Religious Predecessors and namely the Laws Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the glorious King St. Edward your Predecessor according to the Laws of God the true profession of the Gospel establiâ—hed in this Kingdom and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof and the ancient Customs of this Land The King answers I grant and promise to keep them Arch-Bishop Sir Will you keep Peace and godly agreement entirely according to your power both to God the holy Church the Clergy and the People Rex I will keep it Arch-Bishop Sir Will you to your power cause Iustice Law and discretion in Mercy and Truth to be executed in all your Iudgements Rex I will Arch-Bishop Sir Will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and rightful Customs which the Commonalty of this your Kingdom have and will you defend and uphold them to the Hâ—nor of God so much as in you lieth Rex I grant and promise so to do Then one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the King before the People with a loud voice Our Lord and King we beseech you to pardon and to grant and to preserve unto us and to the Churches committed to our charge all Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that you would protect and defend us as every good King in his Kingdom ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops and the Churches under their Government The King answereth With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my Pardon and that I will preserve and maintain to you and the Churches committed to your charge All Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my power by the assistance of God as every good King ought in his Kingdom in right to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their Government Then the King ariseth and is led to the Communion Table where he makes a solemn Oath in sight of all the People to observe the premises and laying his hand upon the Book saith The things which I have before promised I shall perform and keep So help me God and the contents of this Book Such was the Oath taken by the King at his Coronation against which I finde these two Objections First That it was not the same Oath which anciently had been taken by his Predecessors and for the proof thereof an Antiquated Oath was found out and publisht in a Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons bearing date the twenty sixth of May 1642. And secondly It was objected in some of the Pamphlets of that time that the Oath was falsified by D. Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to make it more to the Kings advantage and less to the benefit of the Subject then it had been formerly For answer whereunto the King remits the Lords and Commons to the Records of the Exchequer by which it might be easily prov'd that the Oath was the very same verbatim which had before been taken by his Predecessors Kings and Queens of this Realm And to the Pamphleters it is answered by Mr. H. L. the Author of the former History That there was no variation from the old forms but the addition of a clause to a Prayer there mentioned and that this varâ—ation was not the solitary act of Laud alone but of a Committee And this saith he I positively assert as minding the reformation of a vulgar Error thrown abroad in loose Pamphlets that Bishop Laud altered the Coronation Oath whereas the Oath it self was precisely the same with former precedents More candidly in this then the Author of the present History how great a Royalist soever he desires to be reckoned Fol. 31. This necessary Message produced no other supply then this insolency from a Member Mr. Clement Cook It is better says he to dye by a foreign Enemy then to be destroyed at home And this seditious speech of his was as seditiously seconded by one Dr. Turner of whom the King complain'd to the House of Commons but could finde no remedy nor was it likely that he should He that devests himself of a Natural and Original power to right the injuries which are done him in hope to finde relief from others especially from such as are parcel-guilty of the wrong may put up all his gettings in a Semtress thimble and yet never fill it But thus King Iames had done before him one Piggot a Member of the House of Commons had spoken disgracefully of the Scots for their importunity in begging and no less scornfully of the King for his extream profuseness in giving adding withal that it would never be well with England till a Sicilian Vesper was made of the Scotish Nation For which seditious Speech when that King might have took the Law into his own hands and punisht him as severely by his own Authority as he had deserv'd yet he past it over and thought that he had done enough in giving a hint of it in a Speech made to both Houses at White-Hall on the last of March Anno 1607. I know saith he that there are many Pigots amongst them I mean a number of Seditious and discontented particular persons as must be in all Commonwealths that where they dare may peradventure talk lewdly enough but no Scotish man ever spoke dishonorably of England in Parliament It being the custom of those Parliaments that no man was to speak without leave from the Chancellor for the Lords and Commons made but one House in that Kingdom and if any man do propound or utter any seditious Speeches he is straightly interrupted and silenced by the Chancellors Authority This said there was an end of that business for ought I can learn and this gave a sufficient encouragement to the Commons in the time of King Charls to expect the like From whence they came at last to this resolution not to suffer one of theirs to be questioned till themselves had considered of his crimes Which as our Author truly notes kept them close together imboldned thus to preserve themselves to the last fol. 35. This Maxim as they made use of in this present Parliament in behalf of Cook Diggs and Eliot which two last had been Imprisoned by the Kings command so was it more violently and pertinaciously insisted on in the case of the five Members Impeacht of High Treason by the Kings Attorney on the fourth of Ianuary Anno 1641. the miserable effects whereof we still feel too sensibly Fol. 40 And though the matter of the Prologue may be spared being made up with Elegancy yet rather then it shall be lost you may please to read it at this length Our Author speaks this of the Eloquent Oration made by Sir Dudly Diggs to usher in the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham which being amplified and prest in six tedious Speeches by Glanvil Pim Selden Wansford Herbert and Sherland was Epilogued by Sir Iohn Eliot A vein of Oratory not to be found in the Body
Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity These things I might have noted in their proper places but that they were reseru'd for this as a taste to the rest 12. Et jam finis erat and here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Authors Book but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof which requires a little further consideration For in that Preface he informs us by the way of caution That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King as appeareth by the Passages then proper for the Government The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State By which it seems that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of truth but to attemper it to the palat of the present Government whatsoever it then was or should prove to be which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History And though I can most easily grant that the fourth Book and the rest that follow were written after the great alteration and change of State in making a new Commonwealth out of the ruines of an ancient Monarchy yet I concur not with our Author in the time of the former For it appears by some passages that the three first Books either were not all written in the time of the King or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes that the King should never be restored to his place and Poweâ— by which he might be called to a reckoning for them For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket by which it appears not I am sure to have been written in the time of the Kingly Government that being no expression sutable unto such a time Secondly speaking of the precedency which was sixt in Canterbury by removing the Archiepiscopal See from London thither he telleth us that the 〈◊〉 is not muâ—h which See went first when living seeing our Age â—ath laid them â—oth alike level in in their Graves But certainly the Government was not chang'd into a State or Commonwealth till the death of the King and till the death of the King neither of those Episcopal Sees nor any of the rest were laid so level in their Graves but that they were in hope of a Resurrection the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government as the alienation of their Lands Thirdly In the latter end of the same Book he makes a great dispute against the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England in curing the disease commonly called the Kings Evil whether to be imputed to Magick or Imaginaâ—â—â—n or indeed a Miracle next brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth as if she had disclaimed that power which she daily exercised and finally manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies no inferior Crimes Are all these Passages proper to that Government also Finally in the third Book he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the Civil Rights of the Subjects not to the King but to the Lay-people of the Land assemâ—â—â—d in Parliament which game he after followeth in the â—ighth and last And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth last to derogate in this maner from the Kings supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do nor proper for him so to write in the time of the Kinglâ— Govâ—rnment unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spâ—ke of 〈◊〉 I must need say that on the reading of these Passages anâ— the rest that follow I found my self possest with much indignation and long expected when some Champion would appear in the lists against this Goliah who so reproachfully had defiled the whole Armies of Israel And I must needs confess withal that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any undertaking then I did on this But being â—ollicited thereunto by Letters Messages and several personal Addresses by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church and of all Degrees in the Universities I was at last overcome by that importunity which I found would not be resisted I know that as the times now stand I am to expect nothing for my Pains and Travel but the displeasure of some and the censure of others But coming to the work with a single heart abstracted from all self-ends and private Interesses I shall satisfie my self with having done this poor service to the Church my once Blessed Mother for whose sake onely I have put my self upon this Adventure The party whom I am to deal with is so much a stranger to me that he is neither beneficio nec injurià notus and therefore no particular respects have mov'd me to the making of these Animadversions which I have writ without relation to his person for vindication of the truth the Church and the injured Clergy as before is said So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience Non lecta est operi sed data causa meo That this imploâ—ment was not chosen by me but impos'd upon me the unresistable intreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands But howsoever Iacta est alea as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves so God speed me well Errata on the Animadversions PAge 10. line 17. for Melkinus r. Telkinus p. 20. l. 21. for Queen of r. Queen of England p. 27. l. 6. for Woodeâ— poir r. Woodensdike s p. 42. l. 1. for inconsiderateness r. the inconsiderateness of children p. 121. l. 28. for ter r. better p. 145. l. 2. for statuendo r. statuendi p. 154. l. 22. Horcontnar r. cantuur p. 154. l. 17. for Dr. Hammond r. D. Boke p. 160. l. 1. for his r. this p. 163. l. 28. for Jesuites r. Franciscans p. 189. l. ult for contemn r. confession p. 221. in the Marg. for wether r. with other p. 228. l. 2. for Den r. Dean p. 239. l. 29. for Commons r. Canon p. 271. l. ult for culis r. occulis ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church History OF BRITAIN LIB I. Of the Conversion of the Britans to the Faith of Christ. IN order to the first Conveâ—sion o◠〈◊〉 Bâ—itish Nations our Author takes beginning at the sad condition they were in beâ—ore the Chrisâ—ian Faith was preached unto them â— And in a sad condition they were indeedâ— as being in the estate of Gentilism and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them but yet not in a worse condition then the other Gentiles wâ—â— were not only darkned in their understandings bâ—â—â—o deprav'd also in their Affections as to work all maâ—nâ—er of uncleanness even
forth c. The offenders to suffer such pain of death and forfeiture as in case of Felony A Statute made of purpose to restrain the insolencies of the Puriâ—â—n Faction and by which many of them were adjudged to death in the times ensuing some as the Authors and others as the publishers of seditious Pamphlers But being made with limitation to the life of the Queen it expired with her And had it been reviv'd as it never was by either of the two last Kings might possibly have prevented those dreadful mischiefs which their posterity is involved in Fol. 157. Sure I am it is most usual in the Court of Marches Arches rather whereof I have the best experience This is according to the old saying to correct Magnificat Assuredly Archbishop Whitgift knew better whan he was to write then to need any such critical emendations And therefore our Author might have kept his Arches for some publick Triumph after his conquest of the Covetous Conformists and High Royalists which before we had It was the Court of the Marches which the Bishop speaks of and of which he had so good experience he being made Vice-Precedent of the Court of the Marches by Sir Henry Sidney immediately on his first coming to the See of Worcester as Sir George Paul telleth us in his life Fol. 163. By the changing of Edmond into John Contnar it plainly appears that as all these letters were written this year so they were indited after the sixth of July and probably about December when Bishop Grindal deceased â— I grant it for a truth that Grindal died on the sixth of Iuly and I know it also for a truth that Whitgift was translated to the See of Canterbury on the 23. of September then next following But yet it follows not thereupon that all the Letters here spoken of being 12 in number which are here exemplified were writ in the compass of one year and much less in so narrow a time as about December Nay the contrary hereunto appears by the Lettâ—â—s themselves For in one of them written to the Lord Treasurer fol. 160. I finde this passage viz. Your Lordship objecteth thaâ— it is said I took this câ—urse for the better maintenance of my Book My Enemies say so indeed but I trust my friends have a better opinion of me what should I look after any Confirmation of my Book after twelve years or what should I get thereby more then already Now the Book mentioned by the Bishop was that entituled The Defence of the Answer to the Admonition against the Reply of T. C. printed at London An. 1574. To which the 12 years being added which we finde mentioned in this Letter it must needs be that this Letter to the Lord Treasurer was written in the year 1586. and consequently not all written in the year 1583. as our Author makes them The like might be collected also from some circumstances in the other Letters but that I have more necessary business to imploy my time on Fol. 171. The severe inforcing of Subscription hereunto what great disturbance it occasioned in the Church shall hereafter by Gods assistance be made to appear leaving others to judge whether the offence was given or taken thereby Our Author tells us fol. 143. that in the business of Church government he would lie at a close guard and offer as little play as might be on either side But for all that he cannot but declare himself for the stronger party He had not else left it as a matter doubtful whether the disturbances which insued on the Archbishops inforcing of Subscription and the scandal which did thence arise were to be imputed to the Imposer who had Authority on his side as himself confesseth or the refusers carried on by self ends and untractable obstinacy As for the Articles to which subscriptions were required they were these that follow viz. 1. That the Queen only had Supreme Authority over all persons boâ—n within her Dominion 2. That the Book of Common-Prayer and Ordination of Bishops Priests and Deacons containeth nothing contrary to the Word of God 3. That the Articles of Religion agreed on in the year 1562. and publisht by the Queens Authority were consonant to the word of God All which being so expresly built on the Lawes of the Realm must needs lay the scandal at their doores who refused subscription and not at his who did require it But love will creep they say where it cannot go And do our Author what he can he must discover his affection to the causeâ—pon â—pon all occasions No where more mâ—nifestly then where he telleth us Fol. 187. That since the High-Commission and this Oath it is that ex Officio which he meaneth were taken away by the â—â—ct of Parliament it is to be hoped that if such swearing were sâ— great a grievance nihil analogum nothing like unto it which may amount to as much shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof What could be said more plain to testiâ—ie his disaffections one way and his zeâ—l another The High-Commission and the Oath repâ—oâ—ched as Grievances because the greatest curbs of the Puritan party and the strongest Bulwarks of the Church a congratulation â—o the times for abolishing both though as yet I â—â—nde no Act of Parliament against the Oath except it be by consequence and illation only and finally a hope exprest that the Church never shall revert to her foâ—mer power in substituting any like thing in the place thereof by which the good people of the Land may be stopt in their way to the fifth Monarchy so much fought after And yet this does not speak so plain as the following passage viz. Fol. 193. Wits will be working and such as have a Satyrical vein cannot better vent it then in lashing of sin This spoken in defence of those scurrilous Libels which Iob Throgmorton Penry Fenner and the rest of the Puritan Rabble published in Print against the Bishops Anno 1588. thereby to render them ridiculous both abroad and at home The Qâ—een being 〈◊〉 exclaimed against and her Honorable Councell scandalously censured for opposing the Gospel they fall more foully on the Bishops crying them down as Antichristian Petty-popes Bishops of the Devil cogging and cozening knaves dumb dogs enemies of God c. For which cause much applauded by the Papists beyond Sea to whom nothing was more acceptable then to see the English Hierarchy reproachâ— and vilified and frequently â—â—red by them as unquestioned evidences For if our Authors rule be good fol. 193. That the fault is not in the writer if he truly cite what is false on the credit of another they had no reason to examine punctually the truth of that which tended so apparently to the great advantage of their cause and party But this Rule whether true or false cannot be used to justifie our Author in many passages though truly cited considering that he cannot chuse but know them to be false in themselves
And he that knowing a thing to be false sets it down for true not only gives the lie to his own conscience but occasions others also to believe a falshood And from this charge I cannot see how he can be acquitted in making the Bishops to be guilty of those filthy sins for which they were to be so lashed by Satyrical wits or imputing those base Libels unto wanton wits which could proceed from no other fountain then malicious wickedness But I â—m weâ—ry and ashamed of taking in so impure a kennel and for that cause also shall willingly passe over his apology for Hacket that blasphemous wretch and most execrable miscreant justly condemned and executed for a double Treason against the King of Kings in Heaven and the Queen on earth Of whom he would not have us think fol. 204. that he and his two Companions his two Prophets for so they called themselves were worse by nature then all others of the English Nation the natural corruption in the hearts of others being not lesse headstrong but more bridled And finally that if Gods restraining grace be taken from us we shall all run unto the same excesse of Riot Which Plea if it be good for Hacket will hold good for Iudas and pity it is that some of our fine wits did never study an apology for him From Hackâ—â— he goes on to Travers a man of an unquiet spirit but not half so mischievous of whom he saith Fol. 214. At Antwerp he was ordained Minister by the Presbytâ—ry there and not long after that he was put in Orders by the Presbytery of a forain Nation Here have we Ordination and putting into Orders ascribed to the Preâ—bytery of Aâ—tâ—â—erp a Mongrel company consisting of two blew Aprous to each Cruel night-cap and that too in such positive terms and without any the least qualification that no Presbyterian in the pack could have spoke more plainly The man hath hitherto stood distracted betwixt shame and love love to the cause and shame to be discovered for a party in it drawing several wayes Pudor est qui suadeâ—â— illinc Hinc dissuadet Amor in the Poets language And in this fit he thought it good to withdraw himself or stand by aâ— a silent Spectator that his betters might have room to come forth and speak in the present controversie of Church Government fol. 143. But here love carries it away and he declares himself roundly for the Presbyterians by giving them the power of Ordination and consequently of Ecclesiastical censure in their several Consistories Had he used the words of the Certificate which he grounds upon and told us that Travers was admitted by that Presbytery to the Ministery of the holy word in sacrâ— verbi Dei Ministerio institutus aâ— their words there are he had done the part of an Historian They may make Ministers how and of whom they list and put that Heavenly treasure into what vessels they please Scripturarum ars est quam omnes passim sibi vindicant as St. Ierom complained in his time Let every Tradesman be a Preacher and step from the shop-board to the Pulpit if they think well of it This may be called a making of Ministers in such a sense as Phoebe is said to be a Minister of the Church of Cenchrea to minister to the necessities of their Congregations But to ascribe unto them a power of Ordination or of giving Orders which they assume not to themselves savours too strong of the party and contradicts the general Rules of the ancient Fathers At this time I content my self with that saying of Ierom because esteemed no friend to Bishops viz. Quid facit Episcopus excepta Ordinatione quod Presbyter non faciat and for the rest refer the Reader to the learned Treatise of Dr. Hammond Entituled Observations upon the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons at Westminster for the Ordination of Ministers pro tempore Printed at Oxford 1644. Only I shall make bold to quit my Author with a merry tale though but one for an hundred and t is a tale of an old jolly popish Priest who having no entertainment for a friend who came to him on a Fasting day but a piece of Pork and making conscience of observing the appointed Fast dipt it into a tub of water saying down Porke up Pike Satisfied with which device as being accustomed to transubstantiate he well might be he caused it to be put into the pâ—t and made ready for dinner But as the Pork for all this suddain piece of wit was no other then Pork so these good fellowes of the Presbytery by laying hands upon one another act as little as he the parties so impos'd upon impos'd upon indeed in the proper notion are but as they were Lay-brethren of the better stamp Ministers if you will but not Priests nor Deacons nor any wayes Canonically enabled for divine performances But fearing to be chidden for his levity I knock off again following my Author as he leads me who being over shooes will be over boots also He is so lost to the High Royalist and covetous Conformist that he cannot be in a worse case with them then he is already And therefore having declared himself for a Presbyterian in point of Government he will go thorough with his work shewing himself a profest Calvinist in point of Doctrine and a strict Sabbaâ—arian too in that single point though therein differing as the rest of that party do from their Master Calvin First for the Sabbath for the better day the better deed having repeared the chief heads of Dr. Bounds book published Anno 1595. in which the Sabbatarian Doctrines were first set on soot he addes that learned men were much divided in their judgements about the same Fol. 228. Some saith he embraced them as ancient truths consonant to Scripture long disused and neglected now seasonably revived for the encrease of piety Amongst which some he that shall take our Author for one will not be mâ—ch mistaken either in the man or in the matter For that he doth approve Bounds Doctrines in this particular appears First By a passage fol. 165. where he conâ—nts with him in reckoning the casual falling of the Scaffolds at Paris-Garden on the Lords-day Anno 1583. for a divine judgement upon those who perished by it as they were beholding that rude pastime Secondly By his censure of the proceedings of Archbishop Whitgift against these Doctrines of whom he telleth us fol 229. That his known opposition to the pâ—â—ceedings of the Brethren rendred his actions more odious as if out of envy he had caused such a pearl to be concealed Thirdly by making these Sabbath Doctrines to be the Diamond in the Ring of those Catechisms and Controversies which afterwards were set out by the stricter Divines And Fourthly by the sadnesse which he findes in recounting the grief and distraction occasioned in many honest mens hearts by the several publishings of the Declaration about lawful sports lib. â—o fol.
England is much beholding to our Author for making question whether their adhering to the Liturgy then by Law established were not to be imputed rather unto obstinacy and doating then to love and constancy The Liturgy had been lookt on as a great blessing of God upon this Nation by the generality of the people for the spâ—ce of fourscore years and upwards they found it estâ—â—lisâ—t by the Law seal'd by the bloud of those that made it confirm'd by many godly and religious Pâ—inces and had almost no other form of making their ordinary addresses to Almighty God but what was taught them in the Book of Common-Prayer And could any discreet man think or wise man hope that a form of Prayer so univeâ—sally receiv'd and so much esteem'd could be laid by without reluctancy in those who had been so long accustom'd to it or called obstinacy or doating in them if they did not presently submit to every new nothing which in the name of the then disputable Authority should be laid before them And though our Author doth profess that in the agitating of this Controveâ—sie pro and con he will reserve his private opinion to himself yet he discovers it too plainly in the present passage Quid verba audiam cum facta videam is a good rule here He must needs shew his private opinion in this point say he what he can who makes a question whether the adhesion of the people generally to the publick Liturgy were built on obstinacy and doating or on love and constancy But if it must be obstinacy or doating in the generality of the people to adhere so cordially unto the Book of Common-Prayer I marvel what it must be called in Stephen Marshall of Essex that great Bel-weather for a time of the Presbyterians who having had a chief hand in compiling the Directory did notwithstanding marry his own Daughter by the form prescrib'd in the Common-Prayer Book and having so done paid down five pound immediately to the Church-wardens of the Parish as the fine or forfeiture for using any other form of Marriâ—ge then that of the Directory The like to which I have credibly been infoâ—med was done by Mr. Knightly of Fawsley on the like occasion and probably by many others of the same strain also With like favour he beholds the two Universities as he dâ—e the Liturgy and hard it is to say which he injureth most And first beginning with Oxford he lets us know that Fol. 231. Lately certain Delegates from the University of Oxford pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament that they were only visitable by the King and such who should be deputed by him But their Allegations were not of proof against the Paramount power of Parliament the rather because a passage in an Article at the rendition of Oxford was urged against them wherein they were subjected to such a Visitation Our Author here subjects the Vniversity of Oxford to the power of the Parliament and that not only in regard of that Paramount power which he ascribes unto the Parliament that is to say the two Houses of Parliament for so we are to understand him above all Estates but also in regard of an Article concerning the surrendry of Oxford by which that Vniversity was subjected to such Visitations I finde indeed that it was agreed on by the Commissioners on both sides touching the Surrendry of that City That the Chancellor Masters and Scholars of the University of Oxon and the Governors and Students of Christ-Church of King H. 8. his Foâ—ndation and all other Heads and Governors Masters Fellows and Scholars of the Colledges Halls and Bodies Corporate and Societies of the same University and the publiâ—â—â— Professors and Readers and the Orator thereoâ— and all other persons belonging to the said University or to any Colledges or Halls therein shall and may according to their Statutes Charters and Customs enjoy their antient form of government suboâ—dinate to the immediate Authority and power of Parliament But I finde not that any of the Heads or Delegates of that University were present at the making of this Article or consented â—o it or thoâ—ght themselves oblig'd by any thing contained in it Nor indeed could it stand with reason that they should wave the patronage of a gracious Soveraign who had been a Nursing Father to them and put themselves under the arbitrary power of those who they knew minded nothing but destruction toward them And that the University did not think it self oblig'd by any thing contained in that Article appears even by our Author himself who tells us in this very passage that the Delegates from the Vniversity pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament that they were only visitable by the King and such as should be deputed by him which certainly they had never done unless our Author will conclude them to be fools or mad-men had they before submitted to that Paramount power which he adscribes unto the Houses Nor did the Houses of Parliament finde themselves impowered by this clause of the Article to obtrude any such Visitation on them And therefore when the Delegates had pleaded and prov'd their priviledges a Commission for a Visitation was issued by the two Houses of Parliament in the name of the King but under the new broad Seal which themselves had made which notwithstanding the University stood still on their own defence in regard that though the Kings name was us'd in that Commission yet they knew well that he had never given his consent unto it Whereupon followed that great alteration both 〈◊〉 the Heads and Members of most Colledges which our Author speaks of Nor deals he much more candidly in relating the proceedings of the Visitation which was made in Cambridge the Visitors whereof as acting by the Paramount power of Parliament he more sensibly favoureth then the poor sufferers or malignant members as he calls them of that Vniversity For whereas the Author of the Book called Querela Cantabrigionsis hath told us of an Oath of Discovery obtruded by the Visitors upon several persons whereby they were sworn to detect one another even their dearest friends Our Author who was out of the storm seeming not satisfied in the truth of this relation must write to Mr. Ash who was one of those Visitors to be inform'd in that which he knew before and on the reading of Mr. Ash his Answer declares expresly that no such Oath was tendred by him to that Vniversity But first Mr. Ash doth not absolutely deny that there was any such Oath but that he was a stranger to it and possibly he might be so far a stranger to it as not to be an Actor in that part of the Tragedy Secondly Mr. Ash only saith that he cannot call to minde that any such thing was mov'd by the Earl of Manchester and yet I â—row such a thing might be mov'd by the Earl of Manchester though Mr. Ash after so many years was willing not
one of the Daughters of Charls Brandon Duke of Suffolk and of Mary the French Queen King 〈◊〉 Sister Fol. 427. The late French King Henry the fourth had three Daughters the one married to the Duke of Savoy c This Marriage both for the time and person is mistaken also First for the time in making it to precede the match with Spain whereas the cross Marriages with Spain were made in the year 1612. and this with Savoy not trans-acted till the year 1618. Secondly for the Person which he makes to be the eldest Daughter of Henry the fourth and Elizabeth married into Spain to be the second whereas Elizabeth was the eldest Daughter and Christienne married into Savoy the second onely For which consult Iames Howels History of Lewis the 13. fol. 13. 42. Fol. 428. The story was that his Ancestors at Plough â—lew Malton an High-land Rebel and dis-comfited his Train using no other Weapon but his Geer and Tackle But Camden whom I rather credit tells us That this was done in a great fight against the Danes For speaking of the Earls of Arrol he derives the Pedigree from one Hay a man of exceeding strength and excellent courage who together with his Sons in a dangerous Battle of Scots against the Danes at Longcarty caught up an Ox Yoak and so valiantly and fortunately withal what with fighting and what with exhorting re-inforced the Scots at the point to shâ—ink and recoyl that they had the day of the Danes and the King with the States of the Kingdom adscribed the Victory and their own safety to his valor and prowess Ibid. But to boot he sought out a good Heir Gup my Lady Dorothy sole Daughter to the Lord Denny This spoken of Sir Iames Hay afterwards Viscount Doncaster and Earl of Carâ—â—sle who indeed married the Daughter and sole Heir of the L. Denny of Waltham But he is out for all that in his Gup my Lady her name being Honora and not Dorothy as the Author makes it And for his second Wife one of the Daughters of Henry Piercy E. of North-Humberland she was neither a Dorothy nor an Heiâ— And therefore we must look for this Gup my Lady in the House of Huntington that bald Song being made on the Marriage of the Lady Dorothy Hastings Daughter of George Earl of Huntington with a Scotish Gentleman one Sir Iames Steward slain afterward at â—â—â—ington by Sir George Wharton who also perisht by his Sword in a single Combate Fol. 429. Amongst many others that accompanied Hays expedition was Sir Henry Rich Knight of the Bath and Baron of Kensington Knight of the Bath at that time but not Baron of Kensington this Expedition being plac'd by our Author in the year 1616. and Sir Henry Rich not being made Baron of Kensington till the 20 year of King Iames Annâ— 1622. Fol. 434. The chief Iudge thereof is called Lordchief Iustice of the Common Pleas accompanied with three or four Assistants or Associates who are created by Letters Patents from â—he King But Doctor Cowel in his learned and laborious work called The Interpreter hath informed us otherwise This Iustice saith he speaking of the chief Justice of the Kings Bench hath no Patent under the Broad-Seal He is made onely by Writ which is a short one to this effect Regina Iohanni Popham Militi salutem Sciatis quod constituimus 〈◊〉 Iâ—stâ—ciarium nostrum Capitalem ad Placita coram nobis terâ—â—nandum durante bene placito nostro Teste c. For this he citeth Crompton a right learned Lawyer in his Book of the Iurisdiction of Courts And what he saith of that chief Justice the practice of these times and the times preceding hath verified in all the rest Fol. 450. She being afterwards led up and down the Kingâ— Army under oversight as a Prisoner but shewed to the people 〈◊〉 if reconâ—iled to her Son c. Not so for after the deatâ— of the Marquess D'Aucre she retired to Blois where 〈◊〉 liv'd for some years under a restraint till released by the Duâ—â— of Eâ—pâ—rnon and prtly by force pâ—rtly by treaty restorâ— again into power and favor with her Son which she improvâ—â— afterwards to an omne-regenâ—y till Richeleu her great Assistant finding himself able to stand without her and not enduring a Competitor in the Affairs of State mde her leave the Kingdom Fol. 45â— By his first Wife he had bâ—t one Sâ—n risâ—â—g no higher in Honor then Kâ—ight and Baronet Yet afâ—erwâ—â—ds he had preferment to the Govâ—rnment of Ulster Pâ—ovince in Ireland This spoken but mistakingly spoken of Sir George Vâ—lliers Father of the Duke of Buckingham and his eldest son For first Sir George Villiers had two sons by a former Wife that is to say Sir William Villiers Knight and Baronet who preferred the quiet and repose of a Countrey life before that of the Court and Sir Edward Villiers who by a Daughter of Sir Iohn St. Iohn of Lidiard in the County of Wilts was Father of the Lord Viscount Graâ—dâ—son now living And secondly It was not Sir William but Sir Edward Villiers who had a Government in Ireland as being by the Power and Favor of the Duke his halfâ— Brother made Lord President of Mâ—nster not of Vlster which he held till his death And whereas it is said fol. 466. that the Dâ—ke twiâ—teâ— himself and his Issue by inter-marriâ—ges with the best and most â—noble If the Author instead of his Issue had said his â—â—ndred it had been more properly and more truly spoken For the Duke liv'd not to see the Marriage of any one of his châ—ldren though a Contract had passed between his Daughter Mary and the Heir of Pembroke but he had so disposed of hâ—s Female Kindred that there were more Countesses and â—onorable Ladies of his Relations then of any one Family 〈◊〉 the Land Fol. 458. Henry the eighth created Anne Bullen 〈◊〉 of Pembroke before he marryed her The Author here â—â—eaks of the Creation of Noble Women and maketh that of â—nne Bullen to be the first in that kinde whereas indeed it as the second if not the third For Margaret Daughter 〈…〉 Fol. 4â—4 And that Comâ—t at Châ—ists birth was 〈…〉 But first the Star which appeared at the birth of our 〈◊〉 and conducted the wise men to Ierusalem was of condition too â—ubâ—ime and supernatural to be called a Comet and so resolved to be by allâ—learned men who have written of it And secondly had it been a Comet it could not possibly have portended the death of Nero there passing between the bâ—â—th of Chrâ—st and the death of that Tyrant about 〈◊〉 yearâ— too long a time to give unto the influences of thâ— strongest Comet So that although a Comet did presage thâ— death of Nero as is said by Tacitus yet could not that Comet be the 〈◊〉 which the Scriptures speak of Fol. 48â— Ferdinand meets at Franckford with the three 〈◊〉 Menâ—â— Colen and Trevours the other three Silesia Moravia and Luâ—atia