their Herculesses honest men and men of honour ready to die for their Countrey if need require judging such a death infinitely to be preferred before the lives of the chiefest of these should they obtaine what they seeke But let us end this patheticall flying out though it be hard for the inferiour faculties sometimes not to stirre when the understanding somewhat inlightened hath inflamed the will On the other side so divine a gift as this Parliament thankfully recognized and made use of duely and the just power and dignitie of the Parliament and therein all our happinesse wisely and manfully now once asserted moderation and mediocritie induced the Monarchy duely tempered may be in humaine probabilitie perpetuall and all the surfet become Physicke And this violent Feaver of the State having amazed and drawne to an head all the malignant humours before dispersed all over the body and lying dangerously hidden and set on fire consumed and expelled them like the filth of an house swept into an heape and burnt the whole body may be much clearer sounder and better disposed then had not such a distemper ever beene I hope it appeares already were there no more then these presented weake reasons to an ordinary rationall man if far better from others be too meane for his Majestie what way he is to take that all may be well and seeing but one side can be trusted with the power of the Kingdome which of them is most unlikely to tyrannize or reduce all to arbitrary government or which will most probably use it to the publique good onely or whether in such extraordinary times it doe not most safely repose where it is originally naturally inherent viz. in the peoples owne hands and so in the Parliaments Nay were the case hitherto dubious yet since libertie first made appointed limitted prerogative for they confine together as the people in whom is the radicall primary supreame power and who made Kings not Kings people thought best when it first made choice of or instituted this one forme of government among divers others which we call Monarchy and whereof there are sundry degrees in sundry States some more some lesse trusted or limited as the first founders pleased els why are they not all equall since free and voluntary agents worke or doe onely so much or so far as they please and the various subordinate degrees or kinds of the creatures prove the divine Majestie to be agens liberrimum els the creatures would be all equall an involuntary or naturall agent as Philosophy termes it ever working as much as it can or to the utmost extent or sphere of its power and activitie and so an equalitie in the effects since I say libertie or the people first created as I may say Prerogative and that so tempered modified or graduated as it thought most conducible to its owne happinesse for the supreame power ever worketh for it selfe rather then for the subordinate or inferiour as being the end the efficient and finall causes being here co-incidents it is just that this namely libertie judge and give law to that and that this if an unnaturall jarre fall out gaine and prosper rather then the other and since the people reserved ever in its owne hands and saved to it selfe upon the trust to the Monarchy what priviledges right of Parliament or liberties c. parcell 〈◊〉 the originall power naturally in the people and which may draw backe to the fountaine the derivative power as the bloud and spirits to the heart when there is cause it thought best surely it must doe this with purpose to see them conserved as safely as may be and upon occasion to make use of them and enjoy them which could not be surely done without a power reserved to judge of the state of them and when they were to be used and the like for if the Prince be trusted touching the keeping himselfe within his limits he may even as well be trusted absolutely without limits nor such power to judge of them is to any purpose as above-said without power to execute what is judged hereupon fit So the Parliament judgeth in this case as the first authour and superintendent of the intent and is not as a partie to be judged Further were the matter yet dubious yet seeing the Protestant Religion the power being in the Parliaments hand is far more out of the reach of danger then the other way even without calling his Majesties good meaning into question therein as I hope anon will appeare it ought to put it out of all question how wee are to range our selves in these times The Parliament having our case so standing such power as is deduced whatsoever would seeme to oppose that power and stand in their way as they defend and assert the publique good so invaded must be voidable and usuall ordinary known lawes or customes made or in use supposing or whilest the Prince kept duely within his bounds which the King speakes so much of saying that he will ever governe by them and hold all to them but ever intending the publique good are no way to bound or tye up the transcendent power of the Parliament when it shall encounter new and never before heard of exorbitances or invasions of the publique good which the times that made those knowne Lawes never heard of so never provided against But by proportion of reason this Parliament may and ought as well provide by new Ordinances or orders for such new evills as they encounter as the former did for what they then met with for they had their originall also ex malis moribus bonae leges and had those times had such causes offered as these have they would have provided remedies of a nature like those this Parliament hath done the power and generall intentions of all times or the universall ground being still the same that is to defend and vindicate or procure the publique good and to tye them to the knowne or old Lawes in this case where the letter might kill were irrationall for so the first breaker of the Lawes might take the priviledge of the Lawes and advantage of his owne wrong and under the colours of the Lawes fight against and overthrow them or the rule reason or intention that caused them at first If it be said nothing was done by the King of publique consequence but by advice of the Judges it may be answered that the Parliament is the onely competent Counsell Judge in cases neerely concerning the publique and people in generall which the King is entrusted upon such occasions to call that the whole people may not but upon extraordinary causes be troubled to elect for Parliaments and attend that service But in such a case as ours by virtue of the legislative power residing in the Parliament it may make new Ordinances at least for the time as it sees occasion and judges to be in order to that supreame and immutable Law or Law of Lawes and end of them
conscience and the people without humane remedy if he exorbitate for they ought not to presume but to prove strongly if they could this which were for the disadvantage of the people so mainely for whose good all was intended at the first institution of the Monarchy and the peoples happines ought to be rather favoured and preferred in the interpretation of a doubtfull matter were this such as assuredly according with the first institutors intention and I thinke it is not so apparent if it be apparent at all that the King is so left to God onely as it is that the safetie and happines of the people is Lex suprema and the end of all which is out of doubt and therefore by this tye of an oath and all other fitting ties power and meanes also intended to be procured and secured and all oft little enough though such power is unlesse upon necessitie not onely not to be exercised but also to be kept as secret as may be that the Princes authoritie in as much as it may make for the good of the people may be kept up And perhaps the oath the people hath taken to the King especially as the people is represented in Parliament may respecting at this time this reason onely inferre as well on the peoples side that it is left to God onely thereupon and so supreame in point of judgement and power but allowing or rather understanding truly such power to be in the people and from it in the Parliament as hereafter may further appeare wee are to doe is not this way the peoples libertie rights happines safer and better assured together with the Kings just power or prerogative since the Parliament is not capable could it be willing to usurpe upon either as after may be shewed then imagining such supreame power to be invested in the King either the peoples right or the Kings just power it selfe can be seeing no man will deny but Kings are subjects capable of arbitrary or tyrannicall power oft times willing and giving the attempt and sometimes actually prevailing So if the framers of this Monarchy had intended such paramount power should be still in the King and that in such extraordinary emergents as now appeare in England they had been more solicitous of and provided better far for one meanes of diverse ordeined to an end then for the very end it selfe the peoples happines which they had left still depending dangerously on one mans conscience or will as it should at any time happen to change when so sure and safe a provision offered it selfe else-where as before is partly touched and had preferred the meanes before the end and so doe all the desperate malignants and the disorderers of our times State which is retrograde to reason others may better ensorce this point touching the intent of the first institution and adde expresse authorities perhaps out of the Lawes to this end or the practise of Parliaments in such times if such have ever before been or otherwise proceed by analogie and good consequences of reason If it be said that by such a provision of remedie for the people in danger as abovesaid a dangerous president of disobeying and weakning the Kings authority is introduced which may worke even danger of dissolution of the Monarchy Admitting but not granting that upon such a president once made upon an extraordinarie cause and that by an orderly way and which once done may well prevent all suture need of making any more such presidents admit such a danger even to the Monarchy followed thereupon which yet will not be made good in our present case as after will appear then here now is the point Among divers forms of government whereby a people may be governed that it may be happie which is the end and ayme of every such form this Nation chose one particular one which it judged fittest to compasse that end as indeed Monarchy duely tempered is the best but distempered by tyranny the worst the advantage of union or unitive power which it hath above other forms strengthening to evill when it degenerates as it did to good whilest it stood incorrupt but if this objection were of weight it would follow that it were more rationall that the peoples felicity which is the supreme end to which all good forms of government are ordained and tend should rather suffer then a particular form or fashion of government of which there are choice and any of which are but one meanes or way to compasse that end if it continue incorrupt but if corrupted to destroy the end and so one meanes to the end nay in our case a meanes if not rectified wholly to frustrate the end should be preferred before the end it self which it ought onely to serve nor can it be said the remedie were worse then the disease for what remedie can be so ill as that disease a free a glorious a noble Nation to fall to servitude spirituall and temporall from a long enjoyed Liberty in both kinds and our selves the instruments though to go on in such a case the remedie might not prove so ill or difficult if men would pay obedience duely there where reason tells them they owe it And should there be no such remedie for the people or for conservation of the frame of the government the constitution of this Monarchy which the King declareth he admireth so much were most deficient in the most principall point of all namely the defending and preserving it selfe the very foundation and ground-work as the end of all otherwise provisions orders Laws without which what were they but folly and phantasie Nay were not the folly of the first institution rather to be as much admited as raising an instrument utterly unfit for the purpose it was meant for had it left the maine end of all that is the peoples safetie libertie happinesse in such a case as ours without all possible nay without any provision expresse or imployed by common intendment or analogie of reason or rule of Law though the true the naturall the best or the onely provision or remedie to keep Prince and people in their due temper were so at hand so facile so offering it self and if not before usuall yet used possibly at the very time of such an institution and for that very purpole namely a Parliament or other meeting of the like nature without provision I say against the greatest publick mischief of all that ultimum malum Reipublicae as divine Plato termes it arbitrary power or tyranny and that a mischief so likely to happen more so oft attempted nay actually happening But he that implores force not now to speak of what is pretended herein by words and that though but to resist the orders of that power whose part alone it is to remedie the people in our case doth in fact deny that this Monarchy hath made such provision or hath that power so necessary to help and desend it self or that the people in
I hope we are now come safe to this passe that the Parliament may and ought in our case to defend the people or kingdoms rights use the peoples power which is the supreame as others have proved to cleare passionate men rather then to satisfie any judicious man who will not require proofs in a point plain enough of it self ever resident in the people and so in the Parliament though dormient till it be by the Parliament thought fit to be wakened which should it not now be done such a seeming-secure and supine sleep might have proved a mortall lethargy But here these Sophisters think to enter upon us and to take the benefit of their own wrong for seeing they have brought the Kingdom to this passe that unlesse the Parliament take the power of the kingdom into the kingdoms or its own hands it cannot defend it self or the kingdoms rights or rather rescue them they would cunningly prepare those whom they intend to make slaves by first making them such fools as to beleeve that the Parliament intends a change of the Monarchicall form of government and to oppresse King and people by I know not what new kind of Arbitrarie tyrannicall government I beleeve the King and Parliament will soon be attoned if any can shew the Parliament by what other way it can discharge its trust and dutie in this constitution of the times without the power it hath assumed But what if it shall appear I should make scruple to use the word shall as if it did not appear alreadie without these weak offers had we not to do with such as seem to have found our some new kind of reason or having antiquated the old which differenced man from irrationall creatures to have substituted passion or idle phantasie in the roome of it the best method indeed for them afterward on as good or the same proportion of reason to advance the power of the King into the place of the power of the whole people or Kingdom it is their own manner of speech and practise as sound and good as their own Method to make such distinction and difference betwixt King and kingdom what if it shall appear time bringing every day truth to light and perhaps even to these men some allucida inter valla that there is not the least probabilitie that the Parliament can have such a thought of usurpation as these men would impose or seem to suppose much lesse was it ever heard that any free Parliament actually made any the least attempt to that effect so far is it that ever it effected it Whereas on the other side ill Counsell about Princes have attempted oft and de facto sometimes performed the turning of a well poysed or tempered Monarchy into an arbitrarie tyrannicall power and publique oppression by which change such ill instruments appear the onely gainers and the malignant spleen swels in a miserable consumed bodie the head not exempt and yet the very swelling a dangerous disease even to the spleen it self at last Unlesse such monstrous times did priviledge it were high presumption to think it were not all-sufficient to stop such mouthes to say it is a Parliament and it were dishonourable for it to do as they calumniate and therefore not to be imagined This maxime on ground being no more to be denied or questioned in this Monarchy then that the earth is round in naturall Philosophy as neer as morrall Philosophy may attive at naturall in point of certitude though should we grant them that a Parliament may erre nay do wrong to Prince people or particulars yet that would not follow upon this which they would maliciously inferre and ayme at for none but it self or another Parliament were to correct or rectifie what a Parliament should have done amisse and not the King or any other persons any way whatsoever much lesse by force or warre for he that is allowed to judge or correct is allowed thereby at least an equall if equality for such an intent can be conceived sufficient possibly but such equality of power in two distinct Magistrates for so we must distinguish King and Parliament here of different natures and touching one and the same point or matter in controversie cannot be in one and the same state then such a corrector must be allowed superiour and the corrected subordinate but such the King cannot be in our case as above is partly shewed and shall be further afterwards How then can lorce or warre on his side for this cause be rationall and just nay though it should be but defensive much lesse if offensive or inferred Since even bate resisting the ordinances of the Parliament is or presupposes an assuming of the supreme power to judge and condemne such resistance being the execution of the sentence But we shall not carry it away so easily that the Parliament will not be unjust to any holding such power strong temptations of profit corrupt too oft where one or a few are ordinary Judges as a little water standing sooner is putrified but multitude of these Judges are like the Sea incorruptible But moneys received profits and emoluments accrewing it were a shame not without a certain mixture of presumption to insist on such base imputations here had not frontlesse and monstrous malice been so incredibly audacious as actually to raise them may make a dividend sufficient to draw to some uniust act each man or the maior part of such a multitude very likely and to draw the more matter of profit we see how by frequent orders they invite private causes and do they give any publique account of the moneys they receive from the people more then the Malignants could have done for Ship money But we erre they give publique account but it is to get credit onely with the people that they may be in their sinister practises and machinations the lesse suspected and better served But stay how can they have ill ends at all on foot or in agitation since of all their particular actions and proceedings of most moment from time to time they by their Declarations or the like give no lesse then of the moneys an account to the world except they be evident of themselves Should they do that they cannot give reason for but such malicious vigilance as we deal with when it might in particulars charge them and article against them upon truths would never be driven to the base and miserable shifts of these generals and the like most ridiculous impudent transparent calumnies for want of matter to work on and did not the people see clearly they have reason and that their ends are meerly the publique good it would desert them loosing patience upon the sence of the present evils which like the sicknesse which even the best phisick before it can induce a finall setled state of health works in a patient chiefly if disorders during the cure also foment the peccant humours through the malignant traverses of our Calumniators both people
it no other way usefull then to have the glory and thanks of relinquishing it voluntarily least otherwise the peoples good and safetie for a puntiglios sake or satisfying a phantasie or an humour of one man should depend on the turne or change of one mans will whensoever it may happen and more then this great and noble minded men though no Christians have more then once done when having in their hands absolute power over their Countrey not unjustly gotten they have freely and of their owne accord given it up absolutely judging it so best for their Countreys good leaving it even in full libertie and so living themselves in or rather under it but much higher in true glory and honour then ever But though such power is not here in his Majestie he is yet not without meanes in his hands and a faire opportunitie to lay a tye not altogether unlike on his people and to exhibit freely great and publique munificence all at once by a faire and voluntary relinquishing all contestation about it whilest yet a malignant faction preferring their passions before reason and conscience before his honour and safetie instigate and assist him as much as they can or rather would make him their instrument to compasse it by an unnaturall pernicious civill warre on whom the blame may justly be laid as they alone would have gone away with the benefit By these and the like passages had beene and even yet so it be betimes taken may be the way to the true arbitrary power indeed the peoples hearts where God begins with man as at the right end this is the divine Method which draw all the rest sweetly which the pretended false bastard arbitrary power could never by unjust violence effect and thus by fairely quitting the pursuite of the false the true may be gained a magnanimous Prince that confides in his owne vertue will put himselfe boldly and securely on the free wills of his Subjects It is in manner a divine Charecter Scire velle liberis hominibus imperare to know how to temper and governe free men Gentlemen Princes and in such a condition God made man to serve his glory best and is it not a more glorious thing when a Prince shall by his great proportionate and heroike vertues render them at his devotion and make them his voluntary slaves being otherwise free and noble then if he found them made slaves by the practise and vices of others or so made them such himselfe Thus a free people is a strong motive and occasion to a Prince to render them wholly his by extraordinary vertue the fall of this emulous Carthage would shake Rome though in opposition with it and therefore the noblest of the Romans best and most wifely loving Rome for Romes good advised Carthage should stand But reason evinceth that persisting as he doth he remaines sequestered from all just power and authoritie as touching the matters in question between him and his Parliament on the justice and wisdome whereof he may safely put himselfe secure that they will not not can devest him of any thing that justly belongs to him onely reason and right require that it be left to the Parliament to be the Judge thereof without which power the people and Kingdome cannot be safe as stands deduced Monarchy thus tempered by libertie and prerogative as it is remote from intrinsicke causes of dissolution so from externall If a Prince governing at discretion invade it the partie in the goodly arbitrary government excluded by the distemper of such a State from the benefits of libertie the partie I say for be a Prince never so absolute yet his Mamaluks his Militia by whose conspiracy or tyranny he awes and enslaves the rest not onely equall for the most part in point of libertie the Subjects of a free State but exceeding them far in all licentiousnes and tyrannizing and enslaving upon the matter the Prince himselfe as well as others justly lay on his owne shoulders by Gods judgement that which he makes or useth these as instruments to lay unjustly on the neeks of his other Subjects whom he ought to have protected Instances are requent of the Pretorian Cohorts or Legions tyranny on the Roman Emperours of the Janisaries on the great Turke of the Mamaluks on the Aegyptian Soldans and reason shews this danger is most to be feared where a Prince hath assumed the peoples libertie by publique oppression I say if the absolute Monarch invade the justly tempered the oppressed partie is not to be trusted but to be kept under by part of those he will trust he can trust none safely as certaine enemies at home so the power which he must trust doubly lessened the partie used goeth faintly on the free Nation for at best by bringing their free neighbours whence was the chiefe hope of assistance for the recovering their owne libertie into servitude they should but confirme and render remediles their owne slavery encreasing the strength of the oppressor and likewise on the same reason resist lesse if invaded Onely if the Prince will make accompt or can be content or cannot avoid to be himselfe an equall a companion with his Mamaluks Facinus quos in quinat aequat or rather to be tyrannized by them and his honour authoritie name person to be made their instrument against his people he may translate the said faintnes from them on himselfe though when all is done they are unsafely trusted who have before broken the great tye that to their Countrey else he must fly to forreigne helpe But on the other side the free Subjects duely interessed in the State loving it living like men defend invade the other nobly couragiously as in heart and men of honour and as oft for the good of the conquered with greater power as universally to be trusted Not to insist on riches the nerves of Warre infimtly increased by industry so encouraged by industry lost by servitude but what needs more or indeed so much if any thing in a matter so apparent Wee now have beene rapt sufficiently into the goodly imaginary heaven and the glory of it but with an hell of inextricable miseries to the Prince and people which these Gods of the infinite prerogative pretended are raising for themselves through a government at will but by such meanes and in such manner as shews they beleeve or hope for no other heaven hereafter These things being thus it must follow that those that oppose the Parliament and in it the kingdom in whom is the supreame power as reason hath evinced since contestation hapning as now between King and people the people must carry it oppose their Countrey reason right and the truth moved by defect of judgement or worse principles converting themselves and their power received from their Countrey to enable them to serve and defend it to the ruine of it and of all that is precious to men of honour and consequently that they are guiltie of their owne bloud and of
TRVTH and PEACE HONESTLY PLEADED AND RIGHTLY SOUGHT FOR OR A Loyall Subjects Advice VSEFVLLTo CONFIRM HONEST CONVINCE IGNORANT CALME PASSIONATE Condemne Malicious Men. BY A True Lover OF GOD And King CHARLES Printed 1642. A PLEA FOR TRVTH AND MOTIVES FOR QVIET To the Reader MIght these Motives though undrest unset of as running out in haste like those Sabine Women too like in weaknesse in Romes infancy with disshevelled haire throwing themselves as interposers between their Parents and husbands now on point of a bloudy Incounter concerning them contribute a little to turne some of those Armes upon passion and mistakes now ready extended for blowes into embraces and those embraces againe into blowes from both reunited on the heads of the infernall Authors of these disunions and the moneys and munition sent to embroile us in civill warres not without good interest or gratefull acknowledgment of our owne on the senders heads and so might England and his Excellency grow both young againe in a second journey for the Palatinate these our stirres proving but as traynings for such a service But to draw nearer to breviate the case well by reducing it all if possible to one point issuable had been the next way to judge well of it whereas much dilating whilest it would explaine confounds weak judgements and such are most as too many quaint divisions questions and affectation of Method intended to cleare darken But since this Pamphet coming out in hast as its imperfection shews wants this advantage as others The judicious Reader if any such will reade it may in the perusing cast the chiefe points which are not many into a narrower posture fitter to judge upon whether the inferences held or rather since it may deserve no such paines he or any may abstract or take notice if any particular point chance to present it selfe that may any way serve the truth or them that love it THe principall point in which the others seeme to be conteined as the effect in the cause the future oake in the acome may be this If a King having his Prerogative bounded by Lawes Liberties Priviledges c. misled and seduced by those about him striving to make him absolute whom they hope absolutely to make use of or rather to speak in a more reverent phrase if such men as the principall agents perverting his good intentions and abusing the royall name and authoritie as their instrument or possibly the Prince himselfe misled by his own passions or mistakes or assuming arbitrary government endeavour and act and by a continued tenor or drift of his Counsels designes actions notwithstanding fitting Remonstrances made to the contrary persist in the pursuite of things dangerous and pernicious to the peoples religion libertie propertie priviledges lawes or suffer others to doe such things contrary to the originall intent end and trust of the first institutors of such a Monarchy not according to the contracts and conditions at his Coronation being for the good and happines of the people and consequently for the preservation of the said particulars and if the King afterwards desert oppose frustrate the publique Counsell of the Kingdome the Parliament going about after it hath in vaine sought remedie at his hands to suppresse the further growth of and to remedy such publique mischiefs and dangers growne through long want of due calling that good great Counsell and moreover if the Prince after all may and doth convert the power of the people it selfe to back still and carry on these designes and compasse these ends and the people be remediles then besides the unreasonablenes of the premisses inconsistent in themselves and other grosse absurdities that thereon follow the condition of a free Nation is worse then that of a most miserable slave For first being before in a free and happy estate every way it must bring it selfe into servitude and each man make one another mutually and those he holds dearest and his Countrey it selfe slaves and must expose his owne life that he may take the lives of whosoever refuseth slavery if much rather all be not already or before slaves if bound to doe and suffer such things at the pleasure or discretion of the Prince or rather of those about him Secondly besides thus each man being one anothers mutually and all their Countreys executioners each must be bound to expose all he hath and his life as much as in him lyeth to procure or advance the meanes of damnation of those he holds dearest nay of innumerable others and of himselfe Religion being part of the case Thus whereas it seemes sufficient to the constitution of a slave not to have power to dispose of himselfe or of what he hath in a passive way onely In this case men must be positively active against themselves Thirdly and lastly a whole Nation cannot fly or run away from a condition so miserable and by any other meanes unavoidable as a particular slave may More might be said in this point but what needed thus much were not their Judgements with whom we deale as turbulent as the waters they have troubled which sort a possibilitie of delusion that yet may partly hoodwinke them must distinguish from the other part among them whom malice hath made utterly reason and religion proofe and therefore their senses whose soules seeme nothing els are to be dealt with in another method But to the point the premises and consequence being utterly absurd inconsistent contradictory against reason and nature Princes being instituted for the peoples happines and so rather publici servi as regnum splendida servitus and since there is provision against the danger of the minoritie of a Prince who can be onely positively ill it being à fortiori reasonable that it should not be wanting against the perill from such a Prince as we propound who by meanes of a greater maturitie and authoritie may concurre more actively and consequently more perniciously to the greatest evill the people in our case if or when the King makes such attempts in reason cannot be without meanes of remedy It were perhaps so were a King instituted in an immediate miraculous extraordinary manner by God himselfe then a lower power could not disanull the act of the higher or perhaps there were colour if the people it selfe had absolutely given or entrusted it selfe to the power or Provision of the Prince at the first institution or framing of the Monarchy But with us the lawes customes priviledges power and use of Parliaments c. argue or rather are limitations restrictions conditions or reservations made upon the originall trust commission or delegation from the people or after upon occasion which it keeps in its owne power or reserves to it selfe as the supreame resort for extraordinary emergents Not let any thinke that the King having taken his oath for the keeping himselfe within his bounds or for the observing the lawes liberties priviledges or the like that he is hereupon onely left to God and his
and Parliament are of necessitie to passe through and were it not so though the King cannot dissolve the Parliament yet the people possibly might recall their elections in each County since the Parliament doth but populo volenti imperare which if then it doth not do what ever some few inconsiderable and inconsiderate particulars may have attempted here and there it appears the major part at least approves what passeth and that sufficeth but let us take heed we traduce not these traducers they have a more honourable conceit of the Parliament it is not base profit onely but places of honour such as are mentioned in their Propositions to the King or the like they look at and travail for but there may be hope that these that direct correct the Parliament in all things will here tell them that they are out of their way and that their nearest way had been to have complied with the King which seeing these would seem to imagine the Parliament so unjust and dishonourable they need not doubt they would follow and by this course bringing in an arbitrary government in which case as before is said the ill Counsellors especially being authors or instruments of the change carry away the advantage or the gain and spoyls of the people those their places would be farre more imperious absolute arbitrary on the oppressed people we may instance in the Starre-chamber or more beneficiall as lesse obnoxious to strict syndications then they can be the other way they now hold in everie regard so accountable the King in all presumption like to be eagerly vigilant over them and these Malignants themselves grown yet more malicious and venemous if possible by seeing the tables so turned and what they have been thus enormously wicked to compasse possessed by those they hate that may be the instruments to punish them for such their wickednesse besides the Parliaments ever hanging over their heads and so highly interested in the demeanors of those they have made choice of and perhaps the next Parliament may consist of other Members then this present doth and so as strangers to those so chosen lesse subject to favour them if this were any thing to satisfie the insatiate malice of those who under colour of seeming suspicious of the integritie of this Parliament would through the sides of it strike at the heart and authoritie of all future Parliaments so upon the matter by this course the Parliament now holds in such their propositions the people and kingdom are like to be the onely gainers as these publique mischiefs grew from ill Counsellours and Officers But have not some of the principall Worthies of this Parliament quitted or indangered places of greater moment besides the generall losse common I fear to the most or all of them through the neglect of their private affairs whilest they are thus wholly taken up with the publique as their Countreys confessors if not Martyrs then they can any way expect by the course they hold are not examples of such as suffering themselves to be taken off from such services on which they purposely seemed the more sharp that they might be so taken off have grown almost as much in greatnesse thereby as they lost in goodnesse are not such instances as vulgar as the spirits that furnish us with them More might be said and much better herein by better Judgements but a weak one may suffice so strong a cause there being good reason to be short and slight in an argument or point that could afford no just reason to have begun at all did not such monsters of men urge it Lesse can it be conceived that hope intention or fruition of uncontroulled dissolute licentiousnesse or pleasures by means of the capacitie they now stand in or as they are a Parliament can be a motive to them to continue the power or place they have longer then the publique necessitie or good requires or convert it to any other use then it for which they were and are by the people entrusted with such power supposing they were no better then our Calumniators that where there were a motive or cui bono it would prevail with them to do evill had intention of such licentiousnesse been one of the principles that moved them what meant they without any necessitie not onely to give publique significations that they meant to induce a strict reformation of manners but even amid so great and dangerous distractions to begin to set it on foot not without some further danger from those that hate it As for any pleasures they may hereby pretend they seeme to be no other then their indeficient and admirable pains dangers and indignities let me adde and base ingratitudes a blessed condition to fain teares and dangers that they may continue in it their noble constancie judging pro Deo patria dulce periculum for all which whereas it appears they have no earthly reward propounded to them the like may be said of all those that adhere to the Parliament but the conscience of having done nobly in serving God and their Countrey and defending it did the Kingdome give what it could afford it were short of them and it must be an higher kingdome that can indeed equall them and such a change of the kingdome and no such as our Malignants would have us fear they appear to ayme at and affect and could they would they ayme at a tyranny for themselves what need they have laid such a block in their own wayes as a voluntary oath generally taken for the conservation of the Kings just authoritie and so many Declarations and publique protests to that purpose which they desist not from upon all occasions yet to do when as had not their resolutions been thus fixed divers free late declaring themselves to that effect specially since matters of difference have arrived at this height and the Parliament so strong and so many other circumstances fitting might have been forborn But to leap over all these barres in imagination for in Reason we never can suppose the Parliament may effect a change of the Monarchy what form of government could they bring in instead of it for they will not say Anarchie nor I deny a mixed government for such is our Monarchy reduced to his right temper Democracy Then through perjury great injustice and danger they pursue their own ruine For Democracy where the people or multitude governs is enemy to the Nobilitie and Gentrie whereof chiefly or solely the Parliament consists bringing all to a parity and making all men alike in power or rather taking away eminent persons quite as envious or jealous of them whereas such have priviledges over the vulgar in a just Monarchy What then doth the Parliament affect Aristocracy where the Nobility or chief govern but the multitude or people whom the Parliament hath been charged to court in which multitude resides or consists the maine strength and who choose the Commons House and must execute chiefly what the
Parliament orders without which their orders are nothing after Democracy or Monarchy before Aristocracy And doth not the Parliament as above is said from time to time give particular accounts of their actions to the world doth there appear any previous preparing the way or disposing the people for such a change which were necessarie were it intended at least after so long a time they would have begun to carry their designe outward and the people having found it would more and more have fallen off but we see the contrary and the people every day more and more satisfied and assured of the integritie of their intents But were the two Houses a subject possibly capable of Aristocracy would the Lords of the upper House concurre to it which would reduce each of them to a parity in power with each Member of the House of Commons as Democracy would equall them both with the multitude for unlesse the Lords would loose by granting this should the Commons get any thing if this yet be any thing by this imaginary if possible change yet how could they continue or hold it without the consent of the multitude or people And should the people unanimously concurre to the erecting of this or any other forme of government who should oppose it But how foolish were it for a people to feare that which can never be unlesse it selfe will and the Parliament hath found it a long time strangely infatuated insensible unwilling to stirre till time and experience had given too good attestation to the Parliaments next to divine foresight even when it hath made appeare to them their owne rights liberties and implored defence and could the Parliament presume to finde them to concurre actively to an unjust and unreasonable thing the erecting a new tyranny not without great danger over themselves contrary to the oaths and perpetuall Protestations of the Parliament And the Scots in the like occasion we see did not bring in any of these new governments nay were the Parliament possibly capable of such tyranny yet it being in the hands of such a multitude and that against the good will of the people for so we must here suppose they were easily divided and so the tyranny dissolved especially there never wanting a minor part contrary to the rest and contrarietie being the cause of dissolution but so were not a tyranny in the hands of one and in him established by the good will of a potent faction of malignants unitie which chiefly makes a Monarchy duely tempered the best forme of government as above was said making the arbitrary or tyranny of one upon the same reason as the worst of all so most hardly dissolvible Wee may adde to all that this Parliament having pressed for and obtained trienniall Parliaments whereby their actions and demeanours in this present Parliament are subjected to frequent and certaine examens should or could they give cause and that perhaps by Parliaments consisting of other members then these not to speake of other accidents that may procure such a change should the people not be satisfied with what these doe in this present Parliament it plainely argues that out of the clearenesse of their intentions actions and consciences they are content nay desire to leave their actions to the censure of any their persons as concerning future elections to the opinion of the people upon their demerits if the King please not to come among them and looke to their doings as they desire If then upon these reasons and much more that might be offered the Parliament cannot have any such end of establishing in themselves any arbitrary tyranny or of their owne private emolument with the hurt of their Countreys What can their ayme be all this while but the publique good the just defence and asserting of their Countreys rights and honour by the just regulating and reducing the Monarchy to the due temper which is all the change of the government they seeme to affect the same holds in all those that adhere to the Parliament and in it desert not themselves from which it had especially through want of due Parliaments exorbitated so dangerously that had not this like another Moses beene sent by our gracious God to redeeme or rescue us rather then to defend us and that with an out-stretched arme forcing the malignants to it who as they ever shunned it by all meanes now deadly hate it as fearing it and in that feare confessing tacitly that same politick omnipotence of it which is now asserted a worse then Aegyptian servitude in humane probabilitie had overwhelmed us and consequently the true principle or end that moves the malignants cannot be a true feare of any arbitrary power to be established in the Parliament though they so pretend to divert us by foolishly fearing an imaginary impossible danger from looking to and timely opposing the true reall danger imminent and evident nay to draw us to concurre to the bringing of it in with our own hands which is an arbitrary government at discretion which the malignants themselves would establish and that by a civill warre to the ruine of all that is precious with honest men or men of honour They have had such power in manner already in their hands and that which the King is induced by them to challenge at this present amounts to no lesse in effect as shall appeare the Parliament yet in vigour what then may we expect if they should prevaile by force which now their fallacies and deluding reasons are plainely discovered they flie unto What but that the Court and Parasites of it should wallow and revell in all licentiousnesse luxury excesse with pride avarice and tyranny proportionable whilest the rest languish under oppression slavery poverty disgrace perpetuall indignities or feares accompted as their beasts to labour for them and so mediocritie a State which the wisest of men prayed for no where to be found but a deluge of vices from contrary causes till generall ruine involve altogether vertue and the glory of the Nation before extinct For we must not thinke that these which love their Countrey so well for which to doubt to dye were dishonour that they will not be quiet and sit still to save it for this much onely may suffice from the multitude of them the heads and leaders excepted nay can be content to ruine the glory libertie safetie of it even with the hazard of their estates lives honours soules so they may in some proportion share the spoiles of their Countrey and grow fat with the bloud and teares of the oppressed people We must not thinke they can doe thus but to the end to have greater meanes and power to beget more monstrous in all villany if it were possible These can fight against their Countrey to make themselves slaves to a few above them that the rest of their oppressed Countrey may be slaves to them slaves of slaves but I doubt not but these monsters unlesse reason transforme them shall meete with