him to his laws Priuate men acknowledge after God who must alwaies be first their soueraign prince his lawes his magistrates euery one in his place of iurisdiction They are bound to obey them euen then which is repeated in many laws when they cōmand any thing cōtrary to publike profit or against ciuil iustice so that it be not against
kings in old time which kind of rule was at the first bestowed vpon most inst men And it hath greatly profited our common-wealth that from the beginning therof it hath been ruled by a kingly gouernment The first name of Empire and rule knowne in the earth saith Salust was the royall Estate but then men liued without couetousnes euery one being content with his own From the beginning as Trogus Pompeius writeth of countries and nations the gouernment was in the hands of kings who were not lift vp to that high degree of maies●ie by popular ambition but for their modestie which was knowne approoued of good men Then the people were not kept in awe by any lawes but the pleasure will of Princes stood for all lawes They were more giuen to keepe the frontiers of their Empire than to inlarge them Kingdomes were bounded by his countrie that raigned therein Ninus king of the Assyrians whome the Scripture calleth Nimrod that is a rebell and a mightie hunter was the first that changed the ancient custome of the nations through greedie desire of ruling and that beganne to warre vpon his neighbours For finding that the people knew not as yet how to resist he subdued them al from his kingdome to the end of Lybia Almost all the ancient nations of greatest renowne liued vnder the royall gouernment as the Scythians Ethiopians Indians Assyrians Medes Egyptians Bactrians Armenians Macedonians Iewes and Romanes after they were wearie of other gouernements Those also that are moste famous at this daie liue after the same sort as the Frenchmen Spaniards Englishmen Polonians Danes Moscouites Tartares Turkes Abissines Moores Agiamesques Zagathians Cathains Yea the sauage people newly discouered are in a manner all vnder kings And they that liue in other kinds of Common-wealths as the Venetians do retaine an outward shewe of a king whome they call a Duke who is electiue and to continue his estate as long as he liueth In other places they haue Gonfalonners as at Lucques the like whereof they were woont to haue at Florence and at Sienna In some places they haue Aduoyers or Bourg-maisters as in the Cantons of Switzerland and in the free townes of Germany which acknowledge an Emperour Vpon which name we will note by the way that it importeth no more than the name of a king although amongst the Lawyers and others there haue beene infinite questions as touching the authoritie and preheminence of both namely that the Emperours haue vsurped ouer other kings vntill this present albeit the power and maiestie of the Empire is greatly diminished so that nothing else remaineth in a manner but the name and shadow of it within Germany As for this title of Emperor which the Romane Monarks tooke to themselues before vsed to call their Generals in warre by that name it was vpon this occasion taken vp After they had depriued Tarquine of the kingdome of Rome by reason of his pride and insolencie this name of king became so odious amongst the Romanes that it was forbidden to be vsed by an edict and solemn oath Whervpon when their popular Estate was changed into a Monarchie they would not call their Monarch by the name of King by reason of their ancient oath but called him Emperour as Appian writeth But to continue the discourse of our principall matter and to answer briefly to the reasons alleadged against a Monarchye we haue first to note that the most part of the dangers mentioned do cease where the Monarchy goeth by succession as it doth in ours For there is no cause of feare in regard of any that might aspire to the Crowne or of the treaties and alliances which are not broken by the Prince his death but renued and confirmed by his successor and heire vnles before they were greatly preiudiciall to the Estate That new Princes seeke after nouelties it may be said of some but it is much more vsuall in Aristocraticall and Popular Estates For Magistrates that are renued so often would be very sorowfull that their yeere should run out before they had done something that might cause men to speake either good or euill of them As for the troubles about the gouernment of a yoong king peraduenture it falleth not out once in a hundreth yeeres whereas if a Gonfalonner of Genes be chosen but onely for two yeeres the Common-wealth will be all on fire To put into the ballance the cruelties and robberies of a tyrant whereby to counterpeaze many good Princes there is no shew of reason in so dooing For we know well enough that a peaceable Aristocratie wisely guided if it may be so is better than a cruell tyrannie But the chiefe matter subiect of our discourse is to knowe whether it be not better to haue one iust and perfect king than many good Lords and by the contrary argument whether the tyrannie of 50. tyrants is not more perillous than of one only tyrant Now if many Maisters Pilots how wise soeuer they are hinder one another when euery one desireth to hold the Rudder then surely many Lords wil do the like when they seeke al togither to gouerne the Common-wealth albeit they are wise and vertuous And truly no Aristocratical or Popular Estate can be named that hath lasted aboue 600. yeeres togither and few haue endured so long but many Monarchies haue continued 1000. and 1200. yeeres in the same estate Moreouer they are agreeable to the vpright lawes of nature which as we haue before discoursed do al lead vs to a Monarchy But there is more to be considered of in our French kingdome which ought to mooue all French harts very much to desire the preseruation therof and to thinke themselues happy that they may liue vnder it I meane that which we touched in the beginning of our speech namely the agreement participation which it hath with all good policies Many Politicks haue giuen this out that no Common-wealth instituted to continue long ought to be simple or of one only kind but that the vertues properties of the other Estates must meete togither in it to the end that nothing grow out of proportion which might cause it to degenerate to the next euill and so consequently ouerthrow it This was first obserued by Lycurgus who in ordaining the Lacedemonian Common-wealth mingled the Senate with the Kings after the Ephories were established aboue the Kings insomuch that they were mingled and weighed so equally togither that a man could not wel discerne vnder what kind of gouernment it was erected The Carthaginian cōmonwealth also most florishing for a long time was so instituted in the beginning thereof It had kings the Aristocratical power of Senators the common people who had their preheminence in things belonging vnto them The Romane Common-wealth during the time of hir greatest glorie had these 3. parts so equally proportionably tempered that a man could not tell whether it
were altogither Aristocratical or Democratical or Monarchicall In looking to the power of the Consuls a man would haue iudged it Monarchical Roial to the Senators Aristocratical to the Tribunes common sort Democratical The Venetians in their Cōmonwealth represent al these estates Their great Councel hauing soueraign power wherof the Senat the authority of al their Magistrats dependeth doth represent the Popular estate The Duke who is President as long as he liueth representeth the roial power bicause he especially retaineth the grauity dignity therof And the Colledge of ten men with the Colledge of ancients commonly called Sages representeth the Aristocraty as Contarenus writeth As for our French Monarchy it may wel be said also to be partaker of all 3. in regard of the gouernment therof albeit in truth the estate therof is a simple pure Monarchy For the king is the Monarch beloued obeied reuerenced who although he haue all power soueraigne authority to cōmand to do what he will yet this great soueraigne liberty seemeth in some sort to be ruled limited by good lawes ordinances and by the multitude great authority of Officers Counsellors who are aswell neere his person as in sundry places of his kingdom The 12. Peeres the secret priuy councels the Parliament great Councel the Chambers of accounts the Treasorers Generals of charges resemble in some sort the Aristocraty The States yeerely helde in the Prouinces the Mairalties of townes Shreeualties Consulships Capitolats Church-wardens are as it were the forme of a Democraty as Siessel declareth more at large Moreouer the general Estates of the Realme which are woont to be gathered togither to deliberate the king being President of all matters concerning the Estate doe they not sufficiently testifie the happie order therof drawing neere to the gouernment of a good Oeconomist when the king as Aristotle saith commandeth in his kingdome as a good father of a familie ruleth ouer his children with loue and according to right and iustice Wherefore although all the authoritie of Officers Counsellors Parliaments and Estates dependeth as riuers of a fountaine of the onely power of their king and Prince yet of his fatherly and royall goodnes he granteth them such authoritie that hardly could he do any thing that were very violent or too preiudiciall to his subiects And if some such actions may be noted they come rather through the fault of his Counsellors than from his Maiesty Thus let vs conclude with Plato that the royall gouernment and authority ought to be preferred before all others policies as that which draweth neerest to the diuinitie But it must haue a Senate of good men ioined vnto it after the forme of an Aristocratie as our kings haue alwaies vsed to haue of their natural benignitie which maketh them inclinable to all exercises of vertue pietie and iustice Of diuers kinds of Monarchies and of a Tyranny Chap. 58. ACHITOB THe varietie of manners and inclinations to diuers things which is we see particularly in euery one from his birth and generally throughout all nations of the world disposeth without doubt the people as they growe in age and iudgement and according to their bringing vp to like one kind of gouernment rather than another But Frenchmen haue euen to these last times caried away the praise of a more naturall and constant disposition loue obedience and fidelitie towards the maiestie of a king than other nations euer shewed to their forme of estate and gouernment For amongst them all there is not one nation to be found that hath so constantly continued in their lawes and ancient customes without any alteration and change as this flourishing Monarchie which hath also gone beyond them all in goodnes and mildnes of gouernment as we may see better my Companions if we compare with it those sundry sorts of Monarchies which haue been heretofore and doe at this day flourish of which many come as neere to a tyrannie as ours is farre distant from it And to make a tyrannie appeere more odious we will consider the pernitious and miserable estate thereof ASER. As it properly belongeth to a royall estate to gouerne and to rule subiects not according to the sensuall appetite and disordered will of the Prince but by maturitie of counsell and by obseruation of lawes and of iustice so it agreeth with a tyrant to raigne by his absolute will without all regard either of lawes or of the precepts of iustice AMANA A tyrant saith Seneca differeth from a king in effect not in name The one seeketh his owne profite onely and the other the profite of the Common-wealth Now let vs heare ARAM who will teach vs to discerne them well by their works ARAM. Amongst all the Monarchies that euer were or are at this daye among men most of the ancient authors and great Politicks haue noted out fiue sundric sortes of which I purpose heere to discourse particularly with briefe examples that the excellencie of ours may the better appeere ouer others especially ouer those that decline much vnto tyrannye whose shame and infamie I will heere display The first and most ancient kind of Monarchy was that which was voluntarily offered by the people for some heroicall vertue appeering in those men whom they iudged worthie to gouerne them iustly and vprightly And when they continued in this sort to declare themselues benefactors of the multitude in gathering them togither in giuing vnto them territories and in distributing lands among them in finding out of arts in making of warre and in the administration of iustice vnto them their authoritie and power did lawfully descend to their successors who had soueraigne power in time of warre and were chiefe in certain solemn ceremonies of their sacrifices Herodotus Demosthenes Aristotle Cicero and many others make mention of this kind of Monarchy After the floud when the number of men increased Noah perswaded his children and others of his posteritie to disperse themselues in diuers countries to till the ground and to build townes and to this ende he assigned to euery one his Prouince by lot Nimrod the sonne of Cush whose grandfather Noah was abode with his men in the land of the Chaldeans and was their first king and the first king of Babylon He was the first that beganne to extend his bounds by force vpon his neighbours sending whole companies of people into many and diuers countries to laye the foundations of other kingdomes as histories doe giue vs certaine knowledge thereof This is the cause why many establish the first Monarchy in Assyria vnder him We read also in good authors that the first and ancient kings of Egypt kept themselues a long time in this heroical vertue which had procured vnto them their dignitie They liued not disorderedly as those doe who bicause of their dominion iudge their owne will to be a iust lawe for them but they followed
the constitutions of lawes aswell in the gathering of their duties and tributes as in their manner of life They vsed the seruice of Noble mens and of Princes children onely who were of the age of twentie yeeres and were instructed in all sciences The reason whereof was that the king being pricked forward with the sight of thē that were about him might beware how he committed any thing woorthie of reproch And truly there is nothing that corrupteth Princes so much as vitious seruants who seeke to please their sensuall desires and affections When the king arose in the morning he was bound first to take and receiue all the letters and requests that were brought vnto him that answering necessarie matters first all his affaires might be guided by order and reason Then he went to the Temple to offer sacrifice to the gods where the Prelate and chiefe Priest after the sacrifice and praiers were ended rehearsed with a loud voice in the presence of the people what vertues were in the king what reuerence and religion towardes the gods was in him and what clemencie and humanitie towards men Moreouer he told that he was continent iust noble-minded true liberall one that brideled his desires and punished malefactors with a more mild and light punishment than the greatnes of their sinne and offence required rewarding also his subiects with graces gifts that were greater than their deserts This done he exhorted the king to a happie life agreeable to the gods and likewise to good manners by following after honor and vertue and therewithall propounded vnto him certaine examples of the excellent deedes of ancient kings thereby to prouoke him the rather therunto These kings liued with simple meates as with veale birds for all dishes they kept very exactly all the lawes and ordinances of their countrie in euery point of their life which was no lesse directed euen in the least things than the simplest of their subiects And truly so long as the kings of Egypt were such zealous obseruers of their lawes and of iustice raigned peaceably among their subiects they brought many strang nations into their subiection gathered togither infinite riches whereby they adorned their countrie with great buildings and sumptuous works and decked their townes with many gifts and benefits The Barbarian kingdomes were the second kinde of Monarchy namely the ancient Monarchies of the Assyrians Medes and Persians whose Princes vsurped Lordlie rule ouer their goods and persons and gouerned their subiects as a father of a familie doth his slaues Which kind of gouernment sauoureth more of a tyrannie than of a kingdome besides it is directly against the law of nature which keepeth euery one in his libertie and in the possession of his owne goods Notwithstanding when by the law of Arms and of iust warre a Prince is made Lord ouer any people they properly belong to him that conquereth and they that are ouercome are made his slaues by the ancient consent of all nations and this maketh the difference betweene the Lord-like Monarchy and a tyrannic which abuseth free subiects as slaues Of this second kinde of Monarchy was the kingdome of Persia as Plato writeth vnder Cambyses Xerxes and other kings vntill the last Darius For vsurping more absolute authoritie to rule than was conuenient they began to contemne their Vassals and to account of them as of slaues and putting no more confidence in them they intertained into their seruice mercenarie souldiors and strangers whereby they made their owne subiects vnfit for warre and so in the end lost their estate when it seemed to haue attained to the top of worldlie prosperitie Such is the estate of the Turke at this day wherein he is sole Lord commanding ouer his subiects in rigorous manner aswell ouer the Musulmans as Christians and Iewes He vseth in his principall affaires which concerne peace and warre and matters of gouernment the seruice of runnagate slaues whom he placeth in authoritie changeth or deposeth as he thinks good without peril and enuie yea he strangleth them vpon the least suspition or dislike conceiued of them not sparing his owne children and others of his blood if they anger him So did Sultan Solyman deale with Hibrahim Bascha who was almost of equall authoritie with him insomuch that he was there called the Seignour king of the Ianitzaries the Bascha and king of the men of Armes Neuertheles in one night wherin he made him stay sup with him lie in his owne chamber he caused him to be slaine and his bodie to be cast into the sea The morrow after he seazed vpon his goods as confiscate and caried them away and yet no man euer knewe the cause of his death except it were this that he was growne too great and consequently suspected of his maister who was a Tyrant rather than a King Likewise he keepeth in his hands all the Lordships of his kingdome which he distributeth to men of warre who are charged to maintaine a certaine number of men of Armes and of horses according to the rate of their reuenew and when it pleaseth him he taketh them away againe Neither is there any man in all the countries vnder his obedience that possesseth Townes Castles and Villages or dwelleth in strong houses or that dare build higher than one storie or than a Dooue-house The great Knes or Duke of Moscouia exceedeth for seueritie and rigour of commanding all the Monarchs in the world hauing obtained such authoritie ouer his subiects both Ecclesiasticall and secular that he may dispose of their goods and liues at his pleasure so that none dare gainesay him in any thing They confesse publikely that the will of their prince is the will of God and that whatsoeuer he doth is done by the will of God The king of Ethiopia is also a Lordlike Monarch hauing as Paulus Iouius affirmeth 50. kings no lesse subiect vnto him than slaues And Frauncis Aluarez writeth that he hath seene the great Chancellour of that countrie scourged starke naked with other Lords as the very slaues of the prince wherein they thinke themselues greatly honoured The Emperour Charles the fift hauing brought vnder his obedience the kingdome of Peru made himselfe soueraigne Lord thereof in regard of goods which the subiects haue not but as they farme them or for terme of life at the most The third kind of Monarchy whereof the Ancients made mention was that of Lacedemonia wherein the king had not absolute power but in time of warre out of the countrie and a certaine preheminence ouer the sacrifices We made mention of their gouernment before The first kings in Rome were sacrificers also and afterward the emperors called themselues Pontifices that is chiefe bishops and those of Constantinople were consecrated as our kings of Frāce are In like maner the Caliphaes of the Sarasins were kings and chiefe bishops in their religion the
one in Bagdet the other in Cayre The king of Calecuth is chiefe of his religion and for this cause goeth before the other kings of India in dignitie and is called Samory that is to say God on earth The Pope commandeth ouer the temporalties of the church called S. Peters patrimonie as king and is reast of the latin christian churches as head of the religion I meane in those places of those persons where he is so taken and acknowledged The king of England certaine yeeres past tooke vpon him the title of king and supreme gouernor of the Church The fourth kind of monarchie is electiue not hereditarie in some places for terme of life as the empire of Almaigne the kingdom of Polonia of Bohemia and of Hungaria in other places for a certaine time as was the Dictatorship at Rome These estates are not commonly so sure and durable as those that are hereditarie bicause of the practises forestalling of voyces which are for the most part vsed wherupon seditions arise to the great detriment of those kingdomes For the prince being dead the estate remaineth in a pure Anarchie without king without lord without gouernment in danger of ruine like to a ship without a Pilote which is ready to be cast away with the first wind that bloweth Also a gate is set open to theeues and murderers who kill and slay at their pleasure vpon hope of impunitie as it is commonly to be seene as histories rehearse after the death of the kings of Thunes of the Souldans of Egypt and of the Popes of Rome where the seat being vacant the first thing that is commonly done is the breaking open of prisons the killing of iailers the letting out of guiltie persons and the reuenging of iniuries by all possible meanes and this continueth vntil the colledge of cardinals haue agreed vpon a successor And in deed in the yeere 1522. two were executed against whom it was prooued that at sundry tumults mooued at this election they had slaine an hundreth and sixteene men As touching the Empire of Almaigne their histories are full of impouerishmentes fallen vpon them through the election of their Emperours as well by ciuill warres as by murders and poisonings So that within three hundreth and three-score yeeres since the Empire fell vnder the election of seuen princes eight or nine Emperours haue been slaine or poisoned besides those that haue been shamefully thrust out of their imperiall seate Ecclesiasticall persones also haue not wanted ciuill warres about their elections wherein no such prouision could be made but that two and twentie Popes were cut off and many thrust out of their seate as may be seen in the Registers of the Vatican Nowe we must note further that among the electiue estates euery election is either of such persones as the Electours like of as in Germanie they doe not onely chuse for emperoures the princes of Almaigne out of diuers families but sometime straungers haue been chosen as Alphonsus king of Spaine and Richard Duke of Cornewall and brother to king Henry the third or else it is out of certaine inferiour estates as the Pope out of the Colledge of Cardinals and not long since the Souldan of Cayre out of the Mammeluckes vnto which degree of honour none could ascend except before he had been a slaue and a runnagate Christian so that afterward he commaunded absolutely in Egypt and Soria This estate hauing continued about three hundreth yeeres was not long since quite ouerthrowen by Sultan Selym king of the Turkes who tooke the last Souldane and caused him to bee caried vpon an olde Cammell all a-long Cayre and then to be hanged vpon one of the gates of that Citie The great master of Malta is chosen by the chiefe Priors of his religion as that also of Prussia was before the agreement made with the king of Polonia by which composition his estate was turned into a Duchie subiect to the crowne of Poland and of electiue made hereditarie The fift kinde of Monarchie is hereditarie and is properly called royall and lawfull whether the king come to the estate by right of succession as Thucidides writeth of the auncient kings or whether the kingdome be giuen by vertue of the lawe without regard had to daughters or to males descending of them as it is in this kingdome by the Salicke lawe or whether it bee giuen as a meere gift as the kingdomes of Naples and Sicill were giuen to Charles of Fraunce and since giuen agayne to Lewes of France first Duke of Aniow whether it bee left by will as the kinges of Thunis Fez and Marocke vsed to doe and as it was practised also by Henry the eight king of England who left his kingdome to his sonne Edward appointing Mary after him and after hir Elizabeth or by what other meanes so euer the Prince becommeth lord of the estate his monarchie is alwayes royall and lawfull if he in like maner bee obedient to the lawes of nature as he desireth that his subiectes should bee towards him leauyng to euery one his naturall libertie and proprietie of his goodes and looking to the profite and commoditie of the Common-wealth This kingly gouernment Aristotle compareth to Oeconomie For although a father of a familie gouerne his house after his pleasure yet he respecteth the commoditie of his familie Vnder this happie fourme of gouernement beyng the best of all wee may boast that wee liue in Fraunce through the goodnesse of our kinges who neyther ordaine nor put any thing in execution but by mature deliberation and counsaile which they take with the princes of their bloud and with other notable and graue persones whome they call neere vnto them as though their soueraigne power were ruled and moderated For first the king commaundeth nothing that taketh effect if it bee not signed by his Secretaries and sealed with his great seale that is to saye seene and approoued by the Chauncellour who is a seuere Controuler of all matters that passe All the kinges letters must alwayes of necessitie bee approoued by the iudges to whom they are directed and examined not only whether they were obtained by priuie insinuation or fraudulent dealing but also whether they be lawful or vnlawfull Yea in criminall matters the re-inabling of such as before were not capable of offices or dignities writs of repeale from banishment pardons remissions are skanned with such rigor by them that the procurers of such letters are compelled to deliuer them bare-headed and kneeling and to offer themselues prisoners of what estate soeuer they be in so much that oftentimes men are condemned and executed with their pardons about them As for the giftes and expences of the king whether they be ordinarie or extraordinarie the chamber of accounts examineth them narowly and many times cutteth off such as haue no good ground by reason that the officers are sworne to let nothing
passe to the detriment of the realm notwithstanding any letters of commandement whatsoeuer Among other things the king may not alienate his crowne reuenues without some cause knowen to the sayd officers of accounts and to the parliaments And which is more publike treaties with neighbour states edicts and decrees haue no authoritie before they are published in the high courts By which moderation his power is not lessened but made surer more durable and lesse burthensome to his subiects being wholy separated from tiranny which is hated of God and men as we may haue further knowledge by discoursing thereof particularly So that ouer and besides those fiue kindes of monarchies mentioned of vs tiranny may be put for the sixt which we may call that wherein the monarch treading vnder foote the lawes of nature abuseth the libertie of free subiects as if they were slaues and other mens goods as his owne Among the auncients the name of tyrant was honourable and signified nothing else being a Greeke worde but a prince that had gotten the gouernment of the estate with out the consent of his subiects and of a companion had made himselfe a master whether he were a wise and iust prince or cruel and vniust And in deed most of them became wicked to make sure their estate life goods knowing that they were fallen into many mens hatred bicause they had inuaded the soueraigntie In this respect therfore was this dominion rule called tyrannical bicause it gouerned in lord-like maner without right ouer free men compelled and forced to obey But generally we may call that a tirannie when the prince accounteth all his will as a iust law and hath no care either of pietie iustice or faith but doth all things for his owne priuate profite reuenge or pleasure And as a good king conformeth himselfe to the lawes of God and nature so a tyrant treadeth them vnder foote the one striueth to enriche his subiects the other to destroy them the one taketh reuenge of publike iniuries and pardoneth his owne the other cruelly reuengeth iniuries done to himselfe and forgiueth those that are offered to others the one spareth the honour of chaste women the other triumpheth in their shame the one taketh pleasure to be freely admonished and wisely reprooued when he hath done amisse the other misliketh nothing so much as a graue free and vertuous man the one maketh great account of the loue of his people the other of their feare the one is neuer in feare but for his subiects the other standeth in awe of none more than of them the one burtheneth his as little as may be and then vpon publike necessitie the other suppeth vp their bloud gnaweth their bones and sucketh the marrow of his subiectes to satisfie his desires the one giueth estates and offices to meete with briberie and oppression of the people the other selleth them as deare as may bee and careth not for the oppression of his subiectes the one in time of warre hath no recourse but to his subiects the other warreth against none but them the one hath no garde or garrison but of his owne people the other none but of straungers the one reioyceth in assured rest the other languisheth in perpetuall feare the one is honoured in his life tyme and longed for after his death the other is defamed in his lyfe and rent in pieces after his death Examples hereof are in euery mans sight And therefore Diogenes the Sinopian meeting one day in the citie of Corinth with Dionysius the younger tyraunt of Syracusa who was then brought into the estate of a priuate man banished from his countrey and fallen from his dignitie spake thus vnto him Truely Dionysius thou art nowe in an estate vnwoorthie of thee The tyraunt standing still withall made him this answere I like thee well Diogenes bicause thou hast compassion of my miserable fortune What replied the Philosopher doest thou thinke that I pitie thee I am rather grieued to see such a slaue as thou who deseruest to growe olde and to die in that cursed estate of a tyraunt as thy father did to take thy pleasure in suche safetie and to passe away thy tyme freely amongst vs without feare And to say truth tirannie is suche a miserable condition that euen they that practise it and glorie therein are constrained manie tymes to confesse with their owne mouth that no kinde of life is so wretched as theirs This selfe tyrant Dionysius when hee was in the greatest glorye of his estate declared as much to Democles one of his familiar friendes who had sayd that he was most happie Wilt thou quoth Dionysius to him enjoy my felicitie but for one day onely Whereunto when Democles agreed hee caused him to be serued at the table as himselfe was woont to be with all the magnificence that could be deuised hanging in the meane while a sworde right ouer his head which was tied to the roofe aloft onely by one haire of a horse taile When Democles perceiued that he was well contented to make a short dinner and to passe away the rest of the day in his former estate Loe quoth the tyraunt then vnto him how happie our life is which with all our armed garde hangeth but by a little threed Moreouer the raigne of tyraunts beyng without measure and reason and guided onely by violence cannot be of any long continuaunce This is that which Thales the wise man sayde that there was nothing so straunge or rare as an olde tyrant And albeit they liue miserablie in perpetuall distrust of euery one yea of their neerest kindred yet their ende is more wretched For there were fewe of them that died not a cruell and extraordinarie death most of them being slayne and murdered and others persecuted with straunge griefes died like mad and desperate men through the remembraunce of their corrupt life and of the cruelties which they had committed In auncient time tyrannie was so detestable that euen scholers and women sought to winne the reward of honour by killing tyraunts as Aristotle the Logitian did who slew a tyraunt of Sycionia and as Thebe who killed hir husband Alexander tyrannt of the Phereans Thirtie tyraunts were slayne in one day in the Citie of Athens by Theramenes Thrasibulus and Archippus who had but three-score and tenne men to execute that enterprise Leander tyraunt of Cyrena was taken aliue and being sewed into a leather bagge was cast into the sea Aristodemus tyraunt of Cumes tooke Xenocrita by force beyng a wealthie citizens daughter whome he had banished and keeping hir with him as his wife shee stirred vp Thymoteles and others to recouer the libertie of their countrey who beyng safelie let into the tyrants chamber by hir slew Aristodemus Besids the auncientes had appoynted great rewardes and recompences for the murderers of tyrauntes namelie titles of Nobilitie of Prowesse of Chiualrie images and honourable titles to bee shorte the goodes
authoritie yet he is of one and the same kind with them a man commanding men and free ouer those that are free not ouer beasts or slaues as Aristotle saith very well And if he would haue that excellent title which we giue to God the Prince of all men calling him Our father he must procure it not by threatnings and feare but by good deedes by meekenes and humanitie which will stand him in steede of a sure Gard to preserue his estate For the loue and loialtie of his subiects will greatly encrease thereby of which the assurance of Monarchies dependeth When the nobilitie and common-people vse to feare not him but for his sake that commandeth them then he seeth with many eies heareth with many eares and perceiueth a farre off whatsoeuer is done Let the Prince haue this saying of Plutarke alwaies engrauen in his soule That nothing heere below pleaseth God more or draweth neerer to his diuine nature than to rule well in all iustice and equitie which is the chiefest charge of his vocation and that vnto which he is straightly bound in respect of his subiects For as the subiect oweth obedience aide and reuerence to his Lord so the Prince oweth iustice defence and protection to his subiects When a Prince sheweth himselfe vpright indifferent and true of his word to all it is the greatest felicitie that can happen to a Common-wealth and that which crowneth the Monarch thereof with greater glorie and honour And truly a Prince ought to be more carefull to obtaine that praise and reputation which proceedeth of goodnes and vertue than that which commeth of strength and power For as the diuine nature vnto which kings must endeuour to conforme their woorks and actions excelleth all other essences and natures chiefly in three things that is in immortalitie power and goodnes so a Prince must striue to excell his subiects not so much in the immortalitie of his name or in power as in goodnes which vertue is certainly much more venerable and draweth neerest to the diuinitie For to be incorruptible and immortall the fower Elements and the whole frame are indued with that qualitie as naturall Philosophers maintaine And as for strength and power earthquakes lightnings tempestuous whirlewinds flouds and inundations of waters are full of force and might but nothing is partaker of iustice vprightnes and equitie except it be diuine and that by the meanes of reason and vnderstanding So that as the same Plutark saith we only are capeable of that Good of vertue that commeth from God To be short let the Prince be diligently taught whilest he is yoong and labour to knowe how he may adorne his name with works answerable to those excellent Epithits and titles wherewith Iulius Pollux who was gouernour to the Emperour Commodus in his yoong yeeres setteth foorth a good king He calleth him Father gentle acceptable mercifull prudent iust curteouus noble-minded free a contemner of monie not subiect to passions but commanding ouer himselfe one that ouercommeth pleasures and vseth reason quicke of iudgement sharpe prouident good in counselling iust sober godly and full of good religion carefull ouer the welfare of men constant firme no deceiuer minding great things decked with authoritie industrious a quicke dispatcher of affaires carefull ouer those whome he commandeth a Sauiour ready to do good slow to reuenge alwaies one and the same without turning aside inclining greatly to iustice easie to haue accesse vnto curteous in speech gentle to them that haue to deale with him plaine a louer of vertuous and valiant men who neuertheles are not desirous of warre a louer of peace a peace-maker a precise obseruer thereof borne to correct the manners of people skilfull in discharging the dutie of a king and Prince hauing knowledge to make good lawes borne to profit euery one and of a diuine forme A Prince of noble birth shall feele himselfe greatly prouoked to desire and seeke after these excellent gifts and graces through the consideration of examples propounded vnto him concerning the liues deeds of so many famous and woorthy men as are at this day after innumerable ages reuiued againe by meanes of histories And it cannot be but he will be greatly pricked forward to conforme himselfe vnto them thereby to giue like occasion to good wits to write singe and publish his praises What Prince will not burne with a iealous desire of vertue when he heareth that the onely fame thereof in the person of Scipio Africanus allured and rauished theeues and robbers with such an admiration that when they vnderstood that he was in a house far from any towne they did beset it round and as he stood in his defence to driue them away they threw downe their weapons assuring him that they came thither onely to see and to reuerence him as in deed they did What prince will not be possessed with ioy when he heareth that Menander king of the Bactrians was so beloued of his subiects for his iustice and vertue that after his death the cities were in great contention which of them should haue the honor of his buriall for the appeasing of ẇhich strife order was taken that each of them should make a tombe Who wil not be mooued with loue towards the goodnes of Traian Emperour of the Romanes when he heareth his Panegyricall Oration wherein Plinie after he had extolled him to heauen concludeth thus That the greatest happines which could come to the Empire was that the Gods tooke example by the life of Traian Who will not desire the honour that king Agesilaus receiued when he was fined by the Ephoryes bicause he had stolne away the harts and wonne the loue of all his Citizens to himselfe alone Who will not wish to haue the surname of Aristides the iust as diuine and royall a title as euer king could obtaine rather than as many vse to be called Conquerours Besiegers Thunderers Briefly vnto these examples oppose the reprehension and marke of perpetuall infamie which histories set vpon euill Princes and it cannot be but that a Prince well brought vp and exercised in the loue and studie of vertue will be very desirous to shew foorth the fruits and effects thereof especially if he be well instructed in the feare of God and knowledge of his dutie whereof he shall haue perfect vnderstanding in the law of God which he is commanded by the soueraigne king of all to haue with him to read in it all the daies of his life and to obey it to the end he may raigne happily in earth and finally in heauen Of the office and dutie of a King Chap. 60. AMANA AVgustus Caesar hearing some rehearse that Alexander the great after he had finished most of his conquests at two and thirtie yeeres of age said that he tooke great care to know what he should do afterward I woonder said this wise Monarch at the speech of that great
children of Fraunce or to prouide for the gouernement of the kingdome or for other matters The kinges sate amongst them and were Presidentes except at one assemblie wherein was debated the noblest cause that euer was namelie to whome the kingdome of Fraunce belonged after the death of Charles the faire whether to his cosin Phillip de Valois or to Edward king of England his brother in lawe King Phillip was not President not beyng at that time king and besides a partie No doubt but the people receiue great benefit by this assemblie of estates For this good commeth vnto them that they may drawe neere to the kings person to make their complaints vnto him to present him their requests and to obtaine remedie and necessary prouision for redresse Whereby we may easily iudge that many who haue written of the duetie of magistrates and such like treatises are greatly deceiued in maintaining this That the estates of the people are aboue the prince which laieth open a gappe to the rebellions of subiects against their soueraign so that this opinion can haue no reason or good ground to leane vpon For if this were true the commō-wealth would not be a kingdom or monarchy but a pure Aristocratie as we haue declared heretofore Yea what shew of reason is there to maintaine this error seeing euery one in particular al in general bowe their knees before the king vse humbly requests supplications which his maiestie receiueth or reiecteth as it seemeth best vnto him But in this case we except a king that is captiue beside himself or in his infancie For that which is thē decreed by the estates is authorized as from the soueraign power of the prince Moreouer we may see what great good commeth to the king by the assemblie of his estates in the first speech which master Michael de l' Hospital Chauncellor of France made at the last assemblie of estates at Orleans Where he confuteth at large their opinion that say that the king after a sort diminisheth his power by taking aduise and counsell of his subiects seeing he is not bound so to doe as also that he maketh himselfe too familiar with them which breedeth contempt and abaseth his roiall dignitie But we may aunswere them as Theopompus king of Sparta did his wife who obiected this vnto him by way of reproch that by bringing in the Ephories and minglyng their gouernement with his he would leaue his authoritie and power lesse to his children than hee receiued it from his predecessours Nay said this Prince vnto hir I will leaue it greater bicause it shall be more assured The Emperour Aurelius sayd as much to his mother bicause hee freely heard euery one Besides as we see that in any great perill of sea or fire kindled to the daunger of publike profite no mans seruice or succour is reiected how base soeuer his calling is so it cannot but be profitable for the Estate when it is threatned with ruine and the affaires therof are of greatest importance to receiue the counsell of all that haue interest therein laying the opinions in the balance rather than the persons from whom they come And hereby the soueraigne maiestie and prudence of a Prince is knowen when he hath both power and skill to waigh and to iudge of their aduice that giue him counsel and to conclude with the soundest not the greatest side But to go forward with that which remaineth let so many as haue this honour to be ordinarie counsellors to Princes remember the saying of Solon the wise That they are not called thither to please and to speake to their liking but to vtter the truth and to giue them good counsell for common safetie that they must bring with them for an assured and certaine foundation of their conference about state-affaires a good intent mooued with reason and iudgement to profite him not with passions or desires of vain-glory of couetousnesse of emulation of any other imperfection that leadeth them to their priuate profite that they must at the entrie of the councell chamber vnclothe themselues of fauour towardes some of hatred towardes others and of ambition in themselues and aime at no other marke than at the honour of God and safetie of the Common-wealth To this ende they must necessarilie be furnished with wisedome iustice and loyaltie As for skill and knowledge although it be requisite in counsellors of estate namely the knowledge of the lawes of histories and of the estate of Common-wealths yet sound iudgement integritie and prudence are much more necessarie Aboue all things they must hold nothing of other Princes and Seignories that may binde them to their seruice And yet now a dayes to receiue a pension of them is so common a matter but very pernitious in any estate that it is growen to a custome Agesilaus would not so much as receiue a letter which the king of Persia wrote vnto him but sayd to his messenger that if the king were friend to the Lacedemonians he need not write particularly to him bicause he would also remaine his friend but if he were their enimie neyther letter nor any thing else should make him for his part otherwise affected To bee short let counsellors of estate learne of Plutarch that it is necessarie for them to be free from all passions and affections bicause in giuing of counsell the mind hath most force towards that wherunto the will is most enclined As for feare danger or threatnings they must neuer stay them from doyng their duetie but let them constantly propound and maintaine that which they iudge to be good and profitable for the Common-wealth We read that the Thasiens making warre with great vehemencie against the Athenians published a decree that whosoeuer counselled or spake at any time of concluding a peace between them should die the death Within a while after one of the citizens considering what great hurt his countrey receiued by that warre came one day into the assembly of the people with a halter about his necke and cried with a loud voyce that he was come thither to deliuer the Common-wealth by his death that they should put him to death when they would and that for his part he gaue them counsell to abrogate that law and to make peace which was done and he pardoned Considius a Romane Senatour would neuer be from the Senate no not when Caesar ruled all by violence and did what pleased him and when none of the other Senatours came any more through feare of his force And when Caesar asked him how he durst be there alone to stand against him bicause quoth he my age taketh all feare from me For hauing from hence forward such a short time to liue in I am not greatly carefull to saue my life If kings did correct all those that giue them ill counsell as Solyman did one of his Bassaes who was his kinsman they would not so readily
but as soone as another stranger came they shewed what they were Heereuppon it came that Kinge Charles the eight easily ouer-ranne all Italy with chalke as we vse to speake that is to saye that without resistance he sent before to take vp his lodging bicause they that shoulde haue withstoode him and were called in to keepe the Countrie did of their owne accord take his parte But there is a further matter Strange hired Captaines either are excellent men or haue nothing in them If they be valiant the Prince is not to trust them For out of doubt they will seeke to make themselues great either by his ouerthrowe that is their Maister or by destroying others against his will And if the Captaines haue no valure in them he cannot hope for any thing but for the cause of his owne perdition Succour is moste hurtfull to an Estate when some Potentate is called in with his forces for aide and defence Those souldiours may well be good and profitable for themselues but are alwaies hurtfull to such as call them in For if a man loose the fielde he is ouer-throwne if he winne it he is their prisoner Such succour is a great deale more to bee feared than hired strength which obeieth the Prince that calleth them and requireth their helpe But when a man receiueth in an armie vnited and accustomed to obeye the Captaine that conducteth and bringeth them in his destruction is alreadie prepared and cannot be auoided who openeth the doore of his owne house to let in an enimie stronger than himselfe Therefore it were expedient for euerye Prince to trye all waies before he haue recourse to such men for helpe and succour And whosoeuer shall reade and consider well the times that are past and runne ouer the present state of things he shall see that whereas one prospered well an infinite number were deceiued and abused For a Common-wealth or an ambitious Prince coulde not wish to haue a better occasion whereby to get the possession of a Citie Seignorie or Prouince than when hee is required to send his armie to defende it But what The ambition desire of reuenge or some other affection of men is so great that to accomplish once their present will they forget all dutie and cast behind them the care of all danger and inconuenience whatsoeuer that may light vppon them The Herules Gothes and Lumbards by these meanes became Lordes of Italy the Frenchmen of the Gaules Countrye the Englishmen of greate Britaine the Scots of Scotland after they had driuen out the Britons and Picts who called them in for succour The Turks made themselues Lords of the East Empire and of the kingdom of Hungary being likewise required of help by the Emperours of Constantinople and by the States of Hungary Not long since Cairadin a Pirate being called by the Inhabitants of Alger to driue the Spaniards out of the fortresse after he had vanquished them he slew Selim Prince of the towne and made himselfe king leauing the Estate to his brother Arradin Barberossa And Saladine a Tartarian Captaine being called by the Calipha and Inhabitants of Caire to driue the Christians out of Soria after the victorie slew the Calipha and became absolute Lorde thereof The foresight which the Princes of Germany had of the perill and hurt that all strangers bring to an Estate caused them to bind the Emperour Charles the fift by the twelfth article of conditions vnto which he sware before he receiued the Imperiall crown that he should not bring in any forraine souldiors into Germany And yet through the great number of Spaniards Italians and Flemmings that came into the countrie beeing called in against the Protestants there wanted little of changing the Estate of Almaigne into an hereditarie kingdom Which had bene soone doone if king Henry the second had not staied it by his French power for which cause he was called by books published and arches erected in their country Protector of the Empire and deliuerer of the Princes who since haue concluded amonge themselues that they will neuer chuse a forraine Prince Charles the seuenth king of France hauing by his great good successe and vertue deliuered France of Englishmen and knowing well that it was necessarie for him to be furnished with his owne forces instituted the decrees of horsemen and of the companies of footemen After that king Lewes his sonne abolished his footemen and began to leauy Switzers which being likewise practised by other kings his successors many men haue noted that by countenancing the Switzers they haue caused their owne forces to degenerate and growe out of vse disanulled the footemen and tied their horsemen to other footemen insomuch that since they haue been vsed to fight in company of the Switzers they think that they cannot obtaine the victorie nor yet fight without them Therfore the prudence of king Francis the first must needes be honored with exceeding great praise in that he established seuen legions of footmen accounting 6000. men to a legion so that there could be no better deuice for the maintenance of warrelike discipline nor more necessary for the preseruation of this kingdome if those good ordinances that were made to this end be wel marked Neuertheles they were abolished in his raigne established againe by Henry the second his successor and after that abrogated I am of opinion that if these ancient institutions both of horsemen and footemen were reuined they would be a good mean whereby we might alwaies haue men of warre to defend this kingdom to conquer that which is taken from it and to helpe our friends whereas nowe we are faine to vse the seruice of vnskilfull men that are made Captaines before euer they were souldiors or else of necessitie compelled to begge and to buy very deare the succour offorraine nations My meaning is not that a Prince should neuer vse the helpe of others but alwaies take his own forces collected among his subiects Nay I say to the contrary that it must needs be profitable for him to vse the succors of his Allies so that they be ioined with him in league offensiue and defensiue For by this meanes he doth not onely make himselfe stronger but withall taketh away both that aide from his enimie which he might otherwise haue drawne from thence and occasion also from all men to make warre with the one except they will haue the other also their enimie But aboue all things let no Prince trust so much to the succours of his Allies except himselfe with his subiects be of greater strength And if Allies are to be feared when they are stronger in another countrie what assurance may a man haue of forraine souldiors that are at no league either offensiue or defensiue with vs Now if vpon the due consideration of these things souldiors be carefully trained vp in good discipline of warre which may be collected out of many institutions that are extant and if
of it What the law of nature is The diuision of the written law The diuision of the law of God Of the Morall law Of the Ceremoniall law Of the Iudiciall law Of ciuill or positiue lawes The diuision of ciuill lawes What ciuill lawes may not be changed The Salick law immutable What ciuill lawes may be changed A Prince may deny the request of his three Estates hauing reason and iustice on his side The change of lawes in a well setled Estate is dangerous A seuere decree of the Locrians against such as would bring in new lawes Mischiefs in a commonwealth must be resisted in the beginning The law is the foundation of ciuill societies Bias. We must not iudge of the law but according to the law Why the Lacedemonian lawes might not be changed The ancient law-makers No law before the law of God The necessitie and profit of a law The vpright and equall distribution of the law maketh a good gouernment To dispence with good statuts and daily to make new is a token of the decay of a common-wealth Examples therof in Caligula in Claudius How lawes may be kept inuiolable Two things required in the keeping of euery law Equitie is alwayes one and the same to all people The equitie of the morall law ought to be the end and rule of all other lawes Their opinion confuted who would tie all nations to the policie of Moses Theft punished diuersly in diuers nations How false witnes was punished among the Iewes Ciuil ordinances depend only of the soueraign ruler The end wherunto all lawes are to be referred The magistrate is the head the law the soule and the people the body of the common-welth The Nowne and Verbe are no parts of Logike but of Grammer The definition of a citizen in a popular state Other definitions of a citizen A general definition of a citizen Of the state of Venice Of the ancient estate in Rome Who are truly citizens The diuision of the whole people into three orders or estates The diuision of citizens in Venice and Florence In Egypt and among the ancient Gaules These gardes were the Senate and councell for state affaires consisting of 400. Burgesses Of the agreement that is to be kept between the estates of a common-wealth One cause of the ●●serie of France at this present The office and dutie of subiects The soueraign magistrate compared to the Sunne Against them that thinke the magistrate to be a necessarie euil Prou. 24. 21. What is ment by honouring the King Rom. 13. 5. Subiects must obey their prince for the feare of God Of the seruice due to the prince Rom. 13. 1. 2. Tit. 3. 1. 1. Pet. 2. 13. 14. 1. Tim. 2. 1. 2. Priuate men must not busie themselues in publike affairs The counsailors of a prince are his eies eares and his officers are his hands Two kinds of publike power The difference between the prince the magistrate and the priuate man How farre subiects are bound to obey their prince and his lawes The titles of a good magistrate The behauiour of euil princes Tirants are naturally hated We must obey and reuerence vniust princes a well as iust Dan. 1. 21. 4. 14. Nebuchadnezzer Eze. 29. 18. 19. Dan. 2. 37. 1. Sam. 3. Iere. 27. 5. c. A tyrant called the seruant of God Ier. 29. 7. 1. Sam. 24. 7. 26. 9. 10. Dauid would not lay viosent hands vpon Sauls person These Essaei or Esseni were a superstitious sect among the Iewes that pretended to lead a most perfect kind of life Exod. 22. 28. A gentleman iudged to die bicause he once thought to haue killed his prince A s●u●r● law against treason How we must behaue our selues vnder a tyrant Psal 82. 1. 2. 12. Esay 10. 1. The lawes of nature lead vs to a monarchie In euery kind of thing one excelleth A monarchie most significantly representeth the diuine regiment What a Monarchie or kingly power is Of a Duarchy that is of the rule of two The diuision of the Empire 8. Marks of soueraigntie Their reasons who mislike a Monarchie What excellencie is required in him that ruleth others The Persian Councell held for the establishing of their Estate Otanes oration The effects of a Tyrant Megabyses oration for an Aristocraty The dangers of a Monarchy A child Prince is a token of Gods wrath Darius oration for a Monarchy Against an Oligarchy A Monarchy concluded vpon in the Councell of the Persians of Romulus and of Augustus The commodities of a Monarchy Italy a praie to all h●r neighbours and ●●y Of the antiquitie of a kingdome Ninus was the first that extended the limits of his kingdom What Estates were ruled Mona●chically The Dukedome of Venice is electiue What this word Emperour importeth Vpon what occasion the name of Emperour was first giuen to a Monarch The reasons alleadged against a Monarchie answered One iust Princ better than many good Lords and many Tyrants woorse than one Monarchies haue continu longest The opinion of many Politicks touching a mixt estate of a Common wealth The Lacedemonian estate mingled The Carthaginian Common-wealth was mixt The Romane estate mingled The estate of Venice compounded What agreemēt the French Monarchy hath with euery good policie Why men are diueisly affected vnto diuers formes of gouernments The praise of the French nation for their loue to a Monarchy The difference betweene the rule of a king and of a tyrant Fiue kinds of Monarchies How the first Monarchy came vp Gen. 10. 8. of the raigne of Nimrod Nimrod was the first king that warred vpon his neighbours Of the happie raigne of the king of Egypt They vsed the seruice onely of Noble mens children ●nd they wel learned The Priests of Egypt vsed to praise their Princes in the Temple before the people The diet of the ancient kings of Egypt Of the second kind of Monarchy The difference betweene a Lord-like Monarchy and a tyranny Marks of a tyrannicall gouernment Of the estate of the Turke The death of Hibrahim Bascha The Turke disposeth of all Lordships at his pleasure Of the Estate of Moscouia Of the king of Ethiopia The king of Ethiopia whipped his Lords like slaues Of the kingdom of Peru. Of the third kind of Monarchy What kings took vpon them soueraigntie in religion Of the 4. kind of monarchie which is electiue The dangerous state of an electiue kingdom when the prince is dead Examples therof in the kingdoms of Thu●es of Eg●pt The great disorder in Rome vp●n the death of the Pope In the empire of Germanie In the Popedome All electiue princes are either taken indefinitely or out of certaine estates The Souldans of Cayre chosen out of the Mammelucks The great mastership of Malta electiue and that also of Prussia Of the fift kind of Monarchie which is hereditarie The Salick law excludeth daughters and their sonnes Kingdoms left by will Of the happy gouernment of the estate of France The Chancellor of France must approoue all
of the soule not of the body 266. the parts of fortitude 267. examples of fortitude 273. c. Fortune what is to be vnderstoode by this worde fortune 307. howe wee may vse these words of fortune and chance 469. the opinions of Philosophers touching fortune 470. the description of fortune 470. examples of hir contrary effects 472 France one euident cause of the present ruine of France 163. the miserable estate of France 408. one cause thereof 607. the happie gouernment of France 635. two causes of the present diuisions in France 716 Friend and Friendship the difference between friendship and loue 138. what things are requisite in friendship 139. the chiefe cause and end of all true friendship 138. friendship must be free 142. three things necessarie in friendship 148. examples of true friendship 145. what manner of man we must chuse for our friend 140. howe we must prooue a true friend and shake off a false 141. how we must beare with the imperfections of our friend 144. G Gaming the effects of gaming 374 what mooued the Lydians to inuent games 374. Alphonsus decree against gaming 375 Generall a good lesson for a Generall 292 properties requisite in a Generall 300 Glorie how ielousie of glorie is tollerable with examples thereof 251. c. examples of the contempt of glorie 254 Gluttonie the fruits of gluttonie 213. examples thereof 214 God all things are present with God 407. he ordereth casuall things necessarily 468 he is the Idaea of al good 42 Goods the nature of worldly goods 37. two sorts of goods 52. 526. two waies to get goods 526 Grace effects of Gods grace in the regenerate 18 Grammar the commodities of grammar 556 Griefe a meane how to beare griefe patiently 331 H Happines all men naturally desire happines 31. who are happie and who vnhappie 51. what it is to liue happily 38. 54. how we must make choice of a happie life 246. wherein good or ill hap consisteth 330. notable opinions of good and ill hap 332 wherein true happines consisteth 334 Hatred how far a man may hate the wicked 387. the difference between hatred and enuie 459. the bounds of a good mans hatred 463. Histories the praise and profit of histories 79 Homage what homage we ow to God 93 Honor how a man may seeke for honor 232. examples of the contempt of honor 233. the first step to honor 247 Hope hope must be grounded vpon the grace of God 300. two kinds of hope 301. the fruit of hope 302. hope and feare are the foundation of vertue 561 House a house consisteth of liuing stones 489 smal iarres must be auoided in a house 501 Hunting is an image of war 554 Husbands how they ought to loue their wiues 501. a husband must neuer beate his wife 504. he must neither chide nor fawne vpon his wife before others 507. examples of the loue of husbands towards their wiues 510. Husbandrie the praise of husbandrie 528. 752. the antiquitie of husbandrie 752 I Idlenes it is the mother and nurse of all vice 369. Pythagoras precept against idlenes 370. examples against idlenes 377 Ignorance ignorance of our selues the cause of much euill 12. pernitious effects of ignorance 117. 118. common effects of ignorance 119. Impatiencie who are most giuen to impatiencie and choler 312. how it may be cured 313. Impost a commendable kind of impost 220 Impudencie the description of impudencie 428. Incontinencie the difference betweene an incontinent and an intemperate man 190. Socrates disputation against incontinencie 238 Infants how infants are to be brought vp 552 Ingratitude meanes to keepe vs from ingratitude 432. it was the cause of mans fal 425 great men are soonest touched with ingratitude 428. examples against it 430 Innocencie is a tower of brasse against slanderers 466 Iniurie how manie waies a man may receiue iniurie 384 Iniustice the fruits of it in the wicked 403. it is a generall vice 404. the effects of it 405. how many kinds there are of iniustice 404 Intemperance the companions of intemperance 192. what predominant passions are in it 189. exāples of intemperance 193 c. Ioie examples of some that died of ioie 36 Iudgement from whence iudgement proceedeth 89. the iudgement of the best not of the most is to be preferred 249. iudgements are the sinewes of an estate 690 Iudges how the Egyptians painted iudges 394. a corrupt manor of making iudges 701 Iustice the fruits of iustice 390. the ground of all iustice 391. examples of the loue of iustice 395. how the abuse of it may be remedied 399. the deniall of iustice is dangerous 408. 658. the springs of all corruptions of iustice 697. iustice distributed into seuen parts 746 K Knowledge the knowledge of God and of our selues must be linked togither 12. the end of the knowledge of our selues 16. the benefits that come by knowledge 74 King wherein the greatnes of a king consisisteth 57. wherein kings ought to exercise themselues most 80. the true ornaments of a king 180. the difference betweene a great and a little king 398. what power the kings of Lacedaemonia had ●80 good precepts for kings 648. a king must be skilfull by reason and not by vse 648. the first and principall dutie of a king is to haue the law of God before his eies 655. he must begin reformation at himselfe and his court 656. the summe of the dutie of a king 674 Kingdome what causeth kingdoms to flourish 399 of the originall of kingdoms 586. their alteration commeth through vice 67 they florish through vertue 61. Of the antiquitie of a kingdome 623. the dangerous estate of an electiue kingdom vpō the death of the prince 633. what kingdoms are electiue 634 L Law what ciuill lawes may not be changed 597. the end of all lawes 603. change of lawes in a well setled estate is dangerous 598. what the law of nature is 596. the ancient law-makers 599. what maner of lawes are to be established in the Commonwealth 657. Learning examples of ancient men that gaue themselues to learning 570. examples of great loue to learning 81 Letter Anacharsis letter to Craesus 78 Alexanders to Aristotle 80. Caesars to Rome Octauianus to his nephew Platoes to Dionysius Pompeies to the senate 132. Pisistratus to his nephew 146. Traians to Plutarke 157. 233. Traians to the senate 654. 707. Macrines to the senate of Rome 747. Aurelius to a tribune 768 Liberalitie a poore man may be liberal 436. the lawes of liberalitie 440. examples of liberalitie 441 Loue loue is the first foundation of euery holie marriage 530 Life mans life compared to the Olympian assemblies 38. one cause of the long life of our elders 198. Senecaes opinion of the shortnes of our life 211. our life compared to table-play 335. no man ought to hide his life 373. the end of our life 377. three things necessarie for the life of man 750. wherein a happie life consisteth 804 Lying lying in a prince is most odious 417