recommend to all ingenious Gentlemen that would be rightly instructed and informed neither deceive others nor would be deceived themselves as they love truth and virtue wisdom and sober thoughts to dispise this sort of wit in others and repress it in themselves And never allow it to be used but in the hours of mirth in the Relaxations of their minds from serious Contemplations and matters grave and weighty where this prophane thing wit ought always to be shut out with care Enough hath been said for rectifying the mistakes of any true Protestant especially any Clergy-man of the Church of England which you have objected against them about Government or Parliament dissenters from the Church of England and Popery Especially when it is made apparent that these mistakes are made serviceable to the Popish Plot and the means which that party prosecute to compass and bring about the ruine of our Church But that nothing may be wanting that lyes in my poor power for pulling their Foot out of the Snare I shall more distinctly consider them First I shall desire them to consider what our Government is and where the true knowledge of it is to be found And where can it be found but in our Statute Books the Commentaries of our Law the Histories of our Government and of the Kingdom Search them if you be at leisure if you are not consult those that have read them and whose business and employment it is to understand them and you cannot fail to be informed That the King hath no power to make Laws that both Houses of Parliament must joyn with the King in making a Law It can with no more reason be concluded that the King hath the Legislative power because his Assent makes the Bills in Parliament Laws than it can because the third Unit added to two makes a Triad that the other two do not go to the making of that number when a matter 's moved from the King in Parliament to pass into a Law the Commons consent last The Letters Patents of Ed. Sir E. Cook 8 R. 3. for making the Eldest Son of a King in Succession Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwall was confirmed as there must have been otherwise they would have been void by the House of Commons And yet we will not say that the House of Commons can make a Prince of Wales or Duke of Cornwall And yet upon no better reason than this some men will talk as if they believed themselves that the Legislative power is in the King when no King of England yet ever pretended to it but by their process of Law have punished such officious and mischievous Knaves They will tell you that the Laws are the measures of our Allegiance and the Kings Prerogative and declare the terms of Obedience and Government That a Legislative authority is necessary to every Government and therefore we ought not to want it and therefore Parliaments in which our Government hath placed the making of Laws cannot be long discontinued nor their Conventions rendred illusory and in vain which is all one as to want them That to Govern by Laws implieth that great fundamental Law that new Laws shall be made upon new emergencies and for avoiding unsufferable mischiefs to the State By the Statutes of 4 Ed. 3. c. 14.36 Ed. 3. c. 10. it is provided that Parliaments be holden once every year The Statute of this King required a Parliament every three years which being an affirmatory Law doth not derogate from those of Ed. the 3. But if the King doth not call a Parliament once in a year He neglects these Laws and if he delays calling a Parliament three years he neglects the other Law of his own time to And for that he is by the Law intrusted with the calling of Parliaments He is at liberty to call them within the times appointed And that Laws ought to be made for Redress of mischiefs that may ensue appears by the Statute of provisors 25. E. 3. cap. 23. In which we have these words Whereupon the Commons have prayed our said Soveraign Lord the King that sith the right of the Crown of England and the Law of the said Realm is such that upon the mischiefs Dammage which happeneth to this Realm he ought and is bound of the Accord of his said People in his Parliament thereof to make Remedy and Law in avoiding the mischief and dammage which whereof cometh which that King agreed to by his Royal Assent thereto given I dare be bold to say that never any Bill in Parliament was lost and wanted the Royal Assent that was promoted by the general desires of the people If Popery therefore which is the greatest mischief to us that ever threatned this Kingdom can be kept out by a Law we ought to have such a Law and nothing can hinder such a Law to be past for that purpose but want of an universal desire to have it I desire these Gentlemen to consider how they will answer it to their Saviour at the last day if they suffer his true Religion and the professors of it to be destroyed and persecuted when nothing but their desires of a thing lawful to be had and of right due was requisite to prevent it Their sufferings will be just and righteous from God if their sin occasioneth it and very uncomfortable to themselves The extent of the Legislative authority is no where to be understood but by our Acts of Parliament in which it hath been exercised and used and by such Acts that declare the extent of its power by the 13. Eliz. cap. 1. it is made Treason during that Queens Life and forfeiture of Goods and Chattels afterwards To hold maintain and affirm that the Queen by the Authority of the Parliament of England is not able to make Laws and Statutes of sufficient force and validity to limit and bind the Crown of this Realm and the descent limitation inheritance and Government thereof And this authority was exercised by Entailing the Crown in Parliaments in the times of Richard the 2d Henry the 4th Henry the 6th Edward the 4th Richard the 3d. Henry the 7th thrice in the time of Henry the 8th and upon the Marriage of Queen Mary to King Philip of Spain both the Crowns of England and Spain were Entailed whereby it was provided that of the several Children to be begotten upon the Queen one was to have the Crown of England another Spain another the Low-Countries The Articles of Marriage to this purpose were confirmed by Act of Parliament Those that are truly Loyal to our present Sovereign have reason to recognize with high satisfaction that such a power of altering and limiting the descent of the Crown is duly lodged in the King and States of the Realm For under the authority of an Act of Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland we derive our selves to the happiness of his Government and and He his title to the Crown of Scotland which drew to
him the Imperial Crown of England For Robert Steward first King of Scotland of that Family lived in concubinate with Elizabeth Mure and by her had three Sons John Robert and Alexander afterwards he Married Eufame Daughter to the Earl of Ross and after was Crowned King of Scotland He had by her Walter Earl of Athol and David Earl of Straherne When Eufame his Wife dyed he Married Elizabeth Mure. After that by one Act of Parliament he made them first Noble that is to say John Earl of Carrick Robert Earl of Menteith and Alexander Earl of Buchquhane And shortly after by another Parliament he limited the Crown in Tail Successively to John Robert and Alexander his Children by Elizabeth Mure in Concubinate and after to the Children of Elizabeth Ross his Legitimate Children who are to this day in their issue by this limitation by authority of an Act of Parliament in Scotland barr'd from the Crown and we hope ever will be by the continuance of the Line of our most Gracious King For note that though a subsequent Marriage by the civil Law which is the Law of Scotland in such cases doth Legitimate the Children born before Marriage of a Concubine yet it is with this exception that they shall not be Legitimated to the prejudice of Children born afterwards in Marriage and before the Marriage of the Concubine Besides the reason of the Civil Law in Legitimating the Children upon a subsequent Marriage is this viz. a presumption that they were begotten affectu maritali which presumption fails where the man proceeds to Marry another woman and abandons or neglects his Concubine But I desire these Gentlemen that are so unwilling to be safe in their Religion which I believe is most dear unto them That if any Law should exceed the declared measures of the Legislative authority though in such Case they may have leave to doubt of the lawfulness of such a Law yet if it be not against any express Law of God they will upon a little consideration determin it lawful if it be necessary to the Common-weal for that nothing can be the concerns of men united in any Polity but may be govern'd and ordered by the Laws of their Legislature for publick good for by the reason of all political societies For further satisfaction of the lawfulness of the bill of exclusion See a Book called The great and weighty Consideration considered there is a submission made of all Rights especially of the Common Rights of that community to the Government of its own Laws But all this and a hundred times as much will not satisfy some Gentlemen of the lawfulness of our Government the extent of the Legislative power of Parliaments since they have entertained a Notion that Monarchy is jure divino unalterable in its descent by any Law of man for that it is subject to none That all Kings are alike absolute that their Will is a Law to all their Subjects That Parliaments the states of the Realm in their Conventions can be no more than the Monarcks Ministers acting under and by his appointment which he may exauctorate and turn out of Office when he pleaseth For there can be say they under the Sun no obliging Authority but that of Kings to whom God hath given a plenitude of power and what is derived from them That this Divine Absoluteness may Govern and exercise Royal power immensely and that it is subject to nor to be abated or restrained by any humane inventions or contrivances of men however necessary and convenient Kings have thought them in former Ages by such methods and such offices and Officers of which number the States of the Realm may be or not be as Kings shall please as they shall by their absolute Will order or appoint Our Parliaments say they are Rebellious and an Usurpation upon the unbounded Power of Kings which belongs to every King as such jure ordinario and by Divine institution That a mixt Monarchy as ours is is an Anarchy and that we are at present without a Government at least such as we ought to have and which God hath appointed and ordained for us That we by adhering to the present Government are Rebels to God Almighty and the Kings unlimited Power and Authority under him which no humane constitution no not the Will and Pleasure of Kings themselves can limit or restrain For that jura ordinaria divina non recipiunt modum That the Legislative Power is solely in the King and that the business of a Parliament if they would think of being only what they ought to be is only to declare on the behalf of themselves and the people that send them for that purpose certainly the obedience that is due from them to such Laws as the K. shall make and that they may be laid aside wholly when he pleaseth And after all this what matter 's it with them what we say our Government is hath been or where the Legislative Authority of the Nation is placed or how used But I desire these Gentlemen to consider how they come to these Notions upon what reason they are grounded How a Government established by God and Nature for all Mankind should remain a secret to all the wise good just and peaceable men of all Ages That Kings should not before this have understood their Authority when no pretences are omitted for encrease of power and enlargement of Empire I desire them to consider that this secret was not discovered to the World before the last Age and was a forerunner of our late unnatural War and is now again revived by the republishing of Sir Robert Filmers Books since the Discovery of the Popish Plot. I wish they would consider that the reasons ought to be as clear and evident as Demonstration that will warrant them to discost from the sense of all Mankind in a matter of such weight and moment That to mistake with confidence and overweening in this matter will be an unpardonable affront to the Common sense of Mankind and the greatest Violation of the Laws of modesty I desire that they would consider and rate the mischiefs that will certainly ensue upon this opinion and whether a probable reason can therefore support it That they would throughly weigh ponder and examine the Reasons of these bold and new Dogmata For their enquiries ought to be in proportion diligent and strict as the matter is of moment and if they are not their error and mistake will be very culpable and the sin of the error aggravated to the measure of the mischief which it produceth and occasioneth Where is the Charter of Kings from God Almighty to be read or found for nothing but the declared Will of God can warrant us to destroy our Government or to give up the Rights and Liberties of our people If they are lawful I am sure it is villany to betray them since all political Societies are framed that all may assist the Common Rights of
left this Author neither reason or Argument We have stript the Cause of all the Precedents that pretend to favour it and have left it Rara Avis indeed but not nigro simillima Cygno as the learned Author in Octavo hath it with which he reproaches the Right of the Bishops as assisted only with a single Precedent But to a Bird of no colour at all the bird in the Fable I mean furtivis nudata coloribus to be exposed to laughter with its naked Rump CHAP. IV. BUt if these Precedents had been all such as they pretend to be and the Bishops not present in Judgment in any of those Cases which the Octavo and Folio have produced and if they had been all Capital Causes that came in Judgment in that House and all determined judicially and not by the Legislative power of Parliament and no reason was to be assigned for the Prelates absence from the Nature of the Cause If they had had no inducements to withdraw from any dissatisfaction they had in the prosecution and the pretended Right of the Church-men in those days much insisted upon to be exempted from the jurisdiction of secular Courts had not been the Cause of their absence which suppositions are not so in fact And tho' the Bishops had never used the Authority and power in question as they have yet if we can prove they had once a Right those Omissions of theirs can be no prejudice to the meer-Right Though then I confess we should labour a-the gainst invincible prejudice in the Opinions of most 1. For that no man can lose a Right by not using of it but where that right can be usurpt by another and is so And that usurpation having been for immemorable time when no body can tell when it was otherwise shall in a matter prescriptible be intended to be acquired by good Right and that with great reason in favour of possession and the quieting of them for that Estates and Rights can last longer than the Grants and Evidences or Records themselves that first created them But where the nature of the Right is such as this of the Bishops in pretence is which no body can use for them For the Temporal Lords sit in Judgment in their own Right which is a plenary and compleat right and cannot be made more or less Secondly for that no Franchise from the Power and Authority upward of a Court Leet which can be neither more nor less by usuage than the Law hath establisht can be prescribed to And a Quo Warranto will fore-close and extinguish an immemorial usuage of any irregular and illegal Franchise A Right that can never be prejudged and fore-closed by non user and such is every Right that grows from the constitution of the Government though it should be discontinued for a long tract of time may be at any time rightfully and legally continued The happiness of our Case is that we can point to the time when the Right of the Prelates to sit in Judgment in Capital Causes in Parliament was established And which is more imposed upon them and they put under a Compulsory and obliged by the Tenure of their Lands to serve the Crown in that capacity And that was in the beginning of the Reign of William the Conquerour Mr. Selden in his Titles of honour with great probability hath fixed it in the 4 year of his Reign when he made the Bishopricks and Abbies subject to Knight service in chief by creation of new Tenures upon them and so first turned their possessions into Baronies and thereby made them Barons of the Kingdom by Tenure This he saith is justified by Mat. Paris and Roger of Windover out of whom Mat. Paris took this Relation Anno 1070. so are their words Rex Willielmus pessimo usus consilio Episcopatus Abbatias omnes quae Baronias that is by Anticipation for the Lands made Baronies tenebant in purâ perpetuâ eatenus ab omni servitute seculari libertatem habuerunt sub servitute statuit militari c. This he makes further probable for that in a Manuscript Copy which he used in a very antient hand these words are noted in the upper Margin over the year 1070. hoc anno servitium baroniae imponitur Ramesiae It seems saith he the volumn belonged to the Abby of Ramsey And some Monk of the House noted that in the Margin touching his own Abby which equally concerned the rest of the Abbies that were mentioned in that Relation by their Lands being put under the Tenure by Barony and they made Barons they had a Right to sit with the rest of the Barons in Councellor Courts of Judgment For saith Mr. Selden tenere de Rege in capite habere possessiones sicut Baroniam and to be a Baron and to have Right to sit with the rest of the Barons in Council or Courts of Judgment according to the Laws of that time are Synonymies So that there were no distinctions of Barons as to power and Authority or Jurisdiction but the Right of a Baron was the same whether he was a Temporal or Spiritual Baron for the Tenure of both is one and the same and therefore the Services must be the same The office that is the result of this Tenure is the same in the House of Lords and indeed no office can be less than what the Law appoints it The King cannot make a Peer a Judge or a Bishop and put any Restraint upon the exercise of the powers and the jura ordinaria that belongs by the appointment of the Law to a Peer Bishop or Judge And that it is an office by Tenure can make no difference for the Law declares the Power and Authority So that the Powers of all Barons are and must be equal and what is allowed to one Baron cannot be denyed to another William the Conqueror made the Bishops Barons by putting them to hold as by Barony did not intend only the Bishops more honour but himself also more service and better assured He cannot be intended especially to abate them their service in punitive or vindictive Justice which a Conquerour of all other performances cannot want I do not doubt and if it were not unnecessary to this question likewise to shew that before the Conquest the Bishops or Spiritual Lords had a great share with the Thanes or Temporal Lords in the Government and were then one of the three States agreeable to all the Gothish Saxon for the Saxons were Goths which we must not here insist upon and Modern Governments that have been planted in Europe which we shall speak to more hereafter But we will resort no higher than this of their becoming Barons by Tenure in time of the Conquerour for the clearing of the Prelates Right now in question And therefore we are not concerned to say any thing to the Case of E. Godwin mentioned in the Octavo in Edward the Confessor's time For Brevity sake and because we will
not pass the Limits of our own Arguments otherwise we had much to say against the Authority of that Sory as it is by the Octavo mentioned But to this day neither in Record or History have we heard of any the least pretence of any special abatement made of any service due by the Tenures by Barony to any Bishops or other Spiritual Baron by the Conquerour at the time of the creating those Tenures neither did the Bishops when they would fain have been excused from judging in Blood ever pretend to it or make any such excuse that their Tenures did not oblige them thereto They have ever been esteemed to have power of Judgment in Capital Causes in Parliament and in a long tract of time it hath been several ways used and acknowledged Their Right is so far from being fore-judged that it never till of late was brought in question They have pretended sometimes that they ought not to use that Right in observation of the Canon Law and have made their protestation according whether of necessity or choice shall be considered They were upon the score of the Canon Law indulged in the Satute of Clarendon from being present and assisting in giving the Judgment of Death and mutilation of Limb yet their Right was not by that Statute destroyed or hurt it put them only at liberty to use it or not but put no obligation or legal restraint upon them not to use it That Law was in favour of their Liberty not a Restraint upon their Right The words of that Law that concern this question we shall here set down Archiepiscopi Episcopi universae personae Regni qui de Rege tenent in capite habeant possessiones suas de Rege sicut Baroniam inde respondeant Justiciariis ministris Regis sequantur faciant omnes consuetudines regias sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse judiciis Curiae quousque perveniatur ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem Whether these words are words of Liberty or Restraint of prohibition or indulgence and favour as also how far this favour Liberty or Indulgence did extend will appear clearly by the occasion of the Law and the History of those times for whose sake it was made and upon what inducements and how far they did use their Liberty afterwards It is notorious that the design and endeavour of some Bishops of that age and before from the days of Gregory the seventh was to establish an Ecclesiastical Monarchy in the Pope to make themselves the Grandees of another Kingdom they endeavoured to exempt themselves from all Civil subjection as also from being any part of the Civil Government over which their Church Empire was to rule and domineer They looked upon their Baronies to be marks of Slavery and inconsistent with their designed Church-empire by which they were kept in subjection to the Government and made a part of it which was designed by the Conquerour but most sharply complained of as may be seen in Mat. Paris Rex Willielmus pessimo usus consilio Episcopatus sub servitute statuit militari rotulas hujus Ecclesiasticae servitutis ponens in Thesauris multos viros Ecclesiasticos huic constitutioni pessimae reluctantes à Regno fugavit If the Bishops then had been ambitious and desirous that they might be as the rest of the Barons were Judges in the Kings Court then it is true that the word quousque must be a word of Exclusion and that their pretence of judging was fore-closed to all matters under the quousque For if I ask a thing which is not my right that which is not granted is denyed and by such denyall in case of a Law declared the more unlawful But this cannot possibly be for they were already Barons and Judges as other Barons This they reckon'd a servitude and was matter of grievance and complaint But the Assise of Clarendon did proceed from the King for the asserting his Soveraign Power to resist the design of the Papal Monarchy and to oblige the Bishops to continue part of the Government and to tye them to the duty of their Tenures Gervasius tells us Col. 1386. that the Bishops did not know what the Consuetudines Ecclesiasticae in the Assise of Clarendon were but they imagined them to be evil because the King did so much insist upon them Nesciebant saith he speaking of the Bishops hujusque quae essent illae consuetudines sed pravas esse suspicabantur eo quod tantâ instantiâ peterentur But the King commanded as followeth sapientiâ provectiores ite disquirite Avi mei consuetudines ut in scriptum redactae deducantur in medium publice recenseantur quas cum seorsum veteres actus pravitates so he calls the Statutes of Clarendon in scripta reduxissent haec tandem scripta modo Chirographi protulerunt which the Arch-Bishop was required to seal as the custom then was in passing of Laws It is likewise evident in the very Assise of Clarendon that the Bishops were then Barons and ought to do the office of a Baron and were by being Barons Judges and ought interesse sicut caeteri Barones Judiciis Curiae Domini Regis But how far they should by that Statute be bound hereafter this Law was to determine In consequence the Quousque is but a Clause of Liberty at most and the matter under it left to choice A priviledge indeed the Bishops might hereby obtain to judge or not to judge in Causes of blood which they used in all after-times as they pleased as they did more or less regard the Canons as either they did or were thought to intend No right was hereby fore-closed of judging but establisht for the words are debent interesse Quousque is a Clause of exception and leaves them in that matter at large and savours not at all of a prohibition But though the Bishops might have such a Liberty by the Letter of the Assise of Clarendon to judge or not to judge at all in capital Causes which doth not at all impair their Right but that notwithstanding they may use their rightful authority when they please Yet the Bishops did not intend themselves further priviledged by this Law than that they should not be obliged to be present at the pronouncing of the sentence which appears by the Canons that have been made about this matter in England which we shall mention hereafter which would have been most peremptory in their prohibitions and very severe in their denouncing Curses in a matter of this nature as far as they had the Laws on their side As also by the Practice of the Bishops in those times which appears by Peter Blesensis whose words are Principes sacerdotum seniores populi by which he means the Bishops who from the dignity and worthiness of their Order are called Seniores a note of dignity in all Countries in all Ages which I observe because some are so ignorant as not to know it and think the
the Lords and sate in one House they could not discharge that Office of a Representative so well as since they are divided from them and make a distinct House They could not well use that Freedom of Speech and Debate under the Observation of the great Lords upon whom the Principal Gentlemen had great Dependencies Their Consent was often very improperly such for he only truly and naturally consents who hath entire Freedom to dissent Si vis scire an velim effice ut possim nolle In the granting Aids for the Support of the Government and Defence of the Kingdom a Matter of the greatest Importance the Clergy Nobility and Commons stood divided and could not as the Ancient Constitution was by one Act of State be regularly and proportionably taxed according to the Exigency of the Affairs and their respective Abilities but those three Orders taxed themselves in such measures as they pleased which made the Kingdom Geryon-like a Monster of three Bodies Their several Concessions by this means not likely to be always equal and in the whole not competent to the instant necessity The Bishops Abbots and other Ecclesiastical persons of the Saxons time held their Lands free from all Secular Services besides Trinoda Necessitas viz. Expedition i. e. Supply for War pontium arcium extructio But King Ethelbald did grant that the Ecclesiasticks should be freed from all publick Charges except for the Building and Repairing of Castles and Bridges Ingulphus pag. 853. The like Immunity was allowed to the Clergy of the Empire by Honorius and Theodosius Lib. 4. Cod. Just de priv Dom. Aug. By the Great Charter their Priviledges were confirmed And for this reason the Clergy have taken themselves not of Right chargeable to Aids granted to the King by Parliament This Exemption hath been envied to them and made matter of Reproach though unduely in after Ages But notwithstanding this Exemption they have aided the Crown with Supplies frequently yet in such manner as asserted and saved their ancient Priviledge of being exempt that is they would not suffer themselves to be involved in a general Law but of their own Freedom and Will gave to the King which Concessions were notwithstanding not legal unless confirmed by Parliament to whom belonged always the power of judging of the Freedom and Ends of giving Aids and Benevolences and the necessity that required them But in the last Ages they have for their Commendation and Honor waved their pretences of Priviledge and Exemption and for the sake of Common Justice and the Publick Weal for avoiding being thought less in their Duty to the Publick than their Order required And for the better ascertaining and more equally adjusting the Parliamentary Aids they have submitted to be taxed by Acts of Parliament The Commons in Parliament we find as late as Henry 7. taxing only the Commons and that by Indenture between them and the King This Form of Grant is utterly exclusive of the Lords Power to charge the quantum times of Payment or ways of Levying of the Aids granted wherein they subject all Lands to the Levies thereof but the Lands of the Lords in Parliament or Land amortis'd to the Church Such an Indenture was made in Parliament held at Westminster 10 H. 7. and is pleaded at large in Rastals Entr. fol. 135. But of late our Government hath cleared it self from that grand inconveniency The Commons in Parliament and those whom they represent being far the greatest Proprietors they reasonably challenge it their Right to propound all Aids and appointing the Levies and Methods of raising them which because it must be agreed that the Commons in no congruity can tax the Lords authoritatively or impose upon them must have civilem intellectum that is the Commons in a Bill of Aids do propound that they will agree on the behalf of the Commonalty that they shall be taxed as the Bill propounds if the Lords for their part will agree the same CHAP. XXII NEither was our ancient Government without great faults and inconveniences in the conduct of Religion the principal care of all Governments on the one side by confounding Administrations which should have been kept distinct which was the fault of our Government in the Saxons time and by utterly disjoyning and severing the Church and State and not tying the Ecclesiasticks to a just dependency upon the State which was the Evil of after times that is to say the Ecclesiasticks were left to themselves to convene Councils and to make Canons without any dependence upon or relation to Parliaments The Constitution was such in the Saxons time that the Synods or Councils which govern'd in Religious matters were the same with their great Council or Parliament By these means all the Rules and Orders that were made in the matters of Religion were not Canons which are of the nature of Councils but Laws and obliged those that contravened them to temporal punishment The Church was thereby turned into a Dynasty and Religion was against its nature promoted by force which can onely truly obtain by persuasion And wheresoever this is in practice and use the Clergy to the great scandal of their Office will be entituled to all the Severities that shall be inflicted upon Dissenters Heretofore the Councils of the Church and the Authority of the State were unduly confounded After that we had Legatine Councils and Provincials convened by the Archbishops as they pleased not under the observation and controll of the Civil Power by which many inconveniences were occasioned many embroilments of the people happened the Authority of the Prince lessened and Civil Rights encroached upon the validity of several good Laws made in Parliament disputed clamoured against and sentenced as unlawful for want of a due subservience and dependence of the Ecclesiastical Conventions on Parliaments We had Imperium in Imperio or at least a Kingdom divided against it self This fault in our Government was help'd by Edward the Third our English Justinian he in the several Writs of Summons of the Bishops to Parliament made it a settled Rule that the clause of Praemunientes should be inserted requiring them therein to warn respectively Priorem Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae C. ac Archidiaconos totúmque Clerum vestrae Diocesis quòd iidem Prior which if a Cathedral is the same as a Dean Archidiaconi totúsque Clerus vestrae Diocesis quòd iidem Prior Archidiaconi in propriis personis suis dictum Capitulum per unum idámque Clerus per duos Procuratores idoneos plenam ac sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis Capitulo Clero habentes praedictis die loco personaliter intersint ad consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem de communi concilio ipsius Regni nostri Divinâ favente Clementiâ contigerit ordinari And accordingly the several Bishops in obedience to such like Writs of Summons to Parliament to them directed summoned or warned their Deans or Priors Archdeacons and the Clergy by their Proxies
and Officials to whom Custom hath given some Powers and Authoririty which cannot be check'd and controul'd by the Bishops themselves they are not to account neither are they answerable for the Lay-Zeal that hath made the Condition of Excommunicants so very afflictive For whatever some men please to think the Laity have out-done the Ecclesiasticks in the Excesses of intemperate Zeal as they are most apt and prone by their Ignorance to Superstition No man can pass under the Admonitions of the Church and be suspended from the Holy Mysteries until he hath made Satisfaction for his disorderly walking or Spiritual Pride in breaking Order but he is presently given up by the Laity to Satan I mean he suffers beyond the first Intention of the Church in her Discipline Severities enacted by the Law of the State which if reversed by that Authority that established them and a civil Process were enacted for the Ecclesiastical Courts in Causes of a Temporal Nature which are appointed by Law to their cognizance I persuade my self we should hear of no more Complaints against them in the Exercise of the Power of the Keys For we observe that they exercise the Power of the Keys with deference to the Secular Magistrates They never presume to excommunicate the Prince least they should thereby lessen his Authority and shock the Government For that all Government is established by the Honor and Reverence of the Governor according to that Saying of Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dissolution of Government doth easily follow the Contempt of the Governor As Kings are not subject to Penal Laws nor to be coerced by Penalties So true it is also what Balsamo hath noted ad 12 Canonem Synod Ancyranae Imperatoriâ unctione penitentiam tolli Neither do they presume in Reverence to the King to excommunicate his Counsellors and Ministers of State and Justice For so it was declared amongst other of the Avitae consuetudines of this Realm by the Assize of Clarendon Nullus qui de Rege teneat in Capite nec aliquis dominicorum ministrorum ejus excommunicetur nisi prius Dominus Rex conveniatur In which our Bishops are agreable to the Ancients Hildebert Cenoman after Bishop of Tours who lived about the eleventh Century says he Apud Serenissimum Regem opus est exhortatione potius quam increpatione Concilio quam praeceptis doctrinâ quam virgâ Ivo Bishop of Chartres in his Apology for communicating Gervasius saith thus Quos culpatorum Regia Potestas aut in gratiam benignitatis receperit aut mensae suae participes fecerit eos etiam Sacerdotum populorum conventus suscipere in Ecclesiastica Communione debebit ut quod principalis pietas recipit nec à Sacerdotibus Dei alienum habeatur Thus while the Bishops are not guilty of mean and unfaithful flatteries they do not participate of the pride of the Bishops of Rome or the irreverence and sawciness of a Presbyterian Consistory against their Princes and Governours Neither do they call up any criminal cause originally to their examination but pronounce the sentence of Excommunication on such onely as first are civilly convict of a crime save that matters of Incontinency are by the Common Law submitted to their Censure for that by the venerable gravity of the Judge and by the more private examination of such offences the modesty of the Nation is best preserved which is a surer defensative against the rifeness of such crimes perhaps than the sharpest punishments If they do excommunicate any man without a just cause or do not absolve the Excommunicate when he hath made his satisfactions the Bishop is compellable by the Authority of the Kings Courts to assoil the man under the pain of having his Temporalities seized into the Kings hands though he is not restored without the Episcopal Absolution For it is fit they should finally judge in their own proper Province and they must not they cannot relax the Laws of Christ nor administer the power of the Keys of binding and losing by any other measures for any power on earth But against this power of the Kings Courts they do not dispute or declare but have recognized it by their submission and they can submit to the penalties without complaining of this civil constitution Nay in the general order they approve it though in a particular case perhaps they do not because they cannot obey Our Bishops do not encroach any Temporal Authority in ordine ad spiritualia that stale pretence by which the Bishop of Rome hath arrived to his exorbitant power and by which the Scotch Presbyters would have acquired the like over Kings and Governours Their Authority always administers to and assists but never thwarts or contradicts the Temporal They have accommodated their power of the Keys to the vindication of our established Government against the attempts of Arbitrary Power to which their Allegeance to the King and the regard of the publick Peace did oblige them For such Attempts are mostly the ruin of those that make them always bring the Government it self into the greatest danger and sometimes prove the ruin both of the Government and the Nation This was required of them as an indispensible duty they being a principal part of the Government and the present Bishops Successours to all their Rights have no reason to decline their example if they have the like cause The Bishops anciently were sturdy opposers of King John when he designed to put this Kingdom into vassallage to the Pope and thereupon he writes to the Pope thus as followeth In conspectu paternitatis vestrae humiliamus ad gratias multiplices prout meliùs scimus possumus exhibendas pro cura sollicitudine quam ad desensionem nostram Regni nostri Angliae paterna vestra benevolentia indesinenter apponit licèt duritia Praelatorum Angliae inobedientia impediant vestrae provesionis effectum Pat. 17 Joannis R. M. 15. as I find it related by Mr. Petit in his book entituled The ancient Right of the Commons of England asserted About the 24 H. 3. Edmund then Archbishop of Canterbury at a Synod held at Westminster the King being present Candelis acceptis projectis ac extinctis Chartam Libertatum violantes vel sinistrè interpretantes excommunicantur Mat. Paris p. 151. About 13 years after viz. in 37 H. 3. Boniface then Archbishop of Canterbury the sentence of Excommunication is again repeated against those Qui Ecclesiasticas Libertates vel antiquas Regni Consuetudines in Chartis communium Libertatum de Foresta concessas quascunque arte vel ingenio violaverunt Fleta l. 2. c. 42. Dors Claus 37 H. 3. membr 9. Additament ad Mat. Paris p. 117. Which Sentence of Excommunication was ratified and confirmed in a Parliament held that year as followeth Noverint universi quòd Dominus Rex Angliae illustris Comes Norfolk Mareschallus Angliae H. Comes Hereford Essex J. Comes de Warewico Petrus à Sabaudia ceterÃque magnates Angliae
Peer in Parliament Of what consideration decency can be Chap. XII Their Sitting in Judgment not so much against the reason of the Canon as their assent to Bills of Attainder which was never condemned And the Nature of an Act of Attainder Chap. XIII Over-ruling a Plea of pardon doth not condemn the Criminal and therefore they may judge of such Plea Though they are not to be present at the making of a Judgment of Condemnation Quousque perveniatur in Judicio further explain'd And that which follows upon another thing is not always caus'd by it XIV Bishops one of the three Estates of all the Realms of Christian Europe And how they came to be advanc't to that dignity and trust The convenience of their not being divided in a distinct house from Lay Peers They cannot be detruded from that dignity no more than the Government can be chang'd which no Law can do Six Bishops of the twelve Peers of France and their Aristocratical power That all Governments are lawful that are lawfully establish't Chap. XV. William the Conqueror agreeable to all the Princes of that time put Bishops under Tenure by Baronies and all Baronies at that time feudal with the reason of his Policy and the inconvenience it produced Of the Curia Regis which consisted of the Baronage in which the Capitalis Justitiarius Angliae did preside Of the administration of Justice in that time And that the Baronage of England upon special Writs of Summons became a Parliament An account how all our present Courts derived out of it Of the Court of the High Steward and of the Court of Chancery and the reasons of its rise and growth and how inconvenient it is And how we recovered out of the inconveniencies of that Constitution of Parliament by representatives in the time of H. 3. And that this it being allowed can give no countenance to those that are desirous to change our present and better Constitution That in all this Change the Bishops suffered no diminuion But when the ancient reason of Baronage failed they are after to be considered under the new reason of Baronage Chap. XVI The remembrance of the old reason of Baronage became a prejudice in the Judges upon which T. Furnival Plea allowed that he held not per Baroniam An Entail of Baronies with lands after allowed The reason of Nobility changed and no man now Noble by his Acres Many men Summoned to Parliament and yet not Noble No prejudice to the immovable Right of Bishops to have Summons to Parliament and that objection answered Kings may erect new successive Nobility in Clergy-men That Bishops are of a distinct sort of Nobility and under that and other reasons they are considered as a distinct State Chap. XVII Of the three States which make the Government under the King that he is none of them The Objections against this answered And the reasons of their being distinct and the several Offices and Expectances in the Government that make them so That the several Orders of Peers make but one Baronage and in that there is a great trust and honour greater belongs to Bishops than Lay Barons in our present constitution Their Character and qualifications commend them to the highest trust and render them fittest Judges Chap. XVIII The Reason of Tryals per Pares and that the Bishops are competent upon that reason in Parliament though not so fit to be of the High Stewards Court The Law of M. Charta not Lex scripta Bishops ought to be tryed by their Peers How that Right came to be discontinued and that in Parliament they ought still to be Tryed by their Peers Chap. XIX The unreasonableness of maintaining an Opinion upon a single Objection against a matter evidently proved that Questions of this nature should be considered with candor and not opposed with meer possibilities Chap. XX. Several alterations in the Government since the Conquest that the Alteration in what concerns the Baronage the Bishops Right is to be considered in analogy to the Change That changes of Government for the better cannot again be altered but our zeal is required to defend the Government made better and they deserve ill that go about to reduce us to our old mischiefs by their Antiquity Chap. XXI The advantage of the Change in the constitution of our Parliament in the change of granting Subsidies And how the Lords are bound by a Bill of Aids Chap. XXII The beneficial Change that hath been made by the clause praemunientes in the Bishops Writs of Summons to Parliament which gives Authority for the Convocation By this we are discharged of Provincial Councils and Canons of the Church kept distinct from Laws of the State The Church kept in peace from rending Questions and Religion is conducted not by Laws but by Canons not force but perswasion which commends our Episcopal Government Chap. XXIII The danger we avoided of having our Baronage of England ambulatory and fixing of it in Families and an indefectible Succession in which the Right of the Peer-age of Bishops is established Chap. XXIV The advantages the Adversaries seek to their cause by aspersing the Bishops Remembrance of all the faults in all times committed by any of the Order that many of those faults are principally due to the Papal Vsurpation and the neglect of Kings to defend the Rights of their own Bishops and are all the Vitia Temporum the times of Popery Chap. XXV How inculpably our Bishops have been in administration of their Ecclesiastical Authority how faithful in their Temporal Trust and Asserters of the Rights of the people They have not been irreverent to Kings nor have they encroached any power in Civil matters in ordine ad spiritualia That the power that they challenge is meerly spiritual and they challenge nothing of Divine Right but the exercise of their Ministry which they cannot lay aside Mr. Selden's Arguments for Erastianism answered The Church of England doth not tye her self always to think and enjoyn as she doth at present The moderation of the Church in opinions her apprehensions of Schism just and great They are not answerable for the ejectment of the Nonconformists nor for the scandalous Lives of their Clerks nor their Chancellors nor abuse of Excommunications Why matters of Incontinency are committed to their censures They have exercised the power of the Keys against the Infractors of M. Charta and how it hath been guarded with the denunciations of the Church we have reason to expect as much from our Bishops to support the Government of Laws Chap. XXVI We have as much reason that the Protestant Bishops should be as constant to the Reformed Religion as Popish Bishops obstinate for Popery An Apology for their Vnanimity in Voting Their dependance not so great upon the Crown as to oblige them to disserve their Prince The King bestows nothing upon them but what is the Churches the great expectation the Government hath of their fidelity and performances That which advanced them must
Authority or weight enough to perswade the contrary or an alteration therein notwithstanding that complaint which he tells us was made in the 45 of E. 3. fol. by the two Houses Counts Barons and Commons to the King how the Government of the Kingdom had been a long time in the hands of the Clergy Per cet grant mischiefs dammages sont avenuz en temps passe pluis purroit eschire en temps avenir al disherison de la Coronne grant prejudice du Royalme Whereby great mischiefs and damages have happened in times past and more may fall out in time to come to the disherison of the Crown and great prejudice to the Realm And therefore they humbly pray the King that he would imploy Laymen This they had too much reason to desire then when the Pope had advanced his Authority over them and put them under Oaths of Canonical obedience which rendred them less fit to be intrusted in the Government of this Kingdom who were become Subjects of another Empire usurping continually upon us which will never be our Case again if the Bishops can help it CHAP. III. ANd now we proceed to the Precedents of which the Octavo Book principally consists which seem as that Author and the other in Folio would have it to be not only a discontinuance of the Right of the Bishops to judge in Capital Causes but an argumentative proof that they never had any because it can as they say be never proved to be otherwise Immemorial time I confess is a great evidence of the right whether In non user or user and a fair reason to allow or deny the pretence and therefore we will now consider the Precedents As for the argumentative and discoursive parts of those books they will fall in to be answered by way of Objection when we are discoursing and proving the affirmative part of the Question and will best be reproved by being placed near the light of our reasons for establishing the Right of the Prelates If we do not give some satisfaction to these Precedents whatever we shall say I know can signifie no more than an Argument to prove a thing not true which is possible de facto testified by unexceptionable witnesses for such the Precedents will be taken until exceptions are made to their Testimony The Precedents produced by the two Authors are mostly the same only the Octavo hath more than what the Folio Book hath recited The first case that the Octavo produceth against the Lords Spiritual their Right of being Judges in Parliament in Capital Causes is that of Roger Mortimer Earl of March Simon Beresford and others who were no Peers and yet tryed in Parliament and no Bishops present and we agree it probable for his reason because there is mention made of Counts Barons and Peers and Peers being named after Barons could not comprehend the Bishops And because we think it reasonable when the orders of that House are particularly enumerated that the order omitted should be intended absent but we will not allow but that Peers is and so is Grants comprehensive of Bishops Nor will we when the entry is General intend the Bishops absent except he cannot otherwise prove them absent which we mention in the entry once for all as just and common measures between us in this dispute It will appear true what we affirm of the words Peers and Grants by what follows And if we should not insist upon their being present when nothing appears to the contrary we should do wrong to the Cause But to come to the consideration of this Precedent Is this a just Precedent Is not Magna Charta hereby violated Are not the proceedings altogether illegal Here are Commoners tryed by Peers in Parliament It is well known that the high displeasure of the King was concerned and that he did interpose with a plenitude of Power in this particular case against the fundamental constitutions of the Government the greatest crime of this Earl was too much familiarity with the Kings Mother Indignation and Revenge and not Justice formed the Process It was proceeded to condemn him Judicio Zeli upon pretence of the Notoriety of the fact Sir Robert Cotton in his abridgment tells us Anno 4. Ed. 3. That the King charged the Peers who as Judges of the Land by the Kings assent adjudged that the said Roger as a Traytor should be drawn and hanged The Bishops were not present certainly they were none of the Judges that gave Judgment as the King pronounced without Cognisance of the Cause The King had more Honour for their Order than to call then to such Drudgery and service of the Crown The iniquity of the sentence appears by the reversal thereof in Parliament 25 Ed. 3. in which the Original Record is recited Sir Robert Cotton in his Abridgment tells us That this Earl being condemned of certain points whereof he deserved commendation and for other altogether untrue surmises there was a Bill brought into the Lords House for the reversal of the Judgment and it was reverst by Act of Parliament indeed it could not be otherways reverst for no Court can judicially reverse their own Judgment for Error in Law and Judgment in the Lords House being the dernier Resort cannot be repealed but undone it may be by themselves in their legislative Capacity Here saith the Octavo the Bishops were not present at the passing of that Bill but yet the Octavo Gentleman will not pretend that the Bishops are to be excluded in any Acts of Legislation Why therefore was he so willing to impose upon the people so falsely and unrighteously and to produce this as a Precedent against the Bishops Right of Session in matters of that Nature by himself recognized There is nothing can excuse him herein for he is certainly self-condemned of undue Art in thiâ— matter In 20 R. 2. the Case of Sir Thomas Haxey happen'd which the Octavo book page 20 produceth against us He was forsooth condemned in Parliament for that he had preferred a Bill in the House of Commons for regulating the outragious Expences of the Kings House particularly of Bishops and Ladies Haxey was for this tryed and condemned to death for it in Parliament And here appears to be no Bishops and there ought not to have been any for these reasons First that the Bishops were the parties wronged and therefore could not in any fitness give sentence But Secondly if that was not in the Case that that caus'd the process was Royall anger upon a great faction of State in which I believe the Bishops were not engaged made for deposing of Rich. the 2d that was understood by the King to be in acting and promoted by Sir Thomas Haxey by his Bill It was this made the sentence altogether abhorrent from legal justice in matter and form Here was a Tryall of a Commoner by Peers a matter made Treason that did participate nothing of the nature of Treason But the discreet Gentleman
to whom such Judgment doth of Right appertain did give their Judgment He concludes that the Bishops could not he said to be his Peers which shews they were not there But he must give us leave with much better Logick to conclude that they were present and We with reason presume because they are Peers of Parliament for so the Record is not his Peers for he fallaciously changeth the Terms they were there except he can prove them absent if common Right is not Reason of presumption no presumption can be reasonable But we can prove to him they were there And thereby in consequence we have another proof that they are Peers Sir Robert Cottons Abridgment tells us 5 H. 4. Fol. 426. that at the same time the Arch-Bishops and Bishops at their own request and therefore certainly then present were purged from suspicion of Treason by the said Earl And at the same time I pray observe Sir Henry Piercy his levying of War was adjudged Treason by the King and Lords in full Parliament Note that here is said to be a full Parliament and yet nothing in the Entry but the stile of Lords So various and contingent in respect of form are the Entries which ought to be observed But to review and consider again the Case of John Hall condemned in Parliament for Treason for murdering the Duke of Glocester And to this place I have reserved the Case of the two Merchants that killed John Imperial an Ambassadour of Genoua for both Cases are of the same nature and must receive the same answer and that is this The Statute of the 25 E. 3. was made to declare certain matters Treason and to be so judged in ordinary Judicatures but withall that Statute did provide that if any other Case supposed Treason do happen it shall be shewed to the King and Parliament whether it ought to be judged Treason Concerning which the King and Parliament do and are to declare by their Legislative power as it is agreed by all and as they did in the Case of John Imperial as appears by that Record expresly So that though the Bishops were not present at the Judgment of John Hall they might have been it must be confessed by our Adversary if the Judgment against John Hall was by the Legislative Power as it must be By this it appears how false an Argument this of his is To conclude no Right from absence for it is plain here it proves too much it proves a thing notoriously false a thing false by the confession of our Adversary and from what any falshood may be inferred is not it self true but stands reproved by the falshood and absurdity of what follows in consequence thereof But this is too Solemn Reproof of so frivolous an Argument for it is no more in effect than this That no man can have an Authority but what he is always in the exercise of The Octavo goes on and remembers that in the 2 H. 4. the first Writ de Haeretico comburendo was framed by the Lords Temporal only and without question it was so For the order of proceedings in Case of Hereticks Convict so required it The Bishops are upon the Matter the pars laesa in Heresy The authority of the Church is therein offended and it was not therefore proper for an Ecclesiastick to be an Actor therein The Author doth improve this as he doth all things that he can with any manner of colour to render the Order of Bishops hated and disesteemed which is the publick establishment the legal provision for the Government and guidance of Religion What mischief then is he a doing How great is his fault to deprave that provision to destroy their Reputation and Esteem with the people to destroy all their authority as much as in him lyeth His utmost endeavours are not thereto wanting to make their Ministries useless and to frustrate the provisions of the Law and the care of the Government in the highest concernment of the Nation Doth this become a great man I will not say a good man God rebuke him To lessen the Authority and disrepute and dishonour any Order of men or any Constitution that can be any ways useful to the publick is a great fault but this of his is a most enormous offence But what can be inferred from hence against the Order of the Bishops may be with like unworthiness inferred against the Christian Religion it self For it may be as well concluded that the Christian Religion is a bad Religion for that men of that denomination in the general Apostasie by pretence of Warranty from that Religion though it gave none murdered innocents As that the practices of the Bishops of that Religion so depraved do reflect any dishonour against the Bishops of reformed Christianity And this Answer will suffice too for the Case of Sir John Old-Castle As for the Earls of Kent Huntingdon and Salisbury the Lord le Despencer and Sir Ralph Lumley before that executed and declared Traytors in Parliament by the Lords Temporal only in the Parliament of the 2 H. 4. and the Earl of Northumberland and Lord Bardolph against whom it was proceeded in a Court of Chivalry after their death who were declared Traytors after they were dead in the Parliament in the 7 H. 4. I hope the Octavo Gentleman and all that are at present of his Opinion will take this for a sufficient Answer if we had no more to say that it was irregular very irregular indeed to condemn men after they were dead when he himself would set aside the Authority of the Case of William de la Poole in 28 H. 6. in Parliament where the Bishops were present which though he saith is the sole single precedent of Bishops acting in Capital Causes We shall therein convict him to be a man of Will to have lost himself in his passions and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And enter that Case with a cloud of other testimonies and reasons that affirm I will not stick to say demonstrate so as such matters can be demonstrated with a moral demonstration such as shall leave no doubt with any man of the Bishops Right of judging in Capital causes in Parliament But We shall further add for Answer that the Temporal Lords did not herein exercise the Office of a Judge For it could be no Judgment they delivered It was only an officious declaration an avowing of the justness of the slaughter of these great men and to enter themselves of the other side But is it as reasonable for this Writer to fore-judge the Bishops of their Franchise and to have it seized because they would not be guilty of a misuser thereof and would not consent to so insolent a thing as to judge men unheard nay when dead and they could not be heard And to kill over again the murdered Lords for so they are in consideration of the Law who are not by legal process condemned and executed I cannot but observe in many of
Regni definitum est quod Comes Johannes disseiseretur de omnibus Tenementis suis in Anglia Castella sua obsiderentur This is a Cause of Treason for that Richard the First immediately upon the demise of the Crown was King It can be no objection that this was not a formal Parliament for whether it was or no it seems the Bishops power in that Cause was allowed That it was Commune Concilium Regni and had the Nature of a Parliament And that the Bishops therein had a parity of Authority with the Temporal Lords But soon after his return King Richard held a Parliament at Notingham Hoveden mentions the Bishops that were present by Name In which Parliament our Historian tells us That the King Petiit sibi Judicium fieri de Comite Johanne fratre suo qui contra fidelitatem quam ei juraverat Castella sua occupaverat terras suas transmarinas destruxerat foedus contra eum cum inimico suo Rege Franciae contra eum inierat And the like Justice he required against the Bishop of Coventry for that he had adher'd Regi Franciae Comiti Johanni inimicis suis and it was thereupon adjudged Judicatum saith Hoveden quod Comes Johannes Episcopus Coventrensis peremptoriè citarentur si intra quadraginta dies non venerint nec Juri steterint Judicaverunt Comitem demeruisse regnum Episcopum Coventrensem subjacere judicio Episcoporum in eo quod Episcopus erat Judicio Laicorum in eo quod ipse Vicecomes Regis extiterat You see here the Bishops zeal and Loyalty that they adjoyn'd the censure of the Church which they had power of as Bishops to a Civil punishment which they with the Temporal Barons had Authority to pronounce against One of their own Order who was guilty of a design to engage a Nation in a War by opposing the lawful Successour to the Crown and this being so great a Cause We hear nothing here of any scruple the Canon gave them nor mention of any Priviledge of an Ecclesiastick to be exempt from the Judgment of the secular Court In the same Parliament Giraldus de Canavilla was accus'd of harbouring of Pirats and Praeterea saith Hoveden appellaverunt eum de Laesurâ Regiae Majestatis in eo quod ipse ad vocationem Justitiariorum Regis venire noluit nec juri stare de praedictâ receptatione raptorum neque eos ad Justitiam Regis producere sed respondet se esse hominem Comitis Johannis velle in Curiâ suâ Juri stare Hoveden tells us all that were present at this great Council Hubert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Galfridus Arch-Bishop of York Hugh Bishop of Durham Hugh Bishop of Lincoln William Bishop of Ely William Bishop of Hereford Henry Bishop of Worcester Henry Bishop of Exeter and John Bishop of Carlisle Earl David Brother of the King of Scots Hamelinus Earl de Warrenna Ranulfus Earl of Chester William Earl of Feriers William Earl of Salisbury and Roger Bigot Let any one judge if it was likely that the Bishops did withdraw in the Case of Earl John or the said Bishop when besides them there were but six Barons present at that Parliament What manner of great Council would this Parliament have been that had consisted but of six Barons of what Authority would such a Parliament have been in the absence of the King and a troubled Estate of the Kingdom CHAP. VII IN the time of Edward the Second in the two Judgments against the Spencers the Right of the Bishops to judge in capital Causes in Parliament was carried so high in opinion that their presence was thought necessary to give Authority and validity to the Judgment of the House of Lords in such Cases and their absence was assigned for Error for Reversal of those Judgments for an Error that appears in the irregularity of the Proceedings is an allowable Cause for vacating the Judgment by the same Court that gave it And so far did that Opinion prevail that the presence of the Lords Spiritual was necessary to give Authority to a Judgment of that House that for this Cause because the Prelates were absent that Judgment was reversed Which opinion did arise upon this mistake that because the Lords Spiritual was one of the two States that made the House of Lords nothing could be done without their concurrence But though they are a distinct State from the Temporal Lords they make but one House and they are both there under one Notion and Reason viz. as they are both Lords Spiritual and Temporal the Baronage of England But let any man tell me that can whether if the Lords Spiritual had not been understood Judges in Parliament in Capital Causes it could have been a question whether their absence could avoid the Judgment in the Case of the Spencers much less that such an opinion should prevail that the Judgment should be as it was for that reason reversed And tho' the Reversal of that Judgment was set aside and the Judgment affirmed in 1 E. 3. Yet the publick Recognition of the Bishops Right in the Reversal remains an undeniable Testimony to their Right of sitting Tho' the Reversal of that Judgment was not warrantable for the reason of the Bishops absence as it could not have been reversed by reason of the absence of as many Temporal Barons if there remained enough besides to make a House to give the Judgment And yet we find the Reversal of the Reversal reversed in 21 R. 2. and the Family of the Spencers restored in the person of the Earl of Glocester So prevalent was the opinion that the Bishops Concurrence was necessary in all capital Judgments in Parliament at that time For this see Sir Robert Cottons Abridgment fol. 373. Yet it is observable that the consequence from the Bishops being a third State and an Essential constituent part of that House to a necessity of their presence in all judicial matters even of Capital Offences and Treason did so stick with that Age for they then in that Age did no more know what three States served for or that they both made but one House than some in our time can tell how to find them For that very Reason in 21 R. 2. the first Petition that the Commons made in that Parliament to the King was for that diverse Judgments were heretofore undone for that the Clergy were not present The Commons prayed the King that the Clergy would appoint some to be their Common Proctor with sufficient Authority thereunto The Prelates therefore being severally examined appointed Sir Thomas de la Piercy to assent The words of which Petition and the procuratory Letters for greater Authority and more satisfaction I have thought fit to transcribe Nos Thomas Cantuar. Robertus Eborac Archiepiscopi ac Praelati Clerus utriusque Provinciae Cantuar. Ebor. jure Ecclesiarum nostrarum Temporalium earundem habentes jus interessendi in singulis Parliamentis Domini nostri Regis
to the Encroachment of the Papal Power and in this matter to declare how far the Bishops might if they pleased observe the Canon Law or rather themselves and what was thought then decent to their Order So according to the Print in Gervasius and therein he differs from Matth. Paris it is Quousque judicio perveniatur ad mutilationem membrorum vel mortem which further clears the meaning of that Law to be that the Bishops were thereby excused not altogether from Capital Causes but onely when it was proceeded so far in such like Cause that Judgment was to be pronounced which when the Bishops had nothing to gainsay they might depart and leave Sentence to be pronounced by the House But we cannot after all this allow the Author of the Folio to have so little sense as with a good conscience to say that he who cannot perhaps by reason of his circumstance and some consideration of Indecency execute a thing in his own person therefore cannot do it by another no more than he can authorise one man to murther another Thus he saith fol. 20. when surely this Gentleman cannot think it as fit for a Judge to be a Hang-man as to sign a Kalendar for the Execution of the Condemned Prisoners But the Octavo is somewhat surprizing in this matter For he doth affirm That it is not lawful for Bishops to vote in any Question preliminary and preparatory to the Sentence of Condemnation when such Sentence follows and the matter preliminary is necessary to the Process This he proves by a Logick Rule Causa Causae est Causa Causati one of Sthalius his Axioms hath turn'd round the Head of this Gentleman I find few men can bear Axioms Maxims and Sentences There are none speak so much unnatural Non-sence as they that use them most May not several men I pray do several parts of an affair and yet he that doth the first part is no ways the Cause of what another man doth in the second and third place Is the acting the first part of the Play the cause of acting the last Or is the laying the Foundation the Cause that lays on the Roof Is the Jury the Cause of any more than their Verdict And doth not the Court give Judgment by their own Authority and Causality If men would speak by Nature and according to first Notions and were not so full of second Notions and Universals we should not have so many Errors Mistakes and Confounding Opinions in the Work But this we complain of as too severe in the Octavo that when he had confounded us with his Causa Causae Causati he would render us ridiculous with a Story of a Friar out of Chaucer That would of a Capon the Liver of a Pig the Head But would that nothing for him should be dead This indeed was a fine piece of Wit in the Poet but translated hither by our Author is an insipid piece of Malice His Design sure in this was to enter the Bishops amongst Chaucer's Friars and then the Learned Readers of Chaucer would be very conceited upon them and apply all his pleasant Satyrs against the Friars to the Bishops But for the farther Evidence of the Bishops Baronage and their Jus paritatis it would not be impertinent here to add That the Names of Barons Peers Seniors Grants have been attributed to the Lords Spiritual in all times in Authentick Histories and Records Forasmuch as a Nominal Argument is not a very inartificial Topick in such a Cause as this Besides that this will destroy the very strength of our Adversaries which lies in this that they will not allow Prelates to be comprehended in the Name of Peers Grants and Barons And that where the Records doth not expresly mention Prelates they will conclude they were not meant or intended to be present But the Collection which was made for this purpose shall not trouble the Reader because in two Books since Printed in Defence of the Bishops Right in question this is abundantly performed Besides that it is a very precarious Conclusion that our Adversaries make and without argument For they ground themselves herein upon a most unreasonable Postulatum viz. That Titles do not belong to persons for whom they were made and to whose Character they agree and that Words do not design the things which they were made and imposed to signifie CHAP. XIV NOw we shall proceed to perform a necessary piece of Justice to the Prelates as well as a Right to the Government to recover its true Constitution from the Prejudice of Modern Ignorance to declare and manifest that our Gvernment doth consist of three States the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of England These do make the Great Council of the Kingdom and minister to the King Council and Auxiliaries over which the King doth preside as the Great Superintendent and mover of this mighty Machin The consequence of which is that the Bishops cannot be detruded from that place they bear in the Constitution of the Government for that no Government can be legally or by any lawful power changed but must remain for ever once established And it cannot be no less than Treason of State to attempt a change no Authority in the world is competent to make any alteration The Princes of Christendom after they took to themselves the Election of Bishops which is a natural right of the Sovereign Power become Christian they soon observed the advantage that they might make by advancing them to the greatest Secular Dignities Governments and Trusts and did accordingly advance them to an equality if not to a superiority to the highest of the Secular Nobility gave them Dutchies Marquisates Baronies and rich Endowments and erected that Order into a successive Nobility Another sort of Nobility from that of the Lay Princes concluding that they should be better served by men of their own choice and approved worthiness who had also other advantages over the People than those that the Temporal Princes and Lords had by that Reverence they paid to their Bishops and the Authority and Power that they had over them in the virtue of Religion than by the Hereditary Princes and Nobility who did not always answer to the virtue of the original Ancestors and the first stock Besides that Religious Kings and Sovereign Princes did by advancing Bishops intend to do great advantages and honour to Religion but withall they did not divide the Bishops thus advanced from the Secular Princes and Noblemen in Councils for then they had lost their design The Bishops could not have had any direct influence upon the Councils of the Nobles and Secular Princes nor have tempered their Debates with an excellent Charity and firm Loyalty and other Vertues which belong to their Character It would have made trouble distraction and impediment in the Affairs of Princes and emulation and strife and faction between the Ecclesiastical and Secular Orders and several mischiefs and great inconveniencies would have
ensued if they had been divided and separated in several Colleges and had had in consequence thereof a Negative upon each other as they then of necessity must But by uniting both Orders into one Council and Assembly distractions in Councils and impediments to the Affairs of Princes are avoided And we are assured of a more wise as well as an unanimous and more authoritative Result in all Councils and Debates which if the Octavo had duly considered he would not have depraved and disparaged this wise Constitution by comparing it to a nest of Boxes They were therefore for these great Reasons both Spiritual and Secular Lords united in the great Councils of Kingdoms and these two Orders of Nobles Spiritual and Secular became the two States which together with the Representatives of the People the third State made the Parliaments Diets and Convention of State under which Names the great Assembly which we call a Parliament in the several Sovereignties of Christian Europe hath respectively passed This hath been observed by the most learned Onuphrius Postquam verò juris imperii facta est eorundem Praelat electio quemadmodum ceteri Principes seculares Imperii tum Caesares qui de Religione bene merere volebant sine Imperii tamen praejudicio coeperunt Episc Abbates ob Religionem tanquam potiora Imperii membra prae caeteris Laicis Principibus honorare profana ditione ingentibus opibus honestare Arces Oppida Vrbes Marchias Ducatus Provincias Pedagia Telonia Vectigalia Portaria multa alia quae Imperii propria erant Episcopatibus concedere quae vel ex suis propriis bonis quae ad Imperium pertinebant vel ex alienis feudis erant Nam Laicis Principibus sine legitimo haerede mortuis eorum Provincias quae beneficiario jure ad Imperium pertinebant non aliis ampliûs Laicis Regulis sed Episcopis concedebat atque hac ratione omnes Episcopatus Abbatias Italiae Galliarum Germaniae imò totius Orbis Latini denique ipsum Pontificem Romanum ex pauperibus ditissimos maximos Principes fecerunt ex eis scilicet quibus quae antea Imperii juris erant in nulla re propterea Imperialia jura minui existimantes quippe quod certi essent eos omnes Praelatos a se designandos fore non nisi jussu suo voluntate Sacerdotia ipsa obtenturos Nicholaus Cusanus lib. 3. de Concordia Catholica cap. 27. attributes this Policy to Otho Secundus who saith he Vnico gaudens filio multis regnis cogitans difficile fore absque maximo labore tot regna in pace aliquamdiu servari posse insequens vestiga Avi sui Henrici Primi Ottonis Patris suum cogitatum ad res ecclesiasticas appulit considerans multa jam Religiosis locis per praesentes Reges donata summa pace gaudere quia verecundum erat Deo dicatis vim inferre animo ponderavit Ordinationem factam Synodo Romanae Ecclesiae de qua 63. Dist In Synodo Per quam perpetua dabatur potestas Imperatoribus Romanum Pontificem Cunctos sub Imperio Episcopos investiendi vel saltem eorum consensum semper concurrere debere celebrata Canonica Electione ut 63. Distinct NOS SANCTORVM Vnde hoc ponderans credidit perpetuis temporibus Imperio subjectis pacem dare posse si temporalia Dominia tam Romanae Ecclesiae quam aliis adjungerentur cum certi Servitii observatione tunc enim cultus Divinus augmentaretur Religionem in magnam Reverentiam exaltandam credidit quando sanctissimi magnae potentiae aliis Principibus intermiscerentur non posse tunc quosque voluntate in peccatis uti nulla publica sperabat unquam peccata Captorum depopulatorum agrorum communem pacem turbantium incendiariorum consimilium posse nutriri Ecclesiasticâ Sacrâ potestate potenti valenti resistente etiam praedones pauperum oppressores qui particulari regimini praeessent sic corrigi posse affirmabat ut sic absque Tyrannica Oppressione populus in Libertate vivere posset Imperio etiam tranquillissimo non dubitabat hanc Ordinationem esse utilissimam quando per annua servitia praestimonias quilibet Ecclesiae juxta quantitatem temporalium indictas Status Imperialis manu teneretur ac etiam multo major Imperii Potentia ex hoc appareret quod illis omninibus Dominiis ita Ecclesiis traditis nullus nisi per Imperium absque Successione percipi posset Who is desirous of more to this purpose may see Sigonius de Regno Italiae Bishops were made Dukes and Counts in France and also Peers in France and about this time out of the Princes Dukes and Counts the number of 12 were selected by the Kings of France and erected into the Title of the 12 Peers of France by which Dignity they became the Chief Councellors and Directors of State These twelve being chosen besides their being Peers in matters of Judgment in the Old Parliaments were Peers also in the management of the whole Kingdom and while their Greatness held were therein so Powerful that they added a Taste of Aristocracy to that great Monarchy not disagreable to the Title that our Peers assumed of being Pares Regis and having a Power Fraenum imponere Regi as Bracton tells us but he and his Law both are antiquated Of these six were Lay and six were Ecclesiastical but the Dignity of Pair is supposed in these Bishops not as they are Bishops but as being Dukes and Counts also that is in the first three viz. Rhemes Laon Langres as Dukes and of Beavois Chalous and Noyons as Counts These twelve Peers of France had such a Power towards the Ancient Kings of France as the Ephori of Sparta and the Justiciaries of Arragon had towards their Kings They were obliged to exercise that Power with Care and they did exert it towards their Kings What they did agreable to the Power assigned them in the Government was lawful and just nay their bounden Duty But certainly the Exercise of these Powers was against no Command of God For God makes no Government nor obligeth us to obey any but what are made by Men The Government it self is its own Measure It 's no Objection against the Lawfulness of any Government that it 's inconvenient if they like it notwithstanding whose Government it is But this Constitution was of advantage to Royal Families in that it made a kind of Entail of the Crown upon their Families and preserved the Monarchy and its Descent And besides had this farther Conveniency that it was under them impossible for a Nation or Kingdom to be undone in a trice for a Caprice of the Prince or destroyed to make a Fortune for some Up-start For the Sake of Mankind it is to be earnestly desired and prayed that such as they who derive no Honour from their Ancestors may leave none to their Children that themselves may survive their Honors and leave nothing of their
Fortunes to their Children but what they themselves could deserve viz. Hate and Infamy All Usurpation and Encroachment of Power is to be opposed where it can be lawfully as the greatest Mischief and the Ministers to the Designs hated and detested as the most pernicious and loathsome Vermine CHHP. XV. BUt to return agreable to this Policy of Sovereign Princes who had the Donation of Bishopricks of advancing Bishops to the highest secular Dignities and Trust William the Conqueror did create Bishops into Barons and exacted the Services and Counsells of Barons in the Great Council of the Kingdom by putting their Lands under Tenure by Barony he gave them no new Endowments but as a Conqueror he confirmed their Ancient Possessions under a new reserv'd Tenure and annex'd to their Order a Secular Honor a successive Baronage Since the Conquerour the title of Baron took the place of that of Thane which was likewise a Feudal Honour in the Saxons time By William the Conquerour Baronies were feudal and in congruity to the State of the Lay Nobles he made the Bishops feudal Barons for there was no other than feudal Nobility at that time It will not be amiss nor time mispent here to give a short account of the Government in the Conquerours time of the Baronage by him introduced and the policy thereof and of the change made in the Baronage of England in after time Because from thence we must derive the Bishops Right now in question which is included and virtually contained in their Right of Baronage Hereby it will appear that the Bishops were of the Barones majores and of the Barones majores the first in Dignity that they became feudal Barons in the Conquerour's time and when the reason of our Baronage changed and no man continued a Baron ratione tenurae it cannot with reason be said that the Bishops are Barons onely for the sake of their Lands which our Adversaries do insist upon for that they think it is an abatement to the Honour of Peerage and a prejudice to their Right in question but because it has been said before by men of Authority in the Law and grown up to be a vulgar error we will now discharge the mistake by affixing here the History and Reason of the change It was the policy of the first William for some are so critical they will not call him Conquerour to create new Tenures upon all the great Possessions of the Realm and impose upon the principal men to hold their Lands of him in capite under such Services that were necessary in peace and war for State and Justice and by putting all the considerable men of the Realm under Oaths of Fealty incident to those Tenures besides the Oaths of Allegeance he provided for the establishment of his Conquest or his possession of the Crown without title The principal men of the Realm both Ecclesiastical and Lay hereby were not onely obliged to support but to become part of the Government and were obliged to be Ministers of Justice and also Members of the great Council of the Kingdom or Parliament which was now to be made up principally of his Dependents by which he changed the constitution of the great Council in the Saxons times in the balance of that equal sort of Government the consequent mischiefs whereof this Kingdom laboured under untill we recovered it again by an equal representative of the Commons in Parliament in the time of King Henry the Third The power of the Baronage proved equally oppressive to the people and came in that time to be reduced irreverent to the Crown By this policy the Conquerour intended to establish his Conquest to secure to himself and his posterity the Imperial Crown of England imagining that otherwise he should have been but a precarious King He had now turn'd the Kingdom upon the matter into one great Mannor and kept his Courts called the Curia Regis in the nature of a Sovereign Court Baron now become more frequented and solemn than that Court was before the Conquest thrice in every Year at stated Times and Places viz. at Easter at Winchester at Whitsuntide at Westminster and at Christmas at Gloucester at these times and places all his Tenants which were all the considerable Free-holders of England attended of course and upon a General Summons at any other time or place appointed by the King as his Affairs did require they were bound likewise to attend In these Courts the Suitors swore Fealty did renew and confirm their Obligations to the Crown and the King became more assured of their Allegiance by their Personal Attendance and by his Royal Entertainments of them at such times In these Courts they recognized their own Services and the Rights of the King their Lord and assessed Aids and Estuage Prestations due to the Crown by their Tenures upon themselves to which in general they were obliged by their Tenures In these Conventions the Right of the Suitors the King's Tenants were adjudged as Private Lords had Judgment of the Right of Lands in pretence held of them in Fee in their several Manors as they have to this day But if Right was not done by the Lord the Cause was to be removed to this Curia Regis the King being Lord Paramount of whom all Estates mediately or immediately were held Which appears by the Form of the Writ of Right now in use which we will transcribe N. B. precipimus tibi quod sine dilatione plenum Rectum teneas A. de B. de uno Messuagio L. in I quae clamat tenere de te per liberum Servitium unius denarii per annum pro omni servitio quod W. de T. ei deforciat nisi feceris Vicecomes faciatne amplius inde Clamorem audiamus pro defectu Recti The Common Pleas was not then a Court and at this time the Appeal and resort to the King was in this Court if Justice was not done by the Lord or Sheriff So that the greatest part of the Justice of the Nation was administred in those Assemblies But it must not be understood that this vast Convention was a Court of Judicature for every Cause neither that it was formally a Parliament without some farther Act of the King for erecting that Convention into the great Council of the Nation But in this Curia Regis they were obliged to answer the King's Writs of Summons Writs of Commission and obey his Appointments in the Ordinary Administration of Justice in which the Capitalis Justiciarius or Justitia was to preside That this was not a Judicature the vast numbers of those that made it the inequality of the Persons considered under the Common Reason of being Tenants in Capite and Barons whereby they became indifferently members of the Curia Regis besides the neglect that must necessarily be presumed in the greatest part of such a Body to the business of Jurisdiction and judging of Rights without particular Designation thereto do sufficiently argue and evince But
Judgments good without an Original upon a Verdict If the Causes that are properly now of the cognisance of that Court of Common Pleas had been allotted to that Court Originally when the distribution of Administration of Justice was made in the Constitution of the Government that Court by its proper Authority and its own Process would have done Justice to all its Suitors without first expecting a Writ out of Chancery to bring the Cause before them or leaving any right without remedy to complain in Chancery of the defects of Justice in that Court But that Law of Magna Charta cap. 11. before-mentioned which erected the Court of Common Pleas fix'd the Judges and appropriated civil Causes to their Judicature no longer now ambulatory was the first step that was made to reduce the Court of Barons called Curia Domini Regis in which the Capitalis Justiciarius did preside Yet still this Court continued a Court of Pleas of the Crown and Appeals and for those that had the Priviledge of that Court as Officers Dependents Suitors as appears by Bracton l. 3. cap. 7. Rex habet unam propriam Curiam sicut Aulam Regiam Justitiarios Capitales qui proprias causas Regias terminant aliorum omnium per querelam i. e. Appeal vel per privilegium seu libertatem This Sir Edward Coke imagines is meant of the Kings Bench but that must be a mistake for sicut Aula Regia is not competent to that Court as now the Capitales Justitiarii were not the Chief Justices we now have For the Office of the Capitalis Justitiarius did yet continue But then that which follows in Bracton the description of the Justices of the Court he before spake of puts the matter out of doubt Item saith he Justitiariorum quidam sunt capitales generales perpetui majores à latere Regis residentes which terms are agreeable to none but the Barons But this sort of Judicature was not fit for continuance and the Barons were to be reduced they were dismist of this Jurisdiction about the time that change was made in reference to them in the Parliament for as long as they continued in their numbers and power so great as they were both Courts and Parliaments were troubled with tumultuous heaps of people brought thither by the Barons to countenance their pretences of which who will may see enough in Eadmerus And this reducement was I doubt not about the end of the Reign of H. 3. when the first Writs were issued to chuse Knights of the Shire Philip Basset was the last of these Capitales Justitiarii Sir Henry Spelmans Glossary p. 415. And then the Court of Kings Bench came to have such Judges as at this day ad obitum H. 3. 1272. Summorum Angliae Justitiariorum authoritas cessarit postea Capitales Justitiarii ad placita coram Rege tenenda appellati sunt saith an ancient Anonymous Author quoted by Sir Hen. Spelman Glossary 406. That ancient Style of Capitalis Justitiarius Angliae is now allowed to the Chief Justice of the Kings Bench though his legal Style is Capitalis Justitiarius ad placita coram Rege tenenda 2 E. 1. Radulphus Hengham was made the first Chief Justice of the Kings Bench as Sir Henry Spelmans Glossary 416. But the Chief Justices of the Common Pleas were first made about the time of King John's Magna Charta when that Court was fixed as is before remembered Sir Henry Spelman out of Florilegus tells us Martin Peteshus was Chief Justice of the Common Pleas 1 H. 3. Neither did E. 1. trust the Barons with the Government of his Revenue as it was before the Capitalis Justic and the power of the Barons was reduced but he made Adam de Stratton a Clerk Chief Baron but in what time of his Reign doth not appear But they continued after they were reduced from the business of the Kings Bench and from that of the Court of Common Pleas to have the Government of the Revenue and making a Court of Exchequer And they still continued the Exercise of their ancient ordinary Right and judged Common Pleas in the Exchequer until the 28 E. 1. And then in the Statute called Articuli super Cartas cap. 4. it was enacted That no Common Pleas shall be henceforth held in the Exchequer contrary to the form of the Great Charter Their exercising their power lastly in that Court may be the reason why the Judges of that Court are called Barons Sir Henry Spelman saith he hath an uninterrupted Succession of the Barons of the Exchequer from the sixth year of Edward the Second by which it appears that the present Constitution was established after the Kings Bench and Common Pleas were made such as they now are But there was one Power and Authority that was inseparable from the Baronage and that is the Tryal of Peers the ancient Curia Regis continues to this day to that purpose as it must no other provision being ever since made therein This is the ancient Court of Peers the Curia Regis when revived The Power and Authority of the ancient Capitalis Justitiarius is as often revived as that Court is erected for Tryal for Offices at Common Law can be no more nor less than the Law appointed That he is called High Steward is no Objection to us for so was the Capitalis Justitiarius called and Justitiarius and Seneschallus are used one for another in the Language of those times Sir Henry Spelmans Glossary 403. And this is the true reason I humbly conceive of that Tradition that the High Steward by the Kings constituting him such hath such mighty powers that are fit to be trusted with him no longer than while he is busie about that piece of Justice for which he is appointed and he is not to receive his Commission but just at his entry upon the business of the Court and not before The power of this Capitalis Justitiarius was the same with that of the Mair of the Palace in France from whence the Conquerour brought this Office which was the same or greater with the Authority of the Praefectus Praetorio amongst the Romans It is a thing to be wished that Gentlemen that apply themselves to the study of Antiquities that relate to our Laws and Government would design to adorn and cultivate the present Laws and to make out their reasonableness rather than to innovate upon us by bringing back what is obsolete rejected and antiquated and that they would contribute what they can to refine it from many absurd reasons that dishonour our Faculty which are the best our Books afford even for some of the Regulae juris I shall instance onely in one or two of them Why the Father cannot inherit the Lands of the Son it is told us for a reason in our Books that Terra est quid ponderosum and will not ascend in the right line whereas the true reason is this the Lord that first granted the Fee neglected the Father gave
Earls did then as now make the Parliament Besides the Barones majores and minores there was at this time a distinction between the Barones Regis and Barones Regni which I will here explain to prevent any mistake that may grow thereupon The Barones Regni were Barons by Tenure and made part of the Government by the Constitution of the first William and so in process of time called Barones Regni because they had by continuance of that Constitution acquired a fixed right to that Honour But because of the frequent Wars between the Barons and the Kings at that time they did omit to summon some who were Barons by Tenure and now duly called Barones Regni to Parliament and called others to Parliament that had no right to be called ratione tenurae and these they called Barones Regis This was ill taken by the Lords and was one of the occasions of their War with King John upon which they did obtain his Charter for remedy as followeth Barones majores Regni sigillatim summoniri faceret The truth of this as to the fact will appear by the Histories of those times and that this is the reason of that distinction of Barones Regis and Barones Regni doth appear by the recited Charter of King John where the majores Barones are called Barones Regni for the Barons were more concerned for the losing of their Honours than they were at the communication of the like Honours to others and with reason though all Honours are lessened by the numbers of those participate of them The inconveniences and mischiefs of this Constitution were very great and very sensible by making the Government consist of one Order there was no third to moderate and hold the balance The Honour of the great Nobility was lessened by an Equality of Suffrage in the great Council of the Kingdom yielded to the Tenents in capite and were not so concerned to support the Dignity of the Crown for the maintaining their own which in that Constitution could not be great It had the faults of either House and the virtues of neither they pressed hard upon the King and were uneasie and oppressive to the People they were not reverent of the Crown nor tender of common right The great Charter provides against the Oppressions of great men as it doth for bounding the Prerogative Our mixt Monarchy was out of tune by the Aristocratical Power of the Baronage now become too excessive by the policy of the Conquerour by advancing too great numbers to that Dignity too great to depend upon the Crown or to be govern'd by it unassisted That which the first William intended and designed for the establishment of his Conquest and of the Peace of the Kingdom made it very easie to afflict bad Princes But by several steps we recovered being taught and instructed to it by our Experience and the sufferance of great Calamities such a Representative that might most certainly effect what in all Ages was intended and designed that nothing should be Law or civilly just but what the People assent to by which their Persons and Rights are secured and defended which is the sole end of Government But evident it is that this more equal clear representative which we now enjoy in our House of Commons grew upon the reducement of the excessive number of Barons so great that it made them a Tumult rather than an Assembly and for the reducement of the power of the greater Barons for in the Parliament of 49 H. 3. when but 25 Lay Barons were summoned tho' in the 41 year of his Reign he numbered 250 great Baronies in England we find Writs for electing to a Parliament at London two Knights Citizens and Burgesses and Barons for the Cinque-Ports before that time none were found nor any Foot-steps of Right for the Counties sending Knights to Parliament though there is a clear Right appears for the Burroughs to send Burgesses which we shall speak to afterwards It will not be impertinent here to add that the Government of Scotland which runs parallel almost to our English Government found it inconvenient that all the Tenants in Capite should resort to their Parliaments and therefore they were reduc'd in this manner viz. their Barones Minores or Tenants in Capite in every County choose two of ther own number to Parliaments which at this day they call the Barons for Counties whereas all our Free-holders choose their Knights of the Shire and our Elections are not restrained to Tenants in Capite And this made it more reasonable for our Representatives of Shires together with the Burgesses to become in process of time a distinct Lower House whereas their Barons of Shires set together with the Lords and vote in Common with them The Knights of the Shire which made the principal part of the Representative of the Commons having no Relation to the House of Peers or the Baronage of England because chosen by all the Feee-holders indifferently though not Tenants in Capite But to return to our History that deduceth the Change of our Government That some great matters for publick Good and Establishment of the peace of the King and Kingdom was treated of in this Parliament they did to be sure establish this new Form of a Parliament will appear by a Form of a Writ of Summons to the Bishop of Durham to that Parliament which I will here transcribe Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae Dux Aquitaniae venerabili in Christo patri R. Episcopo Dunelmensi salutem Cum post gravia turbationum discriminia dudum habita in Regno Nostro Charissimus filius Edwardus primogenitus noster pro pace in regno nostro assecuranda firmanda obses traditus extitisset jam sedata benedictus Deus turbatione praedicta super deliberatione ejusdem salubriter providenda plena securitate tranquillitate pacis ad honorem Dei utilitate totius Regni nostri firmanda totaliter complenda ac super quibusdam aliis Regni nostri negotiis quae sine Consilio vestro aliorum Praelatorum magnatum nostrorum nolumus expediri cum eisdem tractatum habere nos oportet vobis mandamus Rogantes in fide dilectione quibus nobis tenemini quod omni occasione postposita negotiis aliis praetermissis sitis ad nos Londiniis in octabis Sancti Hilarii proximo futuris nobiscum cum praedictis Prelatis magnatibus nostris quos ibidem vocari secimus super praemissis tractaturis consilium impensuris hoc sicut nos honorem nostrum vestrum necnon communem Regni nostri tranquillitatem diligitis nullatenus omittatis Dors Claus 49 H. 3. M. 11. in Scedulae I strongly incline to believe That this King did call in the Commons by their representatives the Barones Minores being discharged to moderate between him and his Barons which became after to be sure however it was before the standing Representative of the people Something
but thence he offers a Reason which must needs be a Mistake too why Bishops shall not be tryed by Peers in Capital Crimes because these are personal and his being a Baron is Ratione tenurae and not of personal Nobility But this he wrote when he was young in his first Edition of Titles of Honour which was in the time of King James But can there be a harsher and more incongruous thing said than that there is any other Nobility than what is personal Can Land be noble This that I have said is to prove That the Spiritual Lords are of the Baronage of England such as it is now constituted and they do not cannot remain in any Reason or Understanding Feudal Barons after the Ratio Baronagii is changed and if they could remain Barons Ratione tenurae at this day yet they ought to have all Preheminencies and Priviledges of Barons But true it is that they are another sort of Nobility different from that of the secular Lords though equal in all the powers of Baronage and besides have precedency in Honour and therefore make a distinct State from them and one of the three Estates or Ordines Regni Besides that by the way we have destroyed the Force of the Arguments used by the Folio against the Jus Paritatis of Bishops and their Competency to try a Lay Peer which we shall speak to more by and by CHAP. XVII IN the King and in these three Estates is placed the Peoples Security and the Care of the whole Community from every of them they have distinct just and reasonable Expectations though the third State of the House of Commons hath carried away and almost ingrossed the name of the Peoples Representatives though they are only the Peoples Representatives to act for them in matters wherein the People are left at perfect Liberty and concerning which there is no Order taken in the Constitution of the Government This is truly Our Government a King and Three Estates the Lords Spiritual the Lords Temporal and the Commons by their Delegates and Representatives for the purpose only to treat about matters in which the People have Power to deliberate and are and ought to be redress'd This is the Forme of all the Modern and Gothick Governments planted in Christian Europe Guntherus expresseth three Estates thus Praelati Proceres missisque Potentibus Vrbes The great men of Estates Proceres were sufficient to take care of their Interests and Dependents which made the Body of the County But then there were Cities or great Towns in which were great Bodies of Freemen men of Wealth and Trade that were little concerned in Lands or Tenures which we call Liberi Burgi which our Neighbors call Hans Towns And our Kings seem to have by Prerogative a continuing Power to declare Towns when they arrive to be great peopled and rich Free Boroughs and thereupon they acquire a Right to send Delegates to Parliament And this appears for that many Boroughs that send Burgesses of to Parliament have no other Foundation Right but the King's Charter in which he grants Sit A. de Caetero liber Burgus I have seen some of these Charters as ancient as King John These Charters could have had no such Operation but by vertue of some Ancient Establishment in the Government We have no History of its Commencement King William I. that he might have the assistance of all the States in Parliament put the Boroughs under Tenure by Baronage How many of the Burgage Tenures were of that sort we know not but it is probable all that at that time sent Burgesses to the Parliamentary Conventions by what name soever they were then called the Burgesses of the Cinque-ports are still called Barons And we know that the Borough of St. Albans was put under that Tenure and in that Right challenged them to Burgesses to Parliament as Dr. Brady acknowledgeth But the reason why we have no remembrance of the Tenures of Boroughs to send Burgesses to Parliament is that which we have here proved viz. the ancient reason of Baronage viz. by Tenure did cease about the time of H. 3. And conformably the King might require Boroughs to send Members to Parliament without mentioning in his Writs the duty of their Tenure and by declaring them free Boroughs give them that Priviledge though not oblig'd thereto by any Tenure created upon them So that it is evident that before H. 3. our great Councils or Parliaments consisted of three Estates though they all pass'd under the general Stile of Baronagium Angliae which I thought fit to demonstrate that our Parliaments or great Council of the Realm always consisted of three States Corol. From this that the King's Prerogative being so viz. to have power to declare Free Boroughs which he useth by his Letters Patents The Rights of chosing their Burgesses to Parliament belongs to all of the Community and cannot be restrain'd to fewer Electors by their Charters For Jura ordinaria non recipiunt modum The Remainder at least of this Form of Government continued in all the Countries wherein the German Colonies made their Conquests and planted themselves as will appear to any body that will consult the Republicks and those plentiful Quotations that hath been made by a Learned Author in his Book published since this was written I cannot but wonder since this our Constitution hath been oftenmost authentickly declared and every one knows that the Government is materially so as we have said and it is agreed by all that the Government consists of three States that yet we know not where to find ' em There is much Art used to give Countenance to or rather to form an Opinion that the King is one of the three States It is now almost come to be an Opinion and insomuch as it is an Opinion it is an Error This Error such as it is is endeavored to be improved to the Destruction of the Government It is nurs'd up carefully and is to gain Reputation and Credit with the People by the Authority of great Names and when it is grown popular it is designed to take the least next Advantage against the Spiritual Lords to dismiss them from their Bench as no necessary or essential part of the Government There was it 's true an ill-pen'd and inconsiderate Address made by the House of Commons only to the the King in 2 Hen. 4. to desire him to make Peace between the Lords and therein they say that the three States of Parliament are the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons But this is the first time that an Address of a House of Commons was so nicely considered And that the Form and Letter of it should be the measure of Law and of the Government There was also a phantastick Letter written by Stephen Gardiner printed it seems in the Book of Martyrs wherein that Bishop talks of three States in which he must needs reckon the King for one For he could not leave
him out of the Government and he had no more Christian Graces than Faith Hope and Charity which he attributes to this Ternary of States of his own making But if he had four of those Graces there had been four States if six of those Graces to have match'd them in number he would have found three States in the House of Commons viz. Knights Citizens and Burgesses and have made six States It seems too King James made a Speech in Parliament wherein he was pleased to use his Logick and liked it seems the Ramistical way of Dichotomies The truth is he had more Logick than a wise King could tell how to bestow For in that Speech he saith The Parliament is composed of a Head and a Body himself and the Parliament This Body is sub-divided into two parts the upper House and the lower House The upper House into two Lords Spiritual and Temporal the lower House into two Knights and Burgesses The Citizens were left out for the sake of his Dithotomy His Method was to proceed by the way of two's and therefore 't was impossible we should here in this Speech of any three whatsoever yet this Speech too is produced against three States distinct from the King Besides they tell us that in one of the late King's Declarations drawn by then a young Gentleman but of great hopes and afterwards a very great Man the King is called one of the three States This Gentleman was very probably misled into that Mistake by a Book called Nomotechnia wherein it is said that the King Lords and Commons are the three States a Book of Institutions for young Students which was never yet allowed for Authority in the Law nor ever had the Honor to be cited in our Courts of Westminster These Mistakes or whatever you will call them with the Authority of the Octavo Author are united together to form an Opinion that the King is but the Bishops are not one of the three States which will be a very dishonorable Error For that it will lead us into a Mistake of our Government and which is much worse for that it hath a tendency to subvert it that is to depress the King and to suppress the Bishops It is an Indign thing and not to be suffer'd that we should lose our Government by Surreption and be made a Babel by dividing and confounding our Language To prevent this mischief we have declared our Government from the very Reason and Nature of the Structure thereof to consist of three States that is three different Orders which make the Great Council of the Kingdom whose End and Business is to administer Council and Auxiliaries to the King who is intrusted with the executive Power of the Government and Laws And besides now we will produce great Authorities to put this Mistake out of Countenance and to prevent its gaining any farther Authority with the People For Errors of this nature in process of time turn into Truth and things prove to be so at last as the Error and Mistake first bespake them and this our Lawyers know well enough with whom 't is a Maxime it belongs only to them and matters within their Province Communis Error facit Jus. And first for this purpose we will mention the Stile that the Parliament used which was convened by the Authority of Richard the Second he being then about to relinquish the Crown to H. 4. This Parliament in transacting so weighty an Office had reason to consider and know who they themselves were They without doubt in all their Proceedings in this High Matter used their true as well as biggest Stile which was that of States Walsingham tells us Sede Regali tunc vacua Procurators Regis Richardi Archiepiscop Eborac Hereford Renunciationem dicti Regis cessionem omnibus statibus Regni tunc adunatis ibi publice declararunt And again Quoniam videbatur cunctis Regni statibus super dictis Articulis singulatim ac etiam communiter interrogatis And again Ordinati sunt Comissarii ex parte statuum Communitatis ejusdem Regni Observe here that the King is none of these States that they are called all the States which signifies more than two that there is mention of States besides Community and therefore it was then understood that there were two States in the Lords House But afterwards he recites us the Form of a most important Instrument which follows In Dei nomine Amen Nos I. Episc Assavensis I. Abbas Glasconiensis Thomas Comes Glocestriae Thomas Dominus de Berkley Tho. de Epingham Tho. Gray Miles Willielmus Thirning Justiciarius per Pares Proceres Regni Angliae Spirituales Temporales ejusdem Regni Communitates omnes status ejusdem Regni Representantes Commissarii ad infra scripta specialiter deputati c. By which it is most clear that the Government was then understood to consist of three States of which the King was none as he cannot be with any Congruity 1 R. 3. Rot. Parl. apud Westm die Veneris 23 Jan. it appears that a Bill was exhibited coram Dom. Rege in Parl. Wherein is contained That several Articles on the behalf and in the name of the three States of the Realm viz. Lords Spiritual Temporal and Commons were delivered to the King And farther that the said three Estates were not assembled in form of Parliaments therefore be it ordained by this present Parliament that the Tenor of the said Articles delivered as aforesaid on the behalf of the said three Estates out of Parliament c. Now by the three Estates assembled in this present Parliament be the same ratified and approved Ac idem Dominus Rex de assensu dictorumtrium statuum Regni Authoritate praedicta omnia singula praemissa in billa praedicta contenta concedit ea pro vero indubio pronunciat decernit ac declarat This was in like manner an Act of Parliament for declaring the Right of the Crown to be in Rich. 3. In the Statute made 2 H. 4. the Word State is used plurally and for more than two of which the King was none to signifie the Parliament as appears cap 15. And so it is also in 4 Hen. 4. cap. 4. in which these words are Sith it is the desire of all the States of the Realm that nothing shall be so demanded of our Sovereign the King He will that all those who make any Demand c. So that hereby it is evident that in the Understanding of that time there were three States besides the King But to spare the Reader the trouble of the mentioning the Records at large that testifie the Parliament to consist of the King and the three Estates viz. Lords Spiritual Lords Temporal and Commons I will refer them that doubt to the Collection made in Mr. Pryn's Index to Sir Robert Cotton's Abridgment under that Title who himself was of this Opinion which nothing but the Evidence of the truth of the thing could have
of Colors and Pretences to change and alter our Government or hurt it in a Vital part and begin with the Bishops to take down our Government CHAP. XX. I Have farther this just Caution to add for the warding of some other undue prejudices in the Consideration of this question that our Government did not continue the same after and before the Conquest and that the Government upon the Conquest hath received since many beneficial Alterations That the Bishops Right must be considered in Analogy to those several Alterations and in consequence they ought not to be considered as Barons by Tenure when Tenure ceased to be the reason of Baronage The contrary whereof I find insisted upon and made the reason why Bishops must not be tried by Peers And the same reason will serve to eject them out of the House at the Kings pleasure because forsooth several Barons by Tenure have been omitted in Summons to Parliament and no Lay Baron now they say is summoned upon that score but for that he is a Baron by Writ or by Patent which makes a permanent Nobility in their Families But that which is now our Government in what it differs from what it was anciently as it is not less rightfully our Government because it was not ever such so it deserves our greatest zele to defend it because it is much better Governments are I am sure ours is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 form'd and fashioned and refined by long experience they are not perfected as soon as made they have their Infant state as well as Men. The elder and first times are the Childhood of Government and of the World Antiquitas seculi juventas mundi It is egregious folly in any man to attempt to reduce us back again to the rudeness of the first Ages and to all the inconveniences that have been discharged and filed off insensibly by Experience and Wisdom the daughters of Time in a long series of Ages We neither eat drink nor cloath our selves nor build after the manner of our Ancestours but according to our improved Inventions Vnde datae populis fruges glande relictâ Cesserat inventis Dodonia quercus Aristis Claud. de raptu Proserpinae It is time ill spent by some of the Antiquaries to go about to refix the present established Government by endeavouring to find out the Records wherein it appears to have been other of which we have some published and are threatned with more But they will have no other effect I hope than to provoke us to give God thanks for the wisdom of our Forefathers and that they have left us a Government much better than what they found more just and peaceable and better established for a lasting continuance Though they perversly design it as an Artifice to overturn the State and to evacuate our most refined and wisest Constitutions For that they can find something before then they would note them to want Authority and Justice We ought say they to have recourse to the primitive Laws of the State which have been abolished by unjust Customs and Usurpations This is a Game at which we are sure to lose all nothing will be found just in this Balance And by these means some base Factors for Slavery are contriving the ruine of our Liberty but this they will effect when they shall have persuaded us to suffer again all the incommodities and coursnesses of Life which our Ancestors suffered because they were no better instructed Frugibus inventis ad glandes velle reverti The great change that was made in the Baronage of England which we have observed was remedial and healthful It s Goodness doth appear by the thorough Cure it made of our Disorders for we have not since relaps'd into these Evils from which we recover'd by that Change It was Legal and with full Consent of the whole Community For it was introduced without Noise without Opposition or Dispute nay without Observation So that we hear not how it was done but only perceive the Change These are sure Signs that we arrived by this Change where our Government did at first design us and that we were agreable to this Alteration to its first Intentions That all Parties herein received their Satisfactions and found their Interest that no body was aggrieved at it neither did it raise Wonder in any man it was every man's Desire and easie Expectation which I believe are the true Reasons why this Change is not more remark'd in our Histories But pity it is that through the Injury of Time and what is reasonably suspected the Iniquity of Corrupt Ministers that we want our Records of that time which could not have fail'd telling us the whole Secret by what means the Inducements thereto the Methods whereby and the exact time when we made our Alterations in our Government materially and in its essential parts always the same Of this our Records if they had been preserved to us intire would have inform'd us but alas we have but a few Remains of them Apparent rari nantes in gurgite vasto And of those that have arrived us many are but References and Recitals in other Records not the Original Records themselves by which the Original Records escaped an utter Oblivion against the Will of our Civil Expurgatories But of such that remain the most laudable Use of them is to give Authority to the present State of our Government and we ought with good reason to interpret them in an agreableness to the present Establishment because the Change we suffer'd was easie and natural ex Hercule pedem to invert the Proverb For it is easier to know what Foot will fit Hercules than to fit an Hercules to a Foot given CHAP. XXI THough our Government hath always consisted of the same constituent parts yet they have been ill sized and proportioned and unduely placed not well joyned or united or so blended that neither could perform their Offices or proper Functions The Baronage of England was an over-grown part and did by its Excess and extravagant Bulk disorder the whole Oeconomy of our Government and became it self less useful The Honor of the Baronage was lessened to nothing by the Numbers thereof they did not find themselves so much obliged to support the Majesty of the King for the Preservation of their own Grandeur as our great Barons are in our present Constitution The People were in some sort represented by them as they were a great Body of the Chiefest Free-holders but they had a power to oppress them and they were not obliged by so strong a Tye and plain Duty to a care of the People because not chosen by them and by that Choice put under a more clear and strict Trust of taking care of their Rights In this Constitution neither King Lords nor Commons had their Ends and therefore would not have the old Constitution revived if it were possible When the Representatives of the People which make the House of Commons were joyned with
concesserunt in sententiam Excommunicationis generaliter latam apud Westm decimo tertio die Maii Anno Regni Regis praedicti 37 in hac forma viz. Quòd vinculo praefatae sententiae ligentur omnes venientes contra Libertates contentas in Chartis communium Libertatum Angliae de Foresta omnes qui Libertates Ecclesiae Angliae temporibus Domini Regis praedecessorum suorum Regni Angliae obtentas usitatas scienter malitiosè violaverint aut infringere praesumpserint And the Record concludes In hujus rei memoriam in posterum veritatis testimonium tam Dominus Rex quà m praedicti Comites ad instantiam aliorum populi praesentium which at that time was the style of a Parliament and the manner of passing such Acts scripto sigilla sua apposuerunt Rot. Pat. 37 H. 3. M. 12. dorso And whereas it was provided by the Confirmat Chart. c. 4.25 E. 1. and by the Statute De Tallagio non concedendo c. 4.34 E. 1. That Excommunication should twice a year be denounced against the Infringers of Magna Charta At a Synod held for the Province of Canterbury in that Kings time John Peckam Archbishop of Canterbury enjoyned the like Denunciations near four times every year Constit Provinc tit De Sententia Excom And in the Province of York it obtained three times in a year Manuale juxta usum Ecclesiae Eboracensis By which the exemplary zele of the Bishops in those times against Oppression and the violation of the common Rights and the attempts of absolute and unlimited power appears for that they prevented the Temporal Baronage and outdid the Parliament it self in defending and guarding the Government of Laws By the way we cannot but take notice of Mr. Selden his mistake in his book De Synedriis which he fell into by inserving to his beloved Erastian Hypothesis viz. That that Excommunication before mentioned in 37 H. 3. was enacted by Parliament whereas it was onely confirmed but pronounced by the Bishops though with the seeming good liking of that King so that the Power of the Keys was not usurp'd but the exercise thereof approved by Parliament according to what hath been usual as Grotius observes Vsum Clavium Divino Juri congruum poenarum injunctionem Canonibus Legibus consentaneum summae potestates solent approbare atque hoc est Imperiale Anathema Quòd non una Justiniani lege comprehensum est Which together with what hath been said by us here will serve for an Answer to what Mr. Selden hath aggested in his book De Synedriis for wresting the Keys out of the hands of the Bishops They pretend to a Jus Divinum only for that which merely concerns their Spiritual Office and I cannot for my part suspect them of holding any Opinion of a Jus divinum in Civil Offices which are of a Humane Original because I can imagine no reason for such an Opinion though I know it is by some imputed to them By a Thomas of Becket a Sibthorp and Manwaring and a few less-considering Clergy-men in an Age we are not to conclude the Judgment of the Body of our Learned Clergy They assuredly know as all men in their Wits do believe that the Government is de jure such as it is and can be no other nor rightfully admit any Alteration That God never made any Commonwealth but one by his directive Will and that only for one Nation for in these things he hath left men ordinarily in the Hands of their own Councils and to their own Prudence in which he had no regard to the absolute rightful Sovereignty of Adam's right Heir the wildest certainly of all the Paradoxes that this giddy phantastick Age hath produced The Kentish Knight should have kept his Dream to himself until he had found him out and then have brought him and his Book called Patriarcha together to the King Then I doubt not but his Majesty would have provided him his due Reward But his Book and the Publishers thereof deserve his Majesty's utmost Displeasute For we are in fear that the Government is about to be changed when Books are licensed to prove any thing Lawful in that kind And besides it makes a Charge upon our Divines that they have a good liking to the Design for that they who best understand by their Profession the jura divina have not answered it But to speak the Truth the Book is not to be answered For it is but a fine Essay how near Non-sence may be made to look like Sence and it is truly worth no man 's Undertaking But whatsoever sinister thoughts some ill affected Men to the Bishops may conceive of them we expect and with reason too that they will with equal Courage to that recorded of their Predecessors stand up for the Preservation of the Government in its true and rightful Constitution And the rather for that the true Religion their Principal Care and their Temporal Rights and Dignities will inevitably perish in the Change Nay perhaps in consequence of the very Attempt of a Change except they strenuously for their parts oppose it However their Order will certainly by their Silence and Indifferency be rendred despicable They will lose all opinion with the People of their Sincerity perform their Functions with no advantage and lose that share in the Honors and Affections of the People that will establish them bespeak them useful and necessary to the Church and state in their several Capacities in all after times That they answer their Trust and perform that Duty which they owe to the Publick in their several Offices is that we may justly expect And this they will certainly do though they should be censured as they were in K. John's days or in the Language of the Folio Author charged to be clamorous and over-busie Medlers in Matters of State and Government But to return Is it not a course Artifice in the Octavo pag. 96. that he will so willfully mistake the Question'd of the Bishops being one of the three States and representing the Matter as if the Bishops should have a Negative by themselves to stop the passing of any Bill if they are admitted to be a distinct State CHAP. XXVI WHen it is not disputed or brought into Question whether they are divided in their Voting from the Temporal Barons most certainly they never were nor was it ever disputed Though an obstinate Opinion was maintained from the Time of E. 2. in the Case of the Spencers until the Time of E. 5. in the Case of the Earl of Salisbury that the Bishops Presence was necessary in Judgments even in Capital Causes which must be allowed a clear Argument for their Right of Judgment in such Causes For the Spiritual and Temporal Lords though two States make but one House upon the Reasons afore-mentioned according to the general Understanding and Usage of former Ages But upon this Supposition he tells us of several Bills that gave furtherance to
the Reformation to which the Bishops did not assent and would never have passed if they had had a Negative upon them But by his Favor these Instances of his are great Arguments of those Bishops their Sincerity For they must needs be under great and violent Prejudices Besides every great man as the Author of the Letter well knows is apt to value himself and cares not to be accounted a light man and the higher in place the more unwilling to be found in a Mistake and they are not content if Old Men Quae juvenes dedicere senes perdenda fateri There is good Hopes therefore that our Rightfully Reformed Bishops will be the last that will give up the Cause of Reformed Christianity and will not be out-done by the Popish Bishops in Constancy when they have a better Cause I must likewise take notice to do the Spiritual Lords Justice of the Behavior of the Gentleman in Folio towards the Bishops He takes notice and that dutifully of the Satyrical so he calls it Language of the Pamphleteers against the Court and the greatest Scurrilities with which the House of Commons are aspersed but has not heard sure of any against the Bishops and the whole Ecclesiastical Order For he makes not the least mention of any such But because they shall not escape besides that in his Book he declaims 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against the Order and seems so fond of this Office that he forbids all other the use of the Cart he tells the Story of Hephestion and Craterus the one of which loved Alexander and the other the King By this Apologue I doubt not but he intended a Slander and to signifie thereby supprestly a lewd Reproach viz. that the Bishops are not true Servants of the King and Government but of themselves than which a falser thing I hope cannot be said nor a more malitious thing imagined if not true For he may know that they are better men in their true Character than his Loyal Patriots that are true to the King and House of Commons For they have I doubt not I am sure they ought to have a care of the whole Government in the Integrity of its Constitution The Bishops well know how much the People are concerned in the Greatness of the House of Lords which establisheth the Throne and makes and supports the King Great and by their Power and Interest make his Government equal to which they contribute no small Share for to them is entrusted by the Authothority of our Lord Christ the Conduct of Religion and that mighty and momentous Office hath commended them and advanced them to the State of Peerage and will continue them in great Authority with the People as long as the Nation continues in any degree Religious The Temporal Baronage cannot want them in the Support of that mighty Province that belongs to that House In them the People will find their Interest as long as they can value Wisdom and Religion that is as long as they are Christian Men and by them the Kingly Office will find it self served as long as true Religion and Wisdom can minister to the Support of Government and wise and good men under the greatest Trust and in the highest Dignity in the Government can be fit Councellors and Ministers of State The Octavo hath also a hint to this purpose for pag. 30. where he brings in the Case of Thomas Arundel Arch-bishop of Canterbury when all the Bishops made Sir Thomas Piercy their Procurator he says That uniting in one man argued a great Unanimity in the Voting of the Prelates which seems saith he hath ever been The meaning of this is a sly Disparagement of the Bishops in their Voting viz. that have one Common Tie and Dependency upon the Crown that determines them to their Interest and produces the Unanimity of Voting But are the Bishops more depending because they once for all received their Temporalities from the King than the Temporal Lords who are commoly Officers of State and otherwise depend upon their Prince's Favor Is not the Bishops Advancement rather a Reward to their Eminent Services performed in the matter of Religon of the greatest Importance certainly to the State and a Recognition of the excellent Character of those men that are preferred to that Office than a Bribe upon their Actings after they have that Favor irrevocable Do not we know that the Services of Church-men are rewardable upon the Churches Stock and that the King need not impair the Royal Treasure to pay Thanks to Episcopal Men whose Worth doth bespeak the Royal Favor to that Preferment and Advancement Are not the Temporalities of the Church the King 's only to give but not to retain What evil Prejudice or Obligation can this be to any man to serve the King unfaithfully who hath chosen him perhaps though there were others but as equally fit for that Office For we ought to suppose no other disposition of those Dignities than what is just and fit in our general Discourses however things are administred in particular Cases Is not this an Office together with its maintenance of the Provision of the Law and not of the King But to remove that Scandal of their Unanimity in voting which some have reproached with a scoffing Term of a dead Weight it may be considered that Men of the best Judgments and Honesty mostly agree That Variety of Judgments proceeds oftner from Passion and Interest than from Difficulty of the matter debated It mostly grows either from want of Integrity or want of Judgment Agreement in Votes is an Argument therefore of true Judgment and unbiassed Integrity As it is also farther of a good Correspondence amongst themselves of previous Debates and more mature Deliberation Besides that it is no unusual thing in difficult and lubricous Affairs for many to compromise the matters to a few or to the Majority of their own Numbers and abide the Result of the major part But because this matter of Exception to the Integrity of my Lords the Bishops in the great Affair now in Agitation is argumentum ad hominem and gives Prejudice to the true Right and Merits of the Cause and is the most prevalent and hopeful Argument if not the only one that our Adversaries can rely upon For whatever the Causa justifica or Pretence be for the espousing of any Opinion or part of any Controversie if the Causa suasoria the Inducement and true moving cause thereto be strong and persuasive the slightest Reasons will be a pretence for Confidence and the smallest Color of Right shall prevail finally and in the last Issue especially where the Parties concerned must judge or by their Power can make their Will and determinate Resolves to obtain to the biggest purposes I will therefore farther add that we well know what a high Esteem their true Character doth deserve That they are intended the Light of the World the Salt of the Earth If the Salt hath lost its Savor
govern as he pleaseth that the power of the Laws is solely in him that he may if he please use the consent of Parliaments to assist the reason of his Laws when he shall give any but it is great condescention in Kings to give a reason for what they do and a diminution to their most unaccountable Prerogative You say That they are for a Popish Successor and no Parliament and do as much as in them lies give up our antient Government and the Protestant Religion the true Christian Faith to the absolute will of a Popish Successor giving him a Divine Right to extirpate God's true Religion established amongst us by Law and to evacuate our Government by his absolute pleasure Our Government by a King and Estates of Parliament is as antient as any thing can be remembred of the Nation The attempt of altering it in all ages accounted treason and the punishment thereof reserved to the Parliament by 25. Ed. 3. The conservancy of the Government being not safely to be lodg'd any where but with the government it self Offences of this kind not pardonable by the King because it is not in his power to change it This is our Government and thus it is established and for ages and immemorial time hath thus continued a long Succession of Kings have recognized it to be such And just now when we are under the dread of a Popish Successor some of our Clergy are illuminated into a mystery that hath been concealed from the beginning of Governments to this day from the wisdom of all Princes and Ministers of State That any authority in the Government not derived from the King and that is not to yield to his absolute Will was rebellious and against the Divine Right and Authority of Kings in the Establishment against which no usage or prescription to the contrary or in abatement of it is to be allowed That all Rights are ambulatory and depend for their continuance upon his pleasure So that though the Reformation was made here by the Government established by Law and hath acquired civil Rights not to be altered but by the King and the three Estates These men yet speak say you as if they envied the Rights of their own Religion and had a mind to reduce the Church back again into a state and condition of being persecuted and designed she should be stript of her Legal Immunities and Defensatives and brought back to the deplorable helpless condition of Prayers and Tears do utterly abandon and neglect all the Provisions that God 's providence hath made for her protection Nay by this their new Hypothesis they put it by Divine Right into the power of a Popish Successor when he pleaseth at once by a single indisputable and irresistable Edict to destroy our Religion and Government And these opinions you say they are the more inclined to entertain For That they believe no Plot but a Presbyterian Plot for of them they believe all ill and call whom they please by that hated name and boldly avow that Popery is more eligible than Presbytery for by that they shall have greater revenues and more Authority and Rule over the Lay-men This is a heavy charge if true but it is imputable I am sure but to a few and not so generally as some malevolent men of the Popish Faction are industriously busie to have it For if it were I confess it might choque the constancy Resolution and Zeal of the most addicted to the service of the Church men and make them at least very indifferent in their concerns For these mistakes are so gross and inexcusable that they ought to be permitted to suffer the smart of their own follies and to be corrected by the evils they are drawing down upon themselves with their own hands They deserve to suffer as betrayers of their own Country and to be prosecuted with greater shame and ignominy by all of the Reformed Religion than the Traditores were by the antient Christians These their diserting of the true Christian Faith being much less excusable then that of theirs and of greater mischief as of deeper malignity How many of the Clergy-men are thus misled we know not but they seem many more than they are because they are most in view and come often under observation frequent publick houses and talk loud because they want the Complement of their preferments But certainly Sir what you say to be the declared opinions of some Clergy-men is the business now of the Papists to propagate Hoc Ithacus velit magno mercantur Atridae These are agreeable to and indeed make up the most modern Project and Schem of the Popish Plot. Since the discovery of their first design of killing the King and massacring of the Protestants They have taken such courage by observing how little power we have to prevent their design that they have us in scorn and in the vilest contempt They now think that we are not worth destroying but by our own hands that we are not worthy of their trouble or the charge of Executioners of their providing How entertaining is it to his Holiness to find the Church of England the impregnable Bulwark of the Reformed Religion easily fall into his hands by the unpresidented folly of some of her Sons without the trouble of attacking her either by force or Argument which hath hitherto wanted success and the attempts always attended with dishonor and mischief to his See How pleasant will it be to him to see us perish and our destruction to be from our selves With this he will answer all the irrefragable Apologies of the Church of England for her departure from the Communion of the Romish Church Then he will say with triumph our Church destroyed her self and perished by a Divine Fate for her unwarrantable and Sacrilegious Schism for so he will call our follies and impute them to Divine infatuations The manner of our destruction will be a better Argument and of more force against the Doctrine of the Reformation than all the Arguments of all the Doctors of that Church to this day For this purpose since the Discovery of the Popish Plot it is that Sir Robert Filmers Books were Re-printed together and recommended by the Title Page and the publick Gazet to our reading Since the Discovery of the Plot we have had variety of Books Printed to the same purpose viz. To prove that all Kings as Kings are absolute by Divine Right Since the Discovery of the Popish Plot we have had men imployed to search all our antient Records and Histories to find out something more antient than our Parliaments as now constituted that it may serve as a pretence to take them away Since the Discovery of the Popish Plot we have the memory of our late calamitous War revived to raise a Pannick fear of another and to make the King believe that the genius of the Nation is Rebellious and that the Protestant Religion it self is to be apprehended by Kings It is
difficult to tell how that late unhappy War began or how it came to issue so Tragically in the Death of the Late King though we know how it ended viz. The Nation recovered within twelve years after the most deplored Death of that excellent King into a renowned Loyalty and in spight of a great Armed Power never before foil'd ever victorious then kept on foot for the interest of a very few men restored our present King may his Reign be long and happy to the Government of his Kingdoms without the least assistance of any of the Cavalier party and oblig'd a wary General in the head of a factious and republican army to Loyalty Nay within that time also the Nation had recovered out of their partial Lapse into Fanaticisme bread up great numbers of excellent Schollars who masterd the prejudices of those times were reverenced by the chief of the Presbyterian party and are the beauty and strength of the Church of England at this time The Presbyterians themselves were grown reconcileable to the Church of England and had learnt by woful experience the mischievousness of Schisme upon no better pretences than what then might have been satisfied and accommodated When the King and Church were restored Fanaticisme had expired if some old peevish and stiff Church-men had not studied obstacles against a universal accommodation and some crafty Statesmen had not projected that the continuance of the Schisme would be of great service some time or other to destroy the Church of England and change our antient Government which is now apparently the Popish Plot and if ever it be effected it will be with this trick of affrighting the Church of England with the apprehension of Fanaticisme and making them suspicious of Parliaments As many of them as are drawn into an opinion of the disloyalty of our late Parliaments the illusions of the Popish Plot hath passed upon them and they are under the power of its fascinations But both the Loyalty of the late Parliaments and also how much it imports the Plotters to have it believed that they design upon the present Government will at once be clearly understood if it be considered what hath been done for the forging of a Protestant Plot which was intended at the first opening to extend to the House of Commons Things so wicked as would make a virtuous man ashamed of the age he lives in But after all endeavors to find witnesses for their purpose powerful encouragements and great rewards they have drawn none into their assistance but who are publickly known for Rogues or who wanted Bread or had no Reputation to loose If the falshood of this forged Plot had not been utterly improbable they might have procured better seeming and more credible witnesses They might sure have found in this age men bad enough not already infamous to have testified a probable Lye But so necessary it is to the Popish design that a Protestant Plot be believed that they are not discouraged at the manifest detection of their conspiracies perjuries and subornations but will still go on as if they had a power to work miracles of villany for their Religion which is no better Our modern Politicians have been most observant agreeably to their virtuous make how frauds perjuries and violence have prospered and succeeded in some particular cases and have brought about some designs imagine such means throughly multiplied to be able to conquer all things which they design But these Arts which have had success by the permission of God when one Villain hath been to destroy another will not pass upon the Protestant Religion Let them seriously in time despair and give over such enterprises For there is no Enchantment against Jacob nor Divination against Israel the Lot of Gods inheritance and his peculiar Care If Mordecai be of the Seed of the Jews Haman shall fall before him It is matter of comfort to us and dispair to the Plotters that not one of their Plots yet but hath proved Abortive or they have been defeated by their very success Besides pray let it be observed how this Design of lessening our just confidence in Parliaments is otherwise carried on and promoted It is now become the principal business of the Mercenary Writers for the Plot to pick up and cull out all the enormities and irregularities of those times the Vitia temporum and stories of wild pranks of some beastly Fanatical people that exceeded the common degeneracy of those ill times into which the Nation by undicernable degrees so fouly lapsed to make thereof an ugly Vizard and this they clap unduly upon four fifths of the Nation upon all that love and adhere to our Government and Religion to render them suspected of destroying again the English Monarchy and the Protestant Religion even for those very proceedings that they make for preserving both For the service of Popery requires that whosoever opposes it must be branded with Treason and Fanaticisme that such delicate persons as are fond of the name of Loyalty though they understand not in what it consists that hate the name of Fanatick since it is become as common a name of reproach as the Son of a Whore though they understand not so well what it means will be sure so to behave themselves as to be reckoned for Loyal and not Fanatical by taking the measures of the one and the other according to the new notion of the Plot Writers may become theirs with all their idle prattle But let them make their best of this foolish sort of men if that was all they could effect by this project But they design further upon the Nation viz. to match the fears of Popery with a fear as great of the like Evils to those of Forty one as if these Plotters had power by their interest to raise a new War when we have power and authority in our Government if it were exerted to destroy them by Justice But these State Mountebanks think it convenient because the Nation was cast into a Frenzy in Forty one therefore now when in perfect health we are to be cast into a Lethargy to prevent our relapse and in the mean time they intend we should perish insensibly and quietly that way they design to destroy us It is since the Discovery of the Popish Plot that Popish Mercenaries have been hired to write virulent Libels against the Church and bitter invectives against Fanaticks Out of the same Mint came a villanous Libel called Omnia Comesta a Belo against the Church apt to render the Church-men suspicious of another detestable Sacriledge designed And that loathsome Print entitled the Committee or Popery in Masquerade Many parts whereof hath no other reason of belief but that they have been the Subject of some drunken Rhimes in former times but it is in the whole an insufferable Libel against the Nation by its application to this age These Mercenaries are the Authors as well of treasonable Libels against the King which they
all I cannot imagine they can pretend an umbrage from the Holy Scriptures for such unheard of opinions The Jews indeed had a Government and Laws of Gods framing and appointment and a King of their own choosing and such a King as they desired by God's permission they had But their form of Government ought with less reason to be the Rule of all kingly Governors because it was a Government chosen by themselves then the Laws of the Jews ought to be the Laws of all Nations which they are not though made and enacted by God himself Christ would not make himself a Judge in a private Right submitted to him He determined the right of the Roman Empire by the possession of Soveraign Authority and such as the whole world had made it his Disciples were obliged to acknowledge it by their Obedience and Submissions which is the summ of the Apostles Doctrin in this matter The Christian Religion instituted no form of Governments but enjoyns us to be obedient to those we have not only by express command in the case but by its general Rules of a most refined improved and extensive morality But though I said the Scriptures have not prescribed or directed any universal Form of Government yet the Scripture hath declared the falshood of this new Hypothesis of Kingly Government to be Jure Divino or by Divine Right For St. Peter 1 Peter 2.13 and 14. stiles Kings as well as the Governors under him the ordinance of man which cannot have any other sense but that men make them and give them their powers By St. Paul the power of Government indeed is called Gods Ordnance Rom. 13.2 but that is for this reason because in general God approves of Governments as necessary to the well being of Mankind for the improvement of humane nature for the punishing of Vice Encouragement and security of virtue without them it being impossible to live honestly and in peace And he hath made them the under Ministers of his providence and care over Mankind and expects of them that they should promote his true Honor and Worship in the World which will be always accompanied with the exercise of all civil Virtues These two different places must be so understood that they may be both true and by no other interpretation can they be reconciled and made consistent It is impossible that any thing can be of mans appointment which is of Gods Ordination there can be no such thing as a Co-legislative power of Men with their Maker Government therefore is from God as he hath made Governments necessary in the general order of things but the specification thereof is from Men and the best definition that can be made of Government is in the words of both the Apostles put together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and such Governments which men make God approves and requires our obedience to them upon all those reasons which make Governments necessary The natural and easie consequence and result of these Scriptures is this which I desire those Gentlemen to observe That whatsoever is not lawfully established by men no Law of God not the Christian Law doth oblige us to obey The Christian Religion doth equally condemn in the reason of its Institutions Usurpation and Contumacy Where the Apostle admonisheth us that if we be free we should not become servants he hath by virtue of that Admonition made it commendable not to suffer the Encroachments of power over us Most certainly therefore as the Christian Religion doth not prejudice the Soveraign Rights of Princes such as they are in the several forms and Modells of Monarchical Governments non eripit terrestria qui regna dat coelestia as Sedulius so doth it not enlarge them when by the Gospel God made us free from his own positive Laws to the Jews he did not intend thereby de Jure to render us slaves to the Arbitrary pleasure of Men. No Man intends by any thing in the Scripture that all mankind is obliged to any one form of Government and therefore all Men are left to their own It hath not therefore altered the terms of Government and Obedience that every Nation hath Established for themselves but hath confirmed and strictly obliged the observance of them To Obedience to Government we are obliged by as many ties as there are Christian Virtues and he must disown his Christianity that departs from his due Allegiance And since our Saviour is declared King of Kings and Lord of Lords all Kings Christian Kings especially are to govern in Imitation of his mercy and goodness and in subserviency to the Interest of his Religion and Kingdom Regum timendorum in proprios greges Reges in ipsos imperium est Javis cuncta supercilio moventis Whence then is this absolute Authority of Kings if it come neither from God nor Man Give me leave now to inform you that these opinions render you all Traytors guilty of Treason of State perduellionis rei obnoxious to be punished as Traytors by an Authority lodged in Parliament In the Constitution of the Government You your selves must needs condemn your selves to have forfeited all your own who hold such Principles that tend to destroy every Mans Right by resolving all things into the absolute pleasure of a Monarch in which you mostly disserve the King and are contrary to His Majesties late Declaration The Men of these Principles the less of the Government they are entrusted with the better for the less they have to give up and betray I confess if I could believe that this Doctrin was become Orthodox among them and the prevailing opinion of the Clergy I should conclude us to be the most unhappy people under the Sun This is an Hypothesis indeed that will bring on new Heavens and a new Earth but such wherein no peace or Righteousness can ever dwell But I deem all such as are Defenders and Promoters of it do deserve a civil Excommunication more smarting then their Ecclesiastical and to be condemned to live upon and only feed themselves with their thin speculations and to be excluded from any share of that Government that they professedly in their Principles betray to be punished as seditious persons and most mischievous Schismaticks far more intolerable in this matter than the scrupulous brother-hood for their boglings at an indifferent and insignificant Ceremony For that to the ruin of our Religion and destruction of the publick peace they divide from that polity to which by drawing here their first breath they made Faith and to which the condition of their birth doth oblige them they falsify that which Arrian in his Epictetus calls the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 than which nothing is more sacred and inviolable By creating themselves a new Allegiance and obtruding it upon their fellow Citizens and Members of the same Kingdom they set up a Kingdom within a Kingdom more dangerous and mischievous than the Papal Imperium in Imperio which certainly will be introduced if this Modern and
monstrously extravagant opinion can prevail by a general Credence It is criminal and no less dangerous to the being of any policy to restrain the legislative Authority and to entertain Principles that disables it to provide remedy against the greatest mischiefs that can happen to any Community No Government can support it self without an unlimited Power in providing for the happiness of the people No Civil establishment but is controlable and alterable to the publick Weale What ever is not of Divine Institution ought to yield and submit to this Power and Authority The Succession to the Crown is of a civil nature not established by any Divine Right Several Kingdoms have several Laws of Succession some are Elective others Haereditary under several Limitations All humane Constitutions are made tum sensu humanae imbecillitatis under reasonable exceptions of unforeseen accidents and Emergencies that may happen in humane Affairs and so they must be intended and so interpreted The several limitations of the descent of the Crown must be made by the people in conferring the Royal Dignitie and power which is more or less in several Kingdoms The descent of the Crown is governed according to the presumed will of the People and the presumption of the peoples will is made by measuring and considering what is most expedient to the publick good whereas private Estates are directed in their descent according to the descendents And this is the reason that the descent of the Crown is governed by other rules than private Estates Only one daughter and not all as in private Estates shall succeed to the Crown because the strength of the Kingdom is preserved when continueds united and the peace and concord of the people better Established A son of the second venter shall inherit which is not allowed in private Estates because a son of the second venter is equally of the blood of the great Ancestor upon whom the Crown was first conferred by the people or after he had got into the Throne obtain'd their Submissions may equally participate of his Virtues If the Royal Family be extinct it belongs to the people to make a new King under what limitations they please or to make none for the Polity is not destroyed if there be no King created and consequently in case of this cesser or discontinuance of the Regnum there may be Treason committed against the people By all which it is evident that the succession to the Crown is the peoples right And though the succession to the Crown is Hereditary because the people so appointed it would have it so or consented to have it so Yet in a particular case for the saving the Nation the whole line and Monarchy it self it may be altered by the unlimited Power of the Legislative Authority We have been more just to the Royal Succession than the wonderful Sir Robert Filmer for his Hypotheses will not allow at all of Hereditary rightful Succession For the establishing the right of the Universal Empire of the World in Adams right heir since this illuminato hath enlightned the world in this secret no Successor can derive any hereditary right from his Predecessor His Title can be only his own possession for no man can claim by descent the Usurpation of his Father but he that is not conscious to the wrong and is bonae fidei possessor under the presumed right and title of his Father I would be understood to speak as the matter can be considered in a free Reason not under the prejudice of any positive municipal law for to such laws the right of Crowns as the Renowned Knight will have it are not submitted So that here in this matter their Knight fails them and can give them no help Their other Friend the great Leviathan Maker is so far from establishing an Hereditary Succession that he leaves Kings to be rightfully assaulted deposed and destroyed by any person that can who stands in danger of being destroyed by the King though justly condemned to death Leviathan Part. 2. Cap. 21. Those saith he that have committed a Capital Crime for which they expect death have the liberty to defend themselves by Arms as well as the Innocent But I mention him only to render him detestable for I take his Books to be the dehonestamenta humani generis But I desire them to regard the sense of all Mankind in the words of Isiodorus Pelusiota 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Governed the Judicious and Learned Dr. Falkner for when he had carried Christian Loyalty as high as he could to the honor of our Religion and the benefit of the World for which we are all extreamly beholden to him he concludes thus in his excellent Book called Christian Loyalty That if any Prince undertakes to alienate his Kingdom or to give it up into the hands of another Sovereign Power or that really acts the Destruction or the Universal calamity of his People he tells us Grotius thinks that in his utmost extremity the use of a defence as a last refuge ultimo necessitatis presidio is not to be condemned provided the care of the Common good be preserved And if this be true saith he it must be upon this ground that such attempts of ruining de ipso facto include a disclaiming the governing of these persons as Subjects and consequently of being their Prince or King what unreasonableness is there then in shutting the door upon him and making it fast against him by an act of State who hath excluded himself by his principles and designs For the truth of the fact I shall only refer you to Secretary Coleman his Letters wherein he saith that his Masters interest and the King of France his interest is one and the same and their design their glorious design the same viz the extirpating the Northern Heresie how far the King of France hath complied with the design the cruel Persecution and exils of his Protestant Subjects who at the time of that letter were under the security and protection of the Laws of that Kingdom the Faith of that Crown do declare to the world And by what secret influences I know no the is made so great his conquests so easie and expedite that he is like to do the work himself here in England and go away with all the Glory But if the work must lye upon our hands let no man think with himself that Popery is not to be introduced here because the numbers of Papists are few for that will not render the design impracticable but the execution of it were cruel and barbarous a whole Nation upon the matter must be corrupted from the Faith of the true Religion or destroy'd One single arm of an ordinary strength not resisted may assassinate a whole Nation Let no man betray his Country and Religion by pretending the example of the patience and sufferance of the Primitive Christians for our rule The Reformed Religion hath acquired a civil right and the protection of Laws if we
ought not to loose our Lives Liberties and Estates but where forfeited by Law we ought much rather not to loose them for the profession of the best Religion which by Law is made the publick national Religion And it is strange that some men of the same Religion in profession can think that notwithstanding it makes no matter what is done to a man if he be Religious but if he be not so the least publick injuries and injustice may be resisted vindicated remedyed and by right defended by old Laws or new ones to be made for that purpose The Christian Religion was publisht when the whole world was Pagan and therefore it was submitted to such usage as the Governments would give it But when the Christian Faith had by miracles of patience declared it self to be of Heaven and of a Divine Original According to the Prophecies on that behalf it took possession of the Empire and Crowns and Scepters became submitted to the Cross and the Christians acquir'd a civil right of Protection and Immunity which they ought not they cannot relinquish and abandon no more than they can destroy themselves or suffer violence and cruelty to destroy the Innocent Such as thus perish shall never wear a Martyrs Crown but perish in the next world for perishing in this This will be interpretatively Crucifying Christ afresh after he is received up into Glory i. e. After his Religion is exalted into dignity and honor and civil Authority If the senate of Rome had been Christians they would never have given up the Government to a Pagan Augustus with a power to him and his Successors to make laws for extirpating the Christian Faith what is said of the Christian Religion and Paganism holds between the Reformed Religion and Popery If any man is so vain as to say that an unalterable course of Succession is established amongst us by Divine Right I say he is a man fitted to believe transubstantiation and the infallibility of the Pope he is deeply lapsed into fanaticism he dreams when he is awake and his dreams are dreams of phrensie There are somethings so false that they cannot be disproved as somethings are so evidently true that they cannot be proved This proposition hath no color to ground it self upon no medium to prove it no argument for it which is to be answered nor nothing more absurd than it self to reduce it to But if any shall add that this Doctrin is the Doctrin of the Reformation and adventure to tell the people so they are the most impudent falsaries that ever any age produced when there is scarce a Child but hath heard what was done said and maintained by the Clergy of England in the case of Mary Queen of Scots a Popish Successor in the earliest time of our Reformation here in England Our Age is blessed with a Clergy renownedly Learned and Prudent by the Providence of God and the piety of our Ancestors they possess good though not to be envyed Revenues and Honors It is scarce possible they should have many among them that can countenance a proposition so wickedly impious and sacrilegious that we cannot have new Laws but must loose the old at the pleasure of a Popish Successor against not their own interest and the Rights of the Church but against the Rights and Liberty of Religion it self For she is capable of Franchises and Immunitys which ought above all things to be most zealously asserted and defended by her Ministers can they themselves with their own hands ever pull down her Hedg and destroy her Defensatives and expose her helpless to the rage of her implacable Enemies and suspend all the Legal security she hath for her preservation upon the Life of our present King whom God long preserve If Kings be admitted to have a power to make Laws One Proclamation may establish the Popish Religion amongst us which the Papal Bulls so long as that See continues will never be able to effect Next to Religion her self the Revenues of the Church challenge their faithful care for they are at best but Usu-fructuary Trustees of her Endowments for the Succession which they will wretchedly betray to an Arbitrary Successor if they do not repress such Opinions that pretend to change the Government into an absolute jure Divinity Monarchy which will leave nothing jure divino but it self and the Popedom Kings for their so doing have the authority of Sir Robert Filmer who affirms in his Treatise called the Power of Kings Fol. 1. That the Laws Ordinances Letters Patents Priviledges and Grants of Princes have no force but during their Life if they be not ratified by the express consent or at least by the sufferance of the Prince following who had a knowledge thereof This is but the necessary consequence and result from the Doctrine of the absolute power of a Prince for in such Government the Concessions of a Predecessor can no more oblige the Successor than he can Govern when he is dead and the Successor must be absolute in his time as the Predecessors were in theirs But in vain is the Net spread in the sight of any Bird this deceit is of so gross a thread that it cannot pass with the common people much less upon our Clergy but I will not dissemble what may be the true reason of the seduction of some young good natured Gentlemen of the Clergy They perswade themselves that if these principles and opinions of the Unlimited Power of Kings had been received the late Wars had been prevented Not rightly considering that if such opinions had never been broached or Universally rejected that War could never have ensued and we should together with peace have enjoyed our ancient Government which our Ancestors transmitted to us without that miserable inter-regnum I would not be perversely understood by any man as if I went about to justify our late War This is all I say that every Government once established will continue for ever if all the parts of it would unalterably consent to preserve it to which their narural Allegiance doth oblige them And never any Prince endeavored to change the Government but where part of the people were first willing or content to have it so Those false flatterers that go about to remove the boundaries of power and change the Government are the greatest enemies to the quiet and happy Reigns of the Kings and the peace and prosperity of Kingdoms And if they do adventure to call the ir fellow Subjects by any opprobrious names of disloyalty because they will not joyn with them in such change they are as absurdly impious and insolent as any Prince or State would be who should challenge another as free and absolute as himself for his Tributary and Vassal and traduce him for a troubler of the World because he would not Compose the Quarrel thus injuriously sought with the surrender of his Crown and dignity I desire these Gentlemen to consider that the happiness of a Nation is best
supported with Truth and Justice This new Doctrine is not true and whosoever entertains a belief of it is not only barely mistaken but will be lead by the mistake into the most mischievous impious and sacrilegious injustice and treachery It is very agreeable to a good man to embrace a proposition with an easie belief that offers the least seeming probability of a security against the miseries of War by all means to be avoided But this Doctrine of the Divinity of Kings is most dangerous to the Peace of Kingdoms for it is pregnant with Wars Besides that it will give bad Princes which sometime hereafter may be Born into the World for such there have been now and then power to make their Reigns worse then War and Plague and Famine to boot The Panick fear of a change of the Government that this Doctrine occasioned and the Divisions it made among us was the principal cause of the late War It is not without reason that together with these new principles revived since the Discovery of the Popish Plot we have a perpetual din and noise of Forty one Then that fatal War begun which ended in the destruction of the Prince and ruine of the Church and State The remembrance of it is the principal matter that stuffs our weekly Pamphlets and it is brought into common discourse and grown so trivial that it is mentioned and heard without abhorrence and regret And what Service this can be to His Majesty I do not understand much better it were that the memory of it were utterly extinct and abolished for ever except only in the Anniversary of that great Prince that so fell Then I say and then only is it fit to be remembred when we are on our Knees to God Almighty and in his presence affecting our selves with sorrow and remorse deprecating the like Judgments and bewailing the National sins that occasioned those For notwithstanding the Glories of that Great Prince his unhappy death and the admired Devotions of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The story of the Calamities of his people all his three Kingdoms involved in War during his Reign and the remembrance of them will be with some Men not very Loyal a stein and diminution to the Glories of the Royal Family In Princes their Calamities are reckoned amongst the abatements of their Honor and meer misfortunes are disgraces and have the same influence upon the minds of the common people as real faults and male administrations How then can this tend to the peace of the Nation or the Honor of the King what satisfaction is it to have our almost healed wounds thus perpetually rub'd and kept green Quis sua vulnera victus commemorare velit Why should any of our Nation insult over the miseries of his own and neighbour Kingdoms when he must be the most barbarous villain and have devested himself of all humanity that is not deeply empassioned at the remembranee of them If a Thuanus or a Philip de Comines were to pass a Judgment of the condition of our late times upon the consideration of our late Tragedies and the Preludium's to it in the Reigns of King James and the late King it would be formed and pronounced in these words of Tully upon another occasion Mihi quidem si proprium verum nomen vestri mali quaeratur fatalis quaedam calamitas incidisse videtur improvidas hominum mentes occupavisse ut nemo mirari debeat humana consilia divina necessitate esse superata But this is not all nec adhuc finitur Orestes We are affrighted by the weekly Pamphlets with the expectation of another Parliamentary War and this is the true reason of the mention of the late War that we may forgo our Parliaments for fear of another So it is written in our publick prints which are published under permission as if Parliaments are designed to be rendered hateful and to be feared as Plagues Famines or Inundations of the Sea But who is to begin it who designs this War the Pamphlateers or those that set them on work best know We had never heard of any such thing if the Mercenary writers of the Popish Faction had not told us of it as they do weekly and hitherto we cannot find any Colour for this affrightful Lye they are impudent so to talk of it as if they believed it and have brought some as weak men as they are false Knaves to a belief of it But to do them no wrong those may best know what is to come to pass who have the power of contriving and designing Qui pavet vanos metus veros fatetur The vilest Traitors cannot contrive a greater prejudice to the King and his Family than by advancing such a dismal thing into credit and belief for fears though but upon imaginary and false grounds produce real effects as well as they are in themselves really afflictive and that almost equally if of continuance to the evils feared Do these men speak like true Loyalists that are mentioning perpetually the Calamitous War in the time of our Kings Father and fright us with another now ensuing after those Universal Solemn and hearty Joys of the whole Nation for his Restauration after so many Millions of Money most dutifully issued out of the affections of his people from time to time at His Majesties Royal pleasure and nothing complain'd of but that they have not opportunities of issuing ten times more to the service of His Majesties Glory Nay they speak of this ensuing War as if the Royal Standard was already displayed and the Rebels had made their Musters which must certainly affect the Royal Family with the greatest danger If there were twenty Trajans derived from one stock that had Reigned in an uninterrupted Succession Two immediate Successors that should have their Reigns successively attended with civil Wars were enough to efface their own and the glories and merits of such Ancestors But base Caitiffs you can no more truly believe the last Parliaments designed upon His Majesties Crown and Dignity to make War and change the Government than you can believe that every Mothers Child of them before they came up to the last Parliaments set his House on fire and burnt his Wife and Children But these impudent Forgeries against the House of Commons are contrived to make the people afraid of Parliaments that this new model of Government in process of time when we have an enterprising Successor may take place for the service of the Popish Religion For upon the strength of Dr. B s performance who hath with great labor found out which it is hard for any man acquainted with our English History to be ignorant of that our Parliaments were not always such as now constituted this blessed change of our Government will never be atchieved the Nation will never be perswaded by any thing that he hath found out in his diligent research that the House of Commons is an over-grown Wen an unnatural Accrescency to the
Government and fit to be cut off Neither can the most insolent Paradox of Sir Robert Filmers Patriarcha contribute much to this purpose But that it may be able to deceive but a very few for the time to come for the sake of such Gentlemen who have not Chosen their side are glad of the least Color or dream of a Shadow a single opinion of any body it matters not whom to relieve their modesty in their notorious defections from Truth Justice and the Government I shall here consider his Hypothesis especially for that it was Re-printed and is magnified by the Factors for the Popish Plot. And first I will draw it out shortly in all its strength and make it more argumentative than he hath left it for he hath left his willing readers to find out the Argument and to make the Conclusion Adam saith he was the Father of Mankind that to him as Father belonged an Absolute dominion over all his descendents that all Men being so born are born under subjection to such an Authority This authority so reserved upon us by God and the condition of our birth and the manner of coming into the World is to be submitted to in the person of the present King who by becoming King is for that reason vested with this absolute Authority This power and the duty of our subjection to it results from our being Born and coming into the World after the manner of men This power of Kings is grounded by him meerly upon this natural resultance and not from any positive and express Revelation from God for such neither we nor he yet ever heard of We will now then consider what there is of weight in this fictitious Reason of Government in which the World is so lately illuminated by this Speculator what force there is in it to unravel all Models of Government that are framed in the World to confound Kingdoms and Nations and to give Warranty to the bringing upon us all the miseries that are designed by the Papists for us which we are to be prepared to suffer with most conscientious patience from the comforts and supports of this insolent and vain pretence I appeal to the Reader of him whither in thus stating his Doctrine I have not made it more Argumentative and concluding to his purpose than he left it I will take this method of remonstrating the fertility of his Hypothesis By considering what a Father is and what his Duty towards and Power over his Children in which it will be found that nothing of Empire belongs to him as Father that no more belonged to Adam over his Children than did to any of his Children over their own That the Authority of Parents over their Children continues together with Soveraign power and is not at all abated by it and that it cannot be the same because it continues entire with it That there is no footsteps in the Records of the Old Testament to verify his Hypothesis that we could not have wanted some Declarations about it from God if true it being a matter so necessary for us to know That no claims were made that we know of to any such authority in the earliest times when the Right was unprejudiced and must have been best understood and could not have been forgotten as now it is utterly Besides that it was never used The first Histories Recorded in the Bible makes every Child of the common Ancestor alike independent and absolute and so it would for ever have continued And to this day we should have been in the state of Nature and not United in any Government and so no King yet in the World notwithstanding the Paternal authority That his Instances of exercising Soveraign power by the Fathers of Families are not concluding and to this purpose That admitting Adam had while he liv'd been Universal Monarch yet if there be no other reason and Foundation of Monarchy in the World but this of Sir Robert Filmer Adams right heir not been known and if he were might perhaps be an Ideot or Lunatick some Cobler or Botcher under a Stall or mean Person unfit to govern we can have no rightful King in the World for certain it is that there is nothing in the World so personal as Relations and the duties and Rights that do result from them for they are neither assignable to nor can be exercised or exacted by and between any persons but the Relatives themselves So that this power of Sir R. F. hath no foundation of reason in the nature of things was in Fact never exercised and is now utterly fallen to the ground and all Government with it A more pusled vain sensless and unlearned Paradox was never yet offer'd to the World nor a thing more mischievous ever received The absolute Power of a Prince over his Subjects is not at all connatural to the dutiful Care of a Father over his Children It was the good pleasure of God that this part of the immense world should be planted with men endowed with a capacity to admire his power wisdom and goodness and therefore to render him praise and worship he design'd that we should be happy in our own enjoyments and promote the happiness of each other which is not to be performed but by a mind serene beneficent and loving He provided that the disseminations of Love should run parallel and be under a like necessity with the propagation of our kind For the planting love in our nature he instituted Marriage for Procreation that we might owe our Being to the state of the greatest and most agreeable friendship and tenderest affection That for many years we should be educated by a pure single and undesigning love of our Parents and the friendship of that conjugal State should be maintained by and principally exercised in their common care of their issue Every Act of Love of either of the Parents to the Child being the best instance of love to the other of them an endearment of a reciprocal love and a provocation to the like love and care of the Child God did likewise ordain and so it was that all Mankind should derive from one stock be made of one blood and every Man every Mans Brother of the same family and cognation By this it was provided by the Father of us all that we should be born into the World under the tendrest care for our preservation and improvement of our Nature and be powerfully enclined to love and beneficence whereby we may be pleased with our selves and at Peace and Amity with our whole kind That the Generations of Mankind might certainly proceed God planted in our Natures powerful and irresistible instincts to procreation which the Jews call a Precept tho after this no Precept seem'd necessary for encrease and multiply they make a Command But we follow our own propensions and have no conscience of obedience to a Law when we observe and follow them which are so strong pleasurable and entertaining that if
by which it became capital is not understood as he tells us in the place before cited I shall not trouble the Reader with unfolding the matter But why doth he trouble himself to make Kings Fathers of their Countries some cannot be so and some have no mind to be so and yet they ought to be Kings And some that have not been Kings have been so and so styled as the great M. Tully for defeating the Catiline Conspiracy He was by decree of the Senate call'd Pater Patriae Those are with reason truly called Patres patriae which either relieve their Country from miserable pressures which is the civil death of a Nation and for this reason our King hath the honor of being called Pater Patriae and we hope that he will wear that honorable Title upon a second deliverance of us from a most deplorable condition Or else such who bring the Nation to an exalted state of happiness so much beyond their old state of things that they seem to give the Nation a new civil Life Being and Birth For his etymological argument from the notation of the Word it is too putid to be insisted upon tho not more ridiculous than his Hypothesis But for that the reduction of our duty to our King to the fifth Commandment may seem to give some advantage to the Hypothesis with Fathers who know no bounds of their power over their Children It must be observed that the Decalogue is not a compleat Rule of Morality The decalogue comprised the Principal Laws of that common Wealth which God their Law giver by a most Solemn Act of his Legislation did more awfully oblige them to observe God that time was their King Rebellion was as Idolatry and the sin of Witchcraft and the Defection of one of their Cities to Idolatry was punished as a revolt and Rebellion Deut. 13. v. 15. He had provided for his honor and worship and their Allegiance in the first Table and did design by the 5th Commandment to lay the Foundation of all positive morality by providing for a Reciprocation of kindnesses by injoyning the gratitude and fitting returns of Children to their Parents and by putting Children under obligations to be taught and instructed by their Parents But our duty to Governors is more duly referred to all the other Commandments because Government secures the observation of those Laws to us by which we enjoy our selves and ours freed from the Violations of Lust Appetite Fraud and Violence We do not honor our King by relief in his fortune which is commanded to be done by our Parents in the precept of honoring them our subsidies and Aids are not to that purpose but contributions to the charges of the Government they are the just price of our immunity protection from fraud and violence for which cause pay we tribute But whosoever he be that hath more respect for this Knights works then I have may find him more gently treated by a very worthy Gentleman in a very candid and judicious book called Patriarcha non Monarcha But what is the meaning of these flattering Books they cannot but be nauseous to His Majesty who is a very wise Prince and knows how sensless such Books are and besides they make the People afraid and the Nation unquiet from the apprehensions they give that the Government will be changed Notwithstanding the King hath given such solemn assurance to the Nation by his late Declaration that we shall have frequent Parliaments and that he will govern by Law They would have had a better market for the Divinity they bestow upon Princes with Alexander after he had lost his Virtue and with those Vile Emperors whose Names are Regum opprobria for such the flatterers of antient times Deifyed those who had ceas'd to be men they made Gods and when they had left nothing about them that was tolerable they magnified their power which was already most intolerable If the Kings hereafter would but read the History of Kings under that conclusion that a wise observer of Humane Events made after a long observation and experience and would make experiments of the truth of it in their own reading Kings would be glorious and the Nations they govern happy and full of peace They would find therein so many effectual Documents to fear God and regard men and govern them righteously Si Vitam spectes hominum si denique Mores Artem vim fraudem cuncta putes agere Si propiùs spectes fortuna est arbitra Rerum Nescis quid dicis sed tamen esse putas At penitus si introspicias ultima primis Connectas solus rector in orbe Deus Alciat People can be no happyer than Government and Laws design to make them though they do not alwayes answer the good designments of the Government To what purpose then are these new Hypotheses fram'd and published Kings are exempted by their Office and the sacredness of their persons from all fears but the fears of Nature and these can never be discharg'd Those who do ill will fear ill Eternally tho their power were made little less than omnipotent for the frame of Humane Nature hath made it necessary to be so Besides God hath made one thing against another there is a Divine Nemesis interwoven in the Nature of things and God will always govern the World Omne sub regno duriore regnum The great Mogul at his inauguration swears that his People shall be at peace at home and victorious abroad afflicted neither with plague nor famine but enjoy Health and Plenty all his days This seems extraordinary Pompous and Arrogant but it means no more than this that he will govern them so vertuously that Gods Providence shall be always propitious to his People and is no more in plain English than what our Church offers up in her publick prayers for the King viz. That he may govern us in Wealth Peace and Godliness that he may live long and so govern us ought to be every honest mans Prayers But after all these vain Hypotheses contriv'd for making Kings absolute it will be more easie for Kings to make their reigns unquiet and turn their Kingdoms into Shambles But lastly to revive the Antient Zeal of the true members of the Church of England against Popery To rectify the mistakes of some Gentlemen of the Clergy about the Dissenters And of our late Parliaments and their proceedings in reference to them Let it be considered how unreasonable their apprehensions are of any danger to the Church of England from the desires of the House of Commons of some indulgence or toleration in favor of the Dissenters at this time especially when the Protestant Religion is so shrewdly beset she hath reason now sure to take all such for her friends that are heartily Enemies to Popery tho not so skillful as they should be to ward off its assaults Since the Papists presume to call them Fanaticks tho exactly conformable to the Church of England that