to proue that humane lawes doe binde the conscience are so vaine and friuolous that they deserue no answere yet least our aduersaries should thinke wee therefore passe them ouer without examination because wee feare the force and weight of them I will breefely take a view of them and let the Reader see their weakenesse To binde sayth Bellarmine is either the essence or essentiall property of a lawe therefore all lawes whether they bee of God or of men doe binde in the same sort Hee should haue sayd therefore all lawes doc binde whether they bee of God or of men For to say It is the essentiall property of a lawe to binde therefore all lawes doe binde in the same sorte is as if a man should thus reason It is essentiall to all naturall bodies to haue motion therefore the same kinde of motion whereas yet the fire goeth vpward and the earth downewards thinges without life mooue but one way either towards or from the center of the worlde thinges liuing euery way His next reason is more childish then this for hee reasoneth thus If lawes doe binde onely in that they are diuine then all diuine lawes should equally binde This reason concludeth nothing against vs. For first no man sayth that lawes binde onely because diuine for it is essentiall to euery lawe to binde but that they binde the conscience because they are diuine And secondly wee adde that all diuine lawes doe equally binde the conscience For the conscience doth as much feare Gods displeasure and eternall punishment for one sinne as for another though not so great displeasure nor so greiuous punishment And so they equally binde the conscience though there bee no equality either of the sinnes or of the punishment the conscience feareth and seeketh to decline His third reason that Gods commandement maketh those actions that were before indifferent to be actions of vertue therefore men by their precepts doe so likewise is very strange and therefore hee endeauoureth to confirme it The reason sayth hee why Gods precepts and commandements make actions that were indifferent as to eate swines flesh or not to eate it to be actions of vertue is because they are rules of mens manners and conuersation but mens lawes likewise are rules of mens liues manners and conuersation therefore they in like sort make those actions that were before indifferent to be actions of vertue To this wee answere that there are many great differences betweene these two rules First for that the one containeth a certaine and infallible direction the other oftentimes leadeth out of the way Secondly that the lawes of God are rules in such sort that the very thoughts of the heart diuerting from that which they prescribe are sinfull but mens lawes are kept and fullfilled with how bad affections soeuer the things bee done that are prescribed Thirdly because the vse of nothing being lawfull vnto vs in respect of conscience longer nor farther then God the supreme Lord of all alloweth the same it is an action of vertue to abstaine from things denyed vnto vs by GOD either in the first institution of nature or by his positiue lawe but men hauing no such power no such thing is consequent vpon their commaundements or prohibitions Lastly Gods lawe both that which is naturall that is giuen when nature was first instituted and that which is positiue is the rule of mens liues absolutely which if they bee conformed vnto they are morally good if they varie from they are euill and wicked but the lawes of men are rules onely in respect of outward conuersation framing it to the good of the commonwealth Soe that a man euen according to the rules of Philosophy may bee a good Cittizen that is not a good man His next reason is taken from the comparison of a King and his Viceroy the Pope and his Legate and the lawes and edicts of these binding in the same sort To this wee answere that the comparison holdeth not first because the King and his Viceroy command the same things and to the same ends but if wee compare God and men the lawes of God and the lawes of men wee shall finde a great difference betweene them both in the things they commaund and the ends for which they command the one requiring inward actions and the performance of outward with inward affections the other outward onely Secondly because both the King and his viceroy haue power to take notice of all kind of offences committed against both the one and the other and to punish them with the same kind of punishment but there are many offences committed against God by every man whereof men can take no notice and if they could yet haue no power to inflict such punishments as God doth His last reason is taken from that place of the Apostle where he requireth vs to bee subject to power and authority for conscience sake To this wee answere first that it is a matter of conscience to be subject in all things for subjection is required generally and absolutely where obedience is not Secondly we say that it is a matter of conscience to seeke and procure the good of the common-wealth and that therefore it is a matter of conscience to obey good and profitable lawes so farre as we are perswaded our obedience is profitable Thus haue we breefely examined their reasons who thinke that humane lawes binde the conscience the weakenesse whereof I hope all men of any judgment will easily discerne Wherefore to conclude this matter touching the Churches power in making lawes there are three things which we dislike in the doctrine practise of the Romane Church First that they take vpon them to prescribe Ceremonies and observations hauing power to conferre grace for the remission of veniall sinnes and the working of other spirituall supernaturall effects Secondly that they assume vnto themselues that which is proper vnto God seeke to rule in the conscience Thirdly that by the multiplicitie of lawes they dangerously insnare the consciences of men and oppresse them with heauy burdens To this purpose is the complaint that Gerson long since made that the Lawes of the Church were too many and in a great part childish and vnprofitable bringing vs into a worse estate then that of the Iewes as Augustine to Ianuarius complained when things were much better than in latter times they haue beene Neither sayth Gerson are they content to burden vs with the multiplicitie of their lawes but as if they preferred their owne inventions before the Lawes of God they most rigorously exact the performance of the things their owne lawes prescribe neglect the Lawes of God as Christ told the Pharisees and hypocrites of his time pronouncing against them that by their vaine traditions they made the lawes of God of none effect To shew how vnjust and vnreasonable the Romane Lawgiuers are in burdening men with so many traditions the same Gerson fitly obserueth that Adam in
authority so to do Which kind of reasoning I thinke the Reader will not much like of Touching Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria Paule Bishop of Constantinople and Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra deposed by the Orientall Synode their complaints to the Bishop of Rome and other Bishops of the West of the wrongs done vnto them how the Bishop of Rome with the Westerne Bishops fought to relieue them with how ill successe and how litle this instance serueth to proue the thinge in question I haue shewed before as likewise Theodorets desiring Leo with his Westerne Synodes to take knowledge of his cause Soe that it is a vaine bragge of Bellarmine that to these and the like testimonies of Antiquity nothing is nor can be answered CHAP. 38. Of the weakenesse of such proofes of the supreme power of Popes as are taken from their Lawes Censures Dispensations and the Vicegerents they had in places farre remote from them HAVING examined the pretended proofes of the illimited vniversality of the Popes authority and jurisdiction taken from the power they are supposed to haue exercised in former times ouer other Bishops by confirming deposing or restoring them let vs come to their Lawes Dispensations Censures see if frō thence any thing may be cōcluded If they could as strongly proue as they cōfidētly endertake that Popes in ancient times made Lawes to bind the whole Christian Church dispensed with such as were made by general Coūcels cēsured al men as subject to them of necessity we must be forced to acknowledge the fulnesse of all power to rest in the Romane Bishops But their proofes are too weake to make vs beleeue any such thing For first touching the decrees of Popes they did not binde the whole Christian Church but the Westerne Provinces onely that were subject to them as Patriarches of the West And secondly they were not made by them without the consent and joint concurrence of the other Bishops of the West assembled in Synodes and sitting with them as their fellow Iudges with equall power of defining and determining things concerning the state of the Church as appeareth by the Decrees of Gregory the first who sitting in Councell with all the Bishops of the Roman Church the Deacons and inferiour Clergy-men standing before them made Decrees and confirmed them by their subscriptions the rest of the Bishops and the Presbyters also who sate in Councell with them subscribing in the very same sort that Gregory did And of Decrees in such sort made Leo speaketh when he requireth the Bishops of Campania Picene Thuscia to keepe and obserue the Decretall constitutions of Innocentius and all other his predecessours which they had ordained as well touching Ecclesiasticall orders as the Discipline of the Canons or otherwise to looke for no fauour or pardon And in the very same sort are the words of Hilarius to be vnderstood when he saith That no man may violate either the divine constitutions or the Decrees of the Apostolique See without danger of losing his place For this he spake sitting as President in a Councell of Bishops assembled at Rome of things decreed by Synodes of Bishops wherein his predecessours were Presidents and Moderatours as he was now but not absolute commaunders But Bellarmine saith that Pope Anastasius the yonger in his Epistle to Anastasius the Emperour willeth him not to resist the Apostolicall precepts but obediently to performe what by the Church of Rome and Apostolicall authority shall be prescribed vnto him if hee desire to holde communion with the same holy Church of GOD which is his Head Therefore the Pope had power to command and giue lawes to the Emperour and consequently had an absolute supreme authority in the Church Surely this allegation of the Cardinall is like the rest For Anastasius doth not speake in any such peremptory and threatning manner to the Emperour but acknowledging his breast to bee a Sanctuary of happinesse and that he is Gods Vicar on earth telleth him in modest and humble sort that hee hopeth hee will not suffer the insolencie of those of Constantinople proudly to resist against the Evangelicall and Apostolicall precepts in the cause of Acatius but that he will force them to performe and doe what is fit and in like humble sort beseecheth him when he shall vnderstand the cause of them of Alexandria to force them to returne to the vnity of the Church The last instance of the Popes Law-giuing power brought by Bellarmine is the priviledge granted to the Monastery of Saint Medardus by Gregory the first in the end whereof we finde these words Whatsoeuer Kings Bishops Iudges or secular persons shall violate the Decrees of this Apostolicall authority and our commaundement shall be depriued of their honour driuen from the society of Christians put from the communion of the Lords body and bloud and subjected to Anathema and all the wofull curses that Infidels Heretikes haue beene subject to from the beginning of the world to this present time A strong confirmation of the priviledges graunted is found in these wordes but a weake confirmation of the thing in question for the priuiledges were graunted and confirmed in this sort not by Gregory alone out of the fulnesse of his power but by the consenting voyce of all the Bishops of Italy and France by the authority of the Senate of Rome by Theodoricus the King and Brunichildis the Queene So that from hence no proofe possibly can be drawne of the Popes absolute power of making lawes by himselfe alone to binde any part of the Christian Church much lesse the whole Christian world Wherfore let vs passe from the Popes power of making lawes to see by what right they claime authority to dispense with the Lawes of the Church and the Canons of Generall Councels The first that is alleadged to haue dispensed with the Canons of Councels is Gelasius But this allegation is idle and to no purpose For first it cannot bee proued that by dispensing he sought to free any from the necessity of doing that the strictnesse of the Canon required but those onely that were subiect to him as Patriarch of the West And secondly he did not dispense but vpon very vrgent cause and driuen by necessity so to doe and yet not of himselfe alone but with the concurrence of other Bishops of the West assembled in Synode The other instances that are brought of the dispensations of Gregory the first are nothing else but the instances of the ill consciences of them that bring them For Gregory did not dispense with the English to marry within the degrees prohibited as the Cardinall vntruely reporteth but only aduised Austine not to put them that were newly conuerted from such wiues as they had married within some of the degrees prohibited in the time of their infidelity lest hee might seeme to punish them for faults committed in the daies of their ignorance and to discourage other from becomming Christians Neither
alleaged by Cusanus and greatly approued yea the same Cusanus complaining of the abuses of the Court of Rome in that thinges are carried thither that should bee determined in the Prouinces where they beginne in that the Pope intermedleth in giuing Benefices before they be voide to the preiudice of the originall Patrons by reason whereof young men run to Rome and spend their best time there carrying gold with them and bringing backe nothing but paper and many like confusions which the Canons forbid and neede reformation addeth that the common saying that the secular power may not restraine or alter these courses brought in by Papall authority should not moue any man for that though the power of temporall Princes ought not to change any thing established canonically for the honour of GOD and good of such as attend his seruice yet it may and ought to prouide for the common good and see that the auncient canons be obserued Neither ought any one to say that the auncient christian Emperours did erre that made so many sacred constitutions or that they ought not so to haue done For saith he I read that Popes haue desired them for the common good to make lawes for the punishment of offences committed by those of the cleargie And if any one shall say that the force of all these constitutions depended vpon Papall or Synodall approbation I will not insist vpon it though I haue read and collected foure score and sixe chiefe heads of Ecclesiasticall rules and lawes made by old Emperours and many other made by Charles the Great and his successours in which order is taken not onely concerning others but euen concerning the Bishoppe of Rome himselfe and other Patriarches what they shall take of the Bishoppes they ordaine and many like things and yet did I neuer finde that the Pope was desired to approue them or that they haue no binding force but by vertue of his approbation But I know right well that some Popes haue professed their due regarde of those Imperiall and Princely constitutions But though it were graunted that those constitutions had no further force then they receiued from the canons wherein the same thinges were formerly ordered or from Synodall approbation yet might the Emperor now reforme things amisse by vertue of old canons and Princes constitutions grounded on them Yea if hee should with good aduice considering the decay of piety and diuine worshippe the ouerflowing of all wickednes and the causes and occasions thereof recall the old canons and the auncient and most holy obseruation of the Elders and reiect whatsoever priuiledges exemptions or new deuices contrary therevnto by vertue whereof suites complaintes and controuersies the gifts and donations of benefices the like thinges are vnjustly brought to Rome to the great prejudice of the whole Christian Church I thinke no man could justly blame him for so doing Yea he saith the Emperour Sigismund had an intention so to doe and exhorteth him by no fained allegations of men fauouring present disorders to bee discouraged for that there is no way to preserue the peace of the Church whatsoeuer some pretend to the contrary vnlesse such lewde and wicked courses proceeding from ambition pride and couetousnesse be stopped and the old canons reuiued From that which hath beene obserued touching the proceeding of Christian Kings and Emperours in former times in calling Councels in being present at them and in making lawes for persons and causes Ecclesiasticall it is easie to gather what the power of Princes is in this kinde and that they are indeede supreame Gouernours ouer all persons and in all causes as well Ecclesiasticall as Ciuill which is that wee attribute to our Kings Queenes and the Papistes so much stumble at as if some new and strange opinion were broached by vs. Wherefore for the satisfaction of all such as are not maliciously obstinate refusing to heare what may be said I will endeauour in this place vpon so fitte an occasion to cleare whatsoeuer may bee questionable in this point will first intreat of the power and right that Princes haue in causes Ecclesiasticall then of that they haue ouer persons Ecclesiastical jn treating of causes Ecclesiasticall I will first distinguish the diversities of them the power of medling with them Causes Ecclesiasticall therefore are of two sorts for some are originally and naturally such and some onely in that by fauor of Princes out of due consideration they are referred to the Cognisance of Ecclesiasticall persons as fittest Iudges as the probations of the Testaments of them that are dead the disposition of the goods of them that dye intestat and if there be any other like Causes Ecclesiasticall of the first sort are either meerely and onely Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall or mixt Meerely Ecclesiasticall are of three sorts First matters of Faith and Doctrine Secondly matters of Sacraments and the due administration of them Thirdly the orders degrees ordination of such as attend the Ministery of the word Sacraments Mixtly Ecclesiasticall are of two sorts either such as in one respect belong to one kinde of cognisance and in another to another as marriages which are subiect to ciuill disposition in that they are politicall contracts and to spirituall in that they are ordered by the diuine law or such as are equally censurable by Ciuill Ecclesiasticall authority as murthers adulteries blasphemies the like All which in the time when there is no Christian Magistrate or when there is ouer-great negligence in the ciuill Magistrate are to bee punished by the spirituall guides of the Church Whereupon wee shall finde that the auncient Councels prescribed penance to offenders in all these kindes But when there is a Christian Magistrate doing his duty they are to bee referred specially either to the one or the other of these and accordingly to bee censured by the one or the other as wee see the punishment of adultery vsury and things of that nature is referred to Ecclesiasticall persons the punishment of murther theft the like to the ciuill Magistrate This distinction of causes Ecclesiasticall premised it is easie to see what authority Princes haue in causes Ecclesiasticall For first touching those causes that are Ecclesiastical onely in that they are put ouer to the cognisance of spiritual persons there is no question but that the Prince hath a supreame power and that no man may meddle with them any otherwise then as he is pleased to allow And likewise touching those things which in one respect pertaine to ciuill jurisdictiō in another to spiritual or which are equally censurable by both there is no question but that the Prince hath supreame power in that they pertaine to ciuill jurisdiction So that the onely question is touching things naturally and meerely spiritual The power in these is of two sorts of Order of Iurisdiction The power of Order is the authority to preach the Word minister the Sacraments to ordaine Ministers
satisfied in any thing vnder God And so generally and absolutely denie that the Image of God can bee lost or blotted out These make a difference betweene the Image of God thus restrained to the largnesse and and admirable perfection of the naturall faculties of the soule and the similitude or likenesse of God which appeareth in the qualities and vertues of it making him that possesseth them partaker of the diuine nature which they confesse to be lost Now this similitude is all one with the Image of God in the second consideration set down by Aquinas and therefore in this matter Caluin erreth not but writeth that which is consonant vnto the truth Touching the second part of this imputation it is true that Origen erred thinking hell to be nothing else but horror of conscience But he that looketh in the place in Caluin cited by the Iesuite shall see that he saith no such thing but the cleane contrary So that the Reader shall finde Bellarnne to be constant and stil like himselfe adding one calumniation to another CHAP. 25. Of the heresie of the Peputians making women Priests THe fourth Heresie imputed vnto vs by our adversaries is that of the Peputians who gaue women authoritie to intermeddle with the sacred ministerie of the Church That we doe so likewise they indeavour to proue by misreporting the words of Luther There are two things therefore which Luther saith in the place alleadged by them First that in absolution and remission of sinnes in the supposed Sacrament of Penance a Bishop or ordinary Presbyter may doe as much as the Pope himselfe which Alphonsus à Castro writing against Heresies confesseth to bee true The second that when and where no Presbyter can be found to performe this office a Lay man yea or a woman in this case of necessitie may absolue which our adversaries neede not to thinke so strange seeing themselues giue power to women to baptise in case of necessitie which I thinke is as much a ministeriall acte as to absolue the penitent in such sort as absolution is giuen in the Church of Rome And yet they would thinke themselues wronged if from hence it should bee inferred that they make women Priests and Bishoppes But Bellarmine reporteth the wordes of Luther as if hee should say absolutely that a woman or childe hath as much power and authority from God in these things as any Presbyter or Bishop wherein hee is like himselfe Absolution in the Primitiue Church was the reconciling and restoring of penitents to the peace of the Church and to the Communion of the Sacraments from which during the time of their penitencie they were excluded This in reason none could doe but they to whom the dispensation of the Sacraments was committed and who had power to deny the Sacraments The Popish absolution is supposed to bee a Sacramentall acte Sacramentally taking away sinne and making the party absolued partaker of the remission of it This is a false and erronious conceite LVTHER thinketh it to bee a comfortable pronouncing and assuring of good to the humble penitent and sorrowfull sinner which though ordinarily and ex officio the Minister bee to doe yet may any man doe it with like effect when none of that ranke is or can be present Thus when the matter is well examined it is meerely nothing that Bellarmine can proue against Luther But that which hee addeth touching our late dread Soueraigne ELIZABETH of famous memorie that shee was reported and taken as chiefe Bishop within her dominions of England c. is more then a Cardinall lye and might beseeme the father of lyes better then any meaner professour of that facultie For the Kings and Queenes of England neither doe nor haue power to doe any ministeriall act or act of sacred order as to preach administer Sacraments and the like But that power and authority which we ascribe vnto them is that they may by their princely right take notice of matters of Religion and the exercise of it in their kingdomes That they may and in duty stand bound to see that the true Religion bee professed and God rightly worshipped That God hath giuen them the sword to punish all offenders against the first or second Table yea though they be Priests or Bishops That neither the persons nor the goods of Churchmen are exempted from their power That they holde their Crownes immediatly from God and not from the Romish Antichrist That it was the Lucifer-like pride of Antichrist which appeared in times past in the Popes wheē they shamed not to say that the Kings of England were their villanes vassalls and slaues Thus then the fourth supposed heresie we are charged with proueth to be nothing but a diuelish slander of this shamelesse Iesuite Wee say therefore to silence this slanderer that we all most constantly hold the contrary of that he imputeth vnto vs And that wee thinke there is no more daungerous or presumptuous wicked boldnesse then for any man not called set a part and sanctified therevnto to intermeddle with any part of the sacred ministerie of the Church CHAP 26. Of the supposed heresie of Proclus and the Messalians touching concupiscence in the regenerate THe fift heresie which hee endevoureth to fasten vpon vs is he saith the heresie of Proclus of whom Epiphanius maketh mention But what was the heresie of Proclus Let Bellarmine tell vs for our learning It was sayth he that sin doth alwayes continue and liue in the Regenerate for that concupiscence is truely and properly sin which is not taken away by Baptisme but only allaied stilled and brought as it were into a kind of rest and sleepe by force thereof and the working of faith In this Bellarmine sheweth his intolerable either ignorance or impudence or both For Epiphanius in the place cited by him refuteth the heresie of Origen who denied the resurrection of the bodies of men as thinking such bodily substances which we see are continually subject to alteration here in this world not capable of immortality And that God did put these bodies vpon Adam and Eue after their sin at that time when he is said to haue made them coates of skinnes This Epiphanius refuteth shewing that God who only hath immortality made man though out of the earth yet by the immediate touch of his owne hands that he breathed into him the breath of life for that he meant he should be immortall that man had flesh and blood and a true bodily substance before his fall as is prooued by that of Adam concerning Eue This is now flesh of my flesh and bone of my bone that there was no euill found in the World such as death is in the beginning that man voluntarily sinned against God and therevpon God brought in death that euen as the Schoolemaster vseth correction not for any delight he hath in it but for that thereby he intendeth to bring his Schollers to forsake their negligent and disordered courses and to
disposing the affaires of Princes their States there were euer many worthy men that opposed themselues against his vnjust and Antichristian claimes There are some sayth Waldensis that erre supposing that the roote of all terrene power dependeth in such sort of the Pope that it is deriued vnto Princes by commission from him and that if they abuse the same hee may take the disposing of such affaires as belong vnto them into his own hands This they indeauour to proue because the Ecclesiasticall power is more eminent and excellent than the power of Princes but this their proofe is too weake for let vt runne through all examples of things which are different in degree of excellencie and one of them more worthy than another wee shall see that the Sunne is better than the Moone yet the power and vertue of moystening that is in the Moone is not imparted to it from the Sunne the soule is more excellent than the body yet the body was before the soule came into it and in it many workes of sense are performed which the spirit by it selfe cannot performe gold is better then leade yet doth it not giue being vnto it so that though it were granted that Episcopall dignity is more high and eminent then the authority of Princes yet the first spring of Regall power is in the King from God and not from the Pope There is sayth Waldensis one doctor Adam a Cardinall who in a dialogue betweene a Bishoppe and a King indeauoureth altogether to deriue the authority of Kings from the Papall power both in the being and excercise of it and reserueth onely a power of execution to Princes at the commaund of the high bishop this errour hee condemneth and sayth that howsoeuer the solemnities of the oath vnction crowning and the like are performed to Kings by Bishoppes yet hath not kingly dignity her beginning from Priesthood but by the ministery of Priests Kings receiue it from God and are put in possession of it Fawning and deceitfull flattery sayth Gerson whispereth in the eares of Ecclesiasticall persons especially of the Pope in shamelesse manner saying vnto them O sacred Clergie how great how great is the height and sublimity of thy Ecclesiasticall power how is all secular authority compared thereunto altogether nothing For as all power in heauen and earth was giuen to Christ soe Christ left it all to Peter and his Successours soe that Constantine the Emperour gaue nothing to Pope Syluester that was not his before but onely restored that which had bin vnjustly detayned besides as there is no power but of God so is there none whether Temporall or Ecclesiasticall Imperiall or Regall but from the Pope in whose thigh CHRIST hath written King of Kings and Lord of Lords of whose power to dispute is sacrilegious boldnesse to whom no man may say Sir why doe you so though he alter over-turne waste and confound all States Rules Dominions and Possessions of men whether Ciuill or Ecclesiasticall let me be judged a Lyar saith he if these things bee not found written by them that seeme wise in their owne eyes and if some Popes haue not giuen credit to such lying and flattering wordes Nay I am greatly deceiued if before the holding of the sacred Synode of Constance this tradition did not so farre forth possesse the mindes of very many men rather literall then literate that whosoeuer should haue taught the contrary should haue beene noted and condemned for heresie THE FOVRTH BOOK OF THE PRIVILEDGES OF THE CHVRCH CHAP. 1. Of the divers kindes of the priviledges of the Church and of the different acceptions of the name of the Church NOw it remayneth that wee proceede to the other parts of our first generall diuision to wit the priviledges that pertaine to the Church the diverse and different degrees orders and callings of them to whom the gouernement of it is committed The priviledges that pertaine to the Church are of two sorts The first proper to the best and most essentiall parts of it to wit the elect and chosen of God as are the promises and assurances of euerlasting loue and happinesse the second such as are communicable vnto others not partaking in that highest degree of vnitie the partes of the Church haue amongst themselues or with Christ their head These are specially foure the first the possession of the rich treasure of heauenly trueth whence it is called by Irenaeus Depositoriū diues by the Apostle the pillar and ground of truth The second is the office of teaching and witnessing the same truth The third the authority to iudge of such differences as arise amongst men concerning any part of it The fourth is power to make lawes for the better guiding gouerning of them that professe this truth Touching the first that wee may the better vnderstand in what degree and sort and vpon what assurances the Church is possessed of the knowledge and profession of the truth reuealed in Christ wee must obserue the diverse acceptions of the name of Church for accordingly more or lesse in this kinde is attributed to it and verified of it The Romanistes make the Church to bee of three sorts For there is as they say Ecclesia virtualis repraesentativa essentialis By the name of virtuall Church they vnderstand the Bishoppe of Rome who being by Christes appointment as they suppose chiefe Pastor of the whole Church hath in himselfe eminently and virtually as great certainty of truth infallibility of iudgement as is in the whole Church vpon whom dependeth all that certainety of truth that is found in it By the name of representatiue Church they vnderstand the assembly of Bishops in a generall Councell representing the whole body of the Church from the seuerall parts whereof they come By the name of the essentiall Church they vnderstand the whole multitude of the beleeuers This essentiall Church either comprehendeth all the faithfull that are and haue beene since CHRIST appeared in the flesh or all that are and haue beene since the Apostles time or onely those that now presently liue in the world CHAP. 2. Of the different degrees of infallibility found in the Church IF we speake of the Church as it comprehendeth the whole number of beleeuers that are and haue beene since CHRIST appeared in the flesh it is absolutely free from all errour and ignorance of Diuine things that are to be knowne by revelation Quid enim latuit Petrum c. For as Tertullian sayth rightly and aptly to this purpose What was hidden and concealed from Peter vpon whom Christ promised to build his Church and to whom hee gaue the keyes of the Kingdome of Heauen from Iohn the Disciple hee so dearely loued which leaned on his breast at the mysticall Supper and the rest of that blessed company that should after bee manifested to succeeding generations so that touching the Church taken in this sort there is no question but it is absolutely led
Church when it is confessed by the best learned of all sides that the Priests of the Law had no priuiledge of not erring in teaching the people of GOD after Christ appeared and began to teach in his owne person whatsoeuer they had before and that this was fore-told by Ieremy the Prophetwhen he said Peribit lex à Sacerdote verbū à Propheta consilium à Sapiente The Law shall perish frō the Priest the word frō the Prophet and counsell from the wise But such is the impudencie of some of the friends louers of the Church of Rome that they feare not to defend cleare the doctrine of the Scribes and Pharisees from errour wherewith Christ so often chargeth them to justifie the proceedings of the high Priest and the rest of the Priests and Rulers assembled in Councell against Christ himselfe affirming that the sentence pronounced against him was true and just for that he was truly guilty of death in that hee had taken vpon him our sinnes to purge them in himselfe and that it was indeede expedient that he should dye for the people according to the saying of Caiphas who in so saying is saide to haue prophesied as being the high Priest that yeare But Bellarmine ingenuously acknowledgeth the ouer-sight of his friends and companions and saith that howsoeuer those words of Caiphas admit a good sense though not intended by him for he meant it was better that Christ being but one should die then that the whole people whose destruction he thought vnavoidable if Christ were suffered to liue should perish come to nothing Yet there are other wordes of Caiphas that in no sense are justifiable as when he said He hath blasphemed what need we any more witnesses Touching his former speech it was the will of God for the honour of the Priesthood that he should vtter that he meant ill in such wordes as might haue a good sense though not meant nor intended by him whereupon he is said to haue prophesied but the latter words are words of cursed blasphemy without horrible impiety cannot be excused in any sense Therefore there are others who confesse that Caiphas and his assistants erred when they cōdemned Christ but that it was but a matter of fact wherein they erred in mistaking the quality of Christs Person in being mis-informed of him in which kinde of things Councels may erre This conceipt the Cardinall likewise rejecteth explodeth as absurd for that howsoeuer it was a question of fact concerning the Person of him that stood to be judged yet it inwrapped in it a most important question concerning the Faith to wit whether IESVS the Son of Mary vvere the true Messias Son of God therefore Caiphas with his whole Councell resoluing that he was not erred damnably in a matter of Faith pertinaciously in that they rejected him as a blasphemer of God whom the Angels from Heauen testified to be the Son of God the Starre designed to be that light that lightneth euery one that commeth into the World the Sages from a farre adored as being that King of the Iewes that is to sit vpon the Throne of Dauid for euer whose Dominion is from Sea to sea from the Riuer to the end of the Land whom the seas windes obeyed at whose rebuke the Diuels went out of those they had formerly possessed But if this defence of the hellish sentence of wicked Caiphas be too weake as indeed it is our adversaries last refuge is that this Councel erred because Caiphas his fellowes proceeded in it tumultuously not in due sort vvhich is a most silly shift For how are Councels priviledged from erring vvhich is the thing these men seek so carefully to defend though it be vvith excusing of the Fact of those men vvho shal be found vnexcusable in the day of Iudgment if Councels may proceed tumultuously so define against the truth Thus we see that the great Councell of state amongst the Iewes to vvhich all matters of difficultie vvere brought from vvhich there vvas no appeale might and did erre sometimes dangerously damnably This Councell continued in some sort as vvell after the captivity of Babylon the returne from the same as before though vvith this difference that vvheras before the king had a principal interest in the same aftervvards the High Priest alvvayes vvas chief there being no more Kings of Iudah but the kings of Persia Aegypt and Syria commaunding ouer the Iewes and making them tributaries vnto them In this sort were they gouerned till some differences growing amongst them for the place of the high Priest they were by Antiochus Epiphanes king of Syria depriued both of their liberty and exercise of religion and brought into miserable bondage the indignity whereof the Assamonaei of the tribe of Leui could not indure but by force and policie in a sort freed the state of the Iewes againe and tooke vnto themselues first the name of Princes and then of Kings In the booke of Maccabees we reade that Mattathias was constituted Priest Prince and Ruler and that many came downe to him to seeke judgement and iustice Iudas Maccabaeus succeeded Mattathias and joyned the dignity of the high Priest to the princely power Ionathas succeeded Macchabaeus of whom we reade Now this day doe we chuse thee to be vnto vs a Prince instead of Iudas and a captaine to fight our battels Simon succeeded Ionathas and in his time Demetrius king of Syria and Antiochus his son remitted all tributes so that then the Iewes recouered their ancient liberty in as ample manner as they had formerly enjoyed it vnder their kings Iohn succeeded Simon and Aristobulus Iohn who put vpon himselfe a Diademe and assumed the name of a King After Aristobulus succeeded Alexander his brother marrying Solina his wife Alexander being dead Alexandra obtayned the kingdome after her Hircanus whom Aristobulus his brother expulsed Pompey tooke this Aristobulus prisoner subdued Iudaea brought it into the forme of a prouince and appointed Antipater Ascalonita to be Procurator of it but not long after Antigonus the son of Aristobulus recouered the citie of Hierusalem inuaded the kingdome against whom the Romans set vp Herod the son of Antipater and gaue him the name of a King Thus the direction and gouernment of the Iewes rested principally in the Sanedrim as well before as after their returne from Babylon and the Sanedrim which was the highest Court and swayed all consisted for the most part of men taken out of the house of Dauid and therefore the Scepter did not depart from Iudah so long as that Court continued and retayned the authority belonging to it though there were no king of the posterity of Dauid and tribe of Iudah but the high Priests first and then other of the tribe of Leui assuming to themselues Priestly and Princely dignity had the chiefest place and highest roome in this court of
liberty freeth not frō the duety of doing the things which the Law requireth but frō doing them so as to haue them examined tryed strictly according to the Law rule of Iustice God in mercy accepting our works though imperfect if they proceed frō a good conscience faith vnfained But saith Kellison the Protestants teach that Christ came to bee a Redeemer only not a Law-giuer therefore it seemeth they thinke men free from the duety of following the prescription of any Law This surely is a very bad weake inference Christian men haue nothing to doe with Moses his Law and may at their pleasure either breake it or keep it because Christ came to be a Redeemer not a Law-giuer For though it be true that Christ came not to giue a new or more perfect Law of morall duties or to vrge it more strictly then Moses did as some imagine in which sense our Diuines rightly deny him to haue come as a Law-giuer yet hee came to fulfill the Law formerly giuen by the Ministery of Moses which thing hee performed first by clearing the meaning of it and making it to be rightly vnderstood where it was mistaken Secondly by meriting remission of the precedent breaches and transgressions of it And thirdly by giuing grace that men may in some sort doe the things it requireth Wherefore if any man aske of vs whether it may be truly said that Christ was a Law-giuer to his Church we answer that our Diuines did neuer simply deny Christ to be a Law-giuer but onely in sort before expressed For they confesse that he may truely be so named first because he writeth those Lawes in our hearts which Moses deliuered written in Tables of stone and secondly because hee gaue certaine positiue Lawes to Christian men touching Sacraments Ministery and outward meanes of saluation that were not of force before Wherefore to conclude this point we do not think as Kellison slaunderously against his own conscience reporteth of vs that no sins can hurt vs that no Hell nor Iudgement remaineth for vs whatsoeuer we doe but wee constantly teach that they who commit sinne with full consent and persist therein shall vndoubtedly perish euerlastingly So that this is all that we say that no sins how grieuous soeuer resisted disliked repented of forsaken can hurt vs that no Hell nor Iudgement remaineth for them whom the working of diuine grace freeth from the dominion of sin and the satisfaction of Christ from the condemnation of it Against which doctrine or any part of it neither Kellison nor any Papist in the world is able to take any just exception CHAP. 22. Of the Ministery of them to whom Christ committed the publishing of the reconciliation betweene God and Men procured by him THus haue wee seene first the excellency of Christ our Sauiour whom God sent into the world in the fulnesse of time to bee the great Sheepheard of his Sheepe the guide of his people the light of the Gentiles the glory of Israel and a King to fit vpon the throne of Dauid for euer hauing all power both in Heauen and in Earth Secondly what great thinges hee did and suffered for vs to reconcile vs vnto God Thirdly what the benefits are which hee procured for vs and bestowed on vs. Now it remaineth that wee see to whom he committed the publishing of the joyfull reconciliation betweene God and Man the conversion of the world vnto himselfe and the gouernment of such as should by beleeuing become his people when hauing finished the great worke he came to performe he was to returne backe to that God his Father that sent him The Apostle Saint Paul telleth vs that Christ hauing triumphed ouer principalities and powers and made a shew of them openly vpon his Crosse led captiuitie captiue and gaue gifts vnto men that hee gaue some to be Apostles some Prophets some Evangelists and some Pastours and Teachers for the gathering together of the Saints the worke of the Ministery and the edifying of the body of Christ vntill wee all meete in the vnitie of Faith and knowledge of the Son of God into a perfect Man euen into the measure of the Age of the fulnesse of Christ. Amongstall those Messengers of glad tidings and Ministers of Christ appointed by him for the gathering together of the Saints the Apostles were chiefe and principall Evangelists were assistants which they vsed for the better settling perfecting of thinges happily begunne by them and the writing of the Euangelicall histories concerning Christ The Prophets were such as foretold future thinges that knew all secrets and opened the hidden mysteries of God speaking to the consciences of Men in a strange and admirable manner so that as the Apostle telleth vs They that heard them prostrated themselues at their feete acknowledging that God was in them These were temporary and to continue but for a time In the Apostles two sorts of thinges are to bee considered and distinguished by vs first such as were proper to them as fitting to those first beginnings of Christianity and secondly such as are of perpetuall vse and necessity and so to bee passed ouer to other and continued to the end of the world The Diuines do note that there were foure things proper peculiar to the Apostles not communicable to any other of the Ministers of Christ appointed by him for the gathering together of his Saints The first was Immediate vocation the second Infallibility of Iudgment the 3d generality of Commission to do all things pertaining to the ministery of Saluation in all places towards all Persons the fourth the speaking in all the tongues and languages of the world the knowledge of all secrets and power to confirme their Doctrine by signes and miracles and by the imposition of their hands to giue the like miraculous gifts of the Spirite to others These joyntly were not communicable to any other in those times neither Evangelists nor Prophets as either not being called immediatly but appointed by the Apostles or not infallibly led into all truth Generall commission they had not but were taken into the fellowship of the Apostles labours to assist their presence supply their absence to build vpon their foundation and to perfect that they beganne Lastly though the hauing of miraculous gifts and the power of working miracles simply were not proper to the Apostles yet the hauing of them in such sort as by the imposition of their hands to giue the Spirit enabling to worke miracles to doe miraculous things was peculiar and proper to them and therefore we reade that Philip baptized but that the Apostles went to confirme them by imposition of hands that were baptized by him that so they might receiue the miraculous gifts of the holy Ghost And as these things were reserued as proper and peculiar vnto the Apostles and not communicated to any other in their time soe are they not passed ouer
their faith and profession before they were receiued and allowed one of another and before tehy were accounted and reputed for lawfull Patriarches Wherefore presupposing that the gouernment of the Church is not Monarchicall in respect of any one supreame Pastour on earth but mixt and hauing seene how notwithstanding the diuersitie of many Pastours the Church may be preserued in peace and vnity let vs more exactly and distinctly consider what the auncient forme of Church policie and gouernment was If we looke into the monuments of Antiquity wee shall finde that there were aunciently three Subordinations in the Church For the actions of the Bishoppe of each particular Church of a citty and places adjoyning were subject to the censure and judgment of the rest of the Bishops of the same prouince amongst whom for order sake there was one chiefe to whom it pertained to call them together to sit as moderator in the midst of them being assembled and to execute what by joynt consent they resolued on The actions of the Bishoppes of a prouince and a prouinciall Synode consisting of those Bishoppes were subject to a Synode consisting of the Metropolitanes and other Bishoppes of diuerse prouinces This Synode was of two sorts For either it consisted of the Metropolitanes and Bishoppes of one kingdome and nation onely as did the Councels of Africa or of the Metropolitans and Bishoppes of many kingdomes If of the Metropolitanes and Bishoppes of one kingdome and state onely the chiefe Primate was mederator If of many one of the Patriarches and chiefe Bishops of the whole world euery Church being subordinate to some one of the Patriarchicall Churches and incorporate into the vnity of it Thirdly the actions of the Bishops of a whole kingdome and Patriarchship were subject to an Oecumenicall Synode consisting of all the Patriarches and the Metropolitanes and Bishops subject to them Touching prouinciall Councells to the censures whereof the actions of particular Churches are subject they were by the auncient Canons of the Church to be holden in euery prouince twice euery yeare It is very necessary say the Fathers of the Councell of Nice that there should be a Synode twice euery yeare in euery prouince that all the Bishops of the prouince meeting together may in common thinke vpon those thinges that are doubtfull and questionable For the dispatch of Ecclesiasticall businesses and the determining of matters in controuersie Wee thinke it were fit say the Fathers in the Councell of Antioche that in euery prouince Synodes of Bishops should be assembled twice euery yeare The first councell of Constantinople decreeth the same and the Fathers assembled in the Councell of Chalcedon complaine that in some prouinces the Synodes of Bishops are not holden and that thereby many Ecclesiasticall matters needing reformation are neglected and therefore they appoint that the Bishops of euery prouince shall assemble euery yeare twice at that place which the Bishoppe of the mother Citty shall thinke fit to amend all thinges that shall be found to bee amisse in the prouince Here we see the necessity of holding these Synodes and by whom they were to bee called and moderated Wherefore let vs now proceede to see of whom they consisted what causes they examined and determined what the power of the Metropolitane originally was and what in processe of time by positiue constitution vpon due and just considerations it grew to be Touching the persons that prouinciall Synodes consisted of it is cleare and euident that not onely Bishops but Presbyters also were present in these Assemblies and had decisiue voyces whereupon the Councell of Antisiodorum sayth Let all the Presbyters being called come to the Synode in the Citty The Councell of Tarracon Let letters bee sent by the Metropolitane to his brethren that they bring with them to the Synode not onely some of the Presbyters of the Cathedrall Church but also of each Diocese And the fourth Councell of Toledo describing the forme of celebrating prouinciall Synodes hath these words Let the Bishops assembled goe to the Church and sit according to the time of their ordination and after all the Bishops are entred and set let the Presbyters be called and the Bishops sitting in compasse let Presbyters sit behind them and the Deacons stand before them In the first Councell of Toledo we find these words Considentibus Presbyteris astantibus Diaconis caeteris qui intererant Concilio congregato Patronus Episcopus dixit c. that is The Presbyters sitting together with the Bishops the Deacons standing before them and the rest which were present in the Councell assembled Patronus the Bishop said c. The like we reade of a Synode holden by Gregory the Pope The words are these Gregorius Papa coram sacratissimo corpore Beati Petri Apostoli cum Episcopis omnibus Romanae Ecclesiae Presbyteris residens assistentibus Diaconis cuncto Clero dixit c. that is Gregory the Pope sitting before the most sacred body of blessed Peter with all the Bishops of the Romane Church and the Presbyters also the Deacons standing before them and all the Clergie said c. And that Presbyters were not only present in Provinciall Synodes but had decisiue voyces as well as Bishops it appeareth by their subscribing to the Decrees of such Synodes in the very same forme and manner that Bishops did So that it will be found most false and vntrue that Bellarmine hath that Presbyters haue no voyces in Synodes and the auncient forme of our Convocation here in England wherein not onely the Arch-bishops and Bishops but sundry Presbyters also as well out of Cathedrall Churches as Dioceses at large are present and haue decisiue voices will clearely refute the same The causes that were wont to be examined and determined in the meeting of the Bishops of the prouince were the ordinations of Bishops when any Churches were voyd and the depriving and reiecting of all such as were found vnworthy of their honour and place and in a word any complaint of wrong done in any Church was there to be heard Let the prouinciall Synodes be holden twice euery yeare saith the Councell of Antioch and let the Presbyters and Deacons bee present and as many as thinke they haue beene any way hurt or wronged there expect the determination of the Synode The power of the Metropolitane was in calling the rest of the Bishops to the Synode in appointing the place of their meeting and in sitting as President in the midst of them and so were things moderated that neither the rest might proceede to doe any thing without consulting him nor hee to doe any thing without them but was tyed in all matters of difference to follow the maior part and if hee neglected his dutie in convocating his brethren that so things might bee determined by common consent hee was by the Canons subiect to censure and punishment Thus at first all matters were to be heard determined and
say nothing of this excommunication but report the repulse which the messengers the Romane Bishop sent to the Emperour to procure a Councell receiued and Theophilus for ought I know was euer holden a catholicke Bishop both by Hierome and others to his dying day notwithstanding these quarrells betweene him and Chrysostome The excommunication of Leo the Emperour by Gregory the third whereof Zonaras writeth in the life of Leo Isaurus which is a third instance of Papall censures against the great men of the world proueth not the matter in question For Gregory did not anathematize Leo of himselfe alone but with a Synode of Bishops neither was he able by his owne authority to stay the Tribute that was wont to be payd to the Emperour but by his sollicitation procured a confederacie of the French and Germans against the Emperours of Constantinople and by their meanes stayed the Tribute that was wont to be paid wherevpon the Germans and French possessed Rome and became Lords of it The last example is that of Nicholas the first excommunicating Lotharius King of France and his concubine Valdrada together with the Arch-bishops of Coleyn Treuers But the answere herevnto is easie For first this example proueth not the thing in qâ—…estion to wit that the Pope hath an vniuersall power ouer all the world seeing all these were within the Patriarchship of the Bishop of Rome And secondly wee say these circumstances of this proceeding are vntruely reported by Bellarmine For this is the true report which wee finde in Rhegino and others Lotharius King of Lorrayne falling in loue with Valdrada which had beene his concubine while hee was yet a young man in his fathers house beganne to dislike Thietberga his wife Hereupon hee laboureth with the Bishops of Treuers and Coleyn to finde some meanes to put her away They call a Synode wherein Thietberga is charged to haue committed incest with her owne brother and thereupon pronounced an vnfit wife for the King The King thus freed from his wife professeth hee cannot liue single they pronounce it lawfull for him to marry another wife and he taketh Valdrada to wife whom he had formerly kept as his concubine Nicholas the first Bishop of Rome hearing of this sendeth into France to learne the certainty The Legates hee sendeth come to the King to expostulate the matter with him The King answereth that he did nothing but what the Bishoppes of his kingdome in a generall Councell had assured him was lawfull to bee done Whereupon the Bishops of Coleyn and Treuers were sent for to Rome and the Pope called a Councell in which the opinions and proceedings of these Bishops were condemned and they degraded by all the Bishops Presbyters Deacons that were assembled in Councell In all which narration there is no circumstance found that any way proueth the Pope to haue the fulnesse of all Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction but the contrary rather may from hence bee concluded because nothing is done against these two Bishops but by a Synode of Bishops assembled by their owne Patriarch But saith Bellarmine Pope Nicholas excommunicated the King and Valdrada his supposed wife therefore he is vniuersall Bishop The former part of this saying is most vntrue for the Pope did not excommunicate the King but Valdrada onely And I thinke the excommunicating of one silly harlot that had so grievously scandalized the Church of God and whose cause was iudged before in a Synode being brought thither and there examined by reason of the vniust proceedings of the Bishops of Coleyn and Treuers against a lawfull Queene in favour of her will neuer by any good consequence proue the Pope to bee vniuersall Bishop yet these are all the proofes the Cardinall canne bring from the censures the auncient Bishops of Rome are reported to haue vsed and therefore he proceedeth to shew demonstrate the Amplitude of the Popes illimited power iurisdiction by the Vicegerents hee appointed in all partes of the Christian world that were farre remote from him to doe things in his name by his authority But for answere herevnto we say that neither this Cardinall nor any other canne proue that the Bishops of Rome had any such Vicars Vicegerents or Substitutes but onely within the compasse of their owne Patriarchships and that therefore from the hauing of them nothing can be inferred for confirmation of their illimited power authority So Leo as we reade in his Epistles constituted Anastasius Bishoppe of Thessalonica his Vicegerent for the parts thereabouts as other his predecessours had done former Bishops of that Church Whâ—…ch causing great resort thither vpon diuers occasions may bee thought to haue beene the reason why the Councell of Sardica prouideth that the Clergy-men of other churches shall not make too long stay at Thessalonica So the same Leo made Potentius the Bishop his Vicegerent in the parts of Africa Hormisda Salustius Bishop of Hispalis in Boetica and Lusitania and Gregory Virgilius Bishop of Arle in the regions of France all these places being within the compasse of the Patriarchship of Rome as Cusanus sheweth And the same may be sayd of the Bishop of Iustiniana the first who was appointed the Bishop of Romes Vicegerent in those parts vpon signification of the Emperours will and desire that it should be so Neither doth the Cardinall proue any other thing whatsoeuer he maketh shew of For though Cyril Bishop of Alexandria were the Vicegerent of Caelestinus in the cause of Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople yet was he not his Vicegerent in such sort as they were that were within his owne Patriarchship as if he had had none authority of his owne but that onely which Caelestinus gaue vnto him But Caelestinus hauing beene informed by Cyril of the impieties of Nestorius and hauing in his Synodes of the West condemned the same joyned his authority with the authority of Cyril that so he might proceed against him not onely as of himselfe and out of the iudgments of his own Bishops but also out of the consenting resolutions of them of the West And therefore Euagrius sheweth that at or before the time appointed by the Emperour Nestorius and Cyril came to Ephesus where a Councell was to be holden and that Iohn of Antioch with his Bishops being not come after fifteene dayes stay Cyril Bishop of Alexandria the greatest of all the Bishops that were present who also supplied the place of Caelestinus with the rest of the Bishops thought good to send for Nestorius and to require him to appeare in the Synode to answere to the crimes obiected to him Whereby it is euident that Nestorius being to be iudged in a generall Councell Cyril being the greatest of the Bishops that were present the Bishop of Rome neither comming nor sending at the first was in his owne right President of that assembly But the Bishop of Rome who could not come but hauing assembled his Bishops
intermeddle with the disposition of earthly kingdomes or restraine or depose Princes how much soeuer they abuse their authoritie The first of these three opinions had anciently and hath presently great patrons and followers Yet Bellarmine very confidently and learnedly refuteth the same First shewing that the Pope is not soueraigne Lord of the whole world Secondly that he is not Lord of the Christian world And thirdly that hee is Lord of no part of the world That he is not Lord of the whole world he proueth because not of those Provinces that are possessed by Infidels which hee demonstrateth First because Christ committed none but onely his sheepe to Peter and therefore gaue him no authoritie ouer Infidels which are not his sheepe whereunto Saint Paul agreeth professing that hee hath nothing to doe to iudge them that are without Secondly because dominion and the right of Princes is not founded in grace or faith but in free will and reason and hath not sprung from the written Law of Moses or Christ but from the law of Nations and Nature VVhich is most cleare in that God both in the Olde and New Testament approueth the Kingdomes of the Gentiles and Infidels as appeareth by that of Daniel to Nebuchadnezzar O King thou art King of Kings For the God of Heauen hath giuen thee a kingdome power and strength and glory and in all places where the children of men dwell the beasts of the field and the fowles of the heauen hath hee giuen into thine hand and hath made thee a ruler ouer them all And that of Christ Giue vnto Caesar the things that are Caesars With whom the Apostle agreeth requiring the Christians of his time not only to pay tribute to Heathen kings but also to obey them for conscience sake which men were not bound to if they had no authority and right to commaund Neither can it be said that heathen princes are the Popes Lieuetenants and theresore to be obeyed for his sake though not for their owne seeing the Pope would haue no such Lieutenants if it lay in him to place them or displace them Lastly hee proueth that the Pope hath no such soueraigne right of commaunding ouer all as is pretended seeing it had beene vaine for Christ to giue him a right to that whereof hee should neuer get the possession And hauing thus proued that Infidels were truely and rightly Lords of the countries subiect to them before the comming of Christ that he found no nullitie in their titles nor euer seized their kingdomes and dominions into his owne hands as some fondly imagine that he did hee proceedeth to proue that Princes when they become Christians lose not the right that they formerly had to their kingdomes but get a new right to the kingdome of heauen For that otherwise Christs grace should destroy nature and his benefits be preiudiciall to such as are made partakers of them Whereas Christ came not to destroy and ouerthrow things well setled before but to perfect them nor to hurt any but to doe good to all For confirmation whereof hee alleageth part of the Hymne of Sedulius which the whole Church doth sing Hostis Herodes impie Christum venire quid times Non eripit mortalia Qui regna dat coelestia that is O impious enemie Herod why doest thou feare Christs comming He will not depriue thee of thy transitorie kingdome vpon earth that giues an eternall kingdome in heauen Whence it followeth that Christ imposed no such hard condition on those kings that were to become Christians as to leaue their crownes dignities And so he commeth to his second proposition that the Pope is not temporall Lord of the Christian world which he confirmeth First because if the Pope were soueraigne Lord of all the Christian world Bishops should be temporall Lords of their cities the places adioyning subiect to them Which neither they will graunt that contend for the soueraigntie of the Pope nor can stand with that of Saint Ambrose who saith If the Emperour aske tribute we deny it him not The Church lands doe pay tribute And againe Tribute is Caesars it is not denied him but the Church is Gods and may not be yeelded to Caesar. And that of Hosius Bishop of Corduba who as we reade in Athanasius telleth the Emperour that God hath giuē him the Empire but that he hath committed to Bishops those things that pertaine to the Church Secondly out of the confession of Popes Pope Leo confessing that Martianus the Emperour was appointed to the Empire by God and that God was the authour of his Empire And Gelasius writing to Anastasius the Emperour and acknowledging that there are two thinges by which principally the world is guided to wit the sacred authority of Bishoppes and the regall power of Princes with whom Gregorie agreeth when hee saith Power ouer all is giuen from heauen to the piety of my Lord. And from hence hee inferreth his third proposition that the Pope is temporall Lord of no part of the world in the right of Peters successour and Christs Vicar For if there were no nullitie in the titles of infidell kings and princes nor no necessity implied in their conuersion of relinquishing their right when they became Christians but that both infidels christians notwithstanding any act of Christ continued in the full possession of princely power right it could not be that Christ should inuest Peter or his successours with any kingly authority seeing hee could giue them none but such as he should take from others Nay hee proceedeth farther and sheweth that Christ himselfe while hee was on the earth was no temporall Lord or King and therefore much lesse gaue any temporall dominion or kingdome to his Apostles That he was no temporall king he proueth because the right to bee a King or Lord in such sort as men are Kings or Lords is either by inheritance election conquest or speciall donation and gift of Almighty God Now that Christ according to the flesh was a King by right of inheritance hee saith it cannot be proued because though hee came of the kingly familie yet it is vncertaine whether he were the next in bloud to Dauid or not And besides the kingdome was taken away from Dauids house before Christ was borne God had foretold that of the house of Ieconiah of which Christ came as we may reade in the first of Saint Matthew there should neuer be any temporall King such as David and the rest that succeeded him were saying Write this man barren a man that shall not prosper in his dayes for there shall bee no man of his seede to sitte vpon the throne of Dauid to haue power any more in Iudah And whereas it might be obiected that the Angell prophecied that the Lord God should giue vnto Christ the seat of Dauid his father the Cardinall answereth out of Hierome vpon the place of Hieremie and
Ambrose vpon Luke that the words of Almighty God which we read in Hieremie are to be vnderstood of a temporall kingdome and the words of the Angell of a spirituall and eternall kingdome That Christ was not a temporall King by right of election hee proueth by that of Christ himselfe when he saith O man who hath made me a judge or a diuider among you And by that of S. Iohn where he saith that When Christ knew they meant to come take him make him a King he fled againe himselfe alone into a mountaine So that he neither was chosen nor would haue accepted of any such choise That by right of conquest and victory hee was not a temporall King it appeareth in that his warre was not with mortall Kings to depriue them of their kingdomes but with the prince of darkenesse according to that of the Apostle To this purpose did the Sonne of God appeare that he might dissolue the workes of the Diuell And that againe Now is the Prince of this world cast out And that of Saint Paule who speaking of Christ sayth That spoyling principalities and powers hee made a shew of them openly triumphing ouer them in himselfe So that his warrefare was not by carnall weapons to get himselfe an earthly kingdome but by spirituall weapons mightie through God to get a spirituall kingdome that hee might reigne in the hearts of men by faith and grace where Sathan reigned before by infidelity disobedience and sinne Lastly that he was no temporall king by any speciall gift of God his Father it is euident out of his owne words when he saith My kingdome is not hence For as the Fathers note vpon these words Christ meant by so saying to put Pilate out of doubt that he affected no temporall kingdome And therefore the sence of his words must needes be this I am a King but not in such sort as Caesar and Herod My kingdome is not of this world that is The supports of it are not things of this world it doth not consist in honour riches and power of this world This thing the Cardinall farther proueth to be true because he came to minister and not to be ministred vnto to be judged and not to judge and by his whole course of conuersation shewed the same neuer taking vpon him to do any kingly act For whereas hee cast out the buyers and sellers out of the Temple it rather pertained to the Priestes office then the kings according to that which wee read in the old Testament that the Priest draue the king himselfe out of the Temple when disorderly he presumed to do things not pertaining to him and yet he did it not by any Priestly or kingly authority but after the manner of Prophets by a kind of diuine zeale like that wherewith Phinchees was moued to kill the adulterer and adulteresse and Elias to slay the Prophets of Baal This most true opinion of the Cardinall that Christ was no temporall king is farther confirmed in that such a kind of kingdome had not beene necessary Nay it had beene an hinderance to the worke he had in hand which was to perswade to the contempt of glorie honour riches pleasures and all such other earthly things wherewith the Kings of the earth abound and by suffering death to ouercome him that had the power of death and to reconcile the world vnto God And besides in that all the places where any mention is made of the kingdome of Christ are necessarily vnderstood of a spirituall and eternall kingdome So in the Psalme I am apointed of him a King to preach his commandement And againe in the booke of Daniel In their dayes shall God raise vp a kingdome which shall not be destroyed for euer And of his kingdome there shall be no end Whereas the kingdomes of men continue but for a time and therefore if Christ had beene a King in such sort while he was vpon the earth as men are he had ceased to be so when hee left the earth And then it could not haue beene true that of his kingdome there should be none end Nay seeing the kingdome of the Iewes was possessed by the Romanes at or immediately after the time of the departure of Christ out of the world and afterwards by the Saracens and Turkes how could that of Daniel haue beene fulfilled that his kingdome shall not be giuen to another people if his kingdome had beene like the kingdomes of men So it is true that Christ came into the world to be a king and that GOD gaue him the seate of Dauid his father But this kingdome was diuine spirituall eternall and proper vnto him in that hee was the Sonne of God and in that he was God and Man But a temporall kingdome such as the sonnes of men haue he had not And heereupon Saint Augustine bringeth in Christ speaking in this sort Audite Iudaej Gentes audi circumcisio audi praeputium audite omnia regnae terrena non impedio dominationem vestram in hoc mundo c. that is Heare O Iewes and Gentiles heare circumcision and vncircumcision heare all ye kingdomes of the earth I hinder not your dominion and rule in this world because my kingdome is not of this world Feare not therefore with that most vaine and causelesse feare wherewith Herod feared and slew so many innocent babes being cruell rather out of feare then anger and so forward shewing that the Kingdome of Christ is meerely spirituall and such as no way prejudiceth the kingdomes of men Which the Glosse confirmeth noting that Christ while hee was yet to liue longer in this world when the multitudes came to make him a King refused it but that when hee was ready to suffer he no way reproued but willingly accepted the hymnes of them that receiued him in triumphant manner and welcommed him to Hierusalem honouring him as a King because hee was a King not hauing a temporall and earthly kingdome but an heauenly Whereunto Leo agreeth shewing that Herod when hee heard a Prince was borne to the Iewes feared a successour but that his feare was vaine and causelesse saying O caeca stultae aemulationis impietas quae perturbandum putas divinum tuo furore consilium Dominus mundi temporale non quaerit regnumqui praestat aeternum that is Oblinde impietie of foolish emulation which thinkest to trouble and hinder the Counsels of God by thy furie The Lord of the World who giueth an eternall Kingdome came not into the World to seeke a temporall kingdome And Fulgentius accordeth with him saying The golde which the Sages offered to Christ shewed him to bee a King but not such a King as will haue his Image and superscription in the coyne but such an one as seeketh his image in the sonnes of men Whence it followeth he was no temporall or mundane King seeing they haue their images and superscriptions in their
himselfe was no temporall or earthly king and therefore much lesse Peter or the Pope that pretendeth to be Christs Vicar and Peters successour Notwithstanding they that are otherwise minded endevour to proue that Christ was a temporall king and that hee left a kingly power to Peter and his successours First out of Scripture strangely wrested Secondly out of the testimonies of Popes For better authorities they haue none The principall text of Scripture which they alleage is in the Gospell of Saint Matthew where our Sauiour saith All power is given me in heauen and in earth But Bellarmine telleth them and the best Diuines agree with him that that place is not to bee vnderstood of a temporall power such as earthly kings haue but either of a spirituall whereby Christ so raigneth in earth in the hearts of men by faith as hee doth in heaven in the presence of his glorie among the Angels or a diuine power ouer all creatures not communicable to mortall men The former of these interpretations the Authour of the Interlineall Glosse followeth the later Lyra vpon this place his words are Licèt Christus quantum ad diuinitatem ab aeterno haberet hanc potestatem in quantum homo ab instanti conceptionis haberet potestatem in coelo in terra authoritativè tamen executivè non habuit ante resurrectionem suam sed voluit esse passibilitati subiectus propter nostram redemptionem that is Although Christ in that he was God had this power from all eternity and in that hee was man had power both in heauen and in earth from the first moment of his conception in respect of authority yet in respect of the execution and performance of the acts of it he had it not before his resurrection but was pleased to bee subiect to passibilitie for our redemption Let vs come therefore from the Scripture to the testimonies of later Popes for Fathers auncient Councells or auncient Bishops of Rome they haue none to speake for them The first Pope that they alleage is Pope Nicholas in a certaine Epistle of his where he saith as they tell vs that Christ committed and gaue vnto blessed Peter the Key-bearer of eternall life the rights both of the earthly and heauenly Empire To this authority first wee answere that Pope Nicholas hath no such words in any Epistle howsoeuer Gratian who citeth them as the words of Nicholas mistooke the matter Secondly that supposing the words to be the words of Nicholas his meaning may bee that the spirituall power of binding and loosing which Christ left to Peter is not onely of force in earth but in heauen also that being bound in heauen that is bound on earth and they beeing repulsed from the throne of grace in heauen and excluded from Gods fauours that are reiected from the holy Altars and put from the Sacraments of the Church Wherevpon Chrysostome saith that the power of the church directeth and commaundeth the very Tribunall of heauen and addeth that heauen taketh authority of judging from the earth For that the Iudge sitteth on earth and the Lord followeth the sentence of his servants according to that of Christ Whatsoeuer you shall binde on earth shall be bound in heauen Others expound the supposed words of Pope Nicholas of the spirituall power of Peter ouer the good and bad in the visible church the good being named the kingdome of heauen and the bad an earthly kingdome or company But howsoeuer it is most certaine that Pope Nicholas in his Epistle to Michael the Emperour hath the cleane contrary to that which some would charge him with For there hee sheweth that howsoeuer before Christ some were both kings and priests as was Melchisedeck and as likewise some other among the Pagans were yet after Christ none were so Neither did the Emperour take vnto him the rights of the chiefe Priesthood nor the chiefe Priest the name of the Emperour Sed mediator Dei hominum homo Christus sic actibus propriis dignitatibus distinctis officia potestatis vtriusque discreuit vt Christiani Imperatores pro aeterna vita pontificibus indigerent Pontifices pro cursu temporalium tantummodò rerum Imperialibus legibus vterentur that is But the Mediatour of God and men the man Christ did so distinguish and seuer the duties and offices of either of these kinds of power by their proper actions distinct dignities that both Christian Emperours should stand in neede of Bishops for the attaining of eternall life and that Bishoppes should vse the lawes of Emperours for the course of temporall things onely that so both the spirituall action and employment might be free from carnall turmoyles and that he who goeth on warfare vnto God might not at all bee entangled with secular businesses and that on the other side he might not seeme to bee set ouer the things that are Diuine whom the businesses of this world should possesse that both the modestie of each of these orders and degrees might bee preserued and that also no one hauing both these kindes of power should be lifted vp too high The next authoritie is that of Bonifacius the eighth who hath these words speaking of the Church which is one and whereof he supposeth the Bishop of Rome to be the head Wee are instructed by the Evangelicall sayings that in this Church and in the power of it there are two swords to wit a spirituall and a temporall For when the Apostles said Beholde heere are two swords to wit in the Church because they were the Apostles that spake the Lord did not answere that it was too much but that it was enough and therefore surely whosoeuer denyeth the temporall sword to be in the power of Peter seemeth not well to consider the word of the Lord commaunding him to sheathe his sword The answer vnto this authority is easie For Bonifacius as Duarenus noteth was a vaine busie turbulent arrogant and proud man presuming aboue that which was fit and challenging that which no way pertained vnto him and therefore we may justly reject both him and his sayings But for the words of our Sauiour it is euident that they proue no such thing as this Pope would inforce out of them Some saith Maldonatus frō these words would proue that the Church hath two swords the one spirituall the other temporall which whether it haue or haue not cannot be proued out of this place where other swords are meant then either of Ciuill or Ecclesiasticall authority Our Sauiour telleth his Disciples the times approaching will be such as that a man had neede for his owne defence to sell his coate to buy a sword Whereupon the Disciples supposing they should vse materiall swords in their owne defence answere that they haue two swords To whom Christ replyeth that it is enough not confirming their erring opinion but answering them Ironically as Theophylact and Euthymius thinke Or otherwise letting them vnderstand that
though the times would be such as that many swords would not suffice to defend them yet that these two were enough because he meant to vse none at all but to suffer all that the malice of his enemies could doe vnto him This Maldonatus deliuereth to be the literall sense of Christs wordes sheweth a mysticall sense of them also out of Beda much more apt then that of Bonifacius Duo gladii saith Beda sufficiunt ad testimonium sponte passi Salvatoris Vnus qui Apostolis audaciam pro Domino certandi evulsà ictu eius auriculâ Domino etiam morituro pietatem virtutemque doceret inesse medicandi Alter quinequaquam vaginâ exemptus ostenderet eos nec totum quod potuere pro eius defensione facere permissos that is Two swords are sufficient to giue testimony vnto our Sauiour that he suffered willingly The one of which might shew that the Apostles wanted no courage to fight for their Master and by the eare that was cut off by the stroke thereof and healed againe by the Lord that he wanted neither piety to compassionate the miserable nor vertue and power to make him whole that was hurt though now hee were ready to dye And the other which neuer was drawne out of the sheath might shew that they were not permitted to doe all that they could haue done in his defence It is not to be denyed but that S. Bernard mystically expounding the words of Christ saith the Church hath two swords of authority But he thinketh it hath them in very different sort For it hath the vse of the one and the benefite of the other The one is to bee drawne by it the other for it So that this is all that hee saith that the sword of ciuill authority is to be vsed by the Souldiers hand at the commaund of the Emperour by the direction and at the suite of the Church From Bonifacius they passe to Innocentius the third who in the vacancy of the Empire willed those that were wronged in their rightfull causes to haue recourse either to some Bishop or to himselfe And Clemens the fifth who professeth to intermeddle with certaine secular businesses affaires and to determine certaine ciuill causes vpon three seuerall grounds Whereof the first is his greatnesse making him superiour to the Emperour The second his being in steed of the Emperour in the vacancy of the Empire And the third the fulnesse of power which Christ the King of Kings and Lord of Lords gaue vnto Peter and in him to his successours Whatsoeuer wee thinke of the former of these two Popes who seemeth to ground his intermedling in ciuill affaires vpon some law of the Empire and concession of ciuill Princes accordingly as we reade of Theodosius that he permitted any Lay-men hauing ciuill differences among themselues to referre the same to Ecclesiasticall Iudges if they listed Which concession proceeding ex pietate not ex debito that is out of piety and not out of any right or necessity that it must bee soe is long since growne out of vse the state of Church-men beeing much changed from that it was when hee granted them that priuiledge as Duarenus sheweth Yet Pope Clemens can by no meanes be excused from hereticall impiety affirming that which is most vntrue as may appeare by the many fold reasons brought before to proue the contrary nor from Antichristian pride in seeking to tread vnderneath his feete the crownes and dignities of Kings and Princes and to lift himselfe vp aboue all that is called God CHAP. 45. Of the Popes vnjust claime to intermeddle with the affaires of Princes and their states if not as soueraigne Lord ouer all yet at least in Ordine ad spiritualia and in case of Princes failing to do their duties THAT Christ was no earthly King that he left no Kingly power to Peter and that the Pope hath no meere temporall power in that he is Christs Vicar or Peters successor it is most euident out of the former discourse and the Cardinall Iesuite confesseth so much and yet he thinketh the Pope hath a supreme power to dispose of all temporall states and things in ordine ad bonum spirituale that is in a kinde of reference to the procuring and setting forward of the spirituall good But this fancy is most easily refuted by vnanswerable reasons presupposing his former concession For first no man can take away limit or restraine any power or the excercise of it but he in whom it is in eminent sort and from whom it was receiued But the ciuill power that is in Princes is not in the Pope neither did it proceede and come originally from him therefore it cannot be restrained limited or taken away by him The maior proposition is euident the assumption is proued because ciuill power is in heathen infidels who no way hold of the Pope Secondly because it is agreed by all Diuines of worth and learning that the ciuill power in the first originall of it is immediately from God or if not immediately by his owne deliuery thereof yet by no other mediation then that of the law of nature and nations The Emperours know saith Tertullian who gaue them the Empire they know that it was euen the same God who gaue vnto them to be men and to haue humane soules They well perceiue that he onely is God in whose onely power they are à quo sunt secundi post quem primi ante omnes super omnes Deos that is After whom they are in order the second but among all other the first before and aboue all Gods And againe Inde est Imperator vnde homo antequam Imperator inde potest as illi vnde spiritus that is From thence is the chiefe ruler and Emperor whence he was a man before hee was an Emperour from thence hath hee his power from whence he receiued the spirit of life The Author of the answer to the reports of a great and worthy Iudge among vs who hath lately written in the defence of the Popes ouerspreading greatnesse seemeth in part to agree with Tertullian and telleth vs that ciuill power is receiued from God not immediately by his owne deliuery thereof but mediately rather by the mediation of the law of nature and nations For by the law of nature God hath ordained that there should be politicke gouernment which the law of nations assuming hath transferred that gouernment to one or more according to the diuers formes thereof And Occam proueth at large that Imperiall power is not from the Pope and that it is hereticall to say that all lawfull ciuil power is from the Pope Our second reason is this Absolute soueraigne ciuill Princes while they were infidels had true dominion rule and authority holding it as immediatly from God not depending on any ruler of the church as hath beene shewed before But when they become Christians they still remaine in the
same fulnesse of authority in as ample independent sort as before because the benefite of Christ tendeth to no mans hurt grace ouerthroweth not nature therefore still they remaine independent and subiect to none in the same power and in the exercise of it If they shall say they are subject to none while they vse their authority well but that if they abuse it they lose the independent absolutenesse thereof their saying will bee found to bee heteticall For if vpon abuse of independent authority they that haue it lose and forfeit it ipso facto then authority and abuse of authority or at least extreme abuse of it cannot stand together which is contrary to that of Saint Augustine where he saith Nec tyrannicaefactionis perversitas laudabilis erit si regia clementia tyrannus subditos tractet nec vituperabilis ordo regiae potestatis si Rex crudelitate tyrannicâ saeuiat aliud est namque iniustâ potestate iustè velle vti aliud est iustâ potestate iniustè velle vti that is Neither shall the peruersnesse of tyrannicall vsurpation euer be praise worthy though the tyrant vse his subiects with all Kingly clemency nor the order of Kingly power euer be subiect to iust reprehension though a king grow fierce and cruell like a tyrant For it is one thing to vse an vnlawfull power lawfully and another thing to vse a lawfull power vnrighteously vniustly The third reason may bee this If God did giue to the Pope authority to depose Princes erring and abusing their authority hee would giue them the meanes to execute that their authority reacheth vnto to wit ciuill greatnesse armies of Souldiers walled cities towers and strong holds both for defence and offence and all other thinges necessary for the putting downe of wicked Kinges But the Pope as Christs Vicar hath none of these neither was hee at any time as a temporall Prince the greatest monarch of the world and so able to represse the insolencies of all hereticall pagan and wicked Kings hindering the peaceable proceeding of the Gospell of Christ therefore he hath no such authority For to say that God giueth authority not the meanes whereby it may execute and performe that which pertaineth to it is impious The onely meanes the Pope hath to depose Princes are two but neither of them within the compasse of his power to dispose of The first is the raising of subjects against their Prince The second is the raising of neighbour Princes The former of these meanes is very defectiue seeing as Bellarmine rightly obserueth out of Ecclesiasticus Such as the Ruler of a citie is such are they that dwell in it And therefore if the King bee an hereticke the most part of his people will bee so too and rather assist him for the maintenance of his heresie then resist against him for the suppressing of it Which thing as he saith experience teacheth For when Ieroboam became an Idolater the greatest part of the kingdome worshipped Idols When Constantine reigned Christian Religion flourished When Constantius reigned Arrianisme prevailed and ouerflowed all When Iulian swayed the Scepter the greatest part returned to Paganisme So that Iouian being chosen after his death refused to bee Emperour protesting that being a Christian hee neither could nor would bee Emperour ouer infidells Whereupon they all professed that howsoeuer they had dissembled before yet they were still in heart Christians and now would shew it againe So that wee see the first meanes for the suppressing of erring Princes is no meanes or a very vncertaine one And a second is worse then the first For I neuer read in any Diuine of what religion soeuer that one King is bound to make warre vpon another vpon the Popes command for the suppressing of heresie And therefore the Pope may breath out excommunications till he be breathlesse but can goe no farther by any meanes that God hath giuen him Fourthly thus we reason Either the power of the Pope is meerely Ecclesiasticall and spirituall or it is not If it bee not then hath hee ciuill authority from Christ which they deny If it be then can it inflict no punishments but meerely spirituall and Ecclesiasticall For of what nature each power is of the same are the punishments it inflicteth The temporall power inflicteth onely temporall outward and corporall punishments as losse of goods imprisonment banishment or death The spirituall only spirituall as suspension excommunication and the like Now I suppose the losse of a kingdome with all the riches and honour of it captivity banishment or death vpon resistance against the sentence of deposition is a temporall and externall punishment of the worst nature and highest degree that may be Lastly if soueraigne Kings may bee put from their Kingdomes vpon abuse of their authority either they forfeit and lose the right of them ipso facto and are depriued by Almighty God and then the Pope can but declare what God hath already done as any man else may vpon perfect vnderstanding of the case or else other neighbor Kings or their owne subjects are to depose them and the Pope is onely to put them in mind of their duty and as a spirituall pastour to vrge them to the performance of it and then he deposeth thē not but they Or lastly the power of assuming their authority to himself vpon their abuse thereof pertaineth vnto him and then in ciuill authority he is the greatest and ouer all which yet these men deny For hee that is to judge of Princes actions and vpon dislike to limite restraine or wholly take their power from them is supreme in that kinde of authority And if he may take ciuill authority from other and giue it to whom he pleaseth there is no question but hee may giue it vnto himselfe and so hath power vpon all defects of Princes to take into his owne hand that which formerly pertained to them and to doe the acts that were to be performed by them Now as these reasons strongly proue that the Pope cannot depose Princes in ordine ad spiritualia so the weaknes of the reasons brought to proue it will much more confirme the same Their first reason is taken frō the perfection and excellency of the Ecclesiasticall or spirituall power which they say is greater and farre more excellent then that which is ciuill Whereunto we answer with Waldensis that though the spirituall power be simply more perfect excellent then the ciuill yet either of these in the performance of things pertaining to them is greater then the other and each of them independent of the other Ambrose was greater then Theodosius in respect of the administration of diuine things might either admit him to or reiect him from the Sacraments But Theodosius in respect of all temporall things was greater then hee and might cōmand him send him into banishment or take away all that he had The Sun is more excellent then the Moon
the influence thereof more powerfull yet is there a kind of influence vpon the waters wherein the Moon is more excellent then the Sun In like sort the power which is spirituall may do greater things then that which is temporall yet the temporall may do those things the spirituall cannot do And therfore it will not follow that the Ecclesiasticall state the principall Ministers of the Church may take vnto themselues the authority of Kings or take vpon them to do the things that pertaine to Kingly offices because they are greater in dignity and haue a greater power vnlesse they had a greater dignity power in the same kind Nowthey who most amplifie the greatnes of Ecclesiasticall power preferring it before the other which is ciuill neuer make the greatnes of it to consist in that in ciuill affaires it may do more then that but in that it hath a more noble object more wonderfull effects We also saith Nazianzen haue power and authority that farre more ample and excellent then that of ciuill Princes insomuch as it is fit the flesh should yeeld to the spirit things earthly to things heauenly Priesthood saith Chrysostome is a Princedome more honourable great then a Kingdome tell not mee of the purple diademe scepter or golden apparell of Kings for these are but shadowes and more vaine then flowres at the spring time If you will see the difference betweene them how much the King is inferiour to the Priest cōsider the manner of the power deliuered to them both you shall see the Priests tribunall much higher then that of the King who hath receiued only the administratiō of earthly things But the Priests tribunal is placed in heauē he hath authority to pronoūce sentence in heauēly affairs And again Earthly Princes haue power to bind but our bodies onely but the bands which Priests can lay vpō vs do touch the soul it self reach euen vnto the heauēs so far forth as that whatsoeuer Priests shal determin here beneath that God doth ratifie aboue in heauen and confirme the sentence of his seruants vpon earth When king Richard the first returning from the holy land was taken and holde as a prisoner by Duke Leopold of Austria and the Emperour Henry the sixth Queene Elenor his mother seeking all meanes to procure his deliuerance among other thinges wrote a letter to the Bishop of Rome intreating him to interpose his authority The words of her letter are these expressing the passion and earnest desire of her heart This onely remaineth ô Father that you draw forth the sword of Peter against malefactors which sword God hath appointed to be ouer nations and kingdomes The Crosse of Christ doth excell the Eagles that are in Caesars Banners the spirituall sword of Peter is of more power then was the temporall sword of Constantine the Emperour and the See Apostolicke is more potent then any Imperiall power or authority and I would aske whether your power be of God or of men did not the God of Gods speake to you in Peter the Apostle saying Whatsoeuer you shall binde vpon earth shall be bound in heauen and whatsoeuer you shall loose on earth shall bee loosed in heauen and why then do you so negligently or rather cruelly delay for a long time to lose my sonne or why dare you not do it perhaps you will say that the power giuen you by God of binding and losing is for soules and not for bodies Let it bee so truly it is sufficiont for vs if you will binde the soules of those that hold my sons body bound in prison By all these sayings of them that most admired the excellency of Priesthood it appeareth that the excellencie thereof aboue princely power is in respect of the object thereof which is more noble the effects thereof which are more wonderfull not in respect of greater power authority right to dispose of temporal affaires businesses either simply or vpon any abuse or negligence of ciuil Princes So that from hence it cannot be inferred that the chiefe ministers of the Church may depose the Princes of the world Hugo de sancto Victore sayth There are two kinds of power the one terrene the head whereof is the King the other spirituall the head whereof is the pope To the Kings power those things pertaine that are terrene to the Popes those that are spirituall and looke how much the spirituall life is better then the earthly so much doth the spirituall power excell the earthly in honour and dignity For the spirituall power doth constitute the terrene power that it may be and iudgeth it whether it proceede aright or not But it selfe was first instituted of God and when it goeth aside can bee judged of none but of God onely From hence as Waldensis sheweth some men tooke an occasion of errour affirming that the roote of terrene power doth so farre fotrh depend vpon the Pope that by commission from him the execution of things pertaining thereunto is deriued vnto the Prince and that when the Prince goeth aside or faileth to do his duty the chiefe Bishop may manage the ciuill affaires because hee saith the spirituall power doth institute the ciuil power that it may be But these men presume too farre and in so doing offend because the terrene power of Kings is not reduced into any other originally as hauing authority ouer Kings but vnto Christ onely and yet notwithstanding as the Priest joyneth the man and his wife in marriage and blesseth them that they may be man and wife and joyfull parents of happy children and judgeth afterwards whether they performe the duties of marriage or not So the chiefe Priest setteth the crowne vpon the head of the Empreor anointeth him with holy oyle taketh an oath of him for the defence of the Christian faith and religion putteth vpon him the royall robes and thereby inuesteth him with royall power putteth him in possession of his Imperiall state and dignity But it is not to be imagined saith Waldensis that the imperiall power is from the power of the Church or dependeth of it though certaine solemnities bee vsed by Bishops in the inauguration of Kings and Emperours neither may the chiefe Ministers of the Church any more challenge the disposing or managing of ciuill affaires vpon any defect or failing of ciuill Princes then they may the administration and dispensation of holy things vpon the defect or failing of the Ecclesiasticall Ministers Yet in case of necessity either of these two states may and ought to helpe and succour the other not as he sayth vt vtens potestate sed fraternitatis accessu that is Not as hauing authority or by vertue thereof presuming to doe any thing but as one brother maketh hast to helpe another in danger reaching forth the hand to stay him that is standing and to raise him that is fallen Both the brethren sayth Waldensis both
Euery cōmon-wealth must be perfect in it selfe able to defend it self frō all injuries that any other may offer vnto it if it can no other way free it selfe it must haue power to depose the Prince and change the gouernment Therefore the Church must be able to defend it self against all injuries of wicked Kings whether Infidels Heretickes or Apostataes if otherwise it cannot defend it selfe frō their violences and wrongs it must haue power to depose them This consequence I thinke will neuer be found good in the judgement of any indifferent Reader For the kingdomes and cōmon-wealths of the world the good prosperity happines whereof is outward must haue outward meanes to represse the insolencies of all such as seek to impeach or hinder the same But the Church being a society the happines good wherof is not outward but inward cōsisting in the graces of God the hope of a better life in the world to come may be perfect in it selfe though it want meanes to represse outward violences insolencies The Apostle himself who was a chief cōmander in it professing that the weapons of his warfare were not carnall but mighty through God for the casting down of proud thoughts but not for the ouerthrow of cities townes or the subduing of the Princes of the world So that the perfectiō of this society or cōmonwealth standing in the inward graces of the spirit the expectatiō of future happines she may attain her own end enioy her own good flourish in the midst of all pressures more thē in any state of outward prosperity so vndoubtedly she doth For as the gold is more pure the more it is tried in the fire as the cammomill smelleth the sweeter the more it is troden on as the palme tree spreadeth the further the more it is pressed down as the ark of Noe rose the higher the more the flouds did swell so Gods Church did then most grow increase prosper when the persecutiōs were hottest And therfore S. Austin saith speaking of the primitiue Christians Includebantur ligabātur torquebātur trucidabātur multiplicabātur that is they were shut vp in prisons and dungeons they were bound in fetters and chaines they were tortured racked yea they were slaine with the sword and yet they increased and multiplied And S. Bernard distinguishing three seuerall times of the Church in all which shee complained of bitternesse the first vnder persecuting heathen Emperors the second in the conflicts with heretickes the third when she had rest from both these saith the state of the church was worst in her peace bringeth her in complaining and saying Amarissima amaritudo mea in pace mea that is My bitternesse is most bitter in the daies of my peace For now omnes amici omnes inimici omnes domestici nulli pacifici serui Christi seruiunt Antichristo that is All are friends all are enemies all are of my houshold but none are at peace with me the seruants of Christ serue Antichrist So that it followeth not that if the church must haue meanes to attaine her owne end and enioy her owne wished good that she must haue power sufficient to procure her outward peace and represse the insolencies of outward enemies And yet besides this reason chargeth Christ with want of care of his Church who left it without meanes to defēd it selfe against outward violence for the space of 300 yeares together during the time of the heathen Emperors afterwards also vnder the reigne of Apostataes and heretickes For Bellarmine saith that the primitiue Christians did not depose Nero Dioclesian Iulian the Apostata Valens the Arrian and other like because they wanted temporall forces The next reason is more strange then this For first forgetting what they are to proue in steed of prouing that the Pope may depose Princes they endeuour to proue that the people may depose Princes when they fall into heresie and that the Pope is to iudge of heresie Secondly they conclude that Christian people may not endure their King if he fall into heresie because they may not chuse a king that is an infidell or hereticke That they might not chuse an hereticke which no man denieth they proue because the Iewes might chuse none to be their king that was not of their brethren lest he should draw them to idolatry But the consequence they goe not about to proue which we deny and they will neuer be able to confirme For there is no question but people are bound to bee subiect to such a king as in conscience they might not chuse if they were free to make choice When Moses was counselled by Iethro to chuse Elders rulers to assist him he told him what maner of mē they should bee to wit men fearing God dealing truely hating couetousnesse and none but such ought electors hauing freedome of choice to chuse and yet I thinke though a king bee couetous hee is not presently to be deposed And therefore Bellarmine like an honest man confuteth his owne argument and saith that infidels that had dominion ouer people before they became Christians are to be tollerated by Christians if they seeke not to draw them to idolatry whom yet I thinke Christians might not chuse to reigne ouer them if they were free Besides this if Bellarmine say true that subiects sinne as much in tollerating kings that are infidels Apostataes or heretickes as in chusing such to rule ouer them when they were free all the primitiue Christians that tollerated Nero Dioclesian Iulian the Apostata Constantius Valens other heretickes sinned damnably in so doing Neither will Bellarmines answere that they are to be excused though they did not depose thē because they wanted strength auoid the same For it is euident by Tertullian that they wanted not strength if they had thought it lawfull If we should goe about to auenge our selues saith Tertullian we should not want meanes For behold we are more in number and greater in strength then any one nation people of the world We are strangers vnto you and yet behold we haue filled all places pertaining vnto you your Cities your Isles your Villages your Towns your Councel-houses your Castles strong Forts your Palaces your Senates your market places only your Idoll Temples we haue left free vnto you What warre should not we be able to take in hand or what attempt should seem hard vnto vs though we were too weake who so willingly are slaine if it were not more lawfull to be killed then to kill in our profession Nay though wee should neuer arme our selues nor lift vp our hands against you but only depart away and withdraw our selues into some remote parts of the world how should we confound and amaze you How could you endure so great a losse How would your cities be left desolate none found to dwell in them So that it was not
chiefe-fathers of Israel they came to Ierusalem and all the congregation made a couenant with the King said The Kings sonne must reigne as the Lord hath said of the sons of Dauid Hereupon the King is proclaimed Athaliah is slaine the house of Baal destroied the Altars and idols that were in it broken down In all this narration there is nothing that maketh for the chiefe Priests power of deposing lawfull kings if they become heretiques For first Athaliah was an vsurper no lawfull Queene Secondly here was nothing done by Iehoiada alone but by him and the Captaines of hundreths and the chiefe Fathers of Israel that entred into couenant with him Thirdly there is great difference betweene the high Priest in the time of the Lawe and in the time of Christ. For before the comming of Christ the high Priest euen in the managing of the weightiest ciuill affaires and in iudgement of life and death sate in the Councell of State as the second person next vnto the King by Gods owne appointment Whereas our Aduersaries dare not claime any such thing for the Pope And therefore it is not to bee maruailed at if the high Priest beeing the second person in the kingdome of Iudah by Gods owne appointment and the Vnckle and Protectour of the young king whom his wife had saued from destruction bee the first mouer for the bringing of him to his right and when things are resolued on by common consent take on him not onely to commaund and direct the Priests and Leuites but the Captaines souldiers also for the establishing of their King the suppressing of a bloody tyrant and vsurper For all this might be done by Iehoiada as a chiefe man in that state and yet the Pope be so farre from obtaining that he claimeth which is to depose lawfull kings for abusing their authority that hee may not presume to do all that the high Priests lawfully did and might doe as not hauing so great preeminence from Christ in respect of matters of ciuill state in any kingdome of the world as the high Priest had by Gods owne appointment in the kingdome of Iudah Israel In the old Law saith Occā the high Priest meddled in matters of warre in the judgment of life and death the losse of members vengeance of blood it beseemed him well so to do But the Priests of the new Law may not meddle with things of this nature Wherefore from the power dominion which the high Priest of the old Law had it cannot be concluded that the Pope hath any power in tēporal matters The fifth example is of Ambrose repelling Theodosius the Emperour from the communion of the Church after the bloody and horrible murther that was committed at Thessalonica by his commandement The story is this The coach-man of Borherica the Captaine of the souldiers in that towne for some fault was committed to prison Now when the solemne horse-race and sporting fight of horsemen approched the people of Thessalonica desired to haue him set at liberty as one of whom there would be great vse in those ensuing solemne sports which being denied the citty was in an vprore and Botherica and certaine other of the magistrates were stoned to death and most despitefully vsed Theodosius the Emperour hearing of this outrage was exceedingly moued and commaunded a certaine number to be put to the sword without all iudiciall forme of proceeding or putting difference betweene offendors and such as were innocent So that seauen thousand perished by the sword and among them many strangers that were come into the citty vpon diuerse occasions that had no part in the outrage for which Theodosius was so sore displeased were most cruelly and vniustly slaine Saint Ambrose vnderstanding of this violent and vniust proceeding of the Emperour the next time he came to Millaine and was comming to the Church after his wonted manner met him at the doore and stayd him from entring with this speech Thou seemest not to know O Emperour what horrible and bloudy murthers haue beene committed by thee neither dost thou bethinke thy selfe now thy rage is past to what extremities thy fury carried thee perhaps the glory of thine Imperiall power will not let thee take notice of any fault thy greatnesse repelleth all checke of reason controlling thee but thou shouldest know the frailty of mans nature and that the dust was that beginning whence we are taken and and to which we must returne Let not therefore the glory of thy purple robes make thee forget the weakenesse of that body of flesh that is couered with them Thy subjects O Emperour are in nature like thee and in seruice thy fellowes for there is one Lord and commander ouer all the maker of all things Wherefore with what eyes wilt thou behold his temple or with what feete wilt thou treade on the sacred pauement thereof wilt thou lift vp to him those hands from which the bloud yet droppeth wilt thou receiue with them the sacred body of our Lord or wilt thou presume to put to thy mouth the cup replenished with the precious bloud of Christ which hast shed so much innocent bloud by the word of thy mouth vttering the passion of thy furious minde Depart therefore adde not this iniquity to the rest and decline not those bands which God aboue approueth With these speeches the Emperour was much moued and knowing the distinct duties both of Emperours and Bishops for that he had bin trained vp in the knowledge of heauenly doctrine returned to the Court with teares sighes A long time after for eight moneths were first past the solemne feast of the Natiuity of Christ approached and all prepared themselues to solemnize the same with triumphant ioy But the Emperor sate in the Court lamenting powring out riuers of teares which when Ruffinus maister of the pallace perceiued he came vnto him and asked the cause of his weeping to whom weeping more bitterly then before he said O Ruffinus thou makest but a sport of these things for thou art touched with no sence of those euils wherewith I am afflicted but the consideration of my calamity maketh me sigh and lament for that whereas the doores of Gods Temple are open to slaues and beggars and they goe freely into the same to make prayers vnto their Lord they are shut against me and which is yet worse the gates of heauen are shut against me also for I cannot forget the words of our Lord who saith Whomsoeuer ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heauen To whom Ruffinus replied I will runne if it please thee O Emperour to the Bishop and intreate him to vnloose these bands wherewith hee hath bound thee No saith the Emperour it is to no purpose so to doe for he will not bee intreated I know his sentence is right and iust and that he will not transgresse the law of God for any respect of imperiall power Yet when Ruffinus was
Emperour or to depriue him of any thing that of right pertained to him But the people of Italy moued against the Emperour proceeded further then the Bishop of Rome would haue had them to haue done For they put downe the Magistrates appointed by the Emperour and set vp other of their owne and would haue forced the Bishop of Rome and the other people of Italy who yet consented not vnto them to disclaime the Emperour of Constantinople and to chuse another in Italy And therefore if at that time they forbare to pay any more tribute as Zonaras saith they did it was not because the Pope forbade them so to doe as hauing supreme power in ciuill things but being averse from the Emperour as for other dislikes so by the Popes perswasions they stayed the tribute of themselues as of themselues they put downe the Magistrates of the Emperour without the liking of the Bishop of Rome That which Otho Frisingensis hath that the Pope hauing often admonished the Emperour and found him incorrigible perswaded the people of Italy to depart from the Empire seemeth to bee contrary to the reports of the Authour of the great Chronicle Nauclerus Rhegino and others but yet maketh the Pope onely a perswader and the people of Italy the doers of that was done And in like sort it must bee vnderstood that Zonaras saith the Bishop of Rome stayed the paying of tribute to the Emperour namely that his dislike of the Emperours courses together with their owne distast of his actions did so auert the minds of the Italians from the Emperour that they refused to pay him tribute that being attributed to him as done by him which his perswasions though tending to another purpose did worke without his liking and against his will And in the same sence it is that Sigebert saith Gregory charged the Emperour with errour blamed him for it and turned away the people of Rome and the tribute of the West from him The third instance of Popes intermedling in the disposition of the kingdomes of the world is that of Zacharias the Pope of whom Gregory the seuenth in his Epistles writeth thus Another Romane Bishop also to wit Zacharias deposed the French King from his kingdome not so much for any fault done by him as for that he was vnfit to sway so great power and put Pipine the father of Charles the great afterwards Emperour into his place freeing and absoluing all the Frenchmen frō their oath of feaultie Which words of Gregory are found likewise in the decrees To this allegation Occam answereth that Zacharias did not depose Childericke the French King as Gregory the seuenth vntruly reporteth but onely gaue allowance of the Peeres doposing of him And to that purpose alleageth the Glosse vpon the decrees wich sayth Dicitur deposuisse quia deponentibus consensit that is The Pope is said to haue deposed the King because hee gaue consent to those that did depose him and allowed their act But he noteth also that there are others that doe not soe excuse the Pope but do thinke he put his sickle into another mans haruest and tooke vpon him to do that hee had no authority to doe which other Popes likewise haue not feared to doe in prejudice of the right of the laity as they shew out of another Glosse Soe that the Century writers are not alone in the reprehension of this fact of Zacharias as Bellarmine vntruly anoucheth notwithstanding I rather follow the judgment of the author of the Glosse and thinke that he did but giue his opinion what might be done and approue the act when it was done For confirmation whereof I will lay downe the circumstances of the narration touching the proceedings in this matter as I find them reported by ancient writers First all Historians agree that the Kings of France in those times giuing themselues to idlenesse and pleasures wholly neglected the gouernment that they were seene but only once in the yeare of their subjects and that the gouernor of the Kings house ruled all Neither did things stand thus for a short space but Sigebert saith they continued so 88 yeares In this office of a prefect or gouernor Pipine incceeded his auncesters but exceeded them in the greatnesse of worthy exploits neither did any thing hinder the course of his great and honourable actions but that hee was forced to suffer endure a king almost witlesse mad with diuers sencelesse fooleries Wherefore they who write the histories of France report that the Nobles and people of that nation duely weighing the vertue of Pipine and the witlesse follies of Childericke the King consulted Zachary then Bishop of Rome desired him to tell them whether he thought so foolish and vnworthy a King were any longer to be endured or Pipine to be defrauded of royall dignity which he deserued was right worthy of Who when they had receiued answere from the Pope that he was to be estemed the King who knew best how to performe kingly duties the French by the publique and common aduice and counsell of the whole nation proclaimed Pipine King and shore the head of Childericke and made him a Clearke Nauclerus saith the French men anciently had their kings descended of an ancient stocke who of Meroueus the sonne of King Clodius the second were called Merouingians the race of which kings continued till Childericke and in him ended For long before they were of no esteeme or authority neither had they any thing but the vaine and empty title of Kings for the riches and power of the kingdome were in the hands of the prefects of the pallace who were called the chiefe of the Kings house and swayed the vvhole kingdome vvho at that time vvere the successors of Charles Martell and vvere named Dukes Neither vvas there any other thing permitted to the King but that contenting himselfe vvith the bare name of a King hauing long haire and a long beard hee should sit vpon the throne and haue some shew of a ruler and heare Embassadors comming from all parts and giue such answers vnto them as out of his owne power which he was taught and commanded to giue Hee had nothing to liue on but such a stipend and allowance as the Prefect was pleased to allow vnto him Hee possessed nothing but one little village once onely in the yeare hee was seene of his subiects in a publique and solemne assembly hauing saluted them all returned againe into his priuate course of life leauing the gouernment of all to the Prefect Pipine therefore who then supplied that place as succeeding his ancestors in the same considering the slouth and idlenesse of these Kings who neglecting the common-wealth did hide themselues in their owne priuate houses and that both the Nobles people tooke notice as well of his vertues as of the sencelesse follies of Childericke consulted the Pope as we heard
a pilgrime and so going to Rome with this Hildebrand in his company by his aduice counsell found the meanes to get himselfe chosen Pope by the Clergy and people of Rome Leo dyed and Gebehardus afterwards named Victor succeeded him and Stephen him about whose time Henry the third dyed Henry the fourth his sonne succeeded him and after Stephen Benedict and Nicholas Alexander gate the papall See against whom great exception was taken for that contrary to the custome hee was chosen without the Emperours consent and with the liking of the yong Emperor and his mother as some report Another was set vp by the Bishops of Lombardy affirming that no man might be chosen or designed to the Popedome without the Emperours allowance And besides Anno Arch-bishop of Coleyn went to Rome to expostulate the matter with Alexander and the Cardinals adhering to him and to know of him how he durst contrary to custome and the law prescribed and imposed anciently vpon the Popes assume the Popedome without the consent of the Emperour alleaging many things to shew the vnlawfulnesse of this fact and beginning at Charles the great hee named many Emperours who had either chosen or confirmed Popes and made good their election But being ready to go forward and to adde more proofes vnto that which he had said Hildebrand the Arch-deacon the whole company of Cardinals beckening vnto him so to doe stood vp and answered in this sort Arch-bishop Anno the Kings and Emperours of Rome neuer had any authority right or commanding power in the choyce of the Pope and if at any time any thing were done violently or disorderly it was afterwards corrected and set right againe by the censure of the Fathers After the death of Alexander this Hildebrand who thus euer opposed himselfe against the Emperours claimes was by the Romanes chosen Pope without the Emperours consent Which the Bishops of France vnderstanding knowing well of how violent seuere and vntractable a disposition hee was vnwilling to haue him possesse so high a place in the Church told the Emperour that if hee did not in time preuent the matter and voyd his election greater euils and perils would beset him then he could at first thinke of Whereupon he sent Embassadours to Rome to know the cause why the Romanes contrary to the ancient custome had chosen a Pope without his consent And if they gaue not satisfaction to put Hildebrand from the Papal dignity which he had vniustly gotten The Embassadours comming to Rome were kindly and courteously entertained and when they had deliuered their message Hildebrand like a vile dissembling hypocrite contrary to his owne practise and that which he had perswaded other vnto answered that hee neuer sought this honor but that it was put vpon him and that yet hee would not accept of it till by a certaine Embassadour hee was assured that not onely the Emperour but the Princes of Germany consented to his election Which answer when the Emperour receiued hee was fully satisfied and with all readinesse by his royall consent confirmed his election and commanded that he should be ordained Thus wee see how to serue his owne turne he could now acknowledge the Emperours interest and refuse to be ordained before hee had obtained his confirmation which yet before in the case of Alexander he disclaimed though a some say hee neuer yeelded so much to the Emperour but euer held out against him disclaiming his intermedling and that a most horrible schisme ensued thereupon Howsoeuer he was no sooner Pope but he began to molest the Emperour challenging him for Symony in conferring Ecclesiasticall dignities and requiring him to come to some Synodall answer which when he refused to doe he excommunicated him depriued him of his Empire and absolued his subiects froÌ„ their Oath of obedience This was the first Pope that euer presumed to depose any Emperour Lego relego saith Otho Frisingensis Romanorum Regum Imperatorum gesta nusquam invenio quenquam eoâ—…um ante hunc à Romano Pontifice excommunicatum vel regno privatum nisi fortè quis pro anathemate habendum ducat quod Philippus ad breve tempus à Romano Pontifice inter poenitentes collocatus Theodosius à beato Ambrosio propter cruentam caedem à liminibus Ecclesiae sequestratus sit that is I reade and I reade ouer againe and againe the Acts of the Romane Kings and Emperours and I no where finde any of them before this excommunicated by the Romane Bishop or depriued of his kingdome unlesse haply any man doe thinke that is to be taken for an excoÌ„munication that Philip was for a short time put among the Penitents by the Bishop of Rome and Theodosius for his bloudy murther stopped by blessed Ambrose from entring into the Church And therefore whatsoeuer Gregory pretendeth to the contrary professing that hee treadeth in the steps of the Saints and his holy predecessours yet it is true that Sigebert saith which hee hopeth hee may say with the leaue of all good men that this novelty that hee say not heresie had not shewed it self in the world in their time that the Priests of that God which maketh hypocrites to reigne for the sins of his people should teach his people that they owe no subiectioÌ„ to wicked Kings and that they owe no feaulty vnto them though they haue taken the oath of feaulty that they are free froÌ„ periury that lift vp their hands against the king to whoÌ„ they haue sworne that they are to be taken for excoÌ„municate persons that do obey him What horrible confusioÌ„s followed vpon this censure of Gregory Otho Frisingensis reporteth in most tragicall manner His wordes are these How great euils how many warres and dangers of warres followed thence How often was miserable Rome besieged taken and sacked How one Pope was intruded vpon another as likewise one King set vp against another it is irksome to me to remember To conclude the whirle-winde of this tempest inwrapped in it so many euils so many schismes so many perils of the soules and bodies of men that it alone may suffise in respect of the cruelty of the persecutioÌ„ and the long continuance of the time thereof to set before our eyes the infelicity of mans miserable conditioÌ„ For first the Emperour offended with the Pope for molesting him about the Investitures of Bishoppes which his Predecessours anciently had and enjoyed and the Clergy discontented with him for his forbidding marriage hee was in an assembly of the States and Bishops of Germany holden at Wormes deposed a letter written to him requiring him no longer to meddle with the Episcopall Office But such was the resolutioÌ„ and stoutnesse of this turbulent vnquiet spirit that being encouraged by certain Bishops of Germany promised their aide helpe he depriued the Bishops that had giuen sentence against him and deposed Henry the Emperour absoluing his subiects froÌ„ their Oath of obedience Whereupon
many of the Princes of Germany and first of all the Saxons formerly averse frō him withdrew their subiectiō pretending that they might justly cast off the yoake and refuse to obey him any longer seeing hauing beene called to giue satisfaction to two Popes concerning certaine crimes obiected to him he had refused to appeare and was thereupon excommunicated These rebellions and defections so affrighted the Nobles and Princes of the Empire that still remained well affected to the Emperour that for the staying of present confusiōs preventing of other they thought good that the Pope should be intreated to come into Germany and that then the Emperour should submit himselfe vnto him aske forgiuenesse which thing accordingly was effected for the Pope was perswaded consented to come into Germany was cōming towards Augusta as farre as Versella But when hee came thither pretēding feare that the Emperor meant not wel towards him he brake off his journy went to Canossū there staied Which the Emperor hearing of doubting what might be the cause of his stay hastned thither putting off all Royall robes on his bare feet came to the gates of the town hūbly beseeching that he might be let in but was staied without 3 daies though it were extreme colde winter weather which hee endured patiently continually intreating till in the end hee was let in and absolued but yet conditionally that being called he should appeare in an assembly of Princes Bishoppes to answere such crimes as were obiected to him and either to purge himselfe and so retaine his kingdome or otherwise failing so to doe to lose it This his submission afterwards he made knowne to the Italians who vnderstanding what hee had done were exceedingly enraged against him derided the Legates of the Pope contemned his curses as being deposed by all the Bishops of Italy for iust causes as namely for simony murther adultery and other most horrible and capitall crimes and told him that he had done a most intollerable thing in submitting himselfe his kingly Maiestie to an hereticke and most infamous person Yea they proceeded so farre that they told him because he had so done they were resolued to make his son Emperour in his steede and to go to Rome and chuse a new Pope by whom he might be consecrated and all the proceedings of this false Pope voided But the Emperour excusing himselfe for that which hee had done as driuen by necessity so to doe and promising to revenge these wrongs when opportunity should bee offered pacifyed them in such sort that they began to incline to him againe Yet were not his euils at an end hereby For his enemies among the Germanes presently tooke the opportunity of this his relapse and calling an assembly with the Legates of the Pope chose a new Emperour Rodolphe Duke of Sueuia to whō the Pope sent an imperiall crown hauing this inscription Petra dedit Petro Petrus diadema Rodolpho Which when he heard of hee called a Councell of the Bishoppes of Italy and Germany and charging Hildebrand the Pope with most horrible crimes of heresie necromancy periury murther and the like deposed him chose Guibertus Bishoppe of Rauenna in his place and gathering together a great and mighty army went against Rodolphe abiding in Saxony where a most terrible and bloudy battell was fought betweene them in which battell Rodolphe was wounded and going aside from his companions with many other likewise wounded was carried to Mersberge where he died who a litle before his death beholding his right hand cut off in that battell fetching a deepe sigh said to the Bishops which by chance were present Behold this is the hand with which by solemne vow and oath I obliged my faith and feaulty to Henry my Lord. Behold now I leaue his kingdome and this present life see you that made mee climbe vp into his throne what you haue done would to God you had led me the right way whom you found so willing to follow your aduice and counsell and to be directed by you Yet did neither the ill successe of the former attempt nor the speeches of Rodolphe at his death blaming those that had set him a worke and condemning himselfe for that which he had done discourage the ill affected from proceeding on in their rebellious practises For they set vp Hermannus Prince of Lorrayne in steed of Rodolphe and proclaimed him Emperour whom the Emperour Henry slew likewise as he had done the other rested not till hee made Pope Hildebrand leaue Rome and flie to Salernum and brought the new Pope named Clement to be inthronized and himselfe crowned by him in Rome The acts of Hildebrand saith Nauclerus were such that the writers bee very doubtfull whether the things that were done by him were done out of any loue of vertue or any zeale hee bare to the faith or not They that loued him best disliked his stiffenes as Auentinus witnesseth Otho Frisingensis noteth that his disposition was such that for the most part he euer liked that which others disliked So that of Lucane might bee verified of him Victrix causa Diis placuit sed victa Catoni that is The prevailing part and cause best pleased God but that which fell and had the ouerthrow had Catoes wishes And though he commend his zeale yet in his prologue of his 7. booke he taxeth him and others like vnto him in very bitter sort His words are these Videntur tamen culpandi Sacerdotes per omnia qui regnum suo gladio quem ipsi ex regum habent gratia ferire conantur Nisi fortè Dauid imitari cogitant qui Philistaeum primò virtute Dei strauit postmodùm proprio gladio iugulauit that is Notwithstanding whatsoeuer may be said the Priests seeme altogether blameable and worthy of reproofe reprehension which goe about to strike Kings and princes with that their sword which they haue by the grace and fauour of Princes vnlesse haply they doe thinke it lawfull for them to imitate Dauid who first ouerthrew and cast to the ground the proude Philistine by the power of God and afterwards slew him with his ownesword Of this Hildebrand Sigebert saith he found it thus written Wee will haue you know you that manage the Ecclesiasticall affaires and to whom the care of the Church is committed that the Lord Pope Hildebrand who also was called Gregory being in extremis drawing neare his end called vnto him one of the 12 Cardinalls whom hee loued dearely and more then any of the rest and in his hearing confessed to God to holy Peter and to the whole Church that he had sinned exceedingly and grieuously offended in the Pastorall charge committed to him and in governing the people of whom he had vndertaken the care and that by the perswasion and instigation of the Diuell he had stirred vp hatred and wrath against mankind then commanded the forenamed Confessor to make haste to goe to the Emperour
to doe all these things this power the Princes of the World haue not at all much lesse the supreame authority to doe these things but it is proper to the Ministers of the church And if Princes meddle in this kinde they are like to Vzziah that offered to burne incense for which he was stricken with Leprosie The power of Iurisdiction standeth first in prescribing making Lawes Secondly in hearing examining and judging of opinions touching matters of Faith And thirdly in judging of things pertaining to Ecclesiastical order ministery and the due performance of Gods diuine worship seruice Touching the first the making of a Law is the prescribing of a thing vnder some paine or punishment which hee that so prescribeth hath power to inflict Whence it is consequent that the Prince hauing no power to excommunicate put from the Sacraments and deliuer to Satan can of himselfe make no canons such as Councels of Bishoppes doe who commaund or forbid things vnder paine of excōmunication and like spiritual censures but hauing power of life and death of imprisonment banishment confiscation of goods and the like he may with the advice and direction of his Cleargy commaund things pertaining to Gods worship and seruice vnder these paines both for profession of Faith ministration of Sacraments and conversation fitting to Christians in general or men of Ecclesiastical order in particular by his Princely power establish things formerly defined and decreed against whatsoeuer errour and contrary ill-custome and obseruation And herein hee is so far forth supreame that no Prince Prelate or Potentate hath a commaunding authority ouer him yet doe we not whatsoeuer our clamorous Aduersaries vntruly report to make us odious make our Princes with their Ciuill States supreame in the power of commanding in matters concerning God and his Faith and religion without seeking the direction of their Cleargy for the Statute that restored the title of Supremacie to the late Queene Elizabeth of famous and blessed memory prouideth that none shall haue authority newly to judge any thing to be Heresie not formerly so iudged but the high Court of Parliament with the assent of the Cleargy in their Conuocation nor with them soe as to command what they thinke fitte without aduising with others partakers of like precious Faith with them when a more generall meeting for farther deliberation may bee had or the thing requireth it Though when no such generall concurrence may bee had they may by themselues prouide for those parts of the Church that are vnder them From the power and authority wee giue our Princes in making lawes and prescribing how men shall professe and practise touching matters of Faith and Religion let vs proceed to treat of the other part of power ascribed vnto them which is in judging of errors in Faith disorders or faults in things pertaining to Ecclesiasticall order and ministery according to former determinations and decrees And first touching errors in faith or aberrations in the performance of Gods worship and seruice there is no question but that Bishops and Pastors of the Church to whom it pertaineth to teach the trueth are the ordinary and fittest Iudges and that ordinarily and regularly Princes are to leaue the iudgement thereof vnto them But because they may faile either through negligence ignorance or mallice Princes hauing charge ouer Gods people and beeing to see that they serue and worship him aright are to iudge and condemne them that fall into grosse errours contrary to the common sence of Christians or into any other heresies formerly condemned And though there be no generall fayling yet if they see violent and partiall courses taken they may interpose themselues to stay them and cause a due proceeding or remoue the matter from one company and sort of Iudges to another And hereunto the best learned in former times agreed clearely confessing that when some thing is necessary to be done and the ordinary guides of the Church do faile or are not able to yeeld that helpe that is needfull wee may lawfully flye to other for reliefe and helpe when these two things do meete in the state of the Church sayth Waldensis to witte extreame necessity admitting no delay and the want of ability to yeeld reliefe in the ordinary Pastor or Guide wee must seeke an extraordinary Father and Patron rather then suffer the frame fabricke and building of the Lord Christ to bee dissolued If any man happily say that Ambrose a most worthy Bishop refused to come to the Court to be judged in a matter of faith by Valentinian the Emperour and asked when euer hee heard that Emperours iudged Bishops in matters of faith seeing if that were granted it would follow that Lay-men should dispute and debate matters and Bishoppes heare yea that Bishoppes should learne of Lay-men whereas contrarywise if wee looke ouer the Scriptures and consider the course of times past wee shall finde that Bishoppes haue iudged of Emperours in matters of faith and not Emperours of Bishoppes and that therefore it cannot bee without vsurpation of that which no way pertaineth to them that Princes should at all medle with the iudging of matters of faith This obiection what shew soeuer it may seeme to carry is easily answered for first the thing that Valentinian took on him was not to iudge according to former definitions but he would haue iudged of a thing already resolued on in a generall Councell called by Constantine the Emperor as if it had bin free and not yet indged of at all whereas we do not attribute to our Princes with their Ciuill Estates power newly to adiudge any thing to be heresie without the concurrēce of the State of their Clergy but only to Iudge in those matters of faith that are resolued on according to former resolutiōs And besides this Valentinian was known to be partiall he was but a nouice and the other iudges he ment to associate tohimselfe suspected therefore Ambrose had reason to do as he did Wherefore let vs proceed to the other part of the power of jurisdictiō that cōsisteth in iudging of things pertaining to Ecclesiastical Order Ministery Concerning which point first it is resolued that none may ordaine any to serue in the worke of the Ministery but the spirituall Pastours and Guides of the church Secondly that none may judicially degrade or put any one lawfully admitted from his degree and order but they alone Neither doe our Kings or Queenes challenge any such thing to themselues but their power standeth first in calling together the Bishoppes and Pastours of the Church for the hearing determining of such things and in taking all due care that all thinges bee done orderly in such proceedings without partiality violence or precipitation according to the Canons and Imperiall lawes made to confirme the same Secondly when they see cause in taking things from those whom they iustly suspect or others except against and appointing others in their places Thirdly
in appointing some selected men for the visitation of the rest Fourthly in joyning temporall menincommission with the spirituall guides of the church to take view of and to censure the actions of men of Ecclesiasticall order because they are directed not onely by Canons but lawes Imperiall Fifthly when matters of fact are obiected for which the canons and lawes Imperiall judge men depriueable the Prince when hee seeth cause and when the state of things require it either in person if he please or by such other as hee thinketh fitte to appoint may heare and examine the proofes of the same and either ratifie that others did or voyd it as wee see in the case of Caecilianus to whom it was objected that hee was a Traditor and Faelix Antumnitanus that ordayned him was so likewise and that therefore his ordination was voyd For first the enemies of Caecilianus disliking his ordination made complaintes against him to Constantine and hee appointed Melchiades and some other Bishoppes to sitte and heare the matter From their judgement there was a new appeale made to Constantine Whereupon hee sent to the Proconsull to examine the proofes that might bee produced But from his iudgmēt the complainants appealed the third time to Constantine who appointed a Synode at Arle All this hee did to giue satisfaction if it were possible to these men and so to procure the peace of the Church And though he excused himselfe for medling in these businesses and asked pardon for the same for that regularly hee was to haue left these iudge ments to Ecclesiasticall persons yet it no way appeareth that hee did ill in interposing himselfe in such sort as hee did the state of things being such as it was nor that the Bishoppes did ill that yeelded to him in these courses and therefore in cases of like nature Princes may doe whatsoeuer hee did and Bishops may appeare before them and submit themselues to their iudgement though in another case Ambrose refused to present himselfe before Valentinian the Emperour for tryall of an Ecclesiasticall cause Neither is it strange in our state that Kinges should intermedle in causes Ecclesiasticall For Matthew Paris sheweth that the ancient lawes of England prouided that in appeales men should proceed from the Arch-deacon to the Bishoppe from the Bishop to the Arch-bishop and that if the Arch-bishop should faile in doing iustice the matter should be made knowne to the King that by vertue of his commandement it might receiue an end in the Arch-bishops Court that there might be no further proceeding in appeales without the Kings consent From the power which Princes haue in causes Ecclesiasticall let vs proceed to the power they haue ouer persons Ecclesiasticall and see whether they be supreame ouer all persons or whether men of the Church bee exempt from their iurisdiction That they are not exempted by GODS law wee haue the cleare confession of Cardinall Bellarmine and others who not onely yeeld so farre vnto the trueth forced so to doe by the cleare euidence thereof but proue the same by Scripture and Fathers The Cardinals wordes are these Exceptio Clericorum in rebus politicis tam quoad personas quam quoad bona iure humano introducta est non diuino that is The exemption of Cleargy-men in things ciuill as well in respect of their persons as their goods was introduced brought in by mans law and not by the law of God Which thing is proued first out of the precept of the Apostle to the Romanes Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers and addeth Therefore pay yee tribute For when the Apostle saith Let euery soule be subiect hee includeth Cleargy-men as Chrysostome witnesseth and therefore when hee addeth for this cause pay yee tribute he speaketh of Cleargy-men also Whence it will follow that Cleargy-men are bound to pay tribute vnlesse they be exempted by the fauour and priviledge of Princes freeing them from so doing which thing Thomas Aquinas also affirmeth writing vpon the same place Secondly the same is proued out of the Ancient For Vrbanus saith The tribute money was therefore found in the mouth of the fish taken by Saint Peter because the Church payeth tribute out of her outward and earthly possessions And Saint Ambrose saith if tribute bee demaunded it is not denyed the Church-Land payeth tribute Now if Vrbanus Bishoppe of Rome and worthy Ambrose Bishop of Millaine then whom there was neuer any Bishoppe found more resolute in the defence of the right of the Church say that tribute is not to bee denyed but payed vnto Princes by men of the Church and in respect of Church-land I thinke it is evident there is no exemption by any Law of GOD that freeth the goods of Church-men from yeelding tribute to Princes For touching that text where our Sauiour sayth vnto Peter What thinkest thou Simon of whom doe the Kings of the Gentiles receiue tribute of their owne children or of strangers And Peter answereth of strangers Whence CHRIST inferreth that the children are free brought by some to proue the supposed immunity of Cleargy-men to bee from GODS owne graunt Bellarmine sufficiently cleareth the matter For first hee sheweth that CHRIST speaketh of himselfe onely making this argument Kings sonnes are free from tribute as beeing neither to pay to their owne fathers seeing their goods are common nor to strangers to whom they are not subiect therefore himselfe being the Sonne of the great King of Kings oweth no Tribute to any mortall man So that when hee saide the children are free hee meant not to signifie that any other are free but onely that himselfe was free Secondly he rightly obserueth that this place would proue that all Christians are free from Tribute if it proued any other then CHRIST to bee so for all Christians are the sonnes of GOD by adoption and grace And Hierome writing vpon this place hath these words Our Lord was the Kings son both according to the flesh and according to the spirit descending of the stocke of Dauid and being the Word of the Almighty Father and therefore as being the Sonne of the Kingdome owed no tribute but because hee assumed the humility of flesh it behooued him to fulfill all righteousnesse but vnhappy men that wee are we are called after the name of Christ doe nothing worthy so great an honour He for the great loue he bare towards vs sustained the crosse for vs and payde tribute but we for his honour pay no tribute and as Kings sons are free from tribute These words are brought by some to proue the imagined freedome we speake of but first they are so far from prouing any such thing that Erasmus thinketh Hierome reprehended it and disliked it as a thing sauouring of arrogancy that cleargymen should refuse to pay tribute which hee saith is contrary to the conceit of men in our time who thinke it the height of all piety to maintaine
he bare to him gaue commandement that the election of the Bishop of Rome being resolued on the Bishops should presently proceede to the ordination of him without expecting any confirmation from the Emperour But the power of confirming the newly elected Bishoppe of Rome before hee might bee ordayned or execute the Bishoppely office was againe restored to Charles the great his successours Kings of France and Emperours of the West in more ample sort then it had beene before by Adrian the First which being againe taken from his successours by Adrian the Third was restored to Otho the First King of the Germanes Emperour of the West by Leo the Eigth From which time it continued till Gregory the Seauenth who though hee was glad to seeke the Emperours confirmation himselfe when hee first entred into the Popedome yet afterwards he disclaymed it as vnlawfull so condemning many of his Predecessours that had allowed and confirmed this part of Imperiall power vnder great paines and curses to fall vpon such as should euer goe about to violate the same After whose times other Popes reserued the whole power of electing the Romane Bishoppe to the Cardinalls alone as wee see the manner is vnto this day Thus writeth Onuphrius professing that hee carefully looked ouer all the auncient monuments of the Romane Church to finde out the certainety of these things Neither neede we to doubt of the trueth of that hee writeth yet for farther proofe least any man should doubt I will produce the reports of Historians the Acts of Councels to confirme that hee saith Platina in the life of Pelagius the 2d saith nothing was done in the election of the Romane B. in those dayes without the Emperours consent and confirmation and sheweth that the reason why Pelagius was created Bishoppe without the commaund of the Emperour was for that they could send no messenger to him the Citty being besieged And touching Gregory the First hee reporteth that when he was chosen Bishoppe of Rome knowing the Emperours consent necessarily to bee required in the election and constitution of the Bishoppe unwilling to possesse that place and roome hee sent vnto him earnestly intreating him to make voyde the election of the Cleargy and people which his suite the Emperour was so farre from graunting that hee sent to confirme the Election and to enforce him to take the Pastorall charge vpon him in that most daungerous and troublesome time Whereby wee see how farre the Emperours intermedled in the election and constitution of the Romane Bishoppes in those daies It is true indeede that the same Platina reporteth that Constantine admiring the sanctity vertue of Benedict the second sent vnto him a sanction that euer after all men should presently take him for Bishop without expecting the concurrence of the authority of the Emperour of Constantinople or the Exarch of Italy whomsoeuer the Cle◅rgy people and armies of the Romanes should chuse Not-with-standing this freed◅me and libertie continued not long for as wee may reade in the Decree◅ Charle◅ the Great and Adrian the first held a Synode in the Church of Saint Sauiour in Rome wherein met 153 Bishops religious men and Abbottes in which Synod Adrian with the consent of the Bishops there assembled gaue vnto Charles power to choose the Bishop of Rome and to order the Apostolicall See together with the dignity of being a Patrician or Nobleman of Rome and besides decreed that all Arch-bishoppes and Bishops in the Provinces abroad should seeke investiture of him and that no man should bee esteemed a Bishoppe or bee consecrated till he were allowed and commended by the King This Decree the councell published anathematizing all that should violate it and confiscating their goods yet did Adrian the third as Platina reporteth take so good heart vnto him that whereas Nicholas the first did but attempt such a thing rather then performe it hee in the very beginning of his Papall dignity made a Decree that without expecting the Emperours consent or ratification the election of the Cleargy Senate and People should bee good But Leo the Eight in a Synode gathered together in the Church of Saint Sauiour in Rome following the example of Adrian the first with the consent of the whole Synode restored vnto the Emperour that power and authority which Adrian the first had yeelded vnto him and Adrian the third had sought to depriue him of The wordes of that councell are these I Leo Bishop and seruant of the seruants of God with the whole Cleargy and people of Rome doe constitute confirme and strengthen and by our Apostolicall authority graunt and giue to our Lord Otho the first King of Germaines and to his successours in this Kingdome of Italy for euer power to choose a successour and to order the Bishop of this highest See Apostolicke as also Arch-bishoppes and Bishoppes that they may receiue investiture from him and consecration whence they ought to haue it those onely excepted which the Emperour himselfe hath graunted to the Popes and Arch-bishops and that no man hereafter of what dignity or religious profession soeuer shall haue power to chuse a Patrician or a chiefe Bishoppe of the highest See Apostolicke or to ordaine any Bishop whatsoeuer without the consent of the Emperour first had which consent and confirmation notwithstanding shall be had without money So that if any Bishop shall be chosen by the cleargy people he shall not bee consecrated vnlesse hee bee commended and invested by the fore-named King And if any man shall attēpt to do any thing against this rule Apostolicall authority We decree that he shal be subiect to excommunication and that if he repent not he shall bee perpetually banished or be subiect to the last most grievous deadly and capitall punishments Hence it came that when any Bishop was dead they sent his staffe and ring to the Emperour and hee to whom the Emperour was pleased to deliuer the same after a solemne fashion and manner was thereby designed and constituted Bishop of the voyde place Thus wee see how authentically vnder great paines and curses the Pope and councell yeeld that right to the Emperor subjecting all that euer should goe about to disanull their Decree to the great curse perpetuall banishment and grievous punishments Yet Pope Hildebrand who as if he had beene a fire-brand of hell set all the world in a Combustion disanulled this Law as impious and wicked and Victor Vrbanus and Paschalis succeeding him were of the same minde By reason whereof there grew a great dissention betweene the Popes and Emperours Henry the fourth and after him Henry the fifth challenging not onely the right of confirming the election of the Popes but power also to conferre Bishoprickes and Abbeyes by Investiture of staffe and ring as the Popes Adrian and Leo had yeelded and granted to Charles and his successours which thing also had beene enioyed by the Emperour for the space of three
the Councell of Constance Wherefore seeing so many Councells Popes yeelded the power of electing or at least of allowing and confirming the Popes to the Emperours and seeing so good effects followed of it and so ill of the contrary there is no reason why our Aduersaries should dislike it For seeing the people aunciently had their consent in these affaires Fredericke the Emperour had reason when hee said that himselfe as King and ruler of the people ought to bee chiefe in choosing his owne Bishop Neither had the Emperours onely this right in disposing of the Bishopricke of Rome and other dignities Ecclesiasticall but other Christian Kings likewise had a principall stroake in the appointing of Bishops For as Nauclere noteth the French Kings haue had the right of Inuestitures euer since the time of Adrian the first and Duarenus sheweth that howsoeuer Ludouicus renounced the right of choosing the Bishop of Rome yet hee held still the right of Inuestiture of other Bishops into the place whereof came afterwards that right which the King vseth when in the vacancie of a Bishopricke hee giueth power to choose and some other royalties which the Kings of France still retaine It appeareth by the twelfth Councell of Toledo that the Kings had a principall stroake in elections in the Churches of Spaine and touching England Matthew Paris testifieth that Henry the first by William of Warnaste his agent protested to the Pope he would rather loose his kingdome then the right of Inuestitures and added threatning words to the same protestation Neither did he onely make verball protestations but hee really practised that hee spake and gaue the Arch bishopricke of Canterbury to Rodolphe Bishoppe of London inuesting him by Pastoral staffe ring Articuli cleri prescribe that elections shall be free frō force feare or intreaty of Secular powers yet so as that the Kings license bee first asked after the election done his royall assent and confirmation bee added to make it good Whereupon the Statute of prouisors of Benefices made at Westminster the fiue and twentith of Edward the third hath these wordes Our Soueraigne Lord the King and his heires shall haue and enioy for the time the collations to the Archbishoprickes and other dignities electiue which bee of his aduowry such as his progenitors had before free election was granted sith that the first elections were granted by the Kings progenitours vpon a certaine forme and condition as namely to demaund licence of the King to choose after choyce made to haue his royall assent Which condition being not kept the thing ought by reason to returne to his first nature So that we see that at first the Cleargy people were to choose their Bishops Ministers yet so that Princes by their right were to moderate things and nothing was to be done without them But when they endowed Churches with ample revenewes possessions disburdened the people of the charge of maintaining their Pastors they had now a farther reason to sway things then before And thence it is that the Statute aboue-mentioned saith the Kings gaue power of free elections yet vpon condition of seeking their licence confirmation as hauing the right of nomination in themselues in that they were Founders Likewise touching Presbyters the auncient Canon of the Councel of Carthage which was that Bishops should not ordain clearks without the consent of their Cleargie that also they should haue the assent and testimony of the Citizens held while the Cleargy liued together vpon the common contributions and divident but when not onely titles were divided distinguished and men placed in rurall Churches abroad but seuerall allowance made for the maintenance of such as should attend the seruice of God by the Lords of those Countrey townes out of their owne lands and the lands of their tennants they that thus carefully provided for the Church were much respected And it was thought fit they should haue great interest in the choosing and nominating of Clearkes in such places Iustinian the Emperour to reward such as had beene beneficiall in this sort to the Church and to incourage others to doe the like decreed That if any man build a Church or house of Prayer and would haue Clearkes to be placed there if hee allow maintenance for them and name such as are worthy they shall be ordained vpon his nomination But if he shall choose such as bee prohibited by the Canons as vnworthy the Bishop shall take care to promote some whom he thinketh more worthy And the Councell of Toledo about the yeare of Christ 655 made a Canon to the same effect The words of the councell are these We decree that as long as the Founders of Churches doe liue they shall be suffered to haue the chiefe and continuall care of the said Churches shall offer fit Rectors to the Bishop to be ordained And of the Bishop neglecting the Founders shall presume to place any others let him know that his admission shall be voyde and to his shame but if such as they choose be prohibited by the Canons as vnworthy then let the Bishop take care to promote some whom he thinketh more worthy Whereby we see what respect was anciently had to such as founded Churches gaue lands and possessions to the same yet were they not called Lords of such places after such dedication to God but Patrons onely because they were to defend the rights thereof and to protect such as there attended the seruice of God though they had right to nominate men to serue in these places yet might they not judge or punish them if they neglected their duties but onely complaine of them to the Bishop or Magistrate Neither might they dispose of the possessions thus giuen to the Church and dedicated to God but if they fell into poverty they were to be maintained out of the revenewes thereof This power and right of nomination and presentation resting in Princes and other Founders can no way prejudice or hurt the state of the Church if Bishops to whō examination and ordination pertaineth doe their duties in refusing to consecrate ordaine such as the Canons prohibite but very great confusions did follow the Popes intermeddling in bestowing Church-liuings and dignities as wee shall soone finde if wee looke into the practise of them in former times CHAP. 55. Of the Popes disordered intermedling with the elections of Bishoppes and other Ministers of the Church their vsurpation intrusion and preiudicing the right and liberty of others THe Popes informer times greatly preiudiced the right and liberty of other men and hurt the estate of the Church of God three waies first by giuing priuiledges to Fryers a people vnknowne to all antiquity to enter into the Churches and charges of other men to do Ministeriall acts and to get vnto themselues those things which of right should haue beene yeelded to other Secondly by Commendams and Thirdly by reseruations
scholler in the schoole of impudency a farre longer time then yet he hath beene But happily he may find vanity in these passages of mine though no vntruth Let vs see therefore what hee saith what aduantage saith hee can Doctour Field gaine from Gersons improbation of the afore-said lewd assertions preiudiciall to the states of Kinges and Princes why doth hee presse the authority of Gerson whose medicine hee knoweth to bee very sharpe against the disease of all such Princes as by the infection of Heretickes are seduced from the integrity of the Catholicke faith to wit persecution by fire and sword Surely heere Theomisus Higgons bewrayeth more then vanity for as if he meant presently to become a traytor against his Soueraigne whom he his consortes suppose to be seduced from the Catholicke verity he beginneth at the very first to talke of sharpe medicines against such Princes and those prescribed by Gerson as he telleth vs but hee will be found a lying and cogging mate for Gerson in the place cited by him hath nothing for the Popes deposing Princes for heresie or any thing else which yet is that medicine he meaneth nay wee are assured hee neuer held any such trayterous position but writing against the flatterers of Princes hee wisheth Princes to take heed they listen not to such men as will instill into them many false opinions touching their power and absolutenesse contrary to the faith and trueth of God whereby in the end they may make themselues so odious as to bee pursued by fire and sword by their subiects So that whereas Gerson speaketh of errours in faith concerning the state of Princes bringing them to doe things so odious as to bee persecuted with fire sword this good fellow turneth his words to another sence as if he had meant that for error in faith the Pope were to depose Princes and whereas to meete with certaine false and foolish suggestions made to some Princes contrarie to the doctrine of faith hee setteth downe certaine propositions whereof the first is that Princes must not iustifie themselues and thinke they offend not whatsoeuer they doe and that the Lawes Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill will auaile for the furtherance of this consideration hee turneth the words into this sence that these Lawes are auailable for the deposing of Kinges so treacherous and trayterous is this Fugitiue become already From this first obseruation he proceedeth to a second saying that if the reformation wished for by Gerson consisted onely or principally or at all in the redresse of lewd assertions preiudiciall to the states of Kings the Protestants haue not effected that which he desired their positions being dangerous likewise and therevpon breaketh out into a long and large discourse concerning the positions of Protestants touching the state and power of Princes But surely he is like a Spaniell not acquainted with his game that runneth after euery bird that riseth before him and is to bee taught better before there will be any great vse of him For I bring not the report of Gerson touching hese assertions so much to shew what he would haue reformed as to make it appeare how strangely things were carried in former times how little hope he other good men had of any reformation by a Councell seeing these positions so dangerous apparantly false could not be condemned in the Councell of Constance by reason of a mighty faction prevayling in the same so all that he saith vpon this false ground is nothing to the purpose notwithstanding if the man were worth the medling with or the matter required it it were easie to shew that Protestants are farre from holding any such trayterous opinions as Papists defend But I haue resolued to confine my selfe to the defence of my selfe against his childish exceptions and no way to follow him into any other of his idle discourses Touching Gersons condemning certaine-positions attributed to Wickliff and Hus and Husses suffering in the cause of CHRIST against Antichrist and the idlenesse of Higgons in charging Mee with contradiction in that I graunt the one and affirme the other I haue spoken already But so plentifull hee is in objections that nine thinges more remaine in this chapter not obiected before which hee obiecteth to mee The first is the extenuation of the turbulent and impious positions of Wickliff in that I say they seemed to derogate from the Cleargy Secondly that I conceale the impiety of Wickliff in other thinges Thirdly that I cite in one place things found in diuers places Fourthly that I exaggerate the seuerity of the Councell of Constance against Wickliff c. and make as if Gerson had disliked it whereas he did not Fiftly that I say Gerson desired a reformation and thought that it was to be assayed seuerally in the particular Kingdomes of the world there being little or no hope of doing any good by a Generall Councell Sixtly that the proceeding in this worke of reformation seuerally in diuerse parts of the world without a common deliberation was the cause of those differences that now appeare in the reformed Churches according as Gerson feared it would fall out 7ly That I say Gerson Grosthead others were of the true Church who yet were mēbers of the Church of Rome Eigthly that I misalleage a saying of Gerson And the nineth that whereas Gerson sayth the Popes sought to be adored as God I say they sought to bee adored and worshipped as God To euery one of these I will answere in a word To the first that I extenuate not the impious positions falsely and maliciously gathered out of Wickliffes workes as that God must obey the Diuell and if there be any other like but accurse them to the pitte of hell but speaking of those which in Gersons iudgement were not so hurtfull neither to the conuersation of men nor the state of common-weales as those against Princes which the Councell of Constance could not bee induced to condemne I say of them they seemed to derogate from the Cleargy because I know not certainely vppon what ground or in what sence many of them were vttered by him To the second I answere that I concealed not the impiety of any articles where-with Wickliffe was charged but hauing no occasion to speake of any other but such onely as were not so bad in Gersons iudgement as some they in the coūcell could not be induced to condemn I had no reason to censure thē any otherwise then I did for had they beene so bad as Maister Higgons would make them to be the Pope and Councell were not very good that could by no meanes bee induced to condemne such as were farre worse as Gerson telleth vs. To the third I say that it is lawfull for a man to cite in one place out of one author thinges found in him in diuerse places or else Maister Higgons is too blame who doth so To the fourth I say that I exaggerate not the seuerity of the
Councell against VVickliffe simply but in comparison and so doth Gerson and disliketh it as much as I doe condemning it of partiality To the fifth and sixth I say that Gerson affirmed the one to witte that no good was to bee expected by a generall Councell that the seuerall parts of the Christian world were to reforme them-selues and feared the other namely that too great diuersity would follow vppon such diuided reformations as it will easily appeare to any one that will take the paines to peruse the places cited by Mee Neither was it hast and precipitation as Maister Higgons is pleased to censure it but necessity that made our men to doe as they did hauing no meanes to meete for common deliberation To the seauenth I answere that Gerson Grosthead and the rest were members of the Church that was vnder the Papacie but that they were not of the papall faction nor vassals of the man of sin but men of a better spirit To the eighth I answere breefely that I haue most sincerely and truly alleaged the testimony of Gerson and noe way varied from his intention which that the reader may the better be able to discerne I will first set downe what my allegation is and then what exceptions Higgons taketh to it My words are these Touching the second cause of the Churches ruine which is the ambition pride and couetousnesse of the Bishoppe and Court of Rome Gerson boldly affirmeth that whereas the Bishoppes of Rome challenging the greatest place in the Church should haue sought the good of Gods people they contrarily sought onely to aduance themselues his wordes are these In imitation of Lucifer they will bee adored and worshipped as Gods neither doe they thinke themselues subiect to any but are as the sonnes of Belial that haue cast off the yoake not enduring whatsoeuer they do that a man should aske them why they do soe they neyther feare God nor reuerence men This is my allegation now let vs see what it is that Maister Higgons excepteth against in it Are not these the wordes of Gerson Hee cannot deny but that they are but hee sayth Gerson vttered them when there was a Schisme in the Church It is true hee did soe but what then Did not the true Pope whosoeuer hee was amongst those pretenders take as much on him as the rest and is not this note of disgrace fastned vpon all but that Maister Higgons may know that Gerson spake as much of the Pope simply as I haue cited out of him without any reference to pretenders as hee would faine avoyde the evidence of his heavy sentence let him consider what Gerson hath written in his Tract de potestate Ecclesiae where hee goeth about to stop the mouth of flattery giuing too much to the Cleargy and vile Detraction taking too much from it and bringeth in flattery speaking in this sort to them of the Cleargy especially the Pope O how great how great is the height of thy Ecclesiasticall power O sacred Cleargy how is secular power nothing if it be compared vnto thine Seeing as all power both in Heauen Earth was giuen to CHRIST so CHRIST left it all to Peter and his successors so that Constantine gaue nothing to Pope Sylvester that was not his before but restored to him that which had bin vnjustly with-holden and there is no power temporall or Ecclesiastical imperial or regall but frō the Pope in whose thigh CHRIST did write King of Kings and Lord of Lords of whose power to dispute it is sacrilegious to whom no man may say why doe you so though he ouer-turne teare in sunder and ouer-throw all states possessions and dominions temporall and Ecclesiasticall let Mee be reputed a lyar saith hee if these things bee not found written by them that are wise in their owne eyes and if they bee not found to haue beene beleeued by some Popes He addeth notum est illud satyrici Nihil est quod credere de se Non possit cum laudatur diis aequa potestas That is according to that knowne saying of the Satyricall Poet what should not hee perswade himselfe of himselfe that is magnified as equall to God in power For that of the Comicall Poet is true of the flatterer that he maketh fooles to be starke madde These are the sayings of Gerson which I haue laid downe at large that the Reader may judge whether I haue depraued the intention of Gerson or not and whether Higgons had any cause to traduce Mee in such sort as he doth It seemeth the poore fellow was hired to say something against Mee or else he would neuer haue adventured to vent such fooleries yet the last accusation against Mee is not to be passed ouer Gerson saith the Popes will be adored as God and I feare not to adde that the English Reader may vnderstand Mee that they will be adored and worshipped as God out of these premises he maketh an excellent conclusion comparing Gerson to Dauid that commaunded Ioab to saue the life of Absalom and Luther to Ioab that had no pitty on trayterous Absalom in that the one would haue the Pope well dealt withall though he disliked his faults and the other sought to tread him vnder his feete But let the Reader know that as Gerson so Luther was willing to giue all due honour to the Pope contenting himselfe with that which of right pertaineth to him but if hee dishonour God wrong the Church suffocate and kill her children and heretically refuse to be subiect to the Church and Councell if he challenge infallibility of iudgement from which no man may appeale Gerson will tread him vnder feete and reiect him as an Hereticke as well as Luther The Fourth Part. §. 1. IN the fourth part of this Chapter Master Higgons vndertaketh to proue that I haue abused the name and authority of Grosthead to iustifie the Lutheran reformation which he performeth full wisely in this sort Grosthead was iudged a Catholicke and a good man by some Cardinals in Rome therefore hee could not desire that reformation of things amisse that now is wrought If the consequence of this Argument be denyed hee knoweth not how to proue it but willeth his reader to demaund of Mee whether these Cardinals which iudged Grosthead to bee a Catholicke and of the same Religion with them-selues were not reall members of the Antichristian Synagogue proud Romanists factious Papists c. which question is soone answered For I haue distinguished as he knoweth right well the Church in which the Pope tyrannized and the faction of Papists that flattered him and applied themselues to sette forward his proud and vniust claimes till they lifted him vp into the throne and seate of Antichrist the members of the Church and of the faction and though both these liued for a time in the same outward Communion as did the right beleeuers and they that denied the resurrection of the dead amongst the Corinthians yet did they
stayeth on it and our righteousnesse is as the ragges of a menstruous woman c Clicthouaeus vpon the Canon of the Masse vpon these wordes not waying our merits but pardoning our offences asketh what merit we can plead with God to whom wee owe all thinges according to that When yee haue done all say that yee are vnprofitable seruants and how wee can applaud our selues in our good workes whereas all our righteousnesse is as the polluted ragges of a menstruous woman before the Lord Whereunto Bernard agreeth There is extant an excellent Epistle of Cardinall Contarenus wherein hee sheweth what reasons moued him and the other of his side to yeelde so farre to the Protestants as to leaue out the name of merit and to acknowledge that there is no meritte of workes properly so named And as these Catholicke Diuines thought thus of iustification by imputation of Christs righteousnesse the imperfection of our inherent righteousnesse and our not meriting any thing with the merit of condignity so they taught likewise that Christs righteousnesse is to bee apprehended by a liuely faith and defined a liuely faith to bee that motion of the spirit whereby men truely repenting of their former life are raised and lifted vp to God and doe truely apprehend the mercy of God promised in Christ so that they doe indeede feele in themselues that they haue receiued remission of sinnes and reconciliation by Gods goodnesse and by the merit of CHRIST and doe cry Abba Father Thus much was expresly deliuered in the booke exhibited by the Emperour Charles to the Diuines of both sides whom he appointed to conferre together for the composing of the controversies of Religion and the Diuines agreed vnto it Likewise in the Enchiridion of Christian Religion so much approued by all the more learned Diuines of Italy France thus wee read We confesse that it is true that it is altogether required to the justification of a man that hee certainly beleeue not onely in a generalitie that for CHRISTS sake sinnes are remitted to such as truly repent but that particularly they are remitted to himselfe by faith for Christs sake With whom Contarenus agreeth in his Tract of Iustification the most reverend Canons of the Metropoliticall Church of Colein Authors of the booke called Antididagma sundry other And before them all Bernard deliuered the very same his words are these If thou beleeuest that thy sinnes cannot be done away but by him against whom only thou hast sinned who cannot sin thou doest well but adde this moreouer to beleeue that thy sinnes are remitted thee this is the testimony which the holy Spirit giueth in our hearts saying Thy sinnes are remitted thee For so the Apostle supposeth that a man is iustified freely by faith That the Pope may erre not personally onely but iudicially also wee haue the opinion of Ockam Michael Caesenas Cameracensis Cusanus Almain Gerson Waldensis Picus Mirandula Pope Adriaâ—…the 6. almost all the Parisians all them that thinke the Councel to be aboue the Pope the Fathers in the Councels of Constance Basil Alphonsus à Castro and as some thinke Durandus Cyprian and his colleagues who resisted against the determination of the Bishop of Rome and all the Christians of the East at this day This might seeme to be a good proofe yet Stapleton is so farre from yeelding to it that he condemneth them all that thus thought as ignorant and rash especially the latter of them That the Pope is onely first amongst Bishops equall with him in power not of order onely but of iurisdiction also Cusanus proueth at large as Ockam Michael Caesenas and their consorts did before and with these in effect though they expresse not the same so well Cameracensis Gerson Almaine all the rest agree who thinke the Councell to be greater in authoritie and in the power of iurisdiction then the Pope and make him to be amongst Bishops as the Duke of Venice is amongst the great Senators of that state greater then each one but inferiour to the whole company of Bishops Iohn Bacon our Countrey-man noteth that many in his time were of the same opinion who thought the Pope as Head or President of the Colledge and company of Bishops and with them to haue an illimited authority reaching to all persons and causes Ecclesiasticall but not as in of and by himselfe This opinion Duarenus followeth and sheweth that anciently the Pope tooke no more on him The same opinion doe all the Christians of the East hold the practise resolution of antiquity confirmeth the same Touching the vnlawfulnes of the Popes medling with Princes their affaires we haue the testimonies of Sigebertus Cusanus many more whom I would produce but that M Blackwell the Arch-priest in his examination hath already produced a world of witnesses deposing against the Pope in this behalfe to whom I referre the Reader The like might be shewed in other points but because I will not be tedious I will leaue these points of doctrine and come to shew what complaints were euery-where heard in the Christian world before wee were borne against the pope and court of Rome Of Bishop Grosthead and our English I haue spoken already and haue sufficiently shewed how they multiplyed complaints against the pope let vs therefore come to other The popes saith Nicholaus Clemangis as they saw themselues to bee greater then other prelates so they lifted vp themselues aboue other in desire of ruling and ouer-ruling all and finding that Peters patrimonie though exceeding any one Kingdome of the world would not suffice to maintaine their state which they would haue to be greater then that of Emperors Kings and Princes they entred into those sheepfolds of other men which they found to abound vvith milke vvooll for they took to theÌ„ the povver to confer benefices church-liuings vvhich â—…ould fal void in any part of the christian vvorld ouerthrovving al those electioÌ„s vvhich the ancient by so many Canons carefully sought to vphold and hereby drew to them an infinite masse of money neither did they soe stay but tooke away from Bishops and patrons all right of collation presentation forbidding them to place any till such should bee prouided for as they had giuen the expectatiue hope of benefices not voyd Of these men there was an infinite number not comming from the Vniuersities and schooles of learning but from the plough or base trades not knowing Alpha from Beta who liued most wickedly and dissolutely and brought the holy Ministery into so great contempt that whereas anciently nothing was more honourable now nothing is more abiect and contemptible Besides these grieuances vppon euery vacancy they exacted the benefit of a whole yeare out of euery liuing according to a taxation set by them which sometimes three yeares profit would not answere and yet not content herewith they oftentimes imposed
to the purpose of Gods will doe euer retaine that grace that can and will procure pardon and remission of all their sins Surely euen as much as there is betweene these Paul sometimes was an enemy to Christ and Christians and a Persecutor And Paul after his calling was neuer an enemy to Christ nor Christians nor neuer persecuted any of them but suffered persecution himselfe together with them The second supposed contradiction is this All sins done with full consent exclude grace Dauid who was an elect and chosen seruant of God sinned with full consent after his calling and yet Dauid neuer fell totally from grace Heere truly there is a reall and true contradiction but one of these assertions is none of mine for I deny that Dauid euer sinned with full consent after his calling though his sinnes were very grieuous and highly displeasing to Almighty God For the better clearing whereof we must obserue that there are three degrees of sin The first is of those motions to euill that arise in men and sollicite them to the doing of that which is displeasing vnto God yet so that no consent is yeelded to them The second is when the violence impo◅nity of those ill motions is such that men chuse rather to giue way vnto them then to be any longer disquieted and tormented by them and yet wish they were free from such sollicitations and provocations In those that thus sin there is a deliberate consent but it is not absolute and full but mixt Such was the sinne of Peter denying his Master which proceeded from feare whereunto hee so consented that he still retained the good opinion he formerly had of him and loue towards him and wished no doubt from the depth of his Soule there might neuer any such thing haue fallen out that might draw him to doe that he did And such was the sin of Dauid who chose rather to cōmit that vile act with the wife of Vriah then to be tormented any longer with the importunity of those burning inflamed desires that violently seized on him though he wished in his heart that neuer any such motiōs might in such violent sort haue arisen in him The third degree of sin is in thē that absolutely and fully consent to the motions of euil as making thē their cheef delights contentments In them who sin only in the first degree grace not only remaineth but keepeth her standing resisting against euill entreating for pardon of that which it cannot avoid In thē that sin in the 2d degree it remaineth but carried into captivity In the 3d it hath no place at all To the same purpose it is that some worthy Diuines of our profession make three kinds of the being of sin in vs for first it is inhabiting only 2dly it is regnant yet not as a king who ruleth raigneth with the loue liking of his subiects but as a Tyrant that they hate would depose if they knew how 3dly it is regnant as a king welcommed joyfully receiued into al the powers faculties of the soule In the first sort it is in thē that giue no consent to the motions of euill that arise in them In the second in them that giue consent but not free and absolute but mixt In the third in them that giue it the whole heart In the first it neither excludeth grace nor driueth it from the standing and commaund it should haue in the soule of a good man In the second though it exclude it not yet i◅◅eth and hurteth it sore scattering the forces of it leauing it but disseuered desires no entire good affections so that they are neuer able to recouer themselues againe without forraine helpe But when such succour commeth these remaines of good begin to recollect themselues againe to take heart and to joyne with the same as we see in Dauid reproued by Nathan The third contradiction that Master Higgons would fasten on me is betweene that saying of mine The elect and chosen Seruants of God doe carefully endeauour that no sinnes may haue dominion ouer them and therefore notwithstanding any degree of sinne they runne into they retaine that grace that can and will procure pardon and that in the Articles of religion agreed on in the beginning of her late Maiesties raigne that after we haue receiued the holy Ghost we may depart from grace giuen and by the grace of God rise againe Which is no contradiction in trueth and in deede but in the misconstruction Master Higgons maketh of things well meant For when the Article faith we may depart from grace the meaning of it is that the elect of God called according to purpose may swerue from the directions of grace in some particular things and fall into grieuous sinnes out of which they are to be raised by repentance and not that they may totally fall from it Neither doe I deny but that the elect may commit sin yea grieuous sinnes and such as are in their owne nature mortall though not mortall in that not obtayning full consent they cannot bring death vpon the doers of them Wherefore to conclude this point into which Master Higgons digresseth after his idle manner and to send him backe to the matter he hath in hand I say that there is no contradiction betweene any assertion of mine and the Articles of Religion agreed on in the conuocation and farther adde that there is no Papist of iudgment and consideration that can possibly dissent from vs in this point touching the constant perseuerance of the elect and chosen seruants of God called according to purpose and their neuer wholly falling from grace For first they all agree together with vs that they cannot finally depart away Secondly that some good motions and affections will euer remaine in them after they haue beene once seasoned with the liquor ofrenuing and sanctifying grace Thirdly that they loose not their right to the rewardes which God in the couenant of mercy promised to their former vertuous and good endeauours nor the benefit of their repenting from dead works formerly repented of when they fall into sinne though they can make no vse thereof while they continue in such an estate of sinne For saith Scotus as a man that hath much owing vnto him vpon good assurances and is possessed of things of good valew being excommunicated or out-lawed still retaineth the interest and right to all things that formerly he had though he can make no vse thereof nor by course of law force them to doe him right that goe about to do him wrong nor recouer that which is due vnto him if it bee detained from him but all prosecution of his right is suspended till hee procure himselfe to bee freed from the sentence of excommunication or out-lawry So the remission of originall sinne the right to eternall life obtayned in Baptisme the force and vertue of former repentance conuersion from sins past the right to the rewards