in France and causes there handled Clermount and the Castle there The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre What his designes might tend to c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens and greatnesse of it The English feastâ—… within it and the error of that action the Town how built seated and fortified The Citadell of it thought to be impregnable Not permitted to be viewed The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength The watch and form of Government in the Town Amiens a Visdamate to whom it pertaineth What that honour is in France And how many there enjoy it c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Major or Provoâ—… The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tyred My preferment to the Trunk-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreuille The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt butter Boulogne divided into two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconveniency of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The â—…rtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all marryed and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull Brother The title of Monsieur in France Monsieur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 month King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omâ—…regency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen Mother a wise and prudent woman p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the general A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French B shops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly humoured p. 216 CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris A learned Argument to prove the Popes Universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairly managed Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First for saken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministers c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Minopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The Forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No demain in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Tâ—…xes The taille and tâ—…illion The Panâ—…arke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys â—…he Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of
administration of Justice amongst his people at common times it is naked and plain but when the King is expected it is clothed with blew-purple Velvet semied with flowers de lys on each side of it are two formes or benches where the Peers of both habits both Ecclesiasticall and Secular use to fit and accompany the King But this is little to the ease or benefit of the Subject and as little availeable to try the integrity of the Judges his presence being alwayes foreknown and so accordingly they prepared Far better then is it in the Grande Signeur where the Divano or Councell of the Turkish affairs holden by the Bassas is hard by his bed-chamber which looketh into it the window which giveth him this entervenue is perpetually hidden with a curtain on the side of the partition which is towards the Divano so that the Bassas and other Judges cannot at any time assure themselves that the Emperor is not listning to their sentences an action in which nothing is Turkish or Mahometan The authority of this Court extendeth it self unto all causes within the jurisdiction of it not being meerly ecclesiasticall It is a law unto it self following no rule written in their sentences but judging according to equity and conscience In matters criminall of greater consequence the processe is here immediately examined without any preparation of it by the inferior Courts as at the arraignment of the Duke of Biron and divers times also in matters personall But their power is most eminent in disposing the affaires of State and of the Kingdome For such prerogatives have the French Kings given hereunto that they can neither denounce War nor conclude Peace without the consent a formall one at the least of this Chamber An alienation of the Lands of the Crown is not any whit valid unlesse confirmed by this Court neither are his Edicts in force till they are here verified nor his Letters Patents for the creating of a Peer till they are here allowed of Most of these I confesse are little more then matters of form the Kings power and pleasure being become boundlesse yet sufficient to shew the body of authority which they once had and the shadow of it which they still keep yet of late they have got into their disposing one priviledge belonging formerly to the Conventus ordinum or the Assembly of three Estates which is the conferring of the regency or protection of their King during his minority That the Assembly of the three Estates formerly had this priviledge is evident by their stories Thus we finde them to have made Queen Blanche Regent of the Râ—…alm during the nonage of her son St. Lewis 1227. That they declared Philip de Valois successor to the Crown in case that the widow of Charles le bâ—…l was not delivered of a son 1357. As also Philip of Burgogne during the Lunacy of Charles VI. 1394. with divers other On the other side we have a late â—…xample of the power of the Parliament of Paris in this very case For the same day that Henry IV. was 〈◊〉 by Ravilliae the Parliament met and after a short consultation declared Mary de Mâ—…dices Mother to the King Regent in France for the government of the State during the minority of her son with all power aâ—…d authority Such are the words of the Instrument Dated the 14 of May 1â—…10 It cannot be said but that this Câ—…urt deserveth not only this but also any other indulgence whereof any one 〈◊〉 of the Common-wealth is câ—…pable So watchfull are they over the health of the State and so tenderly do they take the least danger threatned to the liberty of that Kingdom that they may not unjustly be called patres patriae In the year 1614. they seized upon a discourse written by Suarez a Jesuite Entituled Adversus Anglicanae sectae errores wherein the Popes temporall power over Kings and Princes is averred which they sentenced to be burnt in the Palace-yard by the publick hangman The year before they inâ—…cted the same punishment upon a vain and blasphemous discourse penned by Gasper Scioppius a fellow of a most desperate brain and a very incendiary Neither hath Bellarmine himself that great Atlas of the Roman Church escaped much better for writing a book concerning the tâ—…mporall power of his Holinesse it had the ill luck to come into Paris where the Parliament finding it to thwart the liberty and royalty of the King and Countrey gave it over to the Hangman and he to the fire Thus it is â—…vident that the titles which the French writers give it as the true Temple of French Justice the â—…uttresse of equity and the gardian of the rights of France and the like are abundanâ—…ly deserved â—… it The next Chamber in esteem is the Tournelle which handleth all matters criminall It is so called from tourner which 〈◊〉 to change or alter because the Judges of the other severall chambers give sentence in this according to their severall turns the reason of which institution is said to be lest a continuall custome of condemning should make the Judges lesse mercifull and more prodigall of bloud an order full of health and providence It was instituted by the above named Philip de bel at the same time when he made the Parliament sedentarie at Paris and besides its peculiar and originall imployments it receiveth appeals from and redresseth the errors of the Provost of Paris The other five Chambers are called Des Enquestes or Camerae inquâ—…sitionum the first and antientest of them was erected also by Philip le bel and afterwards divided into two by Charles VII Afterwards the multitude of Processes being greater then could be dispatched in these Courts there was added a third Francis the first established the fourth for the better raising of a sum of money which then he wanted every one of the new Counsellors paying right deerly for his place The fifth and last was sounded in the year 1568. In each of these severall Chambers there are two Presidents and 20 Counsellors besides Advocates and Proctours ad placitum In the Touâ—…nelle which is an aggregation of all the other Courts there are supposed to be no sewer then 200 officers of all sorts which is no great number considering the many causes there handled In the Tournelle the Judges sit on life and death in the Chamber of Enqâ—…s they examine only civill 〈◊〉 of estate title debâ—… or the like The pleaders in these Courts are called Advoâ—…ates and must be at the least 〈◊〉 in the study of the Law At the Parliaments of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 they admit of none but Doctors Now the 〈◊〉 of admitting them is this In an open and frequeâ—…t Court one of the aged'st of the Long roab presenteth the party which desireth admission to the Kings Attorney generall saying with a loud voice Paise a cour recevoir N. N. 〈◊〉 or Docteur en droict civil a la office a' Advocate This said the Kings Attorney biddeth him hold up
laâ—…entable and bloudy war which 〈◊〉 upon hem tâ—…ey not only endevoured not to avoid but invited during the reign of Henry IV. who would not see it and the troublesome minority of Lewis XIII who could not molest them they had made themselves masters of 99 Towns well fortâ—…yed and enabled for a fiege a strength too great for any one factiâ—…n to keep together under a King which desires to be himself and rule hiâ—… people In the opiniâ—…n of this thâ—…ir potency they call Assemblies Parliaments as it were when and as often as they pleased There they consulted of the common affairs of Religion made new Laws of government removed and rechanged their generall officers the Kings leave all this while never so much as formally demanded Had they only been guilty of too much power that crime alone had been sufficient to have raised a war against them it not standing with the safety and honour of a King not to be the absolute commander of his own Suâ—…s But in this their licentious calling of Assemblies they abused their power into a neglect and not dissolving them at his 〈◊〉 commandment they increased their neglect into into a 〈◊〉 The Assembly which principally occasioned the war and their ruine was that of Roehell called by the Protestants presenâ—…ly upon the Kings journey into Bearn This generall meeting the King prohibited by his especiall Edicts declaring all them to be guilty of treason which notwithstanding they would not 〈◊〉 to but very undutifully went on in their purposes It was said by a Gentleman of their party and one that â—…ad been imployed in many of their affairs That the fiery zeal of some who had the guiding of their consciences had thrust them into those desperate courses and I believe him Tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum Being assembled they sent the King a Remonstrance of their grievances to which the Duke Lesdiguiers in a Letter to them written gave them a very fair and plausible answer wherein also he intreateth them to obey the Kings Edict and break up the Assembly Upon the receipt of this Letter those of the Assembly published a Declaration wherein they verified their meeting to be lawfull and their purpose not to dismisse themselves till their desires were granted This affront done to the King made him gather together his Forces yet at the Duke of Lesdiguiers request he allowed them 24 dayes of respite before his Armies should march towards them he offered them also very fair and reasonable conditions such also as their Deputies had sâ—…licited but far better then those which they were glad to accept when all their Towns were taken from them Profecto ineluct abilis fatorum vis cujus fortunam muâ—…are constituit ejus corrumpit consilia It held very rightly in this people who turned a deaf eare to all good advice and were râ—…lved it seemeth Not to hear the voice of the Charmer charmed he never so sweetly In their Assemblie therefore they mâ—…ke Lawes and Orders to regulate their 〈◊〉 as That no peace should be made without the consent of the generall Convocation about paying of Souldiers wages fâ—…r the detaining of the Revenues of the King and Cleâ—…y and the like They also there divided France into seven cirâ—…es or parts assigning over every circle severall Generals and Lieutenants and prescribed Orders how those Generals should proceed in the wars Thus we see the Kings Army leavied upon no slight grâ—…nd his Regall authority was neglected his especiall Edicts violated his gracious profers slighted and his Revenues â—…orbidden him and his Realm divided before his face and allotted unto officers not of his own election Had the prosecution of his action been as fair as the cause was just and legall the Protestants had only deserved the infamy but hinc illae lachrymae The King so behaved himself in it that he suffered the sword to walk at randome as if his main design had been not to correct his people but to ruine them I will instance onely in that tyrannicall slaughter which he permitted at the taking of Nigrepetisse a Town of Quercu wherein indeed the Souldiers shewed the very â—…igour of severity which either a barbarous victor could inflict or a vaâ—…quished people suffer Nec ullum saevitiae genus â—…misit ira victoria as Tacitus of the angred Romans For they spared neither man nor woman nor childe all equally subject to the cruelty of the sword and the Conquerour The streets paved with dead carkasses the channels running with the bloud of Christians no noise in the streets but of such as were welcoming death or suing for life Their Churches which the Goths spared at the sack of Rome were at this place made the Theatres of lust and bloud neither priviledge of Sanctuary nor fear of God in whose holy house they were qualifying their outrage this in the common plâ—…ces At domus interior gemitu miseroque tumultu Misâ—…tur penitusque cavae plangoribus aedes Foemineis ululant As Virgil in the ruine of Trâ—…y But the calamities which besell the men were mercifull and sparing if compared to those which the women suffered when the 〈◊〉 had made them the objects of their lust they made them also the suâ—…jects of their fury in that only pittifull to that poor and distressed sex that they did not let them survive their honours Such of them who out of fear and faintness had made but little reâ—…ance had the favour to be stabbed but those whose virtue and courage maintaned their bodies valiantly from the rapes of those villains had the secrets of nature procul hino este castae misericordes aures filled with gun-powder and so blown into ashes Whither O you divine powers is humanity fled when it is not to be found in 〈◊〉 or where shall we look for the effects of a picifull nature when men are bâ—…come so unnaturall It is said that the King was ignorant of this barbarousnesse and 〈◊〉 at it Offâ—…nded I perswade my self he could not but be unlesse he had totally put off himself and degenerated into a Tyger But for his ignorance I dare not conceive it to be any other then that of Nero an ignorance rather in his eye then understanding Subduxit oculos Nero saith Tacitus jussitque sâ—…lera non spectavil Though the Protestants deserved â—…icti â—…or their disobedience yet this was an execution above the nature of a punishment a misery beyond the condition of the crime True it is and I shall never acquit them of it that in the time of their prosperity they had done the King many affronts and committed many acts of disobedience and insolency which justly occasioned the war against them for besides â—…hose already recited they themselves first broke those Edicts the due execution whereof seemed to have been their only petition The King by his Edâ—…ct of pacification had licenced the free exercise of both Religionâ—… and thereupon permitâ—…ed the Priests and Jesuits to preach in the
learned in their studies and excâ—…eding painfull in their calling By the fiâ—…st they confute the ignorance of the Roman Clergy by the second their lazinesse And questionlesse it behoveth them so to be for living in a Countrey â—…ull of opposition they are enforced to a necessity of book-learning to maintain the cause and being continually as it were beset with spies they do the oftner â—…requent the Pulpits to hold up their credits The maintenance which is allotted to them scarce amounteth to a competency though by that name they please to call it With receiving of tithes they never meddle and therefore in their Schismaticall tracts of Divinity they do hardly allow of the paying of them Some of them hold that they were Jewish and abrogated with the Law Others think them to be meerly jure humano and yet that they may lawfully be accepted where they are tendred It is well known yet that there are some amongst them which will commend grapes though they cannot reach them This competence may come unto 40 or 50 l. yearly or a little more Bâ—…za that great and famous Preacher of Geneva had but 80 l. a year and about that rate was Peter de Moulins pension when he Preached at Charenton These stipends are partly payed by the King and partly raised by way of Collection So the Ministers of these Churches are much of the nature with the English Lecturers As for the Tithes they belong to the severall Parish Priests in whose Precincts they are due and they I 'le warrant you according to the little learning which they have will maintain them to be jure divino The Sermons of the French are very plain and home-spun little in them of the Fathers and lesse of humane learning it being concluded in the Synod of Gappe that only the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits They consist much of Exhortation and Use and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge a ready way to raise up and edifie the Will and Affections but withal to starve the understanding For the education of them being children they have private Schools when they are better grown they may have â—…ree recourse unto any of the French Academies besides the new University of Saumur which is wholly theirs and is the chiefe place of their study CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common-wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Monopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons HAving thus spoken of the Churches I must now treat a little of the Common-wealth Religion is as the soul of a State Policy as the body we can hardly discourse of the one without a relation to the other if we do we commit a wilfull murder in thus destroying a republick The Common-wealth without the Church is but a carkasse a thing inanimate The Church without the Common-wealth is as it were anima separata the joyning of them together maketh of both one flourishing and permanent body and therefore as they are in nature so in my relation Connubio jungam stabili Moreover such a secret sympathy there is between them such a necessary dependance of one upon the other that we may say of them what Tully doth of two twins in his book De fato Eodem tempore â—…orum morbus gravesoit eodem levatur They grow sick and well at the same time and commonly run out their races at the same instant There is besides the general râ—…spect of each to other a more particular band betwixt them hâ—…re in France which is a likenâ—…sse and resemblance In the Church of France we have found an head and a body this body again divided into two parts the Catholick and the Protâ—…stant the head is in his own opinion and the minds of many others of a power unlimited yet the Catholick party hath strongly curbed it And of the two parts of the body we see the Papists 〈◊〉 and in triumph whilest that of the Protestant is in misery and affliction Thus is it also in the body Politick The King in his own conceit boundlesse and omnipotent is yet aâ—…onted by his Nobles which Nobles enjoy all the freedome of riches and happinesse the poor Paisants in the mean time living in drudgery and bondage For the government of the King is meerly indeed regal or to give it the true name despoticall though the Câ—…untrey be his wife and all the people are his children yet doâ—…h he neither govern as an husband or a father he accounteth of them all as of his servants and therefore commandeth them as a Master In his Edicts which he over frequenly sendeth ab ut he never mentioneth the good will of his Subjects nor the approbation of his Councell but concludeth all of them in this forme Car tell est nostre plaisir Sic volo sic 〈◊〉 A forme of government very prone to degenerate into a tyranny if the Princes had not oftentimes strength and will to make resistance But this is not the vice of the entire and Soveraign Monarchy alone which the Greek call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other two good formes of regiment being subject also to the same frailty Thus in the reading of Histories have we observed an Aristocracie to have been frequently â—…rupted into an Oligarchie and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Common-wealth properly so called into a Democratie For as in the body naturall the purest complexions are lesse lasting but easily broken and subject to alteration so is it in the body Civill the pure and unmixt formes of Government though perfect and absolute in their kinds are yet of little continuance and very subject to change into its opposite They therefore which have written of Republicks do most applaud and commend the mixt manner of rule which is equally compounded of the Kingdome and the Politeia because in these the Kings have all the power belonging to their title without prejudice to the populacie In these there is referred to the King absolute Majesty to the Nobles convenient authority to the People an incorrupted liberty all in a just and equall proportion Every one of these is like the Empire of Rome as it was moderated by Nerva Qui res olim dissociabiles miscuerat principatum libertatem wherein the Soveraignty of one endamaged
not the freedome of all A rare mixture of Government and such at this time is the Kingdome of England a Kingdome of a perfect and happy composition wherein the King hath his full Prerogative the Nobles all due respects and the People amongst other blessings perfect in this that they are masters of their own purposes and have a strong hand in the making of their own Laws On the otherside in the Regall government of France the Subject frameth his life meerly as the Kings variable Edicts shall please to enjoyn him is ravished of his money as the Kings taske-masters think fit and suffereth many other oppressions which in their proper place shall be specified This Aristotle in the third book of his Politicks calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the command of a Master and defineth it to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such an Empire by which a Prince may command and do whatsoever shall seem good in his own eyes One of the Prerogatives Royall of the French Kings For though the Court of Parliament doth seem to challenge a perusall of his Edicts before they passe for Laws yet is 〈◊〉 but a meer formality It is the â—…rtel est nostre pâ—…aisir which maketh them currant which it seemeth these Princes learned of the Roman Emperors Jusâ—…inian in the book of Institutions maketh five grounds of the Civill Laws viz. Lex he meaneth the law of the 12 Tables Plebiseita Senatusconsulta 〈◊〉 Responsa Principum placita to this last he addeth this generall strength Quod principi plaâ—…uerit legis habet valorem the very foundation of the French Kings powerâ—…ulnesse True it is that the Courts of Parliament do use to demur sometimes upon his Patents and Decrees and to petition him for a reversall of them but their answer commonly is Stat pro ratione voluntas He knoweth his own power and granteth his Letters patents for new Offices and Monopolies abundantly If a monied man can make a friend in Court he may have an office found for him of six pence upon every Sword made in France a Livre upon the selling of every head of Cattell a brace of Sols for every paire of boots and the like It is the only study of some men to finde out such devices of enriching themselves and undoing the people The Patent for Innes granted to St. Giles Mompesson was just one of the French offices As for Monopolies they are here so common that the Subject taketh no notice of it not a scurvey petty book being Printed but it hath its priviledge affixed Ad imprimendum solum These being granted by the King are carryed to the Parliament by them formally perused and finally verified after which they are in force and virtue against all opposition It is said in France that Mr. Luynes had obtained a Patent of the King for a quart d' esâ—…u to be paid unto him upon the Christning of every child thoughout all the Kingdome A very unjust and unconscionable extortion Had he lived to have presented it to the Court I much doubt of their deniall though the only cause of bringing before them such Patents is onely intended that they should discusse the justice and convenience of them As the Parliament hath a formality of power left in them of verifying the Kings Edicts his grants of Offices and Monopolies So hath the Chamber of Accounts a superficiall survey also of his gifts and expences For his expences they are thought to be as great now as ever by reason of the severall retinues of himself his Mother his Queen and the Monsâ—…iur neither are his gifts lâ—…ssened The late Wars which he managed against the Protestants cost him deer he being fain to bind unto him most of his Princes by money and pensions As the expenses of the King are brought unto this Court to be examined so are also the Gifts and Pensions by him granted to be ratified The titulary power given unto this Chamber is to cut off all those of the Kings grants which have no good ground and foundation the officers being solemnly at the least formally sworn not to suffer any thing to passe them to the detriment of the Kingdome whatsoever Letters of command thay have to the contrary But this Oath they oftentimes dispense with To this Court also belongeth the Enfranchisement or Naturalization of Aliens anciently certain Lords officers of the Crown and of the prime counsell were appointed to look unto the accounts Now it is made an ordinary and soveraigne Court consisting of two Presidents and divers Auditors and other under Officers The Chamber wherein it is kept called La Chambre des comptes is the beautifullest peece of the whole Palais the great Chamber it self not being worthy to be named in the same day with it It was built by Charles VIII anno 1485. afterwards adorned and beautified by Lewis XII whose Statua is there standing in his royall robes and the Scepter in his hand He is accompianed by the four Cardinall vertues expressed by way of Hieroglyphicks very properly and cunningly each of them having its particular Motto to declare its being The Kings portraiture also as if he were the fifth virtue had its word under written and contained in a couple of Verses which let all that love the Muses skip them in the reading and are these Quatuor has comites soveo Coelestia dona 〈◊〉 pacis prospera 〈◊〉 gerens From the King descend we to the Subjects ab equis quod aiunt ad 〈◊〉 and the phrase is not much improper the French commonalty being called the Kings asses These are divided into three ranks or Classes the Clergy the Nobles the Paisants â—…ut of which certain delegates or Committees chosen upon occasion and sent to the King did antiently concur to the making of the Supreme Court for Justice in France It was called the Assembly of the three Estates or the Conventus ordinum and was just like the Parliament of England But these meetings are now forgotten or out of use neither indeed as this time goeth can they any way advantage the State for whereas there are three principall if not sole causes of these conventions which are the desposing of the Regency during the nonage or sicknesse of a King the granting Aides and Subsidies and the redressing of Grievances there is now another course taken in them The Parliament of Paris which speaketh as it is prompted by power and greatnesse appointeth the Regent the Kings themselves with their officers determine of the Taxes and as concerning their Grievances the Kings eare is open to private Petitions Thus is that little of a Common-wealth which went to the making up of this Monarchie escheated or rather devoured by the King that name alone containing in it both Clergy Princes and People So that some of the French Counsellors may say with Tully in his Oration for Marcellus unto Caesar Doleoque cum respub immortalis esse debeat eam unius mortalis anima consistere Yet I cannot
he used the same caution Therefore when he had made him Governor of Xainâ—…oigne and Angoulmois he put also into his hands the Towns of Metz and Boulogne places so remote from the seat of his Government and so distant one from another that they did rather distract his power then increase it The Kings of England have been well and for a long time versed in this maxime of estate Let Kent be one of our examples and Hampshire the other In Kent at this time the Lieutenant or as the French would call him the Governor is the Earl of Mountgomerie yet is Dover Castle in the hands of the Duke of Buckhingham and that of Quinborough in the custody of Sir Edward Hobby of which the one commandeth the Sea and the other the Thames and the Medway In Hampshire the Lieutenant is the Earl of South-Hampton but the government of the Town and Garrison of Portesmouth is entrusted to the Earl of Pembroke neither is there any of the least Sconces or Blockhouses on the shore-side of that Countrey which is commanded by the Lieutenant But King Lewis now reigning in France minded not his Fathers action when at the same time also he made his confident Mr. Luines Governor of Picardie and of the Town and Citadell of Amiens The time ensuing gave him a sight of this State-breach For when the Dukes of Espernon Vendosme Longueville Mayenne and Nemours the Count of Soisons and others sided with the Queen Mother against the King the Duke of Longueville strengthned this Dieppe and had not Peace suddenly followed would have made it good maugre the Kings forces A Town it is of great importance King Henry IV. using it as his Asylum or City of refuge when the league was hottest against him For had he been further distressed from hence might he have made an escape into England and in at this door was the entance made for those English forces which gave him the first step to his throne The Town hath been pillaged and taken by our Richard the first in his war against Philip Augustus and in the declining of our affaires in France it was nine monthes together besieged by the Duke of York but with that successe which commonly attendeth a falling Empire The number of the Inhabitants is about 30000 whereof 9000 and upwards are of the Reformation and are allowed them for the exercise of their religion the Church of Arques a Village some two miles distant the remainders are Papists In this Town I met with the first Idolatry which ever I yet saw more then in my Books Quos antea audiebam hodie vidi Deos as a barbarous German in Vellejus said to Tiberius The Gods of Rome which before I only heard of I now saw and might have worshipped It was the Hoaste as they call it or the Sacrament reserved carryed by a couple of Priests under a Canopie ushered by two or three torches and attended by a company of boyes and old people which had no other imployment Before it went a Bell continually tinkling at the sound whereof all such as are in their houses being warned that then their God goeth by them make some shew of reverence those which meet it in the street with bended knees and elevated hands doing it honour The Protestants of this Bell make an use more religious and use it as a warning or watch-peal to avoid that street through which they hear it coming This invention of the Bell hath somewhat in it of Tureisme it being the custome there at their Canonieall houres when they hear the criers bawling in the steeples to fall prostrate on the ground wheresoever they are and kisse it thrice so doing their devotions to Mahomet The carrying of it about the streets hath no question in it a touch of the Jew this ceremony being borrowed from that of carrying about the Arke on the shoulders of the Levites The other main part of it which is the Adoration is derived from the Heathens there never being a people but they which afforded divine honors to things inanimate But the people indeed I cannot blame for this Idolatrous devotion their consciences being perswaded that what they see passe by them is the very body of their Saviour For my part could the like belief possesse my understanding I could meet it with greater reverence then their Church can enjoyn me The Priests and Doctors of the people are to be condemned only who impose and inforce this sin upon their hearers And doubtlesse there is a reward which attendeth them for it Of standing it is so young that I never met with it before the year 1215. Then did Pope Innocent ordain in a Councell holden at Rome that there should be a Pix made to cover the Bread and a Bell bought to be rung before it The Adoration of it was enjoyned by Pope Honorius anno 1226. both afterward encreased by the new solemn feast of Corpus Christi day by Pope Urban the IV. anno 1264. and confirmed for ever with multitudes of pardons in the Councell of Vienna by Clement the V. anno 1310. Such a punie is this great God of the Romans Lactantius in his first Book of Institutions against the Gentiles taxeth the wise men of those times of infinite ridiculousnesse who worshipped Jupiter as a God Cùm eundem tamen Saturno Rhea genitum confiterentur Since themselves so perfectly knew his originall As much I marvell at the impudencie of the Romish Clergie who will needs impose a new God upon their people being so well acquainted with his cradle It is now time to go on in our journey to Roven The Cart stayeth and it is fit we were in it Horses we could get none for money and for love we did not expect them We are now mounted in our Chariot for so we must call it An English man would have thought it a plain Cart and if it needs will have the honour of being a Chariot let it sure I am it was never ordained for triumph At one end was fastned three carcasses of horses or three bodies which had once been horses and now were worne to dead images had the Statua of a man been placed on any one of them it might have been hanged up at an Inne door to represent St. George on horseback so livelesse they were and as little moving yet at last they began to crawle for go they could not This converted me from my former Heresie and made me apprehend life in them but it was so little that it seemed only enough to carry them to the next pack of houndes Thus accommodated we bid farewell to Dieppe and proceeded with a space so slow that me thought our journey unto Roven would prove a most perfect embleme of the motion of the ninth sphere which is 49000 years in finishing But this was not our greatest misery The rain fâ—…ll in us through our tilt which for the many holes in it one would have thought to have been a net
full noise may strike the neighbouring Lands Into a Palsie Doth not that lov'd name Move you to extasie O were the same As dear to you as me that very word Would make you dance and caper over board Dull shipmen how they move not how their houses Grow to the planks yet stay here 's sport enough For see the sea Nymphs foot it and the fish Leap their high measures equall to my wish Triton doth sound his shell and to delight me Old Nereus bobleth with his Amphitrite Excellent triumphs But curs'd fates the main Quickly divides and takes them in again And leaves me dying till I come to land And kisse my dearest Mother in her sand Hail happy England hail thou sweetest Isle Within whose bounds no Paganrites defile The purer faith Christ is by Saints not mated And â—…e alone is worship'd that created In thee the labouring man enjoyes his wealth Not subject to his Lords rape or the stealth Of hungry Publicans In thee thy King Feares not the power of any underling But is himself and by his awfull word Commands not more the begger then the Lord. In thee those heavenly beauties live would make Most of the Gods turn mortals for their sake Such as outgo report and make same see They stand above her big'st Hyperbole And yet to strangers will not grutch the blisse Of salutation and an harmelesse kisse Hail then sweet England may I breath my last In thy lov'd armes and when my dayes are past And to the silence of the grave I must All I desire is thou wouldst keep my dust The End of the Fifth Book and the first Journey THE SECOND JOURNEY CONTAINING A SURVEY of the ESTATE of the two ILANDS Guernzey and Jarsey With the ISLES appending According to their Politie and Formes of Government both Ecclesiasticall and Civill THE SIXTH BOOK LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet 1656. A SURVEY of the ESTATE OF Guernzey and Jarsey c. The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this Work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our Voyage with the most remarkable passages which hapned in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre WHen fiâ—…st I undertook to attend upon my Lord of Danby to the Islands of Guernzey and Jarsey besides the purpose which I had of doing service to his Lordship I resolved also to do somewhat for my self and iâ—… possible unto the places For my self in bettering what I could my understanding if peradventure the persons or the place might add unto me the knowledge of any one thing to which I was a stranger At the least I was in hope to satisfy my curiosity as being not a little emulous of this kind of living Multorum mores hominum qui vidit urbes which had seen so much of men and of their manners It was also not the last part of mine intention to do something in the honour of the Island by committing to memory their Antiquities by reporting to posterity their Arts of Government by representing as in a Tablet the choycest of their beauties and in a word by reducing these and the Achievements of the people as far as the light of Authors could direct me into the body of an History But when I had a little made my self acquainted with the place and people I found nothing in them which might put me to that trouble The Churches naked of all Monuments and not so much as the blazon of an Armes permitted in a window for fear as I conjecture of Idolatry No actions of importance to be heard of in their Legends in their remembrancers whereby to ennoble them in time to come unlesse perhaps some slight allarmes from France may occasion speech of them in our common Chronicles The Countrey indeed exceeding pleasant and delight some but yet so small in the extent and circuit that to speak much of them were to put the shooe of Hercules upon the foot of an Infant For being in themselves an abridgement only of the greater works of nature how could the character and description of them be improved into a Volume Having thus failed in the most of my designes I applyed my self to make enquirie after their form of Government in which I must needs confesse I met with much which did exceedingly affect me Their Lawes little beholding in the composition of them to Justinian and of no great affinity with the laws of England which we call Municipall or common The grand Customarie oâ— Normandy is of most credit with them and that indeed the only rule by which they are directed save that in some few passages it hath been altered by our Prince for the conveniency of this people Sed quid hoc ad Iphycli bâ—…ves But what had I a Priest of the Church of England to do with the Laws and Customes of the Normans Had I gone forward in my purpose I deny not but I had mingled that knowledge which I have gotten of their Laws amongst other my Collections but failing in the main of my intent I must only make such use of them as shall be necessary for this present argument An Argument not fo much as in my thoughts when fiâ—…st I resolved upon the Journey as little dreaming that any alterations had lately hapned in the Churches of those Islands or that those alterations could afford one such variety An Argument more sutable to my profession as having had the honour to be reputed with the Clergy and such as in it self may justly be intituled to your Lordships patronage God and the King have raised you above your brethren to be a Master in our Israel a principall pillar in the glorious structure of the Church An advancement which doth call upon you for the establishment and supportation of the meanest Oratory dependant on the Church of England your most indulgent and in you most happy mother No marvail therefore if those little Chappels even those two Tribes and a half which are on the other side of the flood most humbly cast themselves at your Lordships feet and by me â—…ay open their estate unto you Which that I may the better do in discharge of the trust reposed in me and for your Lordships more ample satisfaction I shall proceed in this order following First I shall lay before your Lordship the full successe and course of our Navigation till we were setled in those Islands that so the rest of this discourse being more materiall may receive no interruption in the processe of it Next I shall briefly as in a map present your Lordship with the situation quality and story of the Islands with somewhat also of their Customes of their Government but this as the great Cardinall acknowledgeth the Popes power in temporall affaires in ordine tantum ad spiritualia the better to acquaint you with the occurrents of their
spoyles whereof they held it fit to enrich their Governments Matters not possible to be effected had he of Constance continued in his place and power But of this more in the next Chapter CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first entrance of this platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hilaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands THus having shewed unto your Lordship the affairs and condition of these Churches till the Reformation of Religion I come next in the course of my designe unto that Innovation made amongst them in the point of Discipline For the more happy dispatch of which businesse I must crave leave to ascend a little higher into the story of change then the introduction of it into those little Islands So doing I shall give your Lordship better satisfaction then if I should immediately descend upon that Argument the rather because I shall deliver nothing in this discourse not warranted to be by the chief contrivâ—…rs â—…f â—…he 〈◊〉 To begin thâ—…n with the first originall and commencement of it so it is that it took the first beginâ—…ing at a City of the Allobroges or Savoyards called Geneva and by that name mentioned in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Commentaries A Town situate at the end of Lacus Lemannus and divided by Rhodanus or Rhosne into two parts Belonging formerly in the Soveraignty of it to the Duke of Savoy but in the profits and possession to their Bâ—…shop and homager of that Dukedome To this Bishop then there appertained not only an Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as Governour of the Church under the Archbishop of Vienna in Daulphinoys his Metropolitane but a 〈◊〉 also temporall as Lord and Master of the Town under the protection of the Duke of Savoy This granted by the testimony of Calvin in his Epistle unto Cardinall Sadolet dated the last of August 1539. Habebat sane saith he jus gladii alias civilis jurisdictionis partes but as he conceived I know not on what grounds Magistratui ereptas fraudulently taken from the Civill Magistrate In this condition it continued till the year 1528. when those of Berne after a publick disputation held had made an alteration in Religion At that time Viret and Farellus men studious of the Reformation had gotten footing in Geneva and diligently there sollicited the cause and entertainment of it But this proposall not plausibly accepted by the Bishop they dealt with those of the lower rank amongst whom they had gotten most credit and taking opportunity by the actions and example of those of Berne they compelled the Bishop and his Clergy to abandon the Town and after proceeded to the reforming of his Church This also avowed by Calvin in his Epistle to the said Cardinall viz. That the Church had been reformed and setled before his coming into those quarters by Viret and Farellus and that he only had approved of their prâ—…ceedings Sed quia quae a Vireto Farello facta essent suffragio meo comprobavi c. as he there hath it Nor did they only in that tumult alter the Doctrine and orders of the Church but changed also the Government of the Town disclaiming all alleagiance eiâ—…her to their Bishop or their Duke and standing on their own liberty as a â—…ree City And for this also they are indebted to the active counsels of Farellus For thus Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich dated the 26 of November 1553. Cum â—…ic nuper esset frater noster Farellus â—…ui se totos debent c. and anone after Sed deplâ—…randa est senatus nostri caecitas quod libertatis suae patrem c. speaking of their ingratitude to thâ—…s Farellus The power and dominion of that City thus put into the hands of the common people and all things left at liberty and randome it could not be expected that there should any discipline be observed or good order in the Church The Common councell of the Town disposed of it as they pleased and if any crime which antiently belonged to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction did hap to be committed it was punished by order from that Councell No censures Ecclesiasticall no sentence of Excommunication thought on at that time either here at Geneva or in any other of the popular Churches Si quidem excommunicationi in aliis Ecclesiis nullus locus as Beza hath it in the life of Calvin And the same Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich affirmes no lesse in these words viz. Nec me latet pios doctos esse homines quibus sub principibus Christianis non videtur esse necessaria Excommunicatio so he Thus was it with the Church and City of Geneva at the first coming of Calvin to them a man of excellent abilities and one that had attained a good repute in many places of the French dominions Not finding that assurance in the Realm of France he resolved to place himselfe at Basil or at Strasburg But taking Geneva in his way upon the importunity of Farellus he condescended to make that place the scene of his endeavours and his assent once known he was admitted straight to be one of their ordinary preachers and their Divinity reader Mens Aug. anno 1536. This done he presently negotiates with the people publickly to abjure the Papacy nor so only but as Beza hath it in his life Quod doctrinam disciplinam capitibus aliquot comprehensam admitterent that they also should give way to such a discipline which he and his associates had agreed on A matter at the last effected but not without much difficulty and on the 20 of July anno 1537. the whole City bound themselves by oath accordingly which discipline of what quality it was I cannot learn sure I am it had no affinity with that in use amongst the antients For thus himself in his Epistle above mentioned unto Sâ—…dolet Disciplinam qualem vetus habuit Ecclesia apud nos non esse dicis neque nos diffitemur The Discipline hitherto was only in conception before it came unto maturity and ready for the birth the people weary of this new yoak began to murmur and he resolutely bent not to vary from his first purpose was in that discontentment banished the Town together with Farellus and Coraldus his colleagues anno 1538. Three years or thereabouts he continued in this exile