were Erroneous and Revocable and accordingly deliver'd these bald Opinions under their Hands and Seals It seem'd as if they durst judge no Crime less than Treason that offended the Ministers though by their bold Opinions the Parliament it self became the Traytors and a Statute Law the Treason This I suppose was highly applauded by the Ministers and the King flatter'd to believe what excellent Servants he had of such Judges by whose briskness not only the Law but the troublesome Constitution it self of the Nation might be rendred as useless as Arbitrary Power cou'd desire For if such Laws that seem'd to limit a King shou'd in themselves become void for that very Cause there could no Law be valid but such as pleas'd the Soveraign who was the Judge of his own Infringment and then all past Laws and Laws to be made would become but prostituted Writings to the Will of Princes Perhaps at that time these Judges had the Character of being the most Loyal for appearing most desperate giving that great Testimony of their Devotion that their Zeal for the Favourites was far warmer than for their Countrey and involved themselves in their Fortunes by Principles as leud as their Designs The King looked upon the Opinion of these Judges as Authentick and of validity enough to throw legally into his power the Estates and Fortunes of those Lords that appeared most Eminent against his Ministers and accordingly he began to dispose of their Estates among those that he favoured presuming them without farther Tryal Convicted Persons and to maintain this absurdity by a worse rais'd Soldiers privately and sent to surprize the Earl of Arundel The Duke of Glocester having Intelligence of all these proceedings got the Bishop of London to perswade the King from such Violences and to assure him that he had never had an undutiful thought against him and intimated how much more safe and Honourable it wou'd be for the King not to be led by false suggestions to such a fatal difference and severity with his best and greatest Subjects The Bishop performed this with his best Skill and Zeal and wrought so upon the King that he seem'd inclin'd to a more happy Temper but the Duke of Suffolk that had all Peace and Justice by which he knew he was to have little Benfit nor cou'd be probably safe longer than while he kept his King in danger quickly nipt the King's budding Gentleness and like an untimely Frost blasted the springing Hopes of Peace falling upon the Bishop with harsh and insolent Reproofs But the Bishop not daunted with his Power and Greatness boldly told him That it was not the Service of his Prince that guided him but his own violent Ambition and that rather than the Lords shou'd not be destroy'd he would involve the Nations in Ruine Adding That it was easie for such abject Spirits as his to raise Tumults which must be ended by the Ruine of the Bravest nor was he fit to give Advice that was the chief Incendiary and made a Party by his Condemnation The King was so angry to see his Favourite so roughly and boldly attacked that he commanded the Bishop out of his sight In this particular as in most of the King 's unhappy Actions he appeared against Himself and his own Reason being guided by the Duke of Suffolk who was of a contrary Interest turn'd from his own Nature and Reason by one that wanted Sense and Bowels and by this Unsteddiness kindled new Mistrusts the fruitful Nourishers of Civil Mischiefs At this the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel Warwick and Derby take Arms the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Bishop of Ely then Lord Chancellour were sent to the Lords who composed Matters so well that the Lords agreed to appear before the King at Westminster under the Promise of Protection But retaining their usual Jealousies they receiv'd the Bishop of Ely's Assurance That if there were any Danger design'd them he would give them notice Accordingly he kept his Word and a little before the Lords were to come he gave them Intelligence of an Ambush laid for them at the Mews to seize them as they came in Upon this the Lords fail'd of their coming which the King wondring at ask'd the Bishop of Ely What might be the Reason who boldly told him That the Lords durst not trust him and had discover'd the Trap laid for them Of which the King seem'd to be wholly ignorant and commanded the Sheriffs to search the Mews and to kill and carry to Prison all they found conceal'd But the Thing was true though the Place mistaken for the armed Men were secretly assembled at Westminster by Sir Richard Bramber and Sir Thomas Trivett who perceiving or being inform'd of the Discovery secretly convey'd away their Men. It seem'd as if the King were really ignorant of this that was acted by the desperate Ministers who shew'd a full Confidence in the Power they had with the King And tho' perhaps they apprehended the Action too vile to trust the King with it yet they did not doubt to bring him to approve it tho' never so base if successful enough Nor hath this been an unusual Method of Powerful Ministers and Favourites to contrive Mischiefs for their Prince to approve knowing that it is easier from the necessity of a Thing done to gain an Approbation than a Consent to the Attempt of it For a Prince that is wholly led by them and wrapt up in their desperate Counsels and Interests may scruple at a thing to be done that he cannot when 't is effected One is but a difference in Opinion the other is a deserâ—ion of his Party he may be free in the first but too much involved to be at liberty in the latter A Prince in this Condition has not only his own Errours but the weight of theirs to struggle under and 't is impossible he shou'd make any Calculation of his own Fortune unless he were free to examine the mischievous Effects of those ill Planets that he Himself had rais'd to such powerful Influences At last upon new Faith and Security the Lords came to the King at Westminster but so strongly guarded that they did not appear like Men that came to Submit or Petition Accordingly they challenged for Traytors the Duke of Ireland the Duke of Suffolk the Archbishop of York the Chief Justice Tresilian and others The King at that time when Favourites could not speak spoke like himself a King and with equal Temper and Reason shew'd the Lords That if all were true they alledged they had not taken the proper way too seek for Justice by a shew of Rebellion and give that opportunity to the licentious Multitude which perhaps might be difficult to take again from them And after having gently laid before them the more proper way for what they desired he raised them from their knees and retired with them All this while the adverse Party kept out of the way apprehending as justly they might the
Lod. Vives Galilaeus Gassendus and Des Carles and by many excellent Philosophers of our own Nation I have not given this Account with the least Design or Endeavour to lessen the Esteem of Knowledge in this particular of Philosophy For certainly the Natural Reason of things is worthy of such a search as may inform But to labour in the endless and useless searches of Subtilties and nice Distinctions can be for no other use but Disputes caus'd by the Vanity of suppos'd Victory or the Application to Interest At least I could not find a clear advantage to my self or cou'd have hoped to have offer'd any others by endeavouring to obtain the Perfections of an imperfect Study wherein nothing appear'd to me promising any thing of publick use or private demonstration For the Mathematicks setting aside that vain part of it Astrology I only know enough of it to deplore I had not made my intire Study there where a Demonstration made it more proper for the true use of men than for their Designs For in things that admit the least Dispute men must be least divided and yet Evident Truth begets the least Interest and the fewest Admirers But where things not only above Reason but contrary to Sense are impos'd upon mens Belief that implicite Faith and consequently Obedience must be the sure Foundation of Interest and those who have parted with their Wits may probably part with their Fortunes For certainly had not such extraordinary Designs prosper'd on easie men the Ecclesiasticks had not crept into such great Titles and large Possessions that the Apostles cou'd hardly find any Image of themselves in their Successors and as little in some of their Opinions who never were taught or did teach to deny Sense and to make visible Truth or sensible Demonstration a Sin. The Mathematicks have therefore caus'd less Disputes and engaged fewer in the Study of it where Truth can only be the Search and the Reward and Disputes must be confounded by Demonstration But the other Studies are most suitable to the bent Nature of Mankind where things not to be clearly decided nourish Contention and Design For easie People being ready for extraordinary Notions excuse the folly of not examining by the prudence of believing it safer to submit implicitly to others than to use their own Sense And at last by such intire submissions Impossibilities become as easie to them as Truths and Falseness as Demonstration like those that use themselves perpetually to hot Waters Spirit of Wine it self at last is swallow'd up without being perceiv'd to have any violent strength Observations on HISTORY THE next Study to this that seem'd nearest Truth and of most use was History in which the best measures of men are to be found and the Comparisons of Calms and Storms in Empires the Quiet and Revolutions under several Princes and Governours will best teach by what Methods Kingdoms have been preserv'd and shaken which is not only useful for those that govern but those that obey teaching the first how to preserve and the last how to afford the Means Nor did any thing appear more agreeable to me than the use that Machiavel makes of History in his Decads on Livy where his Discourses grounded upon Reason have yet matter of Fact to support them and brings it the nearest to a Demonstration For Notions in Politicks unsupported with Fact seem only bare Opinions but from those Accidents and Events that we have seen follow closely the Wisdom and Vertue of Princes or the Folly and Vices of them and their Favourites and Ministers sharing so much their Power may be reasonably deduc'd that Judgment of things which must be useful to practice or avoid by the ruling and obeying part There are no Prescriptions in my Opinion at least so useful against this Sickness as the Precedents in History to see what Glory and Safety wise and vertuous Princes have obtain'd and what Ruine the Cruelty and Folly of others have brought upon themselves and Subjects In every Country their own Precedents are most proper for themselves since living under the same Constitutions they may justly expect the same Effects from those happy or unfortunate Causes In all our Stories I look'd upon none so instructing as this part I have chosen where the power of firm Vertue and unsteady Errors so evidently appear'd in their close Operations I do not look upon a calm and quiet Reign so much the Proof of steady Vertue where Peace has descended with the Empire nor the Troubles of an unquiet time so clear an Evidence of unsteady Errors where the Storms and Troubles descended with the Crown But when in an immediate and repeated Succession the Extreams alternately have preserv'd and destroy'd I look upon these as the clear Testimonies of the different Powers of Vice and Vertue Steddiness and Indirectness Justice and Tyranny The Examples are no where to be found more close than in the Reigns of Edward the Second and Richard the Second The first succeeded his Father Edward who came to the Crown after many Troubles that his Father Henry the Third had long labour'd under but his steddy Vertue overcame all Troubles at home and conquer'd his Enemies abroad and was the first that made England look like a Powerful and Establish'd Monarchy His unfortunate Son Edward unravell'd what he had wound up and by unsteddy Errors shook that Power that descended so unshaken to him from his mighty Father His Son Edward the Third by Vertues and Methods of his Grandfather restor'd what his Father had lost Richard the Second the Son of the Black Prince succeeded his Grandfather in his Throne but his Great Grandfather Edward the Second in the same fatal and unsteddy measures lost more than the other had gained For though he lost his Life like Edward the Second yet he lost more than he for with him the Succession ended and fell into another Line No Subject appear'd to me so worthy of Remarks as this which evidently shews that there is a general Temper in Mankind fatal to their own Peace which even and firm Minds wou'd perceive Fortune and occasion add to or diminish the Temper of most who sink either too low or swell too high Success makes them salse to themselves and others All modest and profess'd Principles are lost in such a Temptation and both Kings and Subjects have harass'd one another by such alterations and shook the Government they both seem'd tender of Sometimes when Kings have been in such a Condition that is capable to ground sufficient Flattery upon there never want those either indigent in Fortune or Vertue to perswade Kings That Limited Power for so they call Laws observ'd is but the Fetters of a Prince and they need be worn no longer than he submits to publick Notions which are nothing but unsolid Fancies For if a King does not assume all Power the Subjects will grow into the greatest share and will necessitate him to try for all or have as good
as none On the other side a Prince attempting this and failing he sinks perhaps to grant as much as he design'd to get and believes to find a stop in their Desires who knew none in his own Subjects are at first modest and their Desires are grounded upon Common Interest but usually when they believe their Credit and Condition large enough for a Foundation they increase as fast in Desires as Fortune gives them occasion and when they gain more than they expected they will ask more to secure what they had obtain'd and at last make themselves incapable to trust or be trusted It is the Nature of Extremities to allow no retreat and the mischiefs of either side are equal to the Common Peace and wherever a ravish'd Power rests the Tyranny is alike Nothing more illustrates this than the unfortunate Reigns of those Two unhappy Princes Edward the Second and Richard the Second both Princes of resembling Tempers not affected with extraordinary Cruelty in their own Natures of competent Sense and Courage but ill Users of both In Prosperity they seem'd to shew more Courage than they had and in Adversity less by which it naturally appear'd they were more influenced by others than themselves who flatter'd them in a good Condition and forsook them in a bad They were both apt to be fond of Favourites and the Nobility as apt to hate them Yet some of those that condemn'd those Kings for fixing too much their Favours upon particular persons wou'd perhaps have been as pleas'd to enjoy the same good Fortune But the publick was made complain for their private Displeasures and the usual immoderate use of Power in those Favourites caus'd such a Distance in the Hearts of King and People that the attempting the Cure of the Diseases that sprung from the infection of ambitious Ministers procur'd Calamities in their Redress as Physicians sometimes one Disease as a Remedy for another and to cure a Lethargy the Patient must be driven to a Fever King Edward gave this Offence by his unlimited Favours to Gaveston and after him to the Spencers King Richard to the Duke of Ireland and Earl of Suffolk Gaveston's Person was very charming and his Mind and Frame equally fitted for Luxuries which was discern'd by that great Prince Edward the First who banish'd him and on his Death-bed enjoyned his Son never to bring him back He was a man of Courage but when rais'd to Power he grew from all Evenness of Temper and was as insolent as his Fortune was great The Spencers succeeded him in Favour in whom no particular marks of good Qualities cou'd be trac'd never satisfied with wealth nor ever satisfied with revenge The Riches of the Nation seem'd but enough to satisfie their Ambitions and the Destruction of it to secure their Safeties They first justly made many their Enemies and then destroy'd them for being so By this it may seem strange that Princes shou'd have that Excess of Value for such worthless Objects which more ordinary persons wou'd hardly bestow upon them But those of the loosest and most debauched Principles are aptest to feed the Humour of men who love to be nourish'd by soft Flatteries and Common People are not Objects for such Endeavours Princes tempt the Tempters who creep into their Power by perpetual whispers how to enlarge theirs and twisting themselves into their Princes Favour and Opinion involve his Interest with theirs and render any Displeasure against them the want of Duty to him Richard the Second was as unhappy as his Choice of Favourites The first was the Duke of Ireland better than the rest but hardly better than any others He was not a great studier of mischief but a ready Adviser to pursue any advantage to enlarge Power He seem'd to want Courage to attempt and few want Courage to embrace So that it was possible he might have rested in a limited share of Fortune and been contented with a moderate quietness had he not been joyned with the turbulent Earl of Suffolk who in all Conditions merited the worst Character in War fearful in Peace insupportable all Vertue unthought of by him and Mischief his study and his Diseas'd Mind the common place of Corruption Tresilian the Chief Justice was an useful Minister to assist such a Favourite who was ready to subject Law to Occasion and make the Occasion suitable to Law and 't is probable he got his Place by such measures for his Reason was Violence and his Justice Cruelty There was nothing right or wrong but what he was directed to determine so and gave a full Testimony of himself in the deciding the Ten Queries propos'd by the Earl of Suffolk all which were resolved into Treason or to merit Death By which Resolves the Nation was made the Traitor and the Treason fitted certainly to find out Traitors Thus commonly Men attain to Princes Favours by being more Councellors to their Humors than their Interest and with unconfin'd Flattery betray them to the Temptation of unlimited Power And this violent driving all things into Extreams was the fall of those too unhappy Princes who when they had Power shew'd no Moderation and when they wanted it betray'd as much Dejection This shook that Trust which is the Foundation of peace and that once shaken either side as occasion offer'd acted the same immoderation which they before Condemn'd Both these Princes in the change of Fortune denied and granted too much and most commonly denied what they had granted and granted what they had denied before by which they disoblig'd in denying and their Favours seem'd no Obligation when bestow'd The first was look'd upon as design'd to injure their Subjects and the last as a fear of them These things will be best illustrated by giving an impartial Account of some resembling Particulars in the Actions of these unfortunate Princes Edward the Second began first with his receiving the banished Gaveston into Favour before his Fathers Funerals were performed makes him Earl of Cornwal and gives him the Lordship of Man and in his first Actions seems to forget his Fathers Commands and neglect the Advice of any Councel This so enrag'd the Nobility that they press for Gaveston's Banishment or threaten'd if deny'd to hinder his Coronation The King pursued always with a Fatal unsteadiness yields to their Demands and Promises in the next Parliament all they had desired Yet after he had promis'd the Banishment of Gaveston permits him notwithstanding to carry St. Edward's Crown This aggravates so much that the next Parliament proceeded much higher Thus the Ballances began to be tost up and down as any weight on either side helpt to hoist up the other In the Parliament they pursued their advantage and the King not only grants them power to draw Articles but takes his Oath to confirm whatever they concluded and he that before seem'd jealous of trusting his Subjects now gave them an opportunity of revenging that Mistrust The want of Confidence before seem'd to betray an
ill Intention and this unlimited Confidence confirm'd the Opinion of it both betray'd what he design'd both shou'd conceal and by the Extreams taught the fatal Lesson of Jealousie and those perhaps that advis'd the ill Designs wanting power to bring them forth from their own Fears gave Councils contrary to their former Advices in a better Condition For men without Principles are guided by those Opinions that unequal Fears or unsteddy Ambition gives them and receive no Council from even Principles or unshaken Vertue These Mistakes provok'd the Banishment of Gaveston and the King became liable to Perjury whenever they pleased But after he had committed this Error he pursues it with a greater and though he banish'd Gaveston to keep his Oath he violates again by re-calling him and gives him his Neece in Marriage and so much Rules that it justly merited the Censure of wasting the publicâ— Treasure The Barrons enrag'd at this Breach of Faith in the King and to see the Fortune of the Nation thrown into a Stranger 's Hands threaten Force against their Perjur'd Prince and by this means obtain again the Banishment of Gaveston with a Clause of Death if ever he returned Gaveston having not been long in Banishment and finding or at least believing he was not safe abroad thought it less hazardous to trust to the former extravagant Affection of the King than Enemies and Strangers in another Countrey and upon this consideration comes back into England and immediately repairs to him The King according to his expectation receiv'd him with such an Excess of inconsiderate Joy and Kindness that it seem'd as if Gaveston brought always Charms more powerful than any Divine or Hamane Obligation Upon this the Lords again took Arms and petition in the Name of the whole Commonalty That Gaveston may be banish'd The King more fond of Gaveston than sensible of what he had done or of their Force or Petition takes as it were a Flight with him and puts him with Forces into Scarborough-Castle and as Gaveston seem'd to aim at security by weaving the King's Fortunes with his so the King seem'd to make his Fortunes as desperate as Gaveston's by sharing his Condition The Lords eagerly pursu'd him to Scarborough which they besieg'd and took together with Gaveston whom they immediately beheaded Thus this unhappy Prince neglecting his own Faith gave others the Opinion that theirs was discharg'd and the fondness of a Favourite above the People lessen'd their Duty as he lessen'd his Consideration of them and 't is too visible a truth that a Prince who so much resigns himself to Favourites must also resign his Fortune to theirs The Lords swell'd with this Success the usual Effects of Ravish't Power march with an Army towards London where the King then was where Necessity and not Choice seem'd to be the means that a Parliament was call'd where the King complain'd of the Barons who justified their unlawful Actions by the Errors of their Prince and plead Merit for having purchas'd the Banishment of Strangers to quiet the People Thus unsteddy Actions beget wild Arguments and false Pretensions are too much supported by Power However a Composure for the present was made by the Queen the Bishops and the Earl of Glocester who calm'd the Barons into a Temper of asking the King's Pardon and several Articles were agreed on for present satisfaction which seem'd as if the Lords had more Inclinations to Obedience than Rebellion and wanted but the prudent Justice of a Prince to be applied to cure these Wounds that Jealous Discontents had made But the Mischief of former ill Humours and Councils remain'd and began to shew themselves by the dealy of performing what was agreed on which was the Cause that the Earls of Arundel Warwick and Warren refus'd to go with the King against the Scots It seems strange that Vnsteddiness and Injustice Two of the weakest Errors of Mankind shou'd become Rules for Princes to act by which could hardly be possible were they not resign'd to the Councils of others and consequently to their Interests such who cannot by National Methods pursue their Ambitious Designs and protect what they obtain the pursuit of Honour and Riches are seldom limited and putting a Distance between King and People is the only means to keep them remote from Examination and Justice and at least involve their Interest so with his that to question them is to attack his Dignity To foment Differences between the King and others was now acted by little Artifices one Instance of which was the taking away the Earl of Lancaster's Wife by one Richard St. Martin claiming her as his and that he had formerly lain with her and claim'd by her the Two Earldoms of Lincoln and Salisbury This was an Action that seem'd to shew the Encouragement and Assistance of great Power nor did they that contriv'd it omit their chief aim of having the King thought a Party at once to engage him in their Designs and Animosities and to revenge himself and them by particular Injuries For 't is not to be presum'd that such a man as the Duke of Lancaster could have such a violence committed in his House by an inconsiderable Fellow without great assistance of Force and Power and the Two Earldoms that seems rested in her were Arguments that the Design was to affront the Duke of Lancaster in the Diminution of his Honour and to make an irreconcilable Difference between the King and him who being related to the King and a man of great Quality and Interest might perhaps be an Obstacle to those Designs which were contriving by the new Favourites and it was an improper consideration for such to consider whether the King's Interest and Honour were best served by this but only whether their own Designs were not best pursu'd And now the same Fatal Humour began to shew it self and Hugh Spencer the Younger who Mezeray says had been bred up with him in an unbecoming Familiarity and had absolute Empire over him succeeded Caveston in an almost unlimited Favour and Power The first Difference that this caused appeared at the Siege of Berwick which being near taken by the Scots the King declared to make his Design to make the Younger Spencer Governour of it upon which the Earl of Lancaster withdrew his Forces with whom the Lords presently took Arms and declared the Cause to be for the removing the Spencers the Father being now got into joynt Commission of Favour with his Son who govern'd with as much Insolence and Absoluteness as ever Gaveston had done With these Forces they advance towards the King and boldly demand the Banishment of the Spencers The King not being strong enough at present to oppose them gives a Temperate Answer only seeming averse to punish any but by Form of Law and therefore wou'd not banish them unheard but promises them they shou'd answer to any Charge and swore he wou'd never pardon Offences prov'd This Answer did not yet satisfie the Lords who
continued their March to London where the King grants all things denied before The King that had yeilded to what was demanded by Force out of the apprehension of that Power retain'd yet his former Inclinations and was so used to act by indirectness that he rather proceeded by a familiar Method than any new Necessity and praetis'd as much from Nature as Occasion The Spencers by an Edict published in Westminster-Hall by the Earl of Hereford were banished the Realm but in a very little time when the Lords were returned home the Edict was revoked in a Council held in London where the Archbishop of Canterbury declared the Banishment of the Spencers to have been Erroneous As soon as the Lords were retired to their promised Quiet having obtained what they desired the King began to design to revenge on them the Displeasure for what he himself had granted as if all his Favours were his Errours and his Severity his prudent Justice Thus while they thought themselves restored to Peace the King prepares for War and suddenly raising Forces pursues the Barons many of whom revolt to him the rest make such preparations as was possible in so short a time and stayed with their Forces at Burton upon Tnent When the King's Army advanc'd to them they perceiv'd they were much exceeded in Numbers so that the Earl of Lancaster thought it wiser to retreat especially considering that he had sent Sir Robert Holland to raise more Forces among his Tenants which Supplies he thought it prudent to wait for But the Endeavour to retreat gave the King's Forces an Addition of Courage from that Testimony of their Fear which was made use of by Valence Earl of Pembrook who then Commanded the King's Army who after some resistance put them to flight after which the Earl of Lancaster and many Noblemen and Gentlemen were taken Prisoners The News of this Defeat or his own Falseness brought Sir Robert Holland with his new raised Forces to joyn with the King. As soon as these mighty Enemies were in the King's Power the Spencers full of Revenge urged on for the Execution of all 'T is said That Valence the Earl of Pembrook who obtained the Victory interceded for Mercy but this rather hastens their Fate for Spencer was so apprehensive that the King's Mercy to any wou'd be a Cruelty to him that he successfully urg'd a quick Execution The King with other Lords among whom was Hugh Spencer now Earl of Winchester sat and gave Judgment upon the Earl of Lancaster who was presently beheaded and many other Lords in their several Countries to disperse Terror in every place Above Twenty Men of Quality were put to death at this time the first Blood of this nature that was ever shed since the Conquest Besides the Earl of Lancaster there died Fourteen Lords and Barons their Estates and Inheritances were likewise seiz'd and were us'd to advance a new sort of men who must needs applaud and flatter such Councils and Successes that had been so favourable to them and questionless the Streams of Flatteries flow'd to the King for his Choice of such a Favourite as Spencer who had now enthron'd him once again and by so much Blood procured him the surest Coronation Nor was Spencer less blind in the Judgment of his own Condition who was now Master of his King and of all those Spoils that this bloody Success had thrown into his ambitious Arms But his Condition was too prosperous temperately to consider the Vncertainty of a Violent Prosperity watched by the unwearied searches of Envy and Revenge Councils and Actions now appeared as commonly after such Success Law lay contemn'd under Power and the Interest of the Nation under Conquest all Temperate and Composing Actions formerly used were now reflected on as a Prince's Shame and any thing less than Arbitrary Power his Dishonour an ill chosen Ground of Safety in its own Nature but most improper to engage a Prince in who by the weakness of unsteddy Judgment and the ill use of Power had sufficiently by mistrust prepar'd mens minds not to be couzen'd into Flattery It must be the Concurrence of many strange Accidents and the close Reserve of a Prince's Nature that must steal him into Absolute Power otherwise we had heard of many more successful Tyrants in the World For I doubt not but generally the Natures of Men have been more ready to embrace more Power than their Abilities or Accidents have complied to assist them in And we seldom read of such as become Slaves but of such as have been well couzen'd Subjects The King's Power now seemingly grown to a great height by the Numbers that his Success encreas'd flatter'd him as well as their Tongues that nothing was able to resist him and perhaps to find uses for those Forces that now must be kept together resolves to march from York into Scotland rather with a mighty Number than a powerful Army never considering that such Numbers without suitable Discipline and Provisions were a weakness to themselves The Scots it seem'd consider'd this and kept close and hindred them of all Provisions leaving them to overcome themselves for Want increasing they were beaten without Blows and return'd pursued by Want and Dishonour as well as by the Scots who enter'd far into England and return'd with great Spoils into Scotland This unhappy King not made for Councils was as well not born for Triumph and was now perhaps at a calmer leisure to consider what he had done It seem'd something like regretting Thoughts when being earnestly sollicited to pardon one of the Duke of Lancaster's Followers a Man of a mean Condition he exclaim'd with Passion against such Councellors that prest him to spare the Life of such a Fellow and spoke not one word to spare the Life of the Duke though his near Kinsman whose Blood had so near Relation to his own making this true Reflection that his Life might have been useful to him the other 's could not Misfortune seem'd at this Instant to give the King a more temperate Consideration which in the streams of Success he would hardly have leisure to entertain but this was rather an unsteddy than a firm return to better and more prudent Thoughts and Councils his Nature was still the same which made his Favours or Displeasure equally dangerous Sir Andrew Hackley who took the Earl of Lancaster shew'd the Truth of this for growing enough to give apprehension to the Spencers he lost his new enjoy'd Honours together with his Life being first degraded of them and then executed So that the King seem'd at one time ready to destroy and to revenge Destruction just as the Displeasure and Spleen of his Ambitious Favourites guided him It was no wonder if so easie a Conquest over a King shou'd swell the Conquerour enough to burst him nor that so much Wealth and Glory shou'd so much dazzle the Eyes of Spencer as to make him loose his way but all seem'd calm nor any little speck
a little after the Commons come to receive his Resignation and were seated in a Form ready for the Ceremony The King came out in Mourning and at the sight of a form'd Power ready to take away His sunk down but being recover'd to a miserable Life the Bishop of Hereford deliver'd the Cause of their coming After which Trussell a Lawyer and Speaker of the House of Commons pronounces a Form of renouncing all Allegiance to Edward of Caernarvon to which as most Writers say the King made not the least Answer but turn'd about and went out There were Articles also exhibited against him and his Son with much Ceremony chosen King in Westminster-Hall with the full consent of the People which gave the occasion to the Archbishop of Canterbury to choose for the Subject of his Sermon Vox populi Vox Dei exhorting the People to pray for the King they had chosen Thus the Lawyer found out a Legal Method for the People to deprive their King of Sovereignty and the Divines Consecrated their mighty Power in calling their Voice a Divine Election Philip de Comines in his Third Book takes notice That the Great Earl of Warwick subdu'd England in Eleven days and King Edward the Fourth recover'd it in One and twenty Though these were sudden Revolutions yet the Fortune of them was dispos'd by many Battels but this was as sudden yet without a Blow which shews no Force to be greater than the Power of Injuries and Oppressions For though in Prosperity and the full gust of Power this mighty Force lying as it were in an Ambush in the Vexed Minds of injur'd Subjects is undiscern'd and slighted And the fatal Precedents made by the Errours of others are seldom made use of to our selves yet when it begins to shew it self it seems no wonder that the united Minds of all conclude for themselves But Men are so much their own Flatterers that they believe every thing Permanent they wish to be so and Favourites that cannot submit to share a Common Benefit venture at uncertain Advantages and make it a Principle to depend more upon Men's Fears than Love. By the Mighty and Ambitious Mischiefs and Disturbances are wrought but the Weak and Moderate desire Peace and Quietness The unhappy King was now kept in Confinement with a small allowance that he might be deprived of all things that resembled a Princes Condition and suffer'd now for his unsteady Errors as much perhaps by the wounding reflection of their Memory as by what he endured for them But too late he was taught Truth by Misery and saw the Difference to lose those Friends that cou'd preserve him and keep none but only such as could help to destroy him Princes sometimes believe that the right of Power should preserve them notwithstanding the want of Conscience in the using of it But when their Errors have contracted Enemies and the same Errors raised Accidents enough to give power and opportunity to those Enemies misguided Princes like this unhappy King will find that such with as much want of Conscience will revenge their Wrongs as they shew'd by the Oppression It now appear'd that the Graves of Princes are ever near their Prisons This unhappy one above all things deplored That his Wife whom he had ever loved wou'd not be got to see him But she was now possessed by her passion for Mortimer that all her Duty and Vertue was Sacrific'd and her Husband was now as much her apprehension as aversion Mortimer was as jealous as he could be and never thought himself safe in his Enjoyments while the King liv'd They cou'd be inform'd of the murmuring whispers of their Course of Life and that hard usage of the King proceeded from thence and therefore looked upon the King's Death as their only security His Keepers were therefore changed by the advice of that ready Counsellor of mischief the Bishop of Hereford for Sir Maurice Berkley in whose Custody he was had been tamper'd with and not found ready for the intended Villany he was therefore taken from Henchworth Castle and committed to Sir Thomas Gourney and Sir John Matravers who carry'd him to Corf-Castle a place some write that he always declared an apprehensive aversion to from thence to Bristol from whence upon some suspicion of a Plot for his escape he was convey'd to Berkley Castle where by those barbarous Villains he was wretchedly murthered with a hot Iron thrust through a Pipe up behind into his Bowels which way they thought wou'd perhaps make the least discovery by what Death he died though his Groans and Cryes sufficiently proclaim'd the Violence of it Some write That the Bishop of Hereford by a dark Sentence instigated the Murtherers to hasten the Execution by this Line Edwardum occidere nolite Timere bonum est At once giving them encouragement and concealing an excuse for himself But Ecclesiastical Riddles are dangerous and sometimes their Expositions of Texts have been no other After this horrid Execution the Murderers Gourney and Matravers expected Rewards but found the Queen and Bishop readier rather to threaten and accuse them than to own the Service and were forc'd to fly beyond Sea to seek safety for their loath'd Lives But Gourney after three years was taken and sent to England and by the way had his Head struck off Matravers fled into Germany where in Repentance he had time to wast a miserable Life This King Reigned something above Eighteen years and was murther'd in the 43d year of his Life His Body was carryed to Glocester and there buryed without any Ceremony His Character I will reserve till I join it with Richard the Second since the same Methods and Errors in Government workt the same Effects and both Princes equally unfortunate The Reigns of Edward the Second and Richard the Second to which I am now proceeding may be justly said to be as Mezeray calls the Reign of Henry the Third of France The Reign of Favourites who did enervate all his Vertues and dispos'd him to looseness and carelesness deafen'd and confounded him with Flatteries prompting to observe no Law but his Will while they were the Disposers of all things At which many great Men and others retired discontented and left the Favourite-Ministers at large to pursue their Ambition and with new Inventions to waste and pillage the King's Revenue This Description suits with the beginning of this unfortunate King Richard the Second who after the death of his Grandfather that great Prince Edward the Third succeeded him in the Throne His Father the Famous Black Prince dying in his Father's time who by contrary Methods to what they us'd met as contrary Fortunes The Comeliness and Beauty of his Person exceeding all his Predecessors only seem'd to Entitle him to a Generous Father and as beautiful a Mother But that promising Person which might have become great Actions was turned to Looseness and Pleasures and Flatterers broke in to encourage that dissolute Carelesness which they found wou'd
Crimes were prepared for the Duke he never committed a Jury of Lords were fix'd and it was not only design'd he shou'd be arrested but his Condemnation was as confidently resolved and concluded These things were not so secretly contriv'd but the Duke of Lancaster had notice of them and privately retir'd or rather fled to Pomfret-Castle where he prepar'd to defend himself and already Discontents grew so high that he wanted not assistance for it and grew so considerable that the Queen-Mother thought it worthy her pains in all respects to endeavour a Composure which she effected assisted by the apprehension of her Son and the Duty which the Duke of Lancaster seem'd yet to retain so that for this time every thing was compos'd unless their Minds which once shaken by indirectness and mistrust are seldom so purely clear'd but that some Seeds of Jealousie lie ready to spring upon the heat of any Difference Without Trust the Traffick amongst Dealers in petty things can never be carried on and much less the Commerce between Prince and Subjects without Credit The King now enter'd upon the assuming the Government into his own Hands and from this time grew liable to his own Errors appearing wholly regardless of all his great Relations and Nobility and only seem'd kind to a fondness of his Chancellor the Duke of Suffolk and the Duke of Ireland and their two subservient Friends the Archbishop of York and Tresilian the Chief Justice they that had now gain'd the possession of the King's Power and Inclination shew'd a great Testimony of their ill use of it by disposing the King against his brave Vncle the Duke of Gloucester and the Earls of Warwick and Arundel The King was now wholly possest by these Favourites and in a particular manner by the Chancellor Delapoole whose mean Birth was suitable to his Qualities His Vices so many that he was himself a Grievance and it seem'd a fatal unhappiness that the King's Conscience should be intrusted unto so bad a Keeper but the King was as violent in his Affections as others could be in their Displeasures He seldom regarded what others thought till necessity forced the Consideration These men that both fear'd and hated any men of Honour and Quality that might have Interest to cross their Designs laid hold of an Occassion to be rid of one of the greatest the Duke of Lancaster by assisting him with Forces to conquer Spain which he claim'd in right of his Wife Constance Daughter and Co-heir of Peter who was surnamed the Cruel King of Castile and Leon With very considerable Forces he sail'd for Spain He landed at the Troyne and at Compostella met with the King of Portugal where a Marriage was concluded with his Daughter and after some Incursions made into the Countrey of Castile a Peace and Marriage was also effected between the King of Spain's Eldest Son and Katharine of Lancaster and so resign'd the Title to Spain for a Composition by a sum of Money and a Pension This look't like the feeble Policy of violent and self-interested Counsellors which was applied to Men and not to Things as if the removal of Two or Three that oppos'd their Designs took all the Danger away that attended them As long as there were injured men they must have Enemies and their safety was no way probable but by better Principles and Practices Besides there were other Lords left behind made Popular by the same Errors But they design'd to ruine if they cou'd all that were in their way and after grew very busie in designing to murder the Duke of Glocester every day contriving some ill and by their heavy wickedness loading their King. A little after the Rebellion the King married with Anne the Daughter of the Emperour Charles the Fourth whom he loved passionately for whose sake he refus'd the Daughter of the Duke of Milan who was offer'd him and with her a Dowry much more considerable She liv'd with him Twelve Years but without Issue and died at Sheen by Richmond which great loss made the place ever hated after by the King who in all things shew'd he was a Man of great Affections which are unfortunate Vertues when wrong placed About this time the King declared Roger Mortimer his Heir and Successor who was the Son of Lionel Duke of Clarence Third Son of King Edward the Third who was afterwards killed in Ireland He also created his Uncles Edmund of Langley Duke of York and Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester and his Cousin Henry of Bullingbrooke Son and Heir to his Fourth Uncle John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Earl of Derby His Cousin Edward Plantagenet Son and Heir to his Uncle Edmund of Langley he created Earl of Rutland Sir John Holland Earl of Huntington and Thomas Mowbray Earl of Nottingham In the Parliament in which these Creations were made was exhibited a Charge of many Particulars and of very great Natures against Chancellor Delapoole in which one particular was the abusing and cozening the King. But this had only an Audience and no Examination which gave so much offence that an Aid demanded was denied and Reasons given that it was to no purpose to give money when the ill use of it was countenanced This seem'd a wrong Method to ask and be denied and at the same time neither to have Power enough to enforce nor Obligations to obtain but 't was not proper for his Favourites to tell him they doubted success with his Parliament since that were to own such apprehensions sprung from their ambitious Errors But Princes are rightly said to be us'd like froward Children flatter'd and condemn'd never to hear the Truth But the Parliament still pressed the Examination of the Charge and the Necessity of the King's Affairs concurring with their importunity procured what they so warmly desired The Cause was put to selected Noblemen to examine and a Subsidy seem'd the purchase of it which was afterwards granted The Cause then being heard by his Peers the Duke of Glocester and Earl of Arundel being Two of the Judges he was convicted deprived of his Office and Chattels and condemn'd to be executed But all this seem'd rather Arguments of Merit than Causes of Punishment For the King presently after restored him into the former Favour as if he had suffer'd for his sake Thus as Edward the Second received Gaveston from Banishment and his Subjects hate to his Arms and Love so this unfortunate and resembling King received this Earl of Suffolk from Execution and the Prosecution of his Parliament to increas'd Affection and Trust as if Crimes found out and prosecuted by a Parliament had been the Testimonies of Merit and Arguments for a Prince's Fnvour These unsteddy Councils increas'd mistrust in the Subjects who now began to see they were too light to make a Poisure with his Favourites And to confirm their worst apprehensions the Duke of Ireland who had been driven away by the Displeasure that was contracted against him now return'd with
equal Credit and Principles with the Earl of Suffolk to whom also joined the Archbishop of York to strengthen their Power and weaken their King's for they who had influence enough to make a Prince believe their Cause to be his might easily carry him on to revenge these Affronts he now assumed to be his own To this belongs the same Fate that attends indirect unsteddy Counsels they must be maintained by the Ruine or Oppression of those that suffer'd by them and no method taken for the Preservation of any but they that merited the Punishment The Argument that was and must be used to deceive Princes was then enforced by these Favourite-Ministers That the Arrows shot at them were intended against the Prince and 't was but a method of Rebellion to confine a King on whom to confer his Favour and therefore to avoid the Dishonour of a Limited Monarchy he must now use Power and declare his Trust in that only With this flattery they raise their King to a fatal Confidence in that which must in time deceive misguided Princes For perhaps for some time Apprehension and Conscience may preserve a shew of Peace yet at last Errour and Oppression will disturb such a weak-setled Calm The King thus rais'd by Flattery above his Power and sharpned by false Arguments beyond his Nature they proceed seemingly to act his Cause but really to revenge themselves and like the other Favourites in King Edward's Time wrap their Prince's Fall and Hazard and their own together while they are only the King 's Loyal Subjects and the Kingdom his and their own guilty Enemies The Memory of Suffolk's Tryal and Condemnation was the first Cause that incited them against those that were his Judges the Duke of Glocester and others on whose Destruction they first resolved as being the most considerable nor feared his near Relation to the King for they knew their Power was gotten above his Nature or Consideration The first Design was to invite Glocester and others to a Supper in London and there murther them which some write was discover'd by the Duke to Exton the then Mayor of London and so the Mischief was prevented for that time About this time the Earls of Arundel and Nottingham who were engaged with the Duke of Glocester in the Tryal and Censure of the Chancellour Suffolk Commanded the Navy and did so many brave Actions that all mouths were fill'd with just Praises the King 's only excepted to whom Satisfaction did most belong For at their Return they found such a cold Reception from the King that it seem'd they were rather forgiven for Misdemeanours than receiv'd for Merits The strangeness of his Words told too plainly That publick Merit lost its Nature when the Desert was in the Enemies of his Favourites How much more limited is a King by such as inflame him against the Dishonour of it He must neither reward Vertue nor punish Vice his best and bravest Subjects must not be esteem'd nor his worst question'd nor punish'd The Duke of Ireland with as much Arbitrary Power as he perswaded the King to assume put away his Wife the Duke of Glocester's Daughter and marryed a Vintners some say a Joyners Daughter The injur'd Lady often petition'd the King but without success her Injury was done by a Favourite where his Nature was more tyed than to his own Blood Upon no less nourishment can growing Favourites prosper than by their Princes loss of Interest and Honour The Duke of Glocester bore it not so calmy but told the Duke of Ireland plainly he wou'd revenge it who from that time grew more assiduous to contrive the Destruction of the Duke of Glcester but at the present his pretended Journey to Ireland kept all silent which after many delays he seemingly began and was accompanied in great State by the King himself the Earl of Suffolk and the ready Chief Justice Tresilian But this proved only a Journey through Wales and so about to Nottingham where they enter'd in private and black Consultations The first was to destroy the Lords and for that end summon'd the Sheriffs of every County and plainly asked them what they cou'd promise against the Lords if the King should require it Their Answers were for the most part That the People were very much satisfied in their Opinions That the Lords were lovers of their King and Country and therefore durst promise nothing in that matter The Tryal was then made to pack a Parliament by contriving Elections as the King should appoint But this received as cold a return To what a lose Hazard they had now reduced their King to attempt unsuccessfully to break by force or in a Legal way to make the Nation destroy it self The last was without question the most dangerous design force may enslave for little time but slavery by Law is like to endure longer but the People were not then couzen'd enough and indeed it must be the Concurrence of strange Accidents the fairness of an undiscover'd Dissimulation and the Opportunity embraced in the same Moment that must so infatuate the People as to make their Ruin their Choice The last attempt was design'd by surer means the Judges who kept and seem'd to deserve their Places for the Compliance of these were summoned the two Chief Justices Tresilian and Belknap with others and to them were put Queries which might comprehend the safety of the Ministers and the danger of all they pleased beside The Questions were to comprehend so large a Treason that it could not miss to find Traitors for by them resolved the very Constitution of the Nation was Treason The first four Queries concern'd the Duke of Suffolk most particularly and with him all Favourites For the Case was put Whether the Law it self and the Commission for his Tryal did not derogate from the Kings Authority and then how they were to be proceeded with that procured such a Law and how they were to be dealt with that provoked the King to assent to it The Fifth Question What they merited that oppos'd the Kings remitting or releasing Penalties or Debts due to him The sixth seventh eighth and ninth consisted of Questions Whether Parliaments could proceed upon any business but such as the King should propose and limit by Articles And whether the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament might accuse any of the King's Officers without his Leave The Tenth was singly for the Duke of Suffolk Whether the Judgment given in the last Parliament against him were Erroneous and Revocable 'T is improbable that such questions as these shou'd be propos'd to any Persons that had the Names of Justices unless there had been before a received assurance of the Answers they wou'd give Accordingly it appear'd for they returned not any answer doubtingly or modestly but determined all to be Treason and the Offenders worthy the death of Traytors The last Article they resolved with as much clearness viz. That the Proceedings and Judgment against the Duke of Suffolk
danger of such powerful and enraged Enemies This Action of the King is question'd by some Historians whether done out of Apprehension or a better Temper But yet all this while that things bore this calm face the Duke of Ireland gathered Forces and was met and overthrown by the Earl of Derby near Burford But he that was so bold in Counsel shew'd little of Courage when 't was needful in Action and fled himself before the Fight scarce began Among many things that were taken of the Duke's in one of his Trunks were found Letters from the King to hasten his coming to London with what Power he could make where the King wou'd be ready to share Fortunes with him Upon the news of the Duke of Ireland's Defeat the Duke of Suffolk fled in a Disguise to Calice and never more returned It is a wonder that ever such a Man shou'd get the ascendant over a Prince a Man that was profuse of what he cou'd get and got it as willingly by the Spoils of others as by justifiable Ways He was unfit for Peace by his turbulent Nature and wanted Courage to be troublesome in War. In Peace he was furious in War calm never quiet but when afraid at all other times intemperate When he was not designing Mischief his Courage or Occasion fail'd him He never seem'd good but when necessity hindred him from appearing bad He had no Fits of a Disease but liv'd in a continual Leprosie But we have read of other Presidents how worthless Men have fcru'd themselves into Princes Favours by such Flatteries that generous Tempers cou'd not creep to For ill Men study the Nature of Princes good Men their Interest and that which is most pleasant sooner prevails than that which is most useful The Chief Justice Tresilian with others of that Faction fled from this Storm and the King retir'd to the Tower while the Lords with a great Army march'd towards London and shew'd themselves in a form of Battel to the King who lay with his Forces in the Suburbs The King at first seem'd to slight them but at last yielded a Treaty The Tower was the place appointed but the Lords first made what search they pleas'd and came with such Guards as they thought fit at once shewing the severe effects of Mistrust and Power the first seldom to be cured the last as seldom us'd with Modesty For when they came to the King they plainly charg'd him by way of Accusation of the Contrivances at Nottingham against them his Letters to the Duke of Ireland contrary to his Word to raise Forces the Agreement with the French to deliver up Calice and other Grievances which the ill Conduct of the King's Ministers had plentifully furnish'd them with At these Truths told by those that had Power enough to Revenge the King instead of a Defence sunk into a Confession of his Errours which seem'd at that time to make a great Impression on the Lords and produced the Agreement of a meeting at Westminster the next day But they were no sooner gone but the King's Mind was turn'd by Arguments of the common frame That by the Meeting he wou'd expose his Person to danger and his Authority to diminution Which presently chang'd the King and shew'd as if a fatal Mutability was to pursue him to his end To such dangerous Methods he must probably be led by the Counsels of those whose desperate Ambitions cou'd permit no directness to be us'd towards their Enemies the Publick Such Ministers are the Consulters of Moments shifting only for a present Preservation and dare not look towards the future but refer Things to come to the same Chance that rais'd them They live to no Rules but with an unlimited readiness wait upon Occasion This Alteration in the King rais'd the Lords to such a rage that they sent him word That if he us'd such Indirectness they wou'd choose a New King. At this being again shaken he not only went but submitted to those he had so enrag'd before and delivers up that Power which he was before counsell'd not to diminish So that his ill-tim'd Counsels made that Misfortune sure which they seem'd careful to prevent A Parliament was presently called where Tresilian the famous Chief Justice was condemn'd and presently executed as also the other Chief Justice Belknap and other Judges and some banish'd The Lords grew now so high by their Success that they exacted an Oath from their King to become a Subject to them and submit to their Government Thus when Errours provoke Force 't is hard for those Jealousies that urg'd the Attempt of Power to suffer it to be us'd modestly much less to be laid down when obtain'd And when once a State begins to be tost by such Commotions Parties in that Tempest like Waves in Storms pursue and dash out one another Within little more than a Year after this the King grew to be One and Twenty and upon that took an Occasion when all things seem'd a little compos'd to assume full Power I cannot but here remember the Character the Impartial and Judicious Mezeray gives Lewis the Eleventh upon his Entrance upon the Throne That he was the greatest Enemy to his own and his Kingdoms Quiet one that lov'd his own Irregular Fancies more than the wise Laws and thought the greatest Grandeur consisted in the greatest Oppression pulling down great ones to raise up the meanest from nothing This he says another calls putting their Kings Hors de Paye that is out of their Minority he should have said putting them out of their Sense and Reason No question the Ministers were ready to welcome him to that which they call'd the Exercise of his Power when it was rather to the Execution of theirs The first practice of it was taking the Great Seal from the Bishop of Ely as if remembring his former Carriages and gave it to Wickham Bishop of Winchester and displac'd many others as if by that he seem'd to take Seizin of his new Power suspending also Glocester and Warwick from the Privy-Council The Tide now turn'd to the King who began to return to follow those Advices that had brought him to so much hazard before And that Interest and Opinion which the French had work'd themselves into appear'd in all things to increase The Duke of Glocester and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had formerly temper'd the King with their calm and sure Reasons when being enrag'd against the Lords he swore he wou'd more willingly submit and rely on the Protection of France than thus to be made servile to those he ought to command 'T is not unworthy of an Observation how frequently the French have been prevalent in England and always in such Princes Times as have given so much Power to Ministers and Favourites as made them considerable enough to be corrupted Philip de Comines says That in his Time all the Kings of England's Ministers and great Persons had Pensions from France and gave their Acquittances upon every
Whisperers of their own Inclinations and because they see nothing at the present spring up they forget that the Roots grow undiscern'd And no Questioâ—â— the King in that Conjuncture of Time thought every Cloud dispers'd and pursued all those fatal ways that mistaken Flattery cou'd guide him in But a particular Accident made way for a general and fatal Revolution The Duke of Hereford one day discoursing with the Duke of Norfolk complain'd how much the King was misguided by mean and base Counsellors such as fought their own private Interest and not the publick Good and fear'd that the King following such Councels would so lose the Hearts of his People that it might prove dangerous to him Assuring him that no private displeasure urg'd him to say this but meerly his love to his King and Country and therefore desir'd the Duke being one of the King's Cabinet-Council to lay these things before him which might prove of ill Consequence if continued The Duke of Norfolk seemed not to dislike what had been said but so represented it to the King that he turn'd it rather to an Accusation than a Counsel The King that could not endure to hear unpleasant Truths and at that Instant looking upon himself as above the mean Consideration of publick Notions so resented the boldness of the Duke of Hereford that he summon'd him to answer this that now became his Charge before the Council where the Duke confirmed his Information which was deny'd by the Duke of Hereford owning all that he had said but the Duke of Norfolk maintaining the Accusation the Combat was demanded and assented to and the day appointed by the King At which time both the Dukes appear'd arm'd and being just ready to be engag'd they were stopt by the King and Banishment pronounced against both the Dukes The Duke of Norfolk dyed suddenly after at Venice having enjoy'd no great Benefit by those Violences he so precipitately engaged in A little after dyed John of of Gaunt Father to the Duke of Hereford and fourth Son of Edward the Third after whose death the Dutchy of Lancaster fell to this Dukes being his eldest Son. But the King in his deceiv'd opinion of Power and Security acted the most probale means to shake both seizing all the Duke's New-descended Estate into his own hands and endeavour'd to make his Banishment perpetual Revoking all his Letters Patents to prevent the suing out the Livery for those Lands during his Banishment If this be well consider'd 't is impossible a King should do it purely from his own advice First he enrag'd a Person that could only be a considerable Enemy his Popularity gave him an Interest in Power and his Descent from a King the Pretence to use it This could be no Motive from right Reason to urge the King to do such an imprudent Injustice he was above the Temptation of a private Estate but his Ministers were tempted by it following the usual Methods of their Counsels by no Considerations but Revenge and Interest as if their Safeties were grounded upon nothing so much as their Princes Hazard and their Advantages upon his Prejudice As the Testimony of the prevalency of these Counsellors the King left all the Business to them and gave himself up wholly to Sloth and Pleasure The imitation spread into Luxury and Effeminacy and the King thought it was the Testimony of Arbitrary Power to live uncontrolled to such a loose Condition all Power but this shadow of it was exercis'd by his Ministers who now depress'd all Persons of either Courage or Honour A Valiant Man was counted dangerous and a Wise Man Mutinous and every one was made perceive that 't was easier to prosper by following their Princes Humour than to pursue his Interest and Honour The Ministers being grown into Absolute power thought of nothing but how to satisfie their greedy Ambitions They pretended to get all for the King the sure way to convey it to themselves And indeed his Gifts were so large to them that they brought him into more wants than ever the Wars of his brave Ancestors could reduce them to and us'd more unjust Inventions to supply his private use than they needed publick Assistances to support the Interest and Honour of it But Edward the First and Edward the Third had a less Burthen and Charge to support They had a Kingdom and no Favourites the first was not capable to satisfie the latter For at this time without any publick occasion strange ways were us'd to levy Money sometimes Pole-money was exacted of every Religious Person and Secular Priest sometimes sums were drawn from the People under the name of Benevolence sometimes Money borrow'd by Privy Seals Then Commissioners sent to all Sheriffs and Corporations declaring the King 's High Displeasure for the kindness they testified to the Duke of Glocester the Earls of Arundel and Warwick and for this affection shew'd to the King's Enemies his Pardon was to be obtain'd by heavy Fines or rather Taxes laid upon them The Commons were bound by new-invented Oaths to perform what they engag'd to and black Charters Sealed and Deliver'd to the King's use whereby their Liberty might be as well taken away as their Properties had been By such Counsels as these the Subjects were turn'd to Slaves and made waiters upon any Opportunities to shake off their Fetters The King made believe he govern'd most when he had none to Govern For Slaves are not in the Business of Mankind their Thoughts are fix'd upon Revenge and Freedom and like distemper'd Men seldom return to their former Composures The first occasion that prov'd this true was a Rebellion that broke out in Ireland the opportunity of which Diversion favour'd the Earl of Northumberland to gather Forces in the North. And others of the Nobility and People weary of their Oppressions resolv'd in the King's absence to attempt some relief and fixt upon the Duke of Hereford as the proper Instrument to act by His Banishment that the King design'd to make perpetual was the Cause of that mischief which he believ'd he should prevent by it He now became the Center to which all other Discontents tended to whom now resorted many of his former Friends and others whom Oppression now made so Among these the Archbishop of Canterbury was the Chief who in Speech to the Duke of Hereford laid open their Grievances and Desires summing up all the Mischiefs and Misfortunes of an unsteady Government the Contempt it spread abroad and Oppression at home not Slaves to their Prince but to his Favourites and that Peace under their Extortions was more chargeable than War The Expence of their Riots and Ambitions needed more Projects and Taxes to maintain them than the Defence and Support of the Government it self requir'd By their Cruelties most of the Nobility were destroyed and the Commonalty wasted concluding with imploring the Duke to pity the Oppression of his Countrey and to animate those that were ready to redeem themselves from Slavery by
his Valour and Conduct The Duke of Lancaster needed not the force of Eloquence to perswade him the loss of his Uncles his Banishment the Imprisonment of his Children and the loss of his Estate were powerful Exciters enough to lay hold on any Opportunity to revenge all his Wrongs To all which was added the perswasive Temptation of a Crown and sure there could be no more powerful Motives than by one way at once to satisfie both his Ambition and Revenge These Considerations and the depending on the Peoples Affections to a Change being wearied with Oppression made him venture to land with a very small Force in Yorkshire At first he gave out That he came only to recover his Inheritance and quickly found his utmost Expectation answer'd for his small Troop presently encreas'd to an Army Many of the Nobility that came in to him took an Oath of him That no bodily harm should be done to King Richard as if a Conquest and a Crown wou'd preserve that Sincerity that was inconsistent with it or that the Modesty profess'd when something was to be obtain'd should continue after the Acquisition The Duke finding every thing more successful than almost he could hope pursued that Fortune which so prosperously invited him and hasted with his still-encreasing Forces to London where he found a Reception suitable to usual Joy that discontented People shew in Alterations He was receiv'd in Triumph without Victory and with all the Testimonies of Zeal and Duty which flattering Crowds cou'd pay their lawful Prince and Soveraign Pageants and rich Presents entertain'd him and all the fulsome Praises that could be invented and as many contumelious Reproaches on their King All Testimonies of Allegiance seem'd lost the modest Mask was now taken off and War proclaim'd against King Richard and his Adherents The Duke of York in the mean time tried to raise Forces but found a general Resolution in all People not to be Enemies to the Duke of Lancaster The Favourites that were active and bold in Prosperity shew'd that neither their Skill nor their Duty was to struggle with Difficulties nor had they either Interest or Reputation if they had attempted it They were always dead Weights upon their Prince and like the nature of it hung heaviest upon weak Conditions Bushy and Greene were pursued to Bristol and there taken fatal place to hasty Favourites They were eagerly pursu'd by the flattering Fury of the People and perhaps there were some among them that before in the Prosperity of these Favourites made as passionate Professions of a contrary Devotion Bagott escap'd into Ireland and sav'd himself from the present Execution The Lord Scroop Lord Treasurer with Bushy and Greene that were taken lost their Heads These sudden Executions were but the usual Consequences of violent Changes All new-gotten Power is commonly endeavour'd to be preserv'd by Destruction and the Execution of the Unfortunate is call'd a Justice King Richard was at this time in Ireland where the news came to him of the Duke's landing in England and his successful Proceedings The news increas'd by coming and every Circumstance grew enlarg'd so that it appear'd the blackest and most portentous Storm that ever gather'd in the full Sun-shine of a Prince which his Favourites assur'd him cou'd be subject to no Eclipse The contrary appear'd to this unfortunate King who was then engag'd in Troubles in Ireland After some time he prepar'd for England having first imprison'd the Sons of the Dukes of Lancaster and Glocester in Trim-Castle and took with him the Dukes of Surrey Aumarl and Exeter and the Bishops of London Lincoln and Carlisle The Earl of Salisbury was sent before to raise an Army which he did in Cornwal but the King failing to come within the time he promis'd they all discourag'd went home This delay was attributed to the Counsel of the Duke of Aumarl who perhaps had more mind to see things determin'd by the Fortune of others than by hazarding his own After this the King Lands in Wales where he found the stream turning from him and every Place of strength submitting to the Duke of Lancaster He knew not what Course to steer but wandred to Conway-Castle where the Earl of Worcester Steward to the King's Houshold as if finding a fitting time to remember the proclaiming his Brother the Duke of Northumberland Traytor broke his Staff of Office openly in the Hall before the King's Servants and with Advice to them to be as base as himself went avowedly to the Duke The rest followed his Example and those that seem'd the most eagerly Loyal became now the most violently Rebellious And 't is improbable that those who with unlimited Flattery for their Interest and Ambition had perswaded their Prince into the dangerous Attempt of Absolute Power should in any turn of Fortune or shock of Danger retain any limited Principles The true Interest of a Prince retains the Interest of others but the Interest of private Men excludes the Prince's We have heard 't is true of some that have been successful in such unjust and dangerous Attempts but the Examples have been very few that have not been fatal at last and there are so many of the contrary that the Comparison would convince any That the just Limits within a Nation 's Constitution are much more safe as well as glorious King Richard had now cause to make such sad Reflections and by the want of Power instructed to lament the attempting of too much He saw himself forsaken by those whom he should have forsook before He now felt severely the want of that Trust and Confidence that he had destroy'd and seem'd not forsaken of his People but to have forsook them before He had forc'd them all to be in the nature of Traytors and compell'd them to purchase as it were the name of Subjects while there were none that seem'd so to him but those that needed Pardon the most such as had counsell'd him to the Ruin that now fell upon him He had been so long accustomed to follow the Counsel of others that he knew not now the way to use his own He had too long followed the mean and easie ways of Indirectness Virtuous and steddy Actions in the undisturbed part of Life give power in Extremity and the memory of what was Great and Good gives boldness to such a Mind to claim Success in the worst condition But the memory of Injuries and Injustice done to others shakes Hopes and Expectations in a dangerous Estate This he shewed by discharging his Army rather than bravely using them as if he believ'd it impossible to recover Power now since he had used it so ill before The next thing that seem'd best was to have retired till a better occasion was offered for nothing is more various or violent than the stream of Mens minds with greediness affecting Change and hurried by Expectations that are seldom answered to be eas'd from all former Grievances and Oppressions and every one that
assisted in the Alteration looks upon himself as a particular Object of Reward never considering that new-gotten Power needs more to secure it than the Ease of People will allow and when deceiv'd in that they begin to stagger and at last grow to repent the Blood and Money the expenceful Change had cost and ready upon any occasion to revenge their mistaken Errours And perhaps King Richard might have hop'd as much in some time as the Duke of Lancaster then found But there were some who probably had before appear'd most violently Loyal who now advis'd their still-abused King to the last and worst way and sacrific'd Him for their own Peace telling perhaps That unfortunate Princes seldom found Protection abroad but were kept only as a Composition with their successful Enemies And tho he had so near Relation to the King of France yet Ties by Marriage were no Obstacle to their Vse of Interest but rather a Shelter for the more unsuspected Designs And he would accordingly find that he would be the Sacrifice of new Alliances and then 't would be too late to expect such Conditions from the Duke of Lancaster which probably he might not hope for These false Reasons were perhaps used to him by such as could not at a less rate reconcile themselves to the Duke of Lancaster than by betraying their Master into his hands for nothing could be more improbable than that he who had the Power should by Conditions preserve him who had a Right to it while neither was capable to trust the others Mercy Yet this vain Counsel was followed and as if to improve it by Intelligence with the Duke of Lancaster the Duke of Northumberland was sent to the King to assure him that the Duke would pay him all humble Obedience and only desir'd a Parliament should be called at Westminster to settle the shaken Affairs of the Nation The King must then perceive how he was forsaken by those who before had so much flatter'd him with their excessive Love and Loyalty and it seem'd a just instruction to suspect the violent Professions of any that have no restraint by Principles in a fortunate Condition They that want Virtue and profess Love should rather cause suspicion than belief especially when 't is addressed where Power and Interest may invite it But the Love of absolute Greatness in Opinion more than real and true Greatness in it self has hindred Princes from seeing the Defects and Designs of mean and interrupted Flatterers such as believe their Prince has never Power enough unless it appears by the Oppression of others and like these in this unhappy King's time fall from their Professions as he declined in Power But I have read of some tho but a few who governed themselves by Principles in their Prince's Prosperity and guided by the same Virtue have not forsaken him in Adversity The King in some measure yet made a right Reflection on his Condition for he thought 't was in vain to hope that the Conqueror would restore him the Power he had gotten and therefore only to the Duke of Northumberland proposed for himself a retir'd and quiet Condition But he was as much mistaken to hope that as he guessed right to expect the other But when the Duke met the King at Flint-Castle he seem'd to pay him all Reverence due to a King and told him He only acted what he had done for the recovery of his Estate and Possessions But this was only that false Formality that ill men use in obtaining and seldom perform when they have obtained for such Modesty is laid aside by Success and Justice grown useless when Power is fully possessed for presently after the King was secured and in the condition of a Prisoner carried to London yet in His Name a Parliament was presently called The King now found the unhappy Truth That usually mens Professions are but the product of their present Conditions not of their Intentions and perhaps in a low estate they may wish and desire within modest limits but the violence of overwhelming Power breaking over the former bounds overthrow all mean and level thoughts Perhaps the King might now make such severe Reflections on his past Actions seldom regarding his Professions when he had Power or Opportunity to violate them he could not but be prest with the memory of his unhospitable Treachery to the Duke of Glocester and the Earl of Warwick and must with detestation remember those Counsellors of Falseness and Indirectness which once destroy'd his Happiness and now aggravated his Misery He now saw their violent and loyal flatteries were meant for their own Interest not for His and that such mean things like other Insects live with a little Warmth but shrink at any Change of Weather The Duke of York that was entrusted with the Government during King Richard's absence in Ireland was become the Duke of Lancaster's chief Adviser of the Methods he was now to take which was as violent as his fogotten Duty requir'd to make his new Loyalty acceptable In the first place he advis'd That King Richard should be pressed to a voluntary Resignation and also to be solemnly Depos'd This Advice was pursued and the King seem'd as ready to yield to it as the Duke ambitiously desired it The form of the Resignation was then contriv'd to be performed the day before the Parliament was to meet and yet that Parliament was to sit tho the King was to be no longer a King in whose name it was called and certainly if there could be no Virtue in the Resignation the Dissolution of the Parliament must have been the Consequence for that which was call'd by a Power could not continue when there was a Demise of that Power but no Plot was to be seen or hit The hasty and flattering Zeal that was to be shown to the Duke of Lancaster pursued it 's violent Course through all the Obstacles of Law and Justice Among those that were Commission'd to receive his Resignation there were Lords Clergy-men and Lawyers the two Chief Justices Thormins and Markham were in the number And in the Reigns of these two unfortunate Princes there wanted not Temporal and Spiritual Gown-men that contributed to all their Errors in their unfortunate Conditions and on their Adversities transplanted their Zeals into Sunshine These Commissioners being formerly Assembled in the Tower King Richard was brought out in all the Kingly Ornaments that he might have some Ensigns of Glory to resign formally in this Condition he was placed in a Chair of State and in this moment of his Royalty appear'd a King all that was now done was certainly from himself and shew'd in this Extremity virtue enough to make it evident He might have been an excellent Prince had his Ministers not Reigned more than he for he shew'd no Disorder to this great and unpresidented Action of his Life he neither seem'd to force a Resolution to endure nor affect a Temper to submit But as both had naturally sprung
from the choice of a retired Condition with this Calmness in all this Storm of Fortune he spoke to the Commissioners beginning with their acknowledging those Errors that his Youth made ill Councellors capable to imprint in him and seem'd only troubled that he had not time allowed to repair those Injuries he had done the Nation knowing now from a clear sight that he was both willing and capable to have performed so happyan Action He now perceiv'd his own Virtues when the Vices of others could no longer hide them And he that could have once been so easily perswaded that he was shot at through his wounded Ministers now saw that 't was from them he receiv'd his Wounds he neither accused any nor complained of any nor valuing a Narrative and Empty Satisfaction but concluded with the choice of losing a Kingdom rather than engage it in Blood and Confusion for his Sake desiring only to enjoy that Peace which he merited for Reserving it for others and was as willing to resign his Title to the Duke of Lancaster as he perceiv'd they were willing to receive it from him After this he read the Instrument that was prepar'd and made two Bishops his Attorneys to declare that his Resignation in Parliament which was done the Monday after and accepted of by the Lords and Commons was Legal but yet this was not thought enough but a heavy Charge in many Articles was exhibited against him The Articles were too far from my purpose and too long to set down but whoever reads them in the Rolls will find them of much weight and as shrewdly compos'd as the Nature of the thing could either bear or require there was not an Injustice or Error omitted the chiefest things contained were those Actions by which his Favourites thought to secure themselves by subjecting all Judges and Sheriffs to his Will thereby to bring within his Power Parliaments and Law and make way to Levy Taxes as he pleased and it was a particular Article That he should say and declare That all Law lay in his Head and Breast These are the Extremities that proceed from the Counsels of such Men who have made themselves incapable to Share or Trust in the Common Good who knowing how little they could expect from the uninterrupted Methods of Law and Justice seek to preserve themselves by the Destruction of that which threatned them And 't were impossible that Princes should involve their own in the desperate Interest of others were they not first blinded from discerning the Ambition of those that hide it under the fierce Zeal for their Absolute Power The Articles which were 29. were owned by the Lords and Commons to be so notorious that they needed no further Examination or Proof And joined with the Consent of the King on whom they were charged It was judged sufficient for Deposing King Richard and Establishing the Duke of Lancaster by the Name of Henry the fourth adding also a far-fetch'd Title from Henry III. to patch up the seeming Justice of such an Action This Title was drawn from Edmund sirnamed Crookback eldest Son of Henry III. and that for his Deformity he was put by the Succession and given to Edward I. and the Duke of Lancaster was next of Blood by the Mothers side to this Edmund But this Edmund was third Son of Henry and not deformed at all but a brave Man in Person and Mind but the next Heir then to the Crown was Edmund Earl of March Son to Roger who was a little before slain in Ireland who seeing the Stream so violent against King Richard wisely retir'd and liv'd with all imaginable Care and Pruduce Thus was a Title invented to support that Power which the Sword had obtain'd And the King who by the Law is said to do no wrong is charg'd with Articles for doing all Thus when Ballances are once hoisted like Childrens play at Weighing the same Weight tosses one another that would of themselves hang equally nor is there any Judicature to compose such violent Disorders in a State for Success will be the Judg and always gives worst Judgment And the Professors of the divine and human Laws have been commonly zealously ready to find wrested Law and Divine Necessity to ratify the Success of the Ambitious On the other side when Princes by false Professions abuse the Good and increase in Power enough to encourage the Bad the eager Hounds they press to run at Head and lead the Cry that 's made by slower paced and more temperate Hunters till at last Fear and Necessity brings most to make up the Noise or by Silence not to interrupt it so that a general Consent seems to contribute to the designed Oppression And the naming a Right to Liberty and Property becomes an Intention of Rebellion The Prince's Will must then be the Law and his Religion the Devotion of all Loyal Subjects then those that have least Principles declare for the greatest Loyalty and by their Zeal and Duty pursue their Interest and Ambition And the search for Absolute Power is made by secret Reserves publick and false Professions Corrupting some and Terrifying others Deceiving many and upon specious Pretences displacing such as appear either suspecting the Designs or not as passionate as the rest in promoting them Yet when the Power is promoted and secur'd as the King was told his was when all Subjects lost their Names and like guilty Slaves signed Blanks as the Testimony of it Then appears what Machiavel describes in those times among the Romans When absolute Power was exercised Riches and Honour especially Virtue grew to be Capital Offences Informers and Calumniators rewarded Servants instigated against their Masters Children against their Parents guilty Men the Accusers and those few that were so unhappy to have no Enemies destroyed by their Friends And all dissembled Cruelties and Oppressions break forth into publick and bare-faced Practice That which before was declared to be the Government must then be call'd the support of it Ill Designs grow by Degrees but when their cherish'd Roots have took a deep and firm hold they are then declared by the mischievous Fruit they put forth Modesty seldom stays with full grown Power and the former Reputation of Men is useless to them In such a Change they must purchase new Characters from new Violences to merit Trust or Safety King Richard having now as far as he could resign'd his Sovereign Power began to find how much he was mistaken with the hopes of enjoying that retir'd Peace which he seem'd willing to change his Crown for Fortune commonly makes haste in the Prosperity or Adversity of Princes and there is a reasonable Cause why neither should be slow for the base Minds of Men hurry them to assist the Successful and help to destroy the Vnfortunate led always more by Fear and Interest than Resolution and Virtue This Truth appear'd in the Condition of this unhappy King whose Title that was left him was first shar'd by his
Enemies and he then convey'd from the Tower of London to Leeds Castle in Kent and from thence to Pomfret Castle in Yorkshire for some little time there seem'd to be paid him some small Respects in the manner of his Attendance but that was but the Counterfeit Treatinf of the Shadow of a King which yet probably made him uneasy who enjoyed the Substantial Power For it is reported by some That King Henry should one day with a deep Sigh Deplore and Lament That neither he nor the Nation had a Friend that would pull up that Root from which Disquiets and Rebellion could only Spring 'T is probable that the Bishop of Carlisle's Oration arguing at that time against the Right of King Richard's being depos'd and the Right of Henry to succeed to the Crown and some Plots and Risings that afterwards happen'd might perhaps hasten the taking away the unfortunate Prince from all his Miseries but whether the King gave particular Orders or Encouragement by such words is uncertain but there never wanted Men barbarous enough to offer cruel Sacrifices to bloody Power and for the hopes of Favour and Reward rather guess what Mischief would be acceptable than stay to be instructed that their Merits might seem to be enlarged by their readiness in Villany Some of these Causes made Sir Peirce Exton with eight other Villains hasten to Pomfret as if he feared he should be depriv'd of the Honour of the Action when he arriv'd the Preface to the intended Cruelty was the forbearance of that Ceremony of Tasting that was usually paid King Richard as he sat at Dinner who demanded the Reason of it He that used to perform it answer'd That Sir Peirce Exton had brought such Orders from King Henry at which the King seem'd so much transported that he Struck at him and call'd him Huzzy of Lancaster at which time Sir Peirce Exton with his bloody Followers entred and shut the Door after him which being perceiv'd by the King he verily guessed their fatal Intentions and seeming less surprized in this great and threatning Danger than in all the former tho lesser Hazards he readily and boldly snatched a Halbert and with a Resolution differing from his former Actions Slew four of the Assassinates and with continued Bravery fought with the rest till the chief Villain Exton got upon a Chair behind him and with a Pole-Ax struck him down where the unfortunate King ended all his Calamities and left the Murderer to endure future Torments For when he returned again expecting great Preferments and Rewards he found himself deceiv'd not only in the hopes of an Addition of Favour but in the Loss of what he had not considering that tho a Man might be Ill enough to wish a Mischief he hardly could be so confidently Bad as publickly to Reward the Doer of it that counterfeit Piece of Justice was probably shewed by the King to seem at least to hate what he wish't by Discountenancing the Actor of the Ill who now began by Discontent to make way for a punishing Conscience which continued him in Torments during his short and miserable Life and left an Infamy to outlive him It is observable that in the two greatest Exigencies of this Prince's Life he appear'd differing from himself one in Resignation of his Crown the other in the Loss of his Life the first he did with a steady Calmness almost above the Temper of a Man the last with a Courage equal to the Bravest in smaller Concerns he seem'd unsteady and amaz'd in these great ones firm and unconcern'd but in these Extremities he was not cloy'd with those Favourites and Ministers that influenc'd him with their Weakness and shook his Mind with their Indirectness making not only their Cause to be his but his Nature theirs This seem'd justified by his Behaviour in these last and greatest Extremities when acting wholly from himself he intitled himself at last to his Father's and Grandfather's the Black Prince's Courage and Virtue and shew'd himself Dying what they never gave him leave to appear Living THE COMPARISON HAving now finished with some Reflections on the chief Accidents in the Reigns of Edward and Richard II. and believing it to be too tedious to take the same Methods with Edward I. and Edward III. I thought it was not improper to Extract their Characters that by the Comparison of them all the reasonable Causes may further appear of the unhappy Condition of the two first and the prosperous Fortunes of the two others which will shew the fatal and mighty Difference in a Prince's using himself and being used by others between the steddiness of a strong Mind and the indirectness of a weak one Edward I. and Edward III. resembled one another Edward and Richard II. were also alike So that their Comparisons may be made as if between Two Persons which will shew the Causes of the mighty Differences that succeeded with them Edward I. and Edward III. came both to the Crown after it had been shaken by the Errors of both their Fathers Henry III. and Henry II. Edward and Richard II. came both to the Crown after it had been setled by the Virtues and Valour of the Father and Grandfather Edward I. and Edward III. Edward I. and Edward III. were both Men Earlier than others and Victorious before others used to attempt Victory So that before they were Kings they shew'd how fit they were to be so Edward and Richard II. never appear'd Men till they were to be so no more They never attempted true Glory and before they were Kings gave little Testimony of their fitness to be so Edward I. and Edward III. were able to Judge yet never unwilling to hear the Judgment of others They were deliberate in resolving but firm in their Resolutions unshaken in Dangers steddy and equal in Safety Their Promises were Mankind's Security and Truth their Wisdom Their great Virtues and Courage made the Nation expect Success from all their Actions Edward and Richard II. never appear'd able to Judge but wholly submitted to the interested Opinion of others They were inconstant in all Conditions in Prosperity bold and violent in Danger fearful and temperate Their Promises were no Security and Dissimulation was their Policy So that from such Methods of Government the Nation could expect no Success or Happiness Edward I. and Edward III. grew fierce by Opposition and gentle by Submission They seldom denied Pardon to those that implor'd it nor suffer'd any abused Mercy unrevenged They were Mighty enough to conquer Enemies and Powerful enough to forgive those they conquer'd They were equally Victorious both to Themselves and Others and those that submitted proved always more fortunate than those that resisted Edward and Richard II. were submissive when oppos'd and fierce when submitted to They always abus'd the Tenderness of others and seldom shew'd any of their own never forgiving where they had opportunity to punish They neither had Power nor Design to conquer Enemies but used both to overcome
and Lord Treasurer but the City to shew their good will to the Queen among the many Testimonies she received gave a bloody one of their Devotion to her increasing Success and struck off the Bishop's Head and seiz'd the Tower of London killing many in their Fury and acting those Lawless Cruelties that they before Condem'd These strange Revolutions evidently shew'd the various Powers of Adversity and Prosperity how it depresses some below themselves and lifts up others beyond their Reason and Consciences The Queen that had been before the repairer of her Husband's Errors now makes use of them to her Husband's ruin She that us'd to bring Peace to heal those Wounds Ill Councels had made brought War now to make them wider and whilst she Condemn'd those Diseases that made the Nation sick she made Rebellion the Cure. But success as it was us'd to do made her not only act worse than her self but worse than those she had so Condemn'd At first she only declared against the Favourites and perhaps then only design'd their ruins but she ought not with the loss of her own Vertue to try to Cure what the want of it in others had caused But had not the rapidness of her Good Fortune hurried her so fast from her self she might have discern'd she was expos'd upon so violent a Stream as wou'd carry her by its own Force and not by her Direction and others at last wou'd use that Power which in such Cases as these are is seldom retain'd long by the Raisers of it Mighty Causes that bring Disorders like Temples raise up things first and toss up unthought of Ruines upon them and a Succession of mischief lasts till the Storm ceases No Age but this afforded these Examples and yet we see it not powerful enough to teach those who would be safe in Vertue not to hazard being Corrupted by Power violently obtain'd The Queen now with still encreasing Forces pursues her flying King and Husband and from Oxford marches to Glocester and from thence to Bristol where the King had put the Earl of Arundel and Spencer the Father to defend the Place which was fortified as well as the time wou'd give them leave But this Place quickly yielded to that success which seem'd to deny all hopes to the King 's declining Condition Spencer was there taken and executed with all the Rigour that Revenge and Conquest cou'd invent and with as much Contempt of Law as he and his Son had formerly shewed They Condemn'd him without any Tryal and prevented his natural Determination which cou'd not have been long being then Fourscore years old Proclamation was about this time made That if the King wou'd come in and conform himself to the Laws and Government he should be restor'd by the General Consent of the People But the King either durst not or his Favourite Spencer durst not let him trust this Declaration Such Ministers made desperate hold their King the safer the more sinking their Condition is and rather chose that the Hazard of their Prince may save them than their Ruin save their Prince Though perhaps in his Prosperous Condition they flatter'd him that their Lives and Fortunes shou'd be always Sacrifices for him But 't is equally strange that Princes in great Power and Prosperity shou'd with pleasure believe Flatterers and that those Interested Flatterers should hope to be believed it shews a fatal Weakness in the one and loose Designs in the other Those also that put forth this Proclamation to call the King to his own Government did perhaps as little desire he shou'd embrace it For this was but once done and seem'd a thing rather us'd to covâ—â— what was intended than a clear intention in it self For the eager pursuit of the King was still continued who as some say seeking to Land in Lundy was driven by Tempest into Wales and in the Abby of Nethe in Glamorganshire lay some time conceal'd From Hereford the Queen divided part of her Army under the Command of Henry Earl of Lancaster into Wales in pursuit of the King who by the means of one Ryce ap Powel who was well acquainted in the Country took the King in a Monastery This Earl of Lancaster was Brother to him that was beheaded at Pomfret and seem'd to shew a Powerful pursuit of Blood to bring the King into the Mercy of a Family where he had shew'd so little Others say that the King and and the younger Spencer were in the Castle of Bristol when it was besieged from whence fearing the Event he with the younger Spencer stole away by night and endeavouring to escape by Sea his Boat was beaten back and trying to put out again it was discover'd by the Lord Beaumont who chas'd them with a small Vessel and took the King and Spencer in it However they all agree that Spencer was taken with him as if the King must always appear inseparably from the Cause of his Misfortunes The Earl of Arundel that was taken at Bristol with others were beheaded at the Instance of Mortimer who now Govern'd the Queen's Affections and Affairs This Earl of Arundell was generally allowed a brave Character and seem'd to be Guilty of no Fault but Loyalty to an unfortunate King unless his Relation to the younger Spencer who marryed his Daughter The same thing that creates a prosperous Interest in one Condition brings Ruine in another or else it seem'd improbable that so brave a Gentleman shou'd dye like a Traytor only for being Loyal The younger Spencer was carryed along only to Grace the Queen's marching Triumph and as the chief Cause of her taking Arms he was render'd as Contemptible a Spectacle as was possible and expos'd in a fitting Posture to increase the Storms and Reproaches that use to attend such miserable Objects And perhaps some were mingled in the Crowd that had formerly in his prosperous Greatness saluted him with fawning Acclamations At last he was eased of all his Sufferings though by a Death as full of Torments as cou'd be imagin'd which yet he endur'd with much seeming calmness perhaps wearied with so much shame and misery he might be willing any way to find an undisturbed Quietness A Parliament was presently called where it was agreed the King shou'd be Depos'd and his Son placed in his Throne who hearing of it refus'd such an untimely Succession without the Consent and Resignation of his Father Commissioners were immediately Deputed consisting of Lords and Bishops to go to the King But before they came the ready Bishops of Hereford and Lincoln had pressed the King to yield to the powerful Decrees of the Nation and added â—no question specious Petences how well he shou'd be provided for and live more happily than the various Cares of a Crown wou'd ever permit him Yet mingled Threatnings That if he refus'd quietly to resign to his Son the Fury of the Incens'd Nation wou'd not only Destroy Him but perhaps his Posterity The King seem'd quietly to submit and